by Captain William Dampier
A New Voyage Round the World (1697) is the most influential travel book in the English language. William Dampier — pirate, privateer, naturalist, hydrographer — spent twelve years circumnavigating the globe, keeping a journal through shipwrecks, mutinies, and encounters with peoples no European had described. The result was this book: a masterpiece of plain-spoken observation that sparked the English-speaking world's age of exploration.
Dampier was the first Englishman to set foot on Australia. His descriptions of wind patterns, ocean currents, plants, and animals were so precise that Alexander von Humboldt called him a scientific pioneer. Daniel Defoe drew Robinson Crusoe from Dampier's account of Alexander Selkirk's marooning. Jonathan Swift parodied his style in Gulliver's Travels. And when the young Charles Darwin sailed on the Beagle, Dampier's Voyage was in the ship's library.
Yet Dampier himself was no scholar. He apologises in his Preface for his lack of "politeness" and explains that he writes "for my countrymen" in plain language. The book's power is its directness: a working seaman describing what he saw, tasted, smelled, and survived, without literary pretension. His observations of the Moskito Indians, the breadfruit of Guam, the fauna of the Galapagos, and the coasts of New Holland (Australia) remain primary sources three centuries later.
Presented here from the seventh edition (1729) as reprinted in the Argonaut Press edition (London, 1927), edited by N. M. Penzer, with introduction by Sir Albert Gray. This is the standard corrected text.
Dedication
To the Right Honourable
Charles Montagu, Esquire;
President of the Royal Society,
One of the Lords Commissioners of the Treasury, etc.
SIR,
May it please you to pardon the boldness of a stranger to your
person, if upon the encouragement of common fame, he presumes so
much upon your candour, as to lay before you this account of his
travels. As the scene of them is not only remote, but for the
most part little frequented also, so there may be some things in
them new even to you; and some, possibly, not altogether unuseful
to the public: and that just veneration which the world pays, as
to your general worth, so especially to that zeal for the
advancement of knowledge, and the interest of your country, which
you express upon all occasions, gives you a particular right to
whatever may any way tend to the promoting these interests, as an
offering due to your merit. I have not so much of the vanity of a
traveller as to be fond of telling stories, especially of this
kind; nor can I think this plain piece of mine deserves a place
among your more curious collections: much less have I the
arrogance to use your name by way of patronage for the too
obvious faults, both of the author and the work. Yet dare I avow,
according to my narrow sphere and poor abilities, a hearty zeal
for the promoting of useful knowledge, and of anything that may
never so remotely tend to my country's advantage: and I must own
an ambition of transmitting to the public through your hands
these essays I have made toward those great ends, of which you
are so deservedly esteemed the patron. This has been my design in
this publication, being desirous to bring in my gleanings here
and there in remote regions to that general magazine of the
knowledge of foreign parts, which the Royal Society thought you
most worthy the custody of, when they chose you for their
President: and if in perusing these papers your goodness shall so
far distinguish the experience of the author from his faults as
to judge him capable of serving his country, either immediately,
or by serving you, he will endeavour by some real proofs to show
himself,
SIR,
Your Most Faithful,
Devoted, Humble Servant,
W. Dampier.
Preface
Before the reader proceed any further in the perusal of this
work I must bespeak a little of his patience here to take along
with him this short account of it. It is composed of a mixed
relation of places and actions in the same order of time in which
they occurred: for which end I kept a journal of every day's
observations.
In the description of places, their product, etc., I have
endeavoured to give what satisfaction I could to my countrymen;
though possibly to the describing several things that may have
been much better accounted for by others: choosing to be more
particular than might be needful, with respect to the intelligent
reader, rather than to omit what I thought might tend to the
information of persons no less sensible and inquisitive, though
not so learned or experienced. For which reason my chief care has
been to be as particular as was consistent with my intended
brevity in setting down such observables as I met with. Nor have
I given myself any great trouble since my return to compare my
discoveries with those of others: the rather because, should it
so happen that I have described some places or things which
others have done before me, yet in different accounts, even of
the same things, it can hardly be but there will be some new
light afforded by each of them. But after all, considering that
the main of this voyage has its scene laid in long tracts of the
remoter parts both of the East and West Indies, some of which
very seldom visited by Englishmen, and others as rarely by any
Europeans, I may without vanity encourage the reader to expect
many things wholly new to him, and many others more fully
described than he may have seen elsewhere; for which not only in
this voyage, though itself of many years continuance, but also
several former long and distant voyages have qualified me.
As for the actions of the company among whom I made the
greatest part of this voyage, a thread of which I have carried on
through it, it is not to divert the reader with them that I
mention them, much less that I take any pleasure in relating
them: but for method's sake, and for the reader's satisfaction;
who could not so well acquiesce in my description of places,
etc., without knowing the particular traverses I made among them;
nor in these, without an account of the concomitant
circumstances: besides, that I would not prejudice the truth and
sincerity of my relation, though by omissions only. And as for
the traverses themselves, they make for the reader's advantage,
how little soever for mine; since thereby I have been the better
enabled to gratify his curiosity; as one who rambles about a
country can give usually a better account of it than a carrier
who jogs on to his inn without ever going out of his road.
As to my style, it cannot be expected that a seaman should
affect politeness; for were I able to do it, yet I think I should
be little solicitous about it in a work of this nature. I have
frequently indeed divested myself of sea-phrases to gratify the
land reader; for which the seamen will hardly forgive me: and
yet, possibly, I shall not seem complaisant enough to the other;
because I still retain the use of so many sea-terms. I confess I
have not been at all scrupulous in this matter, either as to the
one or the other of these; for I am persuaded that, if what I say
be intelligible, it matters not greatly in what words it is
expressed.
For the same reason I have not been curious as to the spelling
of the names of places, plants, fruits, animals, etc., which in
any of these remoter parts are given at the pleasure of
travellers, and vary according to their different humours:
neither have I confined myself to such names as are given by
learned authors, or so much as enquired after many of them. I
write for my countrymen; and have therefore, for the most part,
used such names as are familiar to our English seamen, and those
of our colonies abroad, yet without neglecting others that
occurred. As it might suffice me to have given such names and
descriptions as I could I shall leave to those of more leisure
and opportunity the trouble of comparing these with those which
other authors have assigned.
The reader will find as he goes along some references to an
appendix which I once designed to this book; as, to a chapter
about the winds in different parts of the world; to a description
of the Bay of Campeachy in the West Indies, where I lived long in
a former voyage; and to a particular chorographical description
of all the South Sea coast of America, partly from a Spanish
manuscript, and partly from my own and other travellers'
observations, besides those contained in this book. But such an
appendix would have swelled it too unreasonably: and therefore I
chose rather to publish it hereafter by itself, as opportunity
shall serve. And the same must be said also as to a particular
voyage from Achin in the isle of Sumatra, to Tonquin, Malacca,
etc., which should have been inserted as part of this general
one; but it would have been too long, and therefore, omitting it
for the present, I have carried on this, next way from Sumatra to
England; and so made the tour of the world correspondent to the
title.
For the better apprehending the course of the voyage and the
situation of the places mentioned in it I have caused several
maps to be engraven, and some particular charts of my own
composure. Among them there is in the map of the American
Isthmus, a new scheme of the adjoining Bay of Panama and its
islands, which to some may seem superfluous after that which Mr.
Ringrose has published in the History of the Buccaneers; and
which he offers as a very exact chart. I must needs disagree with
him in that, and doubt not but this which I here publish will be
found more agreeable to that bay, by one who shall have
opportunity to examine it; for it is a contraction of a larger
map which I took from several stations in the bay itself. The
reader may judge how well I was able to do it by my several
traverses about it, mentioned in this book; those, particularly,
which are described in the 7th chapter, which I have caused to be
marked out with a pricked line; as the course of my voyage is
generally in all the maps, for the reader's more easy tracing
it.
I have nothing more to add, but that there are here and there
some mistakes made as to expression and the like, which will need
a favourable correction as they occur upon reading. For instance,
the log of wood lying out at some distance from sides of the
boats described at Guam, and parallel to their keel, which for
distinction's sake I have called the little boat, might more
clearly and properly have been called the side log, or by some
such name; for though fashioned at the bottom and ends boatwise,
yet is not hollow at top, but solid throughout. In other places
also I may not have expressed myself so fully as I ought: but any
considerable omission that I shall recollect or be informed of I
shall endeavour to make up in those accounts I have yet to
publish; and for any faults I leave the reader to the joint use
of his judgment and candour.
Introduction
The Author's Departure from England, and Arrival in Jamaica.
I first set out of England on this voyage at the beginning of
the year 1679, in the Loyal Merchant of London, bound for
Jamaica, Captain Knapman Commander. I went a passenger, designing
when I came thither to go from thence to the Bay of Campeachy in
the Gulf of Mexico, to cut log-wood: where in a former voyage I
had spent about three years in that employ; and so was well
acquainted with the place and the work.
We sailed with a prosperous gale without any impediment or
remarkable passage in our voyage: unless that when we came in
sight of the island Hispaniola, and were coasting along on the
south side of it by the little isles of Vacca, or Ash, I observed
Captain Knapman was more vigilant than ordinary, keeping at a
good distance off shore, for fear of coming too near those small
low islands; as he did once, in a voyage from England, about the
year 1673, losing his ship there, by the carelessness of his
mates. But we succeeded better; and arrived safe at Port Royal in
Jamaica some time in April 1679, and went immediately ashore.
I had brought some goods with me from England which I intended
to sell here, and stock myself with rum and sugar, saws, axes,
hats, stockings, shoes, and such other commodities, as I knew
would sell among the Campeachy log-wood-cutters. Accordingly I
sold my English cargo at Port Royal; but upon some maturer
considerations of my intended voyage to Campeachy I changed my
thoughts of that design, and continued at Jamaica all that year
in expectation of some other business.
I shall not trouble the reader with my observations at that
isle, so well known to Englishmen; nor with the particulars of my
own affairs during my stay there. But in short, having there made
a purchase of a small estate in Dorsetshire, near my native
country of Somerset, of one whose title to it I was well assured
of, I was just embarking myself for England, about Christmas
1679, when one Mr. Hobby invited me to go first a short trading
voyage to the country of the Moskitos, of whom I shall speak in
my first chapter. I was willing to get up some money before my
return, having laid out what I had at Jamaica; so I sent the
writing of my new purchase along with the same friends whom I
should have accompanied to England, and went on board Mr.
Hobby.
Soon after our setting out we came to an anchor again in
Negril Bay, at the west end of Jamaica; but finding there Captain
Coxon, Sawkins, Sharp, and other privateers, Mr. Hobby's men all
left him to go with them upon an expedition they had contrived,
leaving not one with him beside myself; and being thus left
alone, after three or four days' stay with Mr. Hobby I was the
more easily persuaded to go with them too.
His First Going Over The Isthmus Of America Into The South
It was shortly after Christmas 1679 when we set out. The first
expedition was to Portobello; which being accomplished it was
resolved to march by land over the Isthmus of Darien upon some
new adventures in the South Seas. Accordingly on the 5th of April
1680 we went ashore on the Isthmus, near Golden Island, one of
the Samballoes, to the number of between three and four hundred
men, carrying with us such provisions as were necessary, and toys
wherewith to gratify the wild Indians through whose country we
were to pass. In about nine days' march we arrived at Santa Maria
and took it, and after a stay there of about three days we went
on to the South Sea coast, and there embarked ourselves in such
canoes and periagos as our Indian friends furnished us withal. We
were in sight of Panama by the 23rd of April, and having in vain
attempted Puebla Nova, before which Sawkins, then commander in
chief, and others, were killed, we made some stay at the
neighbouring isles of Quibo.
His Coasting Peru and Chile, and Back Again, to His Parting with Captain Sharp near the Isle of Plata, in Order to Return Overland.
With Captain Sharp Near The Isle Of Plata, In Order To Return
OVERLAND.
Here we resolved to change our course and stand away to the
southward for the coast of Peru. Accordingly we left the keys or
isles of Quibo the 6th of June, and spent the rest of the year in
that southern course; for, touching at the isles of Gorgona and
Plata, we came to Ylo, a small town on the coast of Peru, and
took it. This was in October, and in November we went thence to
Coquimbo on the same coast, and about Christmas were got as far
as the isle of Juan Fernandez, which was the farthest of our
course to the southward.
After Christmas we went back again to the northward, having a
design upon Arica, a strong town advantageously situated in the
hollow of the elbow, or bending, of the Peruvian coast. But being
there repulsed with great loss, we continued our course
northward, till by the middle of April we were come in sight of
the isle of Plata, a little to the southward of the Equinoctial
Line.
I have related this part of my voyage thus summarily and
concisely, as well because the world has accounts of it already,
in the relations that Mr. Ringrose and others have given of
Captain Sharp's expedition, who was made chief commander upon
Sawkins' being killed; as also because in the prosecution of this
voyage I shall come to speak of these parts again, upon occasion
of my going the second time into the South Seas: and shall there
describe at large the places both of the North and South America
as they occurred to me. And for this reason, that I might avoid
needless repetitions, and hasten to such particulars as the
public has hitherto had no account of, I have chosen to comprise
the relation of my voyage hitherto in this short compass, and
place it as an Introduction before the rest, that the reader may
the better perceive where I mean to begin to be particular; for
there I have placed the title of my first chapter.
All therefore that I have to add to the Introduction is this;
that, while we lay at the isle of Juan Fernandez, Captain Sharp
was, by general consent, displaced from being commander; the
company being not satisfied either with his courage or behaviour.
In his stead Captain Watling was advanced: but, he being killed
shortly after before Arica, we were without a commander during
all the rest of our return towards Plata. Now Watling being
killed, a great number of the meaner sort began to be as earnest
for choosing Captain Sharp again into the vacancy as before they
had been as forward as any to turn him out: and on the other side
the abler and more experienced men, being altogether dissatisfied
with Sharp's former conduct, would by no means consent to have
him chosen. In short, by that time we were come in sight of the
island Plata, the difference between the contending parties was
grown so high that they resolved to part companies; having first
made an agreement that, which party soever should upon polling
appear to have the majority, they should keep the ship: and the
other should content themselves with the launch, or longboat, and
canoes, and return back over the Isthmus, or go to seek their
fortune other-ways, as they would.
Accordingly we put it to the vote; and, upon dividing, Captain
Sharp's party carried it. I, who had never been pleased with his
management, though I had hitherto kept my mind to myself, now
declared myself on the side of those that were out-voted; and,
according to our agreement, we took our shares of such
necessaries as were fit to carry overland with us (for that was
our resolution) and so prepared for our departure.
Chapter I
An Account of the Author's Return out of the South Seas, to His Landing near Cape St. Lawrence, in the Isthmus of Darien: with an Occasional Description of the Moskito Indians.
April the 17th 1681, about ten o'clock in the morning, being
12 leagues north-west from the island Plata, we left Captain
Sharp and those who were willing to go with him in the ship and
embarked into our launch and canoes, designing for the river of
Santa Maria, in the Gulf of St. Michael, which is about 200
leagues from the isle of Plata. We were in number 44 white men
who bore arms, a Spanish Indian who bore arms also; and two
Moskito Indians who always bear arms amongst the privateers and
are much valued by them for striking fish, and turtle or
tortoise, and manatee or sea-cow; and five slaves taken in the
South Seas, who fell to our share.
The craft which carried us was a launch, or longboat, one
canoe, and another canoe which had been sawn asunder in the
middle in order to have made bumkins, or vessels for carrying
water, if we had not separated from our ship. This we joined
together again and made it tight; providing sails to help us
along: and for 3 days before we parted we sifted so much flower
as we could well carry, and rubbed up 20 or 30 pound of chocolate
with sugar to sweeten it; these things and a kettle the slaves
carried also on their backs after we landed. And, because there
were some who designed to go with us that we knew were not well
able to march, we gave out that if any man faltered in the
journey overland he must expect to be shot to death; for we knew
that the Spaniards would soon be after us, and one man falling
into their hands might be the ruin of us all by giving an account
of our strength and condition; yet this would not deter them from
going with us. We had but little wind when we parted from the
ship; but before 12 o'clock the sea-breeze came in strong, which
was like to founder us before we got in with the shore; for our
security therefore we cut up an old dry hide that we brought with
us, and barricaded the launch all round with it to keep the water
out. About 10 o'clock at night we got in about 7 leagues to
windward of Cape Passao under the Line, and then it proved calm;
and we lay and drove all night, being fatigued the preceding day.
The 18th day we had little wind till the afternoon; and then we
made sail, standing along the shore to the northward, having the
wind at south-south-west and fair weather.
At 7 o'clock we came abreast of Cape Passao and found a small
bark at an anchor in a small bay to leeward of the cape, which we
took, our own boats being too small to transport us. We took her
just under the Equinoctial Line, she was not only a help to us,
but in taking her we were safe from being described: we did not
design to have meddled with any when we parted with our consorts,
nor to have seen any if we could have helped it. The bark came
from Gallo laden with timber, and was bound for Guayaquil.
The 19th day in the morning we came to an anchor about 12
leagues to the southward of Cape San Francisco to put our new
bark into a better trim. In 3 or 4 hours time we finished our
business, and came to sail again, and steered along the coast
with the wind at south-south-west, intending to touch at
Gorgona.
Being to the northward of Cape San Francisco we met with very
wet weather; but the wind continuing we arrived at Gorgona the
24th day in the morning, before it was light; we were afraid to
approach it in the daytime for fear the Spaniards should lie
there for us, it being the place where we careened lately, and
there they might expect us.
When we came ashore we found the Spaniards had been there to
seek after us, by a house they had built, which would entertain
100 men, and by a great cross before the doors. This was token
enough that the Spaniards did expect us this day again; therefore
we examined our prisoners if they knew anything of it, who
confessed they had heard of a periago (or large canoe) that rowed
with 14 oars, which was kept in a river on the Main, and once in
2 or three days came over to Gorgona purposely to see for us; and
that having discovered us, she was to make all speed to Panama
with the news; where they had three ships ready to send after
us.
We lay here all the day, and scrubbed our new bark, that if
ever we should be chased we might the better escape: we filled
our water and in the evening went from thence, having the wind at
south-west a brisk gale.
The 25th day we had much wind and rain, and we lost the canoe
that had been cut and was joined together; we would have kept all
our canoes to carry us up the river, the bark not being so
convenient.
The 27th day we went from thence with a moderate gale of wind
at south-west. In the afternoon we had excessive showers of
rain.
The 28th day was very wet all the morning; betwixt 10 and 11
it cleared up and we saw two great ships about a league and a
half to the westward of us, we being then two leagues from the
shore, and about 10 leagues to the southward of point Garrachina.
These ships had been cruising between Gorgona and the Gulf 6
months; but whether our prisoners did know it I cannot tell.
We presently furled our sails and rowed in close under the
shore, knowing that they were cruisers; for if they had been
bound to Panama this wind would have carried them thither; and no
ships bound from Panama come on this side of the bay, but keep
the north side of the bay till as far as the keys of Quibo to the
westward; and then if they are bound to the southward they stand
over and may fetch Gallo, or betwixt it and Cape San
Francisco.
The glare did not continue long before it rained again, and
kept us from the sight of each other: but if they had seen and
chased us we were resolved to run our bark and canoes ashore, and
take ourselves to the mountains and travel overland; for we knew
that the Indians which lived in these parts never had any
commerce with the Spaniards; so we might have had a chance for
our lives.
The 29th day at 9 o'clock in the morning we came to an anchor
at Point Garrachina, about 7 leagues from the Gulf of St.
Michael, which was the place where we first came into the South
Seas, and the way by which we designed to return.
Here we lay all the day, and went ashore and dried our
clothes, cleaned our guns, dried our ammunition, and fixed
ourselves against our enemies, if we should be attacked; for we
did expect to find some opposition at landing: we likewise kept a
good lookout all the day, for fear of those two ships that we saw
the day before.
The 30th day in the morning at 8 o'clock we came into the Gulf
of St. Michael's mouth; for we put from Point Garrachina in the
evening, designing to have reached the islands in the gulf before
day; that we might the better work our escape from our enemies,
if we should find any of them waiting to stop our passage.
About 9 o'clock we came to an anchor a mile without a large
island, which lies 4 miles from the mouth of the river; we had
other small islands without us, and might have gone up into the
river, having a strong tide of flood, but would not adventure
farther till we had looked well about us.
We immediately sent a canoe ashore on the island, where we saw
(what we always feared) a ship at the mouth of the river, lying
close by the shore, and a large tent by it, by which we found it
would be a hard task for us to escape them.
When the canoe came aboard with this news some of our men were
a little disheartened; but it was no more than I ever
expected.
Our care was now to get safe overland, seeing we could not
land here according to our desire: therefore before the tide of
flood was spent we manned our canoe and rowed again to the island
to see if the enemy was yet in motion. When we came ashore we
dispersed ourselves all over the island to prevent our enemies
from coming any way to view us; and presently after high-water we
saw a small canoe coming over from the ship to the island that we
were on; which made us all get into our canoe and wait their
coming; and we lay close till they came within pistol-shot of us,
and then, being ready, we started out and took them. There were
in her one white man and two Indians; who being examined told us
that the ship which we saw at the river's mouth had lain there
six months, guarding the river, waiting for our coming; that she
had 12 guns and 150 seamen and soldiers: that the seamen all lay
aboard, but the soldiers lay ashore in their tents; that there
were 300 men at the mines, who had all small arms, and would be
aboard in two tides' time. They likewise told us that there were
two ships cruising in the bay between this place and Gorgona; the
biggest had 20 guns and 200 men, the other 10 guns and 150 men:
besides all this they told us that the Indians on this side the
country were our enemies; which was the worse news of all.
However we presently brought these prisoners aboard and got under
sail, turning out with the tide of ebb, for it was not convenient
to stay longer there.
We did not long consider what to do; but intended to land that
night or the next day betimes; for we did not question but we
should either get a good commerce with the Indians by such toys
as we had purposely brought with us, or else force our way
through their country in spite of all their opposition; and we
did not fear what these Spaniards could do against us in case
they should land and come after us. We had a strong southerly
wind which blew right in; and, the tide of ebb being far spent,
we could not turn out.
I persuaded them to run into the river of Congo, which is a
large river about three leagues from the island where we lay;
which with a southerly wind we could have done: and, when we were
got so high as the tide flows, then we might have landed. But all
the arguments I could use were not of force sufficient to
convince them that there was a large river so near us, but they
would land somewhere, they neither did know how, where, nor
when.
When we had rowed and towed against the wind all night we just
got about Cape San Lorenzo in the morning; and sailed about 4
miles farther to the westward, and run into a small creek within
two keys, or little islands, and rowed up to the head of the
creek, being about a mile up, and there we landed May 1 1681.
We got out all our provision and clothes and then sunk our
vessel.
While we were landing and fixing our snap-sacks to march our
Moskito Indians struck a plentiful dish of fish, which we
immediately dressed, and therewith satisfied our hunger.
Having made mention of the Moskito Indians it may not be amiss
to conclude this chapter with a short account of them. They are
tall, well made, raw-boned, lusty, strong, and nimble of foot,
long-visaged, lank black hair, look stern, hard favoured, and of
a dark copper-colour complexion. They are but a small nation or
family, and not 100 men of them in number, inhabiting on the Main
on the north side, near Cape Gracias a Dios; between Cape
Honduras and Nicaragua. They are very ingenious at throwing the
lance, fishgig, harpoon, or any manner of dart, being bred to it
from their infancy; for the children, imitating their parents,
never go abroad without a lance in their hands, which they throw
at any object, till use has made them masters of the art. Then
they learn to put by a lance, arrow, or dart: the manner is thus.
Two boys stand at a small distance, and dart a blunt stick at one
another; each of them holding a small stick in his right hand,
with which he strikes away that which was darted at him. As they
grow in years they become more dexterous and courageous, and then
they will stand a fair mark to anyone that will shoot arrows at
them; which they will put by with a very small stick, no bigger
than the rod of a fowling-piece; and when they are grown to be
men they will guard themselves from arrows, though they come very
thick at them, provided two do not happen to come at once. They
have extraordinary good eyes, and will descry a sail at sea
farther, and see anything better, than we. Their chiefest
employment in their own country is to strike fish, turtle, or
manatee, the manner of which I describe elsewhere, Chapter 3. For
this they are esteemed and coveted by all privateers; for one or
two of them in a ship will maintain 100 men: so that when we
careen our ships we choose commonly such places where there is
plenty of turtle or manatee for these Moskito men to strike: and
it is very rare to find privateers destitute of one or more of
them when the commander or most of the men are English; but they
do not love the French, and the Spaniards they hate mortally.
When they come among privateers, they get the use of guns, and
prove very good marksmen: they behave themselves very bold in
fight, and never seem to flinch nor hang back; for they think
that the white men with whom they are know better than they do
when it is best to fight, and, let the disadvantage of their
party be never so great, they will never yield nor give back
while any of their party stand. I could never perceive any
religion nor any ceremonies or superstitious observations among
them, being ready to imitate us in whatsoever they saw us do at
any time. Only they seem to fear the devil, whom they call
Wallesaw; and they say he often appears to some among them, whom
our men commonly call their priest, when they desire to speak
with him on urgent business; but the rest know not anything of
him, nor how he appears, otherwise than as these priests tell
them. Yet they all say they must not anger him, for then he will
beat them, and that sometimes he carries away these their
priests. Thus much I have heard from some of them who speak good
English.
They marry but one wife, with whom they live till death
separates them. At their first coming together the man makes a
very small plantation, for there is land enough, and they may
choose what spot they please. They delight to settle near the
sea, or by some river, for the sake of striking fish, their
beloved employment.
For within land there are other Indians, with whom they are
always at war. After the man has cleared a spot of land, and has
planted it, he seldom minds it afterwards, but leaves the
managing of it to his wife, and he goes out a-striking. Sometimes
he seeks only for fish, at other times for turtle, or manatee,
and whatever he gets he brings home to his wife, and never stirs
out to seek for more till it is all eaten. When hunger begins to
bite he either takes his canoe and seeks for more game at sea or
walks out into the woods and hunts about for peccary, warree,
each a sort of wild hogs or deer; and seldom returns
empty-handed, nor seeks for any more so long as any of it lasts.
Their plantations are so small that they cannot subsist with what
they produce: for their largest plantations have not above 20 or
30 plantain-trees, a bed of yams and potatoes, a bush of Indian
pepper, and a small spot of pineapples; which last fruit as a
main thing they delight in; for with these they make a sort of
drink which our men call pine-drink, much esteemed by those
Moskitos, and to which they invite each other to be merry,
providing fish and flesh also. Whoever of them makes of this
liquor treats his neighbours, making a little canoe full at a
time, and so enough to make them all drunk; and it is seldom that
such feasts are made but the party that makes them has some
design either to be revenged for some injury done him, or to
debate of such differences as have happened between him and his
neighbours, and to examine into the truth of such matters. Yet
before they are warmed with drink they never speak one word of
their grievances: and the women, who commonly know their
husband's designs, prevent them from doing any injury to each
other by hiding their lances, harpoons, bows and arrows, or any
other weapon that they have.
The Moskitos are in general very civil and kind to the
English, of whom they receive a great deal of respect, both when
they are aboard their ships, and also ashore, either in Jamaica,
or elsewhere, whither they often come with the seamen. We always
humour them, letting them go any whither as they will, and return
to their country in any vessel bound that way, if they please.
They will have the management of themselves in their striking,
and will go in their own little canoe, which our men could not go
in without danger of oversetting: nor will they then let any
white man come in their canoe, but will go a-striking in it just
as they please: all which we allow them. For should we cross
them, though they should see shoals of fish, or turtle, or the
like, they will purposely strike their harpoons and turtle-irons
aside, or so glance them as to kill nothing. They have no form of
government among them, but acknowledge the King of England for
their sovereign. They learn our language, and take the governor
of Jamaica to be one of the greatest princes in the world.
While they are among the English they wear good clothes, and
take delight to go neat and tight; but when they return again to
their own country they put by all their clothes, and go after
their own country fashion, wearing only a small piece of linen
tied about their waists, hanging down to their knees.
Chapter II
The Author's Land Journey from the South to the North Sea, over the Terra Firma, or Isthmus of Darien.
Being landed May the 1st, we began our march about 3 o'clock
in the afternoon, directing our course by our pocket compasses
north-east and, having gone about 2 miles, we came to the foot of
a hill where we built small huts and lay all night; having
excessive rains till 12 o'clock.
The 2nd day in the morning having fair weather we ascended the
hill, and found a small Indian path which we followed till we
found it run too much easterly, and then, doubting it would carry
us out of the way, we climbed some of the highest trees on the
hill, which was not meanly furnished with as large and tall trees
as ever I saw: at length we discovered some houses in a valley on
the north side of the hill, but it being steep could not descend
on that side, but followed the small path which led us down the
hill on the east side, where we presently found several other
Indian houses. The first that we came to at the foot of the hill
had none but women at home who could not speak Spanish, but gave
each of us a good calabash or shell-full of corn-drink. The other
houses had some men at home, but none that spoke Spanish; yet we
made a shift to buy such food as their houses or plantations
afforded, which we dressed and ate all together; having all sorts
of our provision in common, because none should live better than
others, or pay dearer for anything than it was worth. This day we
had marched 6 mile.
In the evening the husbands of those women came home and told
us in broken Spanish that they had been on board of the
guard-ship, which we fled from two days before, that we were now
not above 3 mile from the mouth of the river Congo, and that they
could go from thence aboard the guard-ship in half a tide's
time.
This evening we supped plentifully on fowls and peccary; a
sort of wild hogs which we bought of the Indians; yams, potatoes,
and plantains served us for bread, whereof we had enough. After
supper we agreed with one of these Indians to guide us a day's
march into the country, towards the north side; he was to have
for his pains a hatchet, and his bargain was to bring us to a
certain Indian's habitation, who could speak Spanish, from whom
we were in hopes to be better satisfied of our journey.
The 3rd day having fair weather we began to stir betimes, and
set out between 6 and 7 o'clock, marching through several old
ruined plantations. This morning one of our men being tired gave
us the slip. By 12 o'clock we had gone 8 mile, and arrived at the
Indian's house, who lived on the bank of the river Congo and
spoke very good Spanish; to whom we declared the reason of this
visit.
At first he seemed to be very dubious of entertaining any
discourse with us, and gave impertinent answers to the questions
that we demanded of him; he told us he knew no way to the north
side of the country, but could carry us to Cheapo, or Santa
Maria, which we knew to be Spanish garrisons; the one lying to
the eastward of us, the other to the westward: either of them at
least 20 miles out of our way. We could get no other answer from
him, and all his discourse was in such an angry tone as plainly
declared he was not our friend. However we were forced to make a
virtue of necessity and humour him, for it was neither time nor
place to be angry with the Indians; all our lives lying in their
hand.
We were now at a great loss, not knowing what course to take,
for we tempted him with beads, money, hatchets, machetes, or long
knives; but nothing would work on him, till one of our men took a
sky-coloured petticoat out of his bag and put it on his wife; who
was so much pleased with the present that she immediately began
to chatter to her husband, and soon brought him into a better
humour. He could then tell us that he knew the way to the north
side, and would have gone with us, but that he had cut his foot
two days before, which made him incapable of serving us himself:
but he would take care that we should not want a guide; and
therefore he hired the same Indian who brought us hither to
conduct us two days' march further for another hatchet. The old
man would have stayed us here all the day because it rained very
hard; but our business required more haste, our enemies lying so
near us, for he told us that he could go from his house aboard
the guard-ship in a tide's time; and this was the 4th day since
they saw us. So we marched 3 miles farther, and then built huts,
where we stayed all night; it rained all the afternoon, and the
greatest part of the night.
The 4th day we began our march betimes, for the forenoons were
commonly fair, but much rain after noon: though whether it rained
or shined it was much at one with us, for I verily believe we
crossed the rivers 30 times this day: the Indians having no paths
to travel from one part of the country to another; and therefore
guided themselves by the rivers. We marched this day 12 miles,
and then built our hut, and lay down to sleep; but we always kept
two men on the watch; otherwise our own slaves might have knocked
us on the head while we slept. It rained violently all the
afternoon and most part of the night. We had much ado to kindle a
fire this evening: our huts were but very mean or ordinary, and
our fire small, so that we could not dry our clothes, scarce warm
ourselves, and no sort of food for the belly; all which made it
very hard with us. I confess these hardships quite expelled the
thoughts of an enemy, for now, having been 4 days in the country,
we began to have but few other cares than how to get guides and
food, the Spaniards were seldom in our thoughts.
The 5th day we set out in the morning betimes, and, having
travelled 7 miles in those wild pathless woods, by 10 o'clock in
the morning we arrived at a young Spanish Indian's house, who had
formerly lived with the Bishop of Panama. The young Indian was
very brisk, spoke very good Spanish, and received us very kindly.
This plantation afforded us store of provisions, yams, and
potatoes, but nothing of any flesh besides 2 fat monkeys we shot,
part whereof we distributed to some of our company, who were weak
and sickly; for others we got eggs and such refreshments as the
Indians had, for we still provided for the sick and weak. We had
a Spanish Indian in our company, who first took up arms with
Captain Sawkins, and had been with us ever since his death. He
was persuaded to live here by the master of the house, who
promised him his sister in marriage, and to be assistant to him
in clearing a plantation: but we would not consent to part from
him here for fear of some treachery, but promised to release him
in two or three days, when we were certainly out of danger of our
enemies. We stayed here all the afternoon, and dried our clothes
and ammunition, cleared our guns, and provided ourselves for a
march the next morning.
Our surgeon, Mr. Wafer, came to a sad disaster here: being
drying his powder, a careless fellow passed by with his pipe
lighted and set fire to his powder, which blew up and scorched
his knee, and reduced him to that condition that he was not able
to march; wherefore we allowed him a slave to carry his things,
being all of us the more concerned at the accident, because
liable ourselves every moment to misfortune, and none to look
after us but him. This Indian plantation was seated on the bank
of the river Congo, in a very fat soil, and thus far we might
have come in our canoe if I could have persuaded them to it.
The 6th day we set out again, having hired another guide. Here
we first crossed the river Congo in a canoe, having been from our
first landing on the west side of the river, and, being over, we
marched to the eastward two miles, and came to another river,
which we forded several times though it was very deep. Two of our
men were not able to keep company with us, but came after us as
they were able. The last time we forded the river it was so deep
that our tallest men stood in the deepest place and handed the
sick, weak and short men; by which means we all got over safe,
except those two who were behind. Foreseeing a necessity of
wading through rivers frequently in our land-march, I took care
before I left the ship to provide myself a large joint of bamboo,
which I stopped at both ends, closing it with wax, so as to keep
out any water. In this I preserved my journal and other writings
from being wet, though I was often forced to swim. When we were
over this river, we sat down to wait the coming of our consorts
who were left behind, and in half an hour they came. But the
river by that time was so high that they could not get over it,
neither could we help them over, but bid them be of good comfort,
and stay till the river did fall: but we marched two miles
farther by the side of the river, and there built our huts,
having gone this day six miles. We had scarce finished our huts
before the river rose much higher, and, overflowing the banks,
obliged us to remove into higher ground: but the next night came
on before we could build more huts, so we lay straggling in the
woods, some under one tree, some under another, as we could find
conveniency, which might have been indifferent comfortable if the
weather had been fair; but the greatest part of the night we had
extraordinary hard rain, with much lightning, and terrible claps
of thunder. These hardships and inconveniencies made us all
careless, and there was no watch kept (though I believe nobody
did sleep) so our slaves, taking the opportunity, went away in
the night; all but one who was hid in some hole and knew nothing
of their design, or else fell asleep. Those that went away
carried with them our surgeon's gun and all his money.
The next morning being the 8th day, we went to the river's
side, and found it much fallen; and here our guide would have us
ford it again, which, being deep and the current running swift,
we could not. Then we contrived to swim over; those that could
not swim we were resolved to help over as well as we could: but
this was not so feasible: for we should not be able to get all
our things over. At length we concluded to send one man over with
a line, who should haul over all our things first, and then get
the men over. This being agreed on, one George Gayny took the end
of a line and made it fast about his neck, and left the other end
ashore, and one man stood by the line to clear it away to him.
But when Gayny was in the midst of the water the, line in drawing
after him, chanced to kink or grow entangled; and he that stood
by to clear it away stopped the line, which turned Gayny on his
back, and he that had the line in his hand threw it all into the
river after him, thinking he might recover himself; but the
stream running very swift, and the man having three hundred
dollars at his back, was carried down, and never seen more by us.
Those two men whom we left behind the day before, told us
afterwards that they found him lying dead in a creek where the
eddy had driven him ashore, and the money on his back; but they
meddled not with any of it, being only in care how to work their
way through a wild unknown country. This put a period to that
contrivance. This was the fourth man that we lost in this
land-journey; for these two men that we left the day before did
not come to us till we were in the North Seas, so we yielded them
also for lost. Being frustrated at getting over the river this
way, we looked about for a tree to fell across the river. At
length we found one, which we cut down, and it reached clear
over: on this we passed to the other side, where we found a small
plantain-walk, which we soon ransacked.
While we were busy getting plantains our guide was gone, but
in less than two hours came to us again, and brought with him an
old Indian to whom he delivered up his charge; and we gave him a
hatchet and dismissed him, and entered ourselves under the
conduct of our new guide: who immediately led us away, and
crossed another river, and entered into a large valley of the
fattest land I did ever take notice of; the trees were not very
thick, but the largest that I saw in all my travels; we saw great
tracks which were made by the peccaries, but saw none of them. We
marched in this pleasant country till 3 o'clock in the afternoon,
in all about 4 miles, and then arrived at the old man's country
house, which was only a habitation for hunting: there was a small
plantain-walk, some yams, and potatoes. Here we took up our
quarters for this day and refreshed ourselves with such food as
the place afforded, and dried our clothes and ammunition. At this
place our young Spanish Indian provided to leave us, for now we
thought ourselves past danger. This was he that was persuaded to
stay at the last house we came from, to marry the young man's
sister; and we dismissed him according to our promise.
The 9th day the old man conducted us towards his own
habitation. We marched about 5 miles in this valley; and then
ascended a hill and travelled about 5 miles farther over two or
three small hills before we came to any settlement. Half a mile
before we came to the plantations we light of a path, which
carried us to the Indians habitations. We saw many wooden crosses
erected in the way, which created some jealousy in us that here
were some Spaniards: therefore we new-primed all our guns, and
provided ourselves for an enemy; but coming into the town found
none but Indians, who were all got together in a large house to
receive us: for the old man had a little boy with him that he
sent before.
They made us welcome to such as they had, which was very mean;
for these were new plantations, the corn being not eared.
Potatoes, yams, and plantains they had none but what they brought
from their old plantations. There was none of them spoke good
Spanish: two young men could speak a little, it caused us to take
more notice of them. To these we made a present, and desired them
to get us a guide to conduct us to the north side, or part of the
way, which they promised to do themselves; if we would reward
them for it, but told us we must lie still the next day. But we
thought ourselves nearer the North Sea than we were, and proposed
to go without a guide rather than stay here a whole day: however
some of our men who were tired resolved to stay behind; and Mr.
Wafer our surgeon, who marched in great pain ever since his knee
was burned with powder, was resolved to stay with them.
The 10th day we got up betimes, resolving to march, but the
Indians opposed it as much as they could; but, seeing they could
not persuade us to stay, they came with us; and, having taken
leave of our friends, we set out.
Here therefore we left the surgeon and two more, as we said,
and marched away to the eastward following our guides. But we
often looked on our pocket compasses and showed them to the
guides, pointing at the way that we would go, which made them
shake their heads and say they were pretty things, but not
convenient for us. After we had descended the hills on which the
town stood we came down into a valley, and guided ourselves by a
river, which we crossed 22 times; and, having marched 9 miles, we
built huts and lay there all night: this evening I killed a
quaum, a large bird as big as a turkey, wherewith we treated our
guides, for we brought no provision with us. This night our last
slave ran away.
The eleventh day we marched 10 mile farther, and built huts at
night; but went supperless to bed.
The twelfth in the morning we crossed a deep river, passing
over it on a tree, and marched 7 mile in a low swampy ground; and
came to the side of a great deep river, but could not get over.
We built huts upon its banks and lay there all night, upon our
borbecus, or frames of sticks raised about 3 foot from the
ground.
The thirteenth day when we turned out the river had overflowed
its banks, and was 2 foot deep in our huts, and our guides went
from us, not telling us their intent, which made us think they
were returned home again. Now we began to repent our haste in
coming from the settlements, for we had no food since we came
from thence. Indeed we got macaw-berries in this place, wherewith
we satisfied ourselves this day though coarsely.
The fourteenth day in the morning betimes our guides came to
us again; and, the waters being fallen within their bounds, they
carried us to a tree that stood on the bank of the river, and
told us if we could fell that tree across it we might pass: if
not, we could pass no farther. Therefore we set two of the best
axe-men that we had, who felled it exactly across the river, and
the boughs just reached over; on this we passed very safe. We
afterwards crossed another river three times, with much
difficulty, and at 3 o'clock in the afternoon we came to an
Indian settlement, where we met a drove of monkeys, and killed 4
of them, and stayed here all night, having marched this day 6
miles. Here we got plantains enough, and a kind reception of the
Indian that lived here all alone, except one boy to wait on
him.
The fifteenth day when we set out, the kind Indian and his boy
went with us in a canoe, and set us over such places as we could
not ford: and, being past those great rivers, he returned back
again, having helped us at least 2 mile. We marched afterwards 5
mile, and came to large plantain-walks, where we took up our
quarters that night; we there fed plentifully on plantains, both
ripe and green, and had fair weather all the day and night. I
think these were the largest plantain-walks, and the biggest
plantains that ever I saw, but no house near them: we gathered
what we pleased by our guide's orders.
The sixteenth day we marched 3 mile and came to a large
settlement where we abode all day: not a man of us but wished the
journey at an end; our feet being blistered, and our thighs
stripped with wading through so many rivers; the way being almost
continually through rivers or pathless woods. In the afternoon
five of us went to seek for game and killed 3 monkeys, which we
dressed for supper. Here we first began to have fair weather,
which continued with us till we came to the North Seas.
The eighteenth day we set out at 10 o'clock, and the Indians
with 5 canoes carried us a league up a river; and when we landed
the kind Indians went with us and carried our burdens. We marched
3 mile farther, and then built our huts, having travelled from
the last settlements 6 mile.
The nineteenth day our guides lost their way, and we did not
march above 2 mile.
The twentieth day by 12 o'clock we came to Cheapo River. The
rivers we crossed hitherto run all into the South Seas; and this
of Cheapo was the last we met with that run that way. Here an old
man who came from the last settlements distributed his burthen of
plantains amongst us and, taking his leave, returned home.
Afterward we forded the river and marched to the foot of a very
high mountain, where we lay all night. This day we marched about
9 miles.
The 21st day some of the Indians returned back, and we marched
up a very high mountain; being on the top, we went some miles on
a ridge, and steep on both sides; then descended a little, and
came to a fine spring, where we lay all night, having gone this
day about 9 miles, the weather still very fair and clear.
The 22nd day we marched over another very high mountain,
keeping on the ridge 5 miles. When we came to the north end we,
to our great comfort, saw the sea; then we descended, and parted
ourselves into 3 companies, and lay by the side of a river, which
was the first we met that runs into the North Sea.
The 23rd day we came through several large plantain-walks, and
at 10 o'clock came to an Indian habitation not far from the North
Seas. Here we got canoes to carry as down the river Concepcion to
the seaside; having gone this day 7 miles. We found a great many
Indians at the mouth of the river. They had settled themselves
here for the benefit of trade with the privateers; and their
commodities were yams, potatoes, plantains, sugarcane, fowls, and
eggs.
The Indians told us that there had been a great many English
and French ships here, which were all gone but one barcolongo, a
French privateer that lay at La Sounds Key or Island. This island
is about 3 leagues from the mouth of the river Concepcion, and is
one of the Samballoes, a range of islands reaching for about 20
leagues from Point Samballas to Golden Island eastward. These
islands or keys, as we call them, were first made the rendezvous
of privateers in the year 1679, being very convenient for
careening, and had names given to some of them by the captains of
the privateers: as this La Sounds Key particularly.
Thus we finished our journey from the South Sea to the North
in 23 days; in which time by my account we travelled 110 miles,
crossing some very high mountains; but our common march was in
the valleys among deep and dangerous rivers. At our first landing
in this country, we were told that the Indians were our enemies;
we knew the rivers to be deep, the wet season to be coming in;
yet, excepting those we left behind, we lost but one man, who was
drowned, as I said. Our first landing place on the south coast
was very disadvantageous, for we travelled at least fifty miles
more than we need to have done, could we have gone up Cheapo
River, or Santa Maria River; for at either of these places a man
may pass from sea to sea in three days time with ease. The
Indians can do it in a day and a half, by which you may see how
easy it is for a party of men to travel over. I must confess the
Indians did assist us very much, and I question whether ever we
had got over without their assistance, because they brought us
from time to time to their plantations where we always got
provision, which else we should have wanted. But if a party of
500 or 600 men or more were minded to travel from the North to
the South Seas they may do it without asking leave of the
Indians; though it be much better to be friends with them.
The 24th of May (having lain one night at the river's mouth)
we all went on board the privateer, who lay at La Sound's Key. It
was a French vessel, Captain Tristian commander. The first thing
we did was to get such things as we could to gratify our Indian
guides, for we were resolved to reward them to their hearts'
content. This we did by giving them beads, knives, scissors, and
looking-glasses, which we bought of the privateer's crew: and
half a dollar a man from each of us; which we would have bestowed
in goods also, but could not get any, the privateer having no
more toys. They were so well satisfied with these that they
returned with joy to their friends; and were very kind to our
consorts whom we left behind; as Mr. Wafer our surgeon and the
rest of them told us when they came to us some months afterwards,
as shall be said hereafter.
I might have given a further account of several things
relating to this country; the inland parts of which are so little
known to the Europeans. But I shall leave this province to Mr.
Wafer, who made a longer abode in it than I, and is better able
to do it than any man that I know, and is now preparing a
particular description of this country for the press.
Chapter III
The Author's Cruising with the Privateers in the North Seas on the West India Coast.
The privateer on board which we went being now cleaned, and
our Indian guides thus satisfied and set ashore, we set sail in
two days for Springer's Key, another of the Samballoes Isles, and
about 7 or 8 leagues from La Sound's Key. Here lay 8 sail of
privateers more, namely:
English commanders and Englishmen:
Captain Coxon, 10 guns, 100 men.
Captain Payne, 10 guns, 100 men.
Captain Wright, a barcolongo. 4 guns, 40 men.
Captain Williams, a small barcolongo.
Captain Yankes, a barcolongo, 4 guns, about 60 men, English,
Dutch and French; himself a Dutchman.
French Commanders and men:
Captain Archemboe, 8 guns, 40 men.
Captain Tucker, 6 guns, 70 men.
Captain Rose, a barcolongo.
An hour before we came to the fleet Captain Wright, who had
been sent to Chagra River, arrived at Springer's Key with a large
canoe or periago laden with flour, which he took there. Some of
the prisoners belonging to the periago came from Panama not above
six days before he took her, and told the news of our coming
overland, and likewise related the condition and strength of
Panama, which was the main thing they enquired after; for Captain
Wright was sent thither purposely to get a prisoner that was able
to inform them of the strength of that city, because these
privateers designed to join all their force, and, by the
assistance of the Indians (who had promised to be their guides)
to march overland to Panama; and there is no other way of getting
prisoners for that purpose but by absconding between Chagra and
Portobello, because there are much goods brought that way from
Panama; especially when the armada lies at Portobello. All the
commanders were aboard of Captain Wright when we came into the
fleet; and were mighty inquisitive of the prisoners to know the
truth of what they related concerning us. But as soon as they
knew we were come they immediately came aboard of Captain
Tristian, being all overjoyed to see us; for Captain Coxon and
many others had left us in the South Seas about 12 months since,
and had never heard what became of us since that time. They
enquired of us what we did there? how we lived? how far we had
been? and what discoveries we made in those seas? After we had
answered these general questions they began to be more particular
in examining us concerning our passage through the country from
the South Seas. We related the whole matter; giving them an
account of the fatigues of our march, and the inconveniencies we
suffered by the rains; and disheartened them quite from that
design.
Then they proposed several other places where such a party of
men as were now got together might make a voyage; but the
objections of some or other still hindered any proceeding: for
the privateers have an account of most towns within 20 leagues of
the sea, on all the coast from Trinidad down to La Vera Cruz; and
are able to give a near guess of the strength and riches of them:
for they make it their business to examine all prisoners that
fall into their hands concerning the country, town, or city that
they belong to; whether born there, or how long they have known
it? how many families, whether most Spaniards? or whether the
major part are not copper-coloured, as Mulattoes, Mestizos, or
Indians? whether rich, and what their riches do consist in? and
what their chiefest manufactures? if fortified, how many great
guns, and what number of small arms? whether it is possible to
come undescribed on them? How many lookouts or sentinels; for
such the Spaniards always keep? and how the lookouts are placed?
Whether possible to avoid the lookouts, or take them? If any
river or creek comes near it, or where the best landing; with
innumerable other such questions, which their curiosities lead
them to demand. And if they have had any former discourse of such
places from other prisoners they compare one with the other; then
examine again, and enquire if he or any of them are capable to be
guides to conduct a party of men thither: if not, where and how
any prisoner may be taken that may do it; and from thence they
afterwards lay their schemes to prosecute whatever design they
take in hand.
It was 7 or 8 days after before any resolution was taken, yet
consultations were held every day. The French seemed very forward
to go to any town that the English could or would propose,
because the governor of Petit Guavres (from whom the privateers
take commissions) had recommended a gentleman lately come from
France to be general of the expedition, and sent word by Captain
Tucker, with whom this gentleman came, that they should, if
possible, make an attempt on some town before he returned again.
The English, when they were in company with the French, seemed to
approve of what the French said, but never looked on that general
to be fit for the service in hand.
THEY GO TO THE ISLE OF SAN ANDREAS. OF THE CEDARS THERE.
At length it was concluded to go to a town, the name of which
I have forgot; it lies a great way in the country, but not such a
tedious march as it would be from hence to Panama. Our way to it
lay up Carpenter's River, which is about 60 leagues to the
westward of Portobello. Our greatest obstruction in this design
was our want of boats: therefore it was concluded to go with all
our fleet to San Andreas, a small uninhabited island lying near
the isle of Providence, to the westward of it, in 13 degrees 15
minutes north latitude, and from Portobello north-north-west
about 70 leagues; where we should be but a little way from
Carpenter's River. And besides, at this island we might build
canoes, it being plentifully stored with large cedars for such a
purpose; and for this reason the Jamaica men come hither
frequently to build sloops; cedar being very fit for building,
and it being to be had here at free cost; beside other wood.
Jamaica is well stored with cedars of its own, chiefly among the
Rocky Mountains: these also of San Andreas grow in stony ground,
and are the largest that ever I knew or heard of; the bodies
alone being ordinarily 40 or 50 foot long, many 60 or 70 and
upwards, and of a proportionable bigness. The Bermudas Isles are
well stored with them; so is Virginia, which is generally a sandy
soil. I saw none in the East Indies, nor in the South Sea coast,
except on the Isthmus as I came over it. We reckon the periagos
and canoes that are made of cedar to be the best of any; they are
nothing but the tree itself made hollow boat-wise, with a flat
bottom, and the canoe generally sharp at both ends, the periago
at one only, with the other end flat. But what is commonly said
of cedar, that the worm will not touch it, is a mistake, for I
have seen of it very much worm-eaten.
All things being thus concluded on, we sailed from thence,
directing our course towards San Andreas. We kept company the
first day, but at night it blew a hard gale at north-east and
some of our ships bore away: the next day others were forced to
leave us, and the second night we lost all our company. I was now
belonging to Captain Archembo, for all the rest of the fleet were
over-manned: Captain Archembo wanting men, we that came out of
the South Seas must either sail with him or remain among the
Indians. Indeed we found no cause to dislike the captain; but his
French seamen were the saddest creatures that ever I was among;
for though we had bad weather that required many hands aloft, yet
the biggest part of them never stirred out of their hammocks but
to eat or ease themselves. We made a shift to find the island the
fourth day, where we met Captain Wright, who came thither the day
before, and had taken a Spanish tartane, wherein were 30 men, all
well armed: she had 4 patereroes and some long guns placed in the
swivel on the gunwale. They fought an hour before they yielded.
The news they related was that they came from Cartagena in
company of 11 armadillos (which are small vessels of war) to seek
for the fleet of privateers lying in the Samballoes: that they
parted from the armadillos 2 days before: that they were ordered
to search the Samballoes for us, and if they did not find us then
they were ordered to go to Portobello, and lay there till they
had farther intelligence of us, and he supposed these armadillos
to be now there.
We that came overland out of the South Seas, being weary of
living among the French, desired Captain Wright to fit up his
prize the tartane, and make a man-of-war of her for us, which he
at first seemed to decline, because he was settled among the
French in Hispaniola, and was very well beloved both by the
governor of Petit Guavres, and all the gentry; and they would
resent it ill that Captain Wright, who had no occasion of men,
should be so unkind to Captain Archembo as to seduce his men from
him, he being so meanly manned that he could hardly sail his ship
with his Frenchmen. We told him we would no longer remain with
Captain Archembo, but would go ashore there and build canoes to
transport ourselves down to the Moskitos if he would not
entertain us; for privateers are not obliged to any ship, but
free to go ashore where they please, or to go into any other ship
that will entertain them, only paying for their provision.
When Captain Wright saw our resolutions he agreed with us on
condition we should be under his command as one ship's company,
to which we unanimously consented.
THE CORN ISLANDS, AND THEIR INHABITANTS.
We stayed here about 10 days to see if any more of our fleet
would come to us; but there came no more of us to the island but
three, namely, Captain Wright, Captain Archembo, and Captain
Tucker. Therefore we concluded the rest were bore away either for
Boca Toro or Bluefield's River on the Main; and we designed to
seek them. We had fine weather while we lay here, only some
tornadoes, or thundershowers: but in this isle of San Andreas,
there being neither fish, fowl, nor deer, and it being therefore
but an ordinary place for us, who had but little provision, we
sailed from hence again in quest of our scattered fleet,
directing our course for some islands lying near the Main, called
by the privateers the Corn Islands; being in hopes to get corn
there. These islands I take to be the same which are generally
called in the maps the Pearl Islands, lying about the latitude of
12 degrees 10 minutes north. Here we arrived the next day, and
went ashore on one of them, but found none of the inhabitants;
for here are but a few poor naked Indians that live here; who
have been so often plundered by the privateers that they have but
little provision; and when they see a sail they hide themselves;
otherwise ships that come here would take them, and make slaves
of them; and I have seen some of them that have been slaves. They
are people of a mean stature, yet strong limbs; they are of a
dark copper-colour, black hair, full round faces, small black
eyes, their eyebrows hanging over their eyes, low foreheads,
short thick noses, not high, but flattish; full lips, and short
chins. They have a fashion to cut holes in the lips of the boys
when they are young, close to their chin; which they keep open
with little pegs till they are 14 or 15 years old: then they wear
beards in them, made of turtle or tortoiseshell, in the form you
see in the illustration. The little notch at the upper end they
put in through the lip, where it remains between the teeth and
the lip; the under-part hangs down over their chin. This they
commonly wear all day, and when they sleep they take it out. They
have likewise holes bored in their ears, both men and women when
young; and, by continual stretching them with great pegs, they
grow to be as big as a milled five-shilling piece. Herein they
wear pieces of wood cut very round and smooth, so that their ear
seems to be all wood with a little skin about it. Another
ornament the women use is about their legs, which they are very
curious in; for from the infancy of the girls their mothers make
fast a piece of cotton cloth about the small of their leg, from
the ankle to the calf, very hard; which makes them have a very
full calf: this the women wear to their dying day. Both men and
women go naked, only a clout about their waists; yet they have
but little feet, though they go barefoot. Finding no provision
here we sailed towards Bluefield's River, where we careened our
tartane; and there Captain Archembo and Captain Tucker left us,
and went towards Boca Toro.
BLUEFIELD'S RIVER, AND AN ACCOUNT OF THE MANATEE THERE, OR
SEA-COW; WITH THE MANNER HOW THE MOSKITO INDIANS KILL THEM, AND
TORTOISE, ETC.
This Bluefield's River comes out between the rivers of
Nicaragua and Veragna. At its mouth is a fine sandy bay where
barks may clean: it is deep at its mouth but a shoal within; so
that ships may not enter, yet barks of 60 or 70 tuns may. It had
this name from Captain Bluefield, a famous privateer living on
Providence Island long before Jamaica was taken. Which island of
Providence was settled by the English, and belonged to the Earls
of Warwick.
In this river we found a canoe coming down the stream; and
though we went with our canoes to seek for inhabitants yet we
found none, but saw in two or three places signs that Indians had
made on the side of the river. The canoe which we found was but
meanly made for want of tools, therefore we concluded these
Indians have no commerce with the Spaniards, nor with other
Indians that have.
While we lay here, our Moskito men went in their canoe and
struck us some manatee, or sea-cow. Besides this Bluefield's
River, I have seen of the manatee in the Bay of Campeachy, on the
coasts of Boca del Drago, and Boca del Toro, in the river of
Darien, and among the South Keys or little islands of Cuba. I
have heard of their being found on the north of Jamaica a few,
and in the rivers of Surinam in great multitudes, which is a very
low land. I have seen of them also at Mindanao, one of the
Philippine Islands, and on the coast of New Holland. This
creature is about the bigness of a horse, and 10 or 12 foot long.
The mouth of it is much like the mouth of a cow, having great
thick lips. The eyes are no bigger than a small pea; the ears are
only two small holes on each side of the head. The neck is short
and thick, bigger than the head. The biggest part of this
creature is at the shoulders where it has two large fins, one on
each side of its belly. Under each of these fins the female has a
small dug to suckle her young. From the shoulders towards the
tail it retains its bigness for about a foot, then grows smaller
and smaller to the very tail, which is flat, and about 14 inches
broad and 20 inches long, and in the middle 4 or 5 inches thick,
but about the edges of it not above 2 inches thick. From the head
to the tail it is round and smooth without any fin but those two
before mentioned. I have heard that some have weighed above 1200
pounds, but I never saw any so large. The manatee delights to
live in brackish water; and they are commonly in creeks and
rivers near the sea. It is for this reason possibly they are not
seen in the South Seas (that ever I could observe) where the
coast is generally a bold shore, that is, high land and deep
water close home by it, with a high sea or great surges, except
in the Bay of Panama; yet even there is no manatee. Whereas the
West Indies, being as it were one great bay composed of many
smaller, are mostly low land and shoal water, and afford proper
pasture (as I may say) for the manatee. Sometimes we find them in
salt water, sometimes in fresh; but never far at sea. And those
that live in the sea at such places where there is no river nor
creek fit for them to enter yet do commonly come once or twice in
24 hours to the mouth of any fresh-water river that is near their
place of abode. They live on grass 7 or 8 inches long, and of a
narrow blade, which grows in the sea in many places, especially
among islands near the Main. This grass grows likewise in creeks,
or in great rivers near the sides of them, in such places where
there is but little tide or current. They never come ashore, nor
into shallower water than where they can swim. Their flesh is
white, both the fat and the lean, and extraordinary sweet,
wholesome meat. The tail of a young cow is most esteemed; but if
old both head and tail are very tough. A calf that sucks is the
most delicate meat; privateers commonly roast them; as they do
also great pieces cut out of the bellies of the old ones.
The skin of the manatee is of great use to privateers for they
cut them into straps which they make fast on the sides of their
canoes, through which they put their oars in rowing, instead of
tholes or pegs. The skin of the bull or of the back of the cow is
too thick for this use; but of it they make horse-whips, cutting
them 2 or 3 foot long: at the handle they leave the full
substance of the skin, and from thence cut it away tapering, but
very even and square all the four sides. While the thongs are
green they twist them and hang them to dry; which in a week's time
become as hard as wood. The Moskito men have always a small canoe
for their use to strike fish, tortoise, or manatee, which they
keep usually to themselves, and very neat and clean. They use no
oars but paddles, the broad part of which does not go tapering
towards the staff, pole or handle of it, as in the oar; nor do
they use it in the same manner by laying it on the side of the
vessel; but hold it perpendicular, gripping the staff hard with
both hands, and putting back the water by main strength, and very
quick strokes. One of the Moskitos (for they go but two in a
canoe) sits in the stern, the other kneels down in the head, and
both paddle till they come to the place where they expect their
game. Then they lie still or paddle very softly, looking well
about them; and he that is in the head of the canoe lays down his
paddle, and stands up with his striking-staff in his hand. This
staff is about 8 foot long, almost as big as a man's arm at the
great end, in which there is a hole to place his harpoon in. At
the other end of his staff there is a piece of light wood called
bob-wood, with a hole in it, through which the small end of the
staff comes; and on this piece of bob-wood there is a line of 10
or 12 fathom wound neatly about, and the end of the line made
fast to it. The other end of the line is made fast to the
harpoon, which is at the great end of the staff, and the Moskito
men keep about a fathom of it loose in his hand. When he strikes,
the harpoon presently comes out of the staff, and as the manatee
swims away the line runs off from the bob; and although at first
both staff and bob may be carried under water, yet as the line
runs off it will rise again. Then the Moskito men paddle with all
their might to get hold of the bob again, and spend usually a
quarter of an hour before they get it. When the Manatee begins to
be tired, it lies still, and then the Moskito men paddle to the
bob and take it up, and begin to haul in the line. When the
manatee feels them he swims away again, with the canoe after him;
then he that steers must be nimble to turn the head of the canoe
that way that his consort points, who, being in the head of the
canoe, and holding the line, both sees and feels which way the
manatee is swimming. Thus the canoe is towed with a violent
motion, till the manatee's strength decays. Then they gather in
the line, which they are often forced to let all go to the very
end. At length, when the creature's strength is spent, they haul
it up to the canoe's side, and knock it on the head, and tow it
to the nearest shore, where they make it fast and seek for
another; which having taken, they get on shore with it to put it
into their canoe: for it is so heavy that they cannot lift it in,
but they haul it up in shoal water, as near the shore as they
can, and then overset the canoe, laying one side close to the
manatee. Then they roll it in, which brings the canoe upright again;
and when they have heaved out the water they fasten a line to the
other manatee that lies afloat, and tow it after them. I have
known two Moskito men for a week every day bring aboard 2 manatee
in this manner; the least of which has not weighed less than 600
pound, and that in a very small canoe, that three Englishmen
would scarce adventure to go in. When they strike a cow that has
a young one they seldom miss the calf, for she commonly takes her
young under one of her fins. But if the calf is so big that she
cannot carry it, or so frightened that she only minds to save her
own life, yet the young never leaves her till the Moskito men
have an opportunity to strike her.
The manner of striking manatee and tortoise is much the same;
only when they seek for manatee they paddle so gently that they
make no noise, and never touch the side of their canoe with their
paddle, because it is a creature that hears very well. But they
are not so nice when they seek for tortoise, whose eyes are
better than his ears. They strike the tortoise with a square
sharp iron peg, the other with a harpoon. The Moskito men make
their own striking instruments, as harpoons, fishhooks, and
tortoise-irons or pegs. These pegs, or tortoise-irons, are made
4-square, sharp at one end, and not much above an inch in length,
of such a figure as you see in the illustration. The small spike
at the broad end has a line fastened to it, and goes also into a
hole at the end of the striking-staff, which when the tortoise is
struck flies off, the iron and the end of the line fastened to it
going quite within the shell, where it is so buried that the
tortoise cannot possibly escape.
THE MAHO-TREE.
They make their lines both for fishing and striking with the
bark of maho; which is a sort of tree or shrub that grows
plentifully all over the West Indies, and whose bark is made up
of strings, or threads very strong. You may draw it off either in
flakes or small threads, as you have occasion. It is fit for any
manner of cordage; and privateers often make their rigging of it.
So much by way of digression.
When we had cleaned our tartane we sailed from hence, bound
for Boca Toro, which is an opening between 2 islands about 10
degrees 10 minutes north latitude between the rivers of Veragne
and Chagre. Here we met with Captain Yankes, who told us that
there had been a fleet of Spanish armadillos to seek us: that
Captain Tristian, having fallen to leeward, was coming to Boca
Toro, and fell in amongst them, supposing them to be our fleet:
that they fired and chased him, but he rowed and towed, and they
supposed he got away: that Captain Pain was likewise chased by
them and Captain Williams; and that they had not seen them since
they lay within the islands: that the Spaniards never came in to
him; and that Captain Coxon was in at the careening-place.
THE SAVAGES OF BOCA TORO.
This Boca Toro is a place that the privateers use to resort to
as much as any place on all the coast, because here is plenty of
green tortoise, and a good careening place. The Indians here have
no commerce with the Spaniards; but are very barbarous and will
not be dealt with. They have destroyed many privateers, as they
did not long after this some of Captain Pain's men; who, having
built a tent ashore to put his goods in while he careened his
ship, and some men lying there with their arms, in the night the
Indians crept softly into the tent, and cut off the heads of
three or four men, and made their escape; nor was this the first
time they had served the privateers so. There grow on this coast
vinelloes in great quantity, with which chocolate is perfumed.
These I shall describe elsewhere.
HE TOUCHES AGAIN AT POINT SAMBALAS, AND ITS ISLANDS. THE
GROVES OF SAPADILLOES THERE, THE SOLDIER'S INSECT, AND
MANCHANEEL-TREE.
Our fleet being thus scattered, there were now no hopes of
getting together again; therefore everyone did what they thought
most conducing to obtain their ends. Captain Wright, with whom I
now was, was resolved to cruise on the coast of Cartagena; and,
it being now almost the westerly-wind season, we sailed from
hence, and Captain Yankes with us; and we consorted, because
Captain Yankes had no commission, and was afraid the French would
take away his bark. We passed by Scuda, a small island (where it
is said Sir Francis Drake's bowels were buried) and came to a
small river to westward of Chagre; where we took two new canoes,
and carried them with us into the Samballoes. We had the wind at
west, with much rain; which brought us to Point Samballas. Here
Captain Wright and Captain Yankes left us in the tartane to fix
the canoes, while they went on the coast of Cartagena to seek for
provision. We cruised in among the islands, and kept our Moskito
men, or strikers-out, who brought aboard some half-grown
tortoise; and some of us went ashore every day to hunt for what
we could find in the woods: sometimes we got peccary, warree or
deer; at other times we light on a drove of large fat monkeys, or
quames, curassows (each a large sort of fowl) pigeons, parrots,
or turtle-doves. We lived very well on what we got, not staying
long in one place; but sometimes we would go on the islands,
where there grow great groves of sapadilloes, which is a sort of
fruit much like a pear, but more juicy; and under those trees we
found plenty of soldiers, a little kind of animals that live in
shells and have two great claws like a crab, and are good food.
One time our men found a great many large ones, and being
sharp-set had them dressed, but most of them were very sick
afterwards, being poisoned by them: for on this island were many
manchaneel-trees, whose fruit is like a small crab, and smells
very well, but they are not wholesome; and we commonly take care
of meddling with any animals that eat them. And this we take for
a general rule; when we find any fruits that we have not seen
before, if we see them pecked by birds, we may freely eat, but if
we see no such sign we let them alone; for of this fruit no birds
will taste. Many of these islands have of these manchaneel trees
growing on them.
Thus, cruising in among these islands, at length we came again
to La Sound's Key; and the day before having met with a Jamaica
sloop that was come over on the coast to trade, she went with us.
It was in the evening when we came to an anchor, and the next
morning we fired two guns for the Indians that lived on the Main
to come aboard; for by this time we concluded we should hear from
our five men that we left in the heart of the country among the
Indians, this being about the latter end of August, and it was
the beginning of May when we parted from them. According to our
expectations the Indians came aboard and brought our friends with
them: Mr. Wafer wore a clout about him, and was painted like an
Indian; and he was some time aboard before I knew him. One of
them, named Richard Cobson, died within three or four days after,
and was buried on La Sound's Key.
After this we went to other keys, to the eastward of these, to
meet Captain Wright and Captain Yankes, who met with a fleet of
periagos laden with Indian corn, hog and fowls, going to
Cartagena; being convoyed by a small armadillo of two guns and
six patereroes. Her they chased ashore, and most of the periagos;
but they got two of them off, and brought them away.
THE RIVER OF DARIEN, AND THE WILD INDIANS NEAR IT; MONASTERY
OF MADRE DE POPA, RIO GRANDE, SANTA MARTA TOWN, AND THE HIGH
MOUNTAIN THERE; RIO LA HACHA TOWN, RANCHO REYS, AND PEARL FISHERY
THERE; THE INDIAN INHABITANTS AND COUNTRY.
Here Captain Wright's and Captain Yankes's barks were cleaned;
and we stocked ourselves with corn, and then went towards the
coast of Cartagena. In our way thither we passed by the river of
Darien; which is very broad at the mouth, but not above 6 foot
water on a spring-tide; for the tide rises but little here.
Captain Coxon, about 6 months before we came out of the South
Seas, went up this river with a party of men: every man carried a
small strong bag to put his gold in; expecting great riches
there, though they got little or none. They rowed up about 100
leagues before they came to any settlement, and then found some
Spaniards, who lived there to truck with the Indians for gold;
there being gold scales in every house. The Spaniards admired how
they came so far from the mouth of the river, because there are a
sort of Indians living between that place and the sea who are
very dreadful to the Spaniards, and will not have any commerce
with them, nor with any white people. They use trunks about 8
foot long, out of which they blow poisoned darts; and are so
silent in their attacks on their enemies, and retreat so nimbly
again, that the Spaniards can never find them. Their darts are
made of macaw-wood, being about the bigness and length of a
knitting-needle; one end is wound about with cotton, the other
end is extraordinary sharp and small; and is jagged with notches
like a harpoon: so that whatever it strikes into it immediately
breaks off by the weight of the biggest end; which it is not of
strength to bear (it being made so slender for that purpose) and
is very difficult to be got out again by reason of those notches.
These Indians have always war with our Darien friendly Indians,
and live on both sides this great river 50 or 60 leagues from the
sea, but not near the mouth of the river. There are abundance of
manatee in this river, and some creeks belonging to it. This
relation I had from several men who accompanied Captain Coxon in
that discovery; and from Mr. Cook in particular, who was with
them, and is a very intelligent person: he is now chief mate of a
ship bound to Guinea. To return therefore to the prosecution of
our voyage: meeting with nothing of note, we passed by Cartagena;
which is a city so well known that I shall say nothing of it. We
sailed by in sight of it, for it lies open to the sea: and had a
fair view of Madre de Popa, or Nuestra Senora de Popa, a
monastery of the Virgin Mary, standing on the top of a very steep
hill just behind Cartagena. It is a place of incredible wealth,
by reason of the offerings made here continually; and for this
reason often in danger of being visited by the privateers, did
not the neighbourhood of Cartagena keep them in awe. It is in
short the very Loreto of the West Indies: it has innumerable
miracles related of it. Any misfortune that befalls the
privateers is attributed to this lady's doing; and the Spaniards
report that she was abroard that night the Oxford man-of-war was
blown up at the isle of Vacca near Hispaniola, and that she came
home all wet; as belike she often returns with her clothes dirty
and torn with passing through woods and bad ways when she has
been out upon any expedition; deserving doubtless a new suit for
such eminent pieces of service.
From hence we passed on to the Rio Grande, where we took up
fresh water at sea, a league off the mouth of that river. From
thence we sailed eastwards passing by Santa Marta, a large town
and good harbour belonging to the Spaniards: yet has it within
these few years been twice taken by the privateers. It stands
close upon the sea, and the hill within land is a very large one,
towering up a great height from a vast body of land. I am of
opinion that it is higher than the Pike of Tenerife; others also
that have seen both think the same; though its bigness makes its
height less sensible. I have seen it in passing by, 30 leagues
off at sea; others, as they told me, above 60: and several have
told me that they have seen at once Jamaica, Hispaniola, and the
high land of Santa Marta; and yet the nearest of these two places
is distant from it 120 leagues; and Jamaica, which is farthest
off, is accounted near 150 leagues; and I question whether any
land on either of those two islands may be seen 50 leagues. Its
head is generally hid in the clouds; but in clear weather, when
the top appears, it looks white; supposed to be covered with
snow. Santa Marta lies in the latitude of 12 degrees north.
Being advanced 5 or 6 leagues to the eastward of Santa Marta,
we left our ships at anchor and returned back in our canoes to
the Rio Grande; entering it by a mouth of it that disembogues
itself near Santa Marta: purposing to attempt some towns that lie
a pretty way up that river. But, this design meeting with
discouragements, we returned to our ships and set sail to the Rio
la Hacha. This has been a strong Spanish town, and is well built;
but being often taken by the privateers the Spaniards deserted it
some time before our arrival. It lies to the westward of a river;
and right against the town is a good road for ships, the bottom
clean and sandy. The Jamaica sloops used often to come over to
trade here: and I am informed that the Spaniards have again
settled themselves in it, and made it very strong. We entered the
fort and brought two small guns aboard. From thence we went to
the Rancho Reys, one or two small Indian villages where the
Spaniards keep two barks to fish for pearl. The pearl-banks lie
about 4 or 5 leagues off from the shore, as I have been told;
thither the fishing barks go and anchor; then the divers go down
to the bottom and fill a basket (which is let down before) with
oysters; and when they come up others go down, two at a time;
this they do till the bark is full, and then go ashore, where the
old men, women, and children of the Indians open the oysters,
there being a Spanish overseer to look after the pearl. Yet these
Indians do very often secure the best pearl for themselves, as
many Jamaica men can testify who daily trade with them. The meat
they string up, and hang it a-drying. At this place we went
ashore, where we found one of the barks, and saw great heaps of
oyster-shells, but the people all fled: yet in another place,
between this and Rio La Receba, we took some of the Indians, who
seem to be a stubborn sort of people: they are long-visaged,
black hair, their noses somewhat rising in the middle, and of a
stern look. The Spaniards report them to be a very numerous
nation; and that they will not subject themselves to their yoke.
Yet they have Spanish priests among them; and by trading have
brought them to be somewhat sociable; but cannot keep a severe
hand over them. The land is but barren, it being of a light sand
near the sea, and most savannah, or champaign; and the grass but
thin and coarse, yet they feed plenty of cattle. Every man knows
his own and looks after them; but the land is in common, except
only their houses or small plantations where they live, which
every man maintains with some fence about it. They may remove
from one place to another as they please, no man having right to
any land but what he possesses. This part of the country is not
so subject to rain as to the westward of Santa Marta; yet here
are tornadoes, or thundershowers; but neither so violent as on
the coast of Portobello, nor so frequent. The westerly winds in
the westerly-wind season blow here, though not so strong nor
lasting as on the coasts of Cartagena and Portobello.
When we had spent some time here we returned again towards the
coast of Cartagena; and, being between Rio Grande and that place,
we met with westerly winds, which kept us still to the eastward
of Cartagena 3 or 4 days; and then in the morning we descried a
sail off at sea, and we chased her at noon: Captain Wright, who
sailed best, came up with her, and engaged her; and in half an
hour after Captain Yankes, who sailed better than the tartane
(the vessel that I was in) came up with her likewise, and laid
her aboard, then Captain Wright also; and they took her before we
came up. They lost 2 or 3 men, and had 7 or 8 wounded. The prize
was a ship of 12 guns and 40 men, who had all good small arms.
She was laden with sugar and tobacco, and 8 or 10 tuns of
marmalett on board: she came from St. Jago on Cuba, and was bound
to Cartagena.
We went back with her to Rio Grande to fix our rigging which
was shattered in the fight, and to consider what to do with her;
for these were commodities of little use to us, and not worth
going into a port with. At the Rio Grande Captain Wright demanded
the prize as his due by virtue of his commission: Captain Yankes
said it was his due by the law of privateers. Indeed Captain
Wright had the most right to her, having by his commission
protected Captain Yankes from the French, who would have turned
him out because he had no commission; and he likewise began to
engage her first. But the company were all afraid that Captain
Wright would presently carry her into a port; therefore most of
Captain Wright's men stuck to Captain Yankes, and Captain Wright
losing his prize burned his own bark, and had Captain Yankes's,
it being bigger than his own; the tartane was sold to a Jamaica
trader, and Captain Yankes commanded the prize-ship. We went
again from hence to Rio la Hacha, and set the prisoners ashore;
and it being now the beginning of November we concluded to go to
Curacao to sell our sugar, if favoured by westerly winds, which
were now come in.
DUTCH ISLE OF CURACAO, ETC.
We sailed from thence, having fair weather and winds to our
mind, which brought us to Curacao, a Dutch island. Captain Wright
went ashore to the governor, and offered him the sale of the
sugar: but the governor told him he had a great trade with the
Spaniards, therefore he could not admit us in there; but if we
could go to St. Thomas, which is an island and free port
belonging to the Danes, and a sanctuary for privateers, he would
send a sloop with such goods as we wanted, and money to buy the
sugar, which he would take at a certain rate; but it was not
agreed to.
Curacao is the only island of importance that the Dutch have
in the West Indies. It is about 5 leagues in length, and may be 9
or 10 in circumference: the northermost point is laid down in
north latitude 12 degrees 40 minutes, and it is about 7 or 8
leagues from the main, near Cape Roman. On the south side of the
east end is a good harbour called Santa Barbara; but the chiefest
harbour is about 3 leagues from the south-east end, on the south
side of it where the Dutch have a very good town and a very
strong fort. Ships bound in thither must be sure to keep close to
the harbour's mouth, and have a hawser or rope ready to send one
end ashore to the fort: for there is no anchoring at the entrance
of the harbour, and the current always sets to the westward. But
being got in, it is a very secure port for ships, either to
careen or lie safe. At the east end are two hills, one of them is
much higher than the other, and steepest towards the north side.
The rest of the island is indifferent level; where of late some
rich men have made sugar-works; which formerly was all pasture
for cattle: there are also some small plantations of potatoes and
yams, and they have still a great many cattle on the island; but
it is not so much esteemed for its produce as for its situation
for the trade with the Spaniard. Formerly the harbour was never
without ships from Cartagena and Portobello that did use to buy
of the Dutch 1000 or 1500 Negroes at once, besides great
quantities of European commodities; but of late that trade is
fallen into the hands of the English at Jamaica: yet still the
Dutch have a vast trade over all the West Indies, sending from
Holland ships of good force laden with European goods, whereby
they make very profitable returns. The Dutch have two other
islands here, but of little moment in comparison of Curacao; the
one lies 7 or 8 leagues to the westward of Curacao, called Aruba;
the other 9 or 10 leagues to the eastward of it, called Bonaire.
From these islands the Dutch fetch in sloops provision for
Curacao to maintain their garrison and Negroes. I was never at
Aruba, therefore cannot say anything of it as to my own
knowledge; but by report it is much like Bonaire, which I shall
describe, only not so big. Between Curacao and Bonaire is a small
island called Little Curacao, it is not above a league from Great
Curacao. The king of France has long had an eye on Curacao and
made some attempts to take it, but never yet succeeded. I have
heard that about 23 or 24 years since the governor had sold it to
the French, but died a small time before the fleet came to demand
it, and by his death that design failed.
COUNT D'ESTREE'S UNFORTUNATE EXPEDITION THITHER.
Afterwards, in the year 1678, the Count D'Estree, who a year
before had taken the isle of Tobago from the Dutch, was sent
thither also with a squadron of stout ships, very well manned,
and fitted with bombs and carcasses; intending to take it by
storm. This fleet first came to Martinique; where, while they
stayed, orders were sent to Petit Guavres for all privateers to
repair thither and assist the count in his design. There were but
two privateers' ships that went thither to him, which were manned
partly with French, partly with Englishmen. These set out with
the count; but in their way to Curacao the whole fleet was lost
on a reef, or ridge of rocks, that runs off from the isle of
Aves; not above two ships escaping, one of which was one of the
privateers; and so that design perished.
ISLE OF BONAIRE.
Wherefore, not driving a bargain for our sugar with the
governor of Curacao, we went from thence to Bonaire, another
Dutch island, where we met a Dutch sloop come from Europe, laden
with Irish beef; which we bought in exchange for some of our
sugar.
Bonaire is the eastermost of the Dutch islands, and is the
largest of the three, though not the most considerable. The
middle of the island is laid down in latitude 12 degrees 16
minutes. It is about 20 leagues from the Main, and 9 or 10 from
Curacao, and is accounted 16 or 17 leagues round. The road is on
the south-west side, near the middle of the island; where there
is a pretty deep bay runs in. Ships that come from the eastward
luff up close to the eastern shore: and let go their anchor in 60
fathom water, within half a cable's length of the shore. But at
the same time they must be ready with a boat to carry a hawser or
rope, and make it fast ashore; otherwise, when the land-wind
comes in the night, the ship would drive off to sea again; for
the ground is so steep that no anchor can hold if once it starts.
About half a mile to the westward of this anchoring-place there
is a small low island, and a channel between it and the main
island.
The houses are about half a mile within land, right in the
road: there is a governor lives here, a Deputy to the governor of
Curacao, and 7 or 8 soldiers, with 5 or 6 families of Indians.
There is no fort; and the soldiers in peaceable times have little
to do but to eat and sleep, for they never watch but in time of
war. The Indians are husbandmen, and plant maize and guinea-corn,
and some yams, and potatoes: but their chiefest business is about
cattle: for this island is plentifully stocked with goats: and
they send great quantities every year in salt to Curacao. There
are some horses, and bulls and cows; but I never saw any sheep,
though I have been all over the island. The south side is plain
low land, and there are several sorts of trees, but none very
large. There is a small spring of water by the houses, which
serves the inhabitants, though it is blackish. At the west end of
the island there is a good spring of fresh water, and three or
four Indian families live there, but no water nor houses at any
other place. On the south side near the east end is a good salt
pond where Dutch sloops come for salt.
ISLE OF AVES, THE BOOBY AND MAN-OF-WAR-BIRD.
From Bonaire we went to the isle of Aves, or Birds; so called
from its great plenty of birds, as men-of-war and boobies; but
especially boobies. The booby is a waterfowl, somewhat less than
a hen, of a light grayish colour. I observed the boobies of this
island to be whiter than others. This bird has a strong bill,
longer and bigger than a crow's and broader at the end: her feet
are flat like a duck's feet. It is a very simple creature and
will hardly go out of a man's way. In other places they build
their nests on the ground, but here they build on trees; which I
never saw anywhere else; though I have seen of them in a great
many places. Their flesh is black and eats fishy, but are often
eaten by the privateers. Their numbers have been much lessened by
the French fleet which was lost here, as I shall give an
account.
The man-of-war (as it is called by the English) is about the
bigness of a kite, and in shape like it, but black; and the neck
is red. It lives on fish, yet never lights on the water, but
soars aloft like a kite, and when it sees its prey it flies down
head foremost to the water's edge very swiftly, takes its prey
out of the sea with its bill, and immediately mounts again as
swiftly, and never touching the water with his bill. His wings
are very long; his feet are like other land-fowl, and he builds
on trees where he finds any; but where they are wanting, on the
ground.
This island Aves lies about 8 or 9 leagues to the eastward of
the island Bonaire, about 14 or 15 leagues from the Main, and
about the latitude of 11 degrees 45 minutes north. It is but
small, not above four mile in length, and towards the east end
not half a mile broad. On the north side it is low land, commonly
overflown with the tide; but on the south side there is a great
rocky bank of coral thrown up by the sea. The west end is, for
near a mile space, plain even savannah land, without any trees.
There are 2 or 3 wells dug by privateers, who often frequent this
island, because there is a good harbour about the middle of it on
the north side where they may conveniently careen. The reef or
bank of rocks on which the French fleet was lost, as I mentioned
above, runs along from the east end to the northward about 3
mile, then trends away to the westward, making as it were a half
moon. This reef breaks off all the sea, and there is good riding
in even sandy ground to the westward of it. There are 2 or 3
small low sandy keys or islands within this reef, about 3 miles
from the main island.
THE WRECK OF D'ESTREE'S FLEET, AND CAPTAIN PAIN'S ADVENTURE
HERE.
The Count d'Estree lost his fleet here in this manner. Coming
from the eastward, he fell in on the back of the reef, and fired
guns to give warning to the rest of his fleet: but they supposing
their admiral was engaged with enemies, hoisted up their
topsails, and crowded all the sails they could make, and ran full
sail ashore after him; all within half a mile of each other. For
his light being in the main-top was an unhappy beacon for them to
follow; and there escaped but one king's ship and one privateer.
The ships continued whole all day, and the men had time enough,
most of them, to get ashore, yet many perished in the wreck; and
many of those that got safe on the island, for want of being
accustomed to such hardships, died like rotten sheep. But the
privateers who had been used to such accidents lived merrily,
from whom I had this relation: and they told me that if they had
gone to Jamaica with 30 pounds a man in their pockets, they could
not have enjoyed themselves more: for they kept in a gang by
themselves, and watched when the ships broke, to get the goods
that came from them, and though much was staved against the
rocks, yet abundance of wine and brandy floated over the reef,
where the privateers waited to take it up. They lived here about
three weeks, waiting an opportunity to transport themselves back
again to Hispaniola; in all which time they were never without
two or three hogsheads of wine and brandy in their tents, and
barrels of beef and pork; which they could live on without bread
well enough, though the newcomers out of France could not. There
were about forty Frenchmen on board in one of the ships where
there was good store of liquor, till the after-part of her broke
away and floated over the reef, and was carried away to sea, with
all the men drinking and singing, who being in drink, did not
mind the danger, but were never heard of afterwards.
In a short time after this great shipwreck Captain Pain,
commander of a privateer of six guns, had a pleasant accident
befall him at this island. He came hither to careen, intending to
fit himself very well; for here lay driven on the island masts,
yards, timbers, and many things that he wanted, therefore he
hauled into the harbour, close to the island, and unrigged his
ship. Before he had done a Dutch ship of twenty guns was sent
from Curacao to take up the guns that were lost on the reef: but
seeing a ship in the harbour, and knowing her to be a French
privateer, they thought to take her first, and came within a mile
of her, and began to fire at her, intending to warp in the next
day, for it is very narrow going in. Captain Pain got ashore some
of his guns, and did what he could to resist them; though he did
in a manner conclude he must be taken. But while his men were
thus busied he spied a Dutch sloop turning to get into the road,
and saw her at the evening anchor at the west end of the island.
This gave him some hope of making his escape; which he did by
sending two canoes in the night aboard the sloop, who took her,
and got considerable purchase in her; and he went away in her,
making a good reprisal and leaving his own empty ship to the
Dutch man-of-war.
LITTLE ISLE OF AVES.
There is another island to the eastward of the isle of Aves
about four league, called by privateers the little isle of Aves,
which is overgrown with mangrove-trees. I have seen it but was
never on it. There are no inhabitants that I could learn on
either of these islands, but boobies and a few other birds.
Whilst we were at the isle of Aves we careened Captain
Wright's bark and scrubbed the sugar-prize, and got two guns out
of the wrecks; continuing here till the beginning of February
1681/2.
We went from hence to the isles Los Roques to careen the
sugar-prize, which the isle of Aves was not a place so convenient
for. Accordingly we hauled close to one of the small islands and
got our guns ashore the first thing we did, and built a
breast-work on the point, and planted all our guns there to
hinder an enemy from coming to us while we lay on the careen:
then we made a house and covered it with our sails to put our
goods and provisions in. While we lay here, a French man-of-war
of 36 guns came through the keys or little islands; to whom we
sold about 10 tun of sugar. I was aboard twice or thrice, and
very kindly welcomed both by the captain and his lieutenant, who
was a cavalier of Malta; and they both offered me great
encouragement in France if I would go with them; but I ever
designed to continue with those of my own nation.
THE ISLES LOS ROQUES, THE NODDY AND TROPIC-BIRD, MINERAL
WATER, EGG-BIRDS; THE MANGROVE-TREES, BLACK, RED, AND WHITE, ISLE
OF TORTUGA, ITS SALT PONDS.
The islands Los Roques are a parcel of small uninhabited
islands lying about the latitude of 11 degrees 40 minutes about
15 or 16 leagues from the Main, and about 20 leagues north-west
by west from Tortuga, and 6 or 7 leagues to the westward of
Orchilla, another island lying about the same distance from the
Main; which island I have seen, but was never at it. Los Roques
stretch themselves east and west about 5 leagues, and their
breadth about 3 leagues. The northernmost of these islands is the
most remarkable by reason of a high white rocky hill at the west
end of it, which may be seen a great way; and on it there are
abundance of tropic-birds, men-of-war, booby and noddies, which
breed there. The booby and man-of-war I have described already.
The noddy is a small black bird, about the bigness of the English
blackbird, and indifferent good meat. They build in rocks. We
never find them far off from shore. I have seen of them in other
places, but never saw any of their nests but in this island,
where there is great plenty of them. The tropic-bird is as big as
a pigeon but round and plump like a partridge. They are all
white, except two or three feathers in each wing of a light grey.
Their bills are of a yellowish colour, thick and short. They have
one long feather, or rather a quill about 7 inches long, grows
out at the rump, which is all the tail they have. They are never
seen far without either Tropic, for which reason they are called
tropic-birds. They are very good food, and we meet with them a
great way at sea, and I never saw of them anywhere but at sea and
in this island, where they build and are found in great
plenty.
By the sea on the south side of that high hill there's fresh
water comes out of the rocks, but so slowly that it yield not
above 40 gallons in 24 hours, and it tastes so copperish, or
aluminous rather, and rough in the mouth, that it seems very
unpleasant at first drinking: but after two or three days any
water will seem to have no taste.
The middle of this island is low plain land, overgrown with
long grass, where there are multitudes of small grey fowls no
bigger than a blackbird, yet lay eggs bigger than a magpie's; and
they are therefore by privateers called egg-birds. The east end
of the island is overgrown with black mangrove-trees.
There are three sorts of mangrove-trees, black, red and white.
The black mangrove is the largest tree; the body about as big as
an oak, and about 20 feet high. It is very hard and serviceable
timber, but extraordinary heavy, therefore not much made use of
for building. The red mangrove grows commonly by the seaside, or
by rivers or creeks. The body is not so big as that of the black
mangrove, but always grows out of many roots about the bigness of
a man's leg, some bigger some less, which at about 6, 8, or 10
foot above the ground join into one trunk or body that seems to
be supported by so many artificial stakes. Where this sort of
tree grows it is impossible to march by reason of these stakes,
which grow so mixed one amongst another that I have, when forced
to go through them, gone half a mile, and never set my foot on
the ground, stepping from root to root. The timber is hard and
good for many uses. The inside of the bark is red, and it is used
for tanning of leather very much all over the West Indies. The
white mangrove never grows so big as the other two sorts, neither
is it of any great use: of the young trees privateers use to make
loom, or handles for their oars, for it is commonly straight, but
not very strong, which is the fault of them. Neither the black
nor white mangrove grow towering up from stilts or rising roots
as the red does; but the body immediately out of the ground, like
other trees.
The land of this east end is light sand which is sometimes
overflown with the sea at spring tides. The road for ships is on
the south side against the middle of the island. The rest of the
islands of Los Roques are low. The next to this on the south side
is but small, flat, and even, without trees, bearing only grass.
On the south side of it is a pond of brackish water which
sometimes privateers use instead of better; there is likewise
good riding by it. About a league from this are two other
islands, not 200 yards distant from each other; yet a deep
channel for ships to pass through. They are both overgrown with
red mangrove-trees; which trees, above any of the mangroves, do
flourish best in wet drowned land, such as these two islands are;
only the east point of the westermost island is dry sand, without
tree or bush. On this point we careened, lying on the south side
of it.
The other islands are low, and have red mangroves and other
trees on them. Here also ships may ride, but no such place for
careening as where we lay, because at that place ships may haul
close to the shore; and, if they had but four guns on the point,
may secure the channel, and hinder any enemy from coming near
them. I observed that within among the islands was good riding in
many places, but not without the islands, except to the westward
or south-west of them. For on the east or north-east of these
islands the common trade-wind blows, and makes a great sea: and
to the southward of them there is no ground under 70, or 80, or
100 fathom, close by the land.
After we had filled what water we could from hence we set out
again in April 1682 and came to Salt Tortuga, so called to
distinguish it from the shoals of Dry Tortugas, near Cape
Florida, and from the isle of Tortugas by Hispaniola, which was
called formerly French Tortugas; though, not having heard any
mention of that name a great while, I am apt to think it is
swallowed up in that of Petit Guavres, the chief garrison the
French have in those parts. This island we arrived at is pretty
large, uninhabited, and abounds with salt. It is in latitude 11
degrees north, and lies west and a little northerly from
Margarita, an island inhabited by the Spaniards, strong and
wealthy; it is distant from it about 14 leagues, and 17 or 18
from Cape Blanco on the Main: a ship being within these islands a
little to the southward may see at once the Main, Magarita and
Tortuga when it is clear weather. The east end of Tortuga is full
of rugged, bare, broken rocks which stretch themselves a little
way out to sea. At the south-east part is an indifferent good
road for ships, much frequented in peaceable times by
merchant-ships that come thither to lade salt in the months of
May, June, July, and August. For at the east end is a large salt
pond, within 200 paces of the sea. The salt begins to kern or
grain in April, except it is a dry season; for it is observed
that rain makes the salt kern. I have seen above 20 sail at a
time in this road come to lade salt; and these ships coming from
some of the Caribbean Islands are always well stored with rum,
sugar and lime-juice to make punch, to hearten their men when
they are at work, getting and bringing aboard the salt; and they
commonly provide the more, in hopes to meet with privateers who
resort hither in the aforesaid months purposely to keep a
Christmas, as they call it; being sure to meet with liquor enough
to be merry with, and are very liberal to those that treat them.
Near the west end of the island, on the south side, there is a
small harbour and some fresh water: that end of the island is
full of shrubby trees, but the east end is rocky and barren as to
trees, producing only coarse grass. There are some goats on it,
but not many; and turtle or tortoise come upon the sandy bays to
lay their eggs, and from thence the island has its name. There is
no riding anywhere but in the roads where the salt ponds are, or
in the harbour.
ISLE OF BLANCO; THE IGUANA ANIMAL, THEIR VARIETY; AND THE BEST
SEA-TORTOISE.
At this isle we thought to have sold our sugar among the
English ships that come hither for salt; but, failing there, we
designed for Trinidad, an island near the Main, inhabited by the
Spaniards, tolerably strong and wealthy; but, the current and
easterly winds hindering us, we passed through between Margarita
and the Main, and went to Blanco, a pretty large island almost
north of Margarita; about 30 leagues from the Main, and in 11
degrees 50 minutes north latitude. It is a flat, even, low,
uninhabited island, dry and healthy: most savannah of long grass,
and has some trees of lignum-vitae growing in spots, with shrubby
bushes of other wood about them. It is plentifully stored with
iguanas, which are an animal like a lizard, but much bigger. The
body is as big as the small of a man's leg, and from the
hindquarter the tail grows tapering to the end, which is very
small. If a man takes hold of the tail, except very near the
hindquarter, it will part and break off in one of the joints, and
the iguana will get away. They lay eggs, as most of those
amphibious creatures do, and are very good to eat. Their flesh is
much esteemed by privateers, who commonly dress them for their
sick men; for they make very good broth. They are of divers
colours, as almost black, dark brown, light brown, dark green,
light green, yellow and speckled. They all live as well in the
water as on land, and some of them are constantly in the water,
and among rocks: these are commonly black. Others that live in
swampy wet ground are commonly on bushes and trees, these are
green. But such as live in dry ground, as here at Blanco, are
commonly yellow; yet these also will live in the water, and are
sometimes on trees. The road is on the north-west end against a
small cove, or little sandy bay. There is no riding anywhere
else, for it is deep water, and steep close to the land. There is
one small spring on the west side, and there are sandy bays round
the island, where turtle or tortoise come up in great abundance,
going ashore in the night. These that frequent this island are
called green turtle, and they are the best of that sort, both for
largeness and sweetness of any in all the West Indies. I would
here give a particular description of these and other sorts of
turtle in these seas; but because I shall have occasion to
mention some other sort of turtle when I come again into the
South Seas, that are very different from all these, I shall there
give a general account of all these several sorts at once, that
the difference between them may be the better discerned. Some of
our modern descriptions speak of goats on this island. I know not
what there may have been formerly, but there are none now to my
certain knowledge; for myself, and many more of our crew, have
been all over it.
MODERN ALTERATIONS IN THE WEST INDIES.
Indeed these parts have undergone great changes in this last
age, as well in places themselves as in their owners, and
commodities of them; particularly Nombre de Dios, a city once
famous, and which still retains a considerable name in some late
accounts, is now nothing but a name. For I have lain ashore in
the place where that city stood; but it is all overgrown with
wood, so as to leave no sign that any town has been there.
THE COAST OF CARACAS, ITS REMARKABLE LAND, AND PRODUCT OF THE
BEST COCOA-NUTS.
We stayed at the isle of Blanco not above ten days, and then
went back to Salt Tortuga again, where Captain Yankes parted with
us: and from thence, after about four days, all which time our
men were drunk and quarrelling, we in Captain Wright's ship went
to the coast of Caracas on the mainland. This coast is upon
several accounts very remarkable: it is a continued tract of high
ridges of hills and small valleys intermixed for about 20
leagues, stretching east and west but in such manner that the
ridges of hills and the valleys alternately run pointing upon the
shore from south to north: the valleys are some of them about 4
or 5, others not above 1 or 2 furlongs wide, and in length from
the sea scarce any of them above 4 or 5 mile at most; there being
a long ridge of mountains at that distance from the sea-coast,
and in a manner parallel to it, that joins those shorter ridges,
and closes up the south end of the valleys, which at the north
ends of them lie open to the sea, and make so many little sandy
bays that are the only landing-places on the coast. Both the main
ridge and these shorter ribs are very high land, so that 3 or 4
leagues off at sea the valleys scarce appear to the eye, but all
look like one great mountain. From the isles of Los Roques about
15, and from the isle of Aves about 20 leagues off, we see this
coast very plain from on board our ships, yet when at anchor on
this coast we cannot see those Isles; though again from the tops
of these hills they appear as if at no great distance, like so
many hillocks in a pond. These hills are barren, except the lower
sides of them that are covered with some of the same rich black
mould that fills the valleys, and is as good as I have seen. In
some of the valleys there's a strong red clay, but in the general
they are extremely fertile, well-watered, and inhabited by
Spaniards and their Negroes. They have maize and plantains for
their support, with Indian fowls and some hogs.
THE COCOA DESCRIBED AT LARGE, WITH THE HUSBANDRY OF IT.
But the main product of these valleys, and indeed the only
commodity it vends, are the cocoa-nuts, of which the chocolate is
made. The cocoa-tree grows nowhere in the North Seas but in the
Bay of Campeachy, on Costa Rica, between Portobello and
Nicaragua, chiefly up Carpenter's River; and on this coast as
high as the isle of Trinidad. In the South Seas it grows in the
river of Guayaquil, a little to the southward of the Line, and in
the valley of Colima, on the south side of the continent of
Mexico; both which places I shall hereafter describe. Besides
these I am confident there's no places in the world where the
cocoa grows, except those in Jamaica, of which there are now but
few remaining, of many and large walks or plantations of them
found there by the English at their first arrival, and since
planted by them; and even these, though there is a great deal of
pains and care bestowed on them, yet seldom come to anything,
being generally blighted. The nuts of this coast of Caracas,
though less than those of Costa Rica, which are large flat nuts,
yet are better and fatter, in my opinion, being so very oily that
we are forced to use water in rubbing them up; and the Spaniards
that live here, instead of parching them to get off the shell
before they pound or rub them to make chocolate, do in a manner
burn them to dry up the oil; for else, they say, it would fill
them too full of blood, drinking chocolate as they do five or six
times a day. My worthy consort Mr. Ringrose commends most the
Guayaquil nut; I presume because he had little knowledge of the
rest; for, being intimately acquainted with him, I know the
course of his travels and experience: but I am persuaded, had he
known the rest so well as I pretend to have done, who have at
several times been long used to, and in a manner lived upon all
the several sorts of them above mentioned, he would prefer the
Caracas nuts before any other; yet possibly the drying up of
these nuts so much by the Spaniards here, as I said, may lessen
their esteem with those Europeans that use their chocolate ready
rubbed up: so that we always chose to make it up ourselves.
The cocoa-tree has a body about a foot and a half thick (the
largest sort) and 7 or 8 foot high, to the branches, which are
large and spreading like an oak, with a pretty thick, smooth,
dark green leaf, shaped like that of a plum-tree, but larger. The
nuts are enclosed in cods as big as both a man's fists put
together: at the broad end of which there is a small, tough,
limber stalk, by which they hang pendulous from the body of the
tree, in all parts of it from top to bottom, scattered at
irregular distances, and from the greater branches a little way
up; especially at the joints of them or partings, where they hang
thickest, but never on the smaller boughs. There may be
ordinarily about 20 or 30 of these cods upon a well-bearing tree;
and they have two crops of them in a year, one in December, but
the best in June. The cod itself or shell is almost half an inch
thick; neither spongy nor woody, but of a substance between both,
brittle, yet harder than the rind of a lemon; like which its
surface is grained or knobbed, but more coarse and unequal. The
cods at first are of a dark green, but the side of them next the
sun of a muddy red. As they grow ripe, the green turns to a fine
bright yellow, and the muddy to a more lively, beautiful red,
very pleasant to the eye. They neither ripen nor are gathered at
once: but for three weeks or a month when the season is the
overseers of the plantations go every day about to see which are
turned yellow; cutting at once, it may be, not above one from a
tree. The cods thus gathered they lay in several heaps to sweat,
and then, bursting the shell with their hands, they pull out the
nuts which are the only substance they contain, having no stalk
or pith among them, and (excepting that these nuts lie in regular
rows) are placed like the grains of maize, but sticking together,
and so closely stowed that, after they have been once separated,
it would be hard to place them again in so narrow a compass.
There are generally near 100 nuts in a cod; in proportion to the
greatness of which, for it varies, the nuts are bigger or less.
When taken out they dry them in the sun upon mats spread on the
ground: after which they need no more care, having a thin hard
skin of their own, and much oil, which preserves them. Salt water
will not hurt them; for we had our bags rotten, lying in the
bottom of our ship, and yet the nuts never the worse. They raise
the young trees of nuts set with the great end downward in fine
black mould, and in the same places where they are to bear; which
they do in 4 or 5 years' time, without the trouble of
transplanting. There are ordinarily of these trees from 500 to
2000 and upward in a plantation or cocoa-walk, as they call them;
and they shelter the young trees from the weather with plantains
set about them for two or three years; destroying all the
plantains by such time the cocoa-trees are of a pretty good body
and able to endure the heat; which I take to be the most
pernicious to them of anything; for, though these valleys lie
open to the north winds, unless a little sheltered here and there
by some groves of plantain-trees, which are purposely set near
the shores of the several bays, yet, by all that I could either
observe or learn, the cocoas in this country are never blighted,
as I have often known them to be in other places. Cocoa-nuts are
used as money in the Bay of Campeachy.
CITY OF CARACAS.
The chief town of this country is called Caracas; a good way
within land, it is a large wealthy place, where live most of the
owners of these cocoa-walks that are in the valleys by the shore;
the plantations being managed by overseers and Negroes. It is in
a large savannah country that abounds with cattle; and a Spaniard
of my acquaintance, a very sensible man who has been there, tells
me that it is very populous, and he judges it to be three times
as big as Corunna in Galicia. The way to it is very steep and
craggy, over that ridge of hills which I say closes up the
valleys and partition hills of the cocoa coast.
LA GUAIRE FORT AND HAVEN.
In this coast itself the chief place is La Guaira, a good town
close by the sea; and, though it has but a bad harbour, yet it is
much frequented by the Spanish shipping; for the Dutch and
English anchor in the sandy bays that lie here and there, in the
mouths of several valleys, and where there is very good riding.
The town is open, but has a strong fort; yet both were taken some
years since by Captain Wright and his privateers. It is seated
about 4 or 5 leagues to the westward of Cape Blanco, which cape
is the eastermost boundary of this coast of Caracas. Further
eastward about 20 leagues is a great lake or branch of the sea
called Laguna de Venezuela; about which are many rich towns, but
the mouth of the lake is shallow, that no ship can enter.
TOWN OF CUMANA.
Near this mouth is a place called Cumana where the privateers
were once repulsed without daring to attempt it any more, being
the only place in the North Seas they attempted in vain for many
years; and the Spaniards since throw it in their teeth
frequently, as a word of reproach or defiance to them.
VERINA, ITS FAMOUS BEST SPANISH TOBACCO.
Not far from that place is Verina, a small village and Spanish
plantation, famous for its tobacco, reputed the best in the
world.
But to return to Caracas, all this coast is subject to dry
winds, generally north-east, which caused us to have scabby lips;
and we always found it thus, and that in different seasons of the
year, for I have been on this coast several times. In other
respects it is very healthy, and a sweet clear air. The Spaniards
have lookouts or scouts on the hills, and breast-works in the
valleys, and most of their Negroes are furnished with arms also
for defence of the bays.
THE RICH TRADE OF THE COAST OF CARACAS.
The Dutch have a very profitable trade here almost to
themselves. I have known three or four great ships at a time on
the coast, each it may be of thirty or forty guns. They carry
hither all sorts of European commodities, especially linen;
making vast returns, chiefly in silver and cocoa. And I have
often wondered and regretted it that none of my own countrymen
find the way thither directly from England; for our Jamaica men
trade thither indeed, and find the sweet of it, though they carry
English commodities at second or third hand.
While we lay on this coast, we went ashore in some of the
bays, and took 7 or 8 tun of cocoa; and after that 3 barks, one
laden with hides, the second with European commodities, the third
with earthenware and brandy. With these 3 barks we went again to
the island of Los Roques, where we shared our commodities and
separated, having vessels enough to transport us all whither we
thought most convenient. Twenty of us (for we were about 60) took
one of the vessels and our share of the goods, and went directly
for Virginia.
OF THE SUCKING FISH, OR REMORA.
In our way thither we took several of the sucking-fishes: for
when we see them about the ship, we cast out a line and hook, and
they will take it with any manner of bait, whether fish or flesh.
The sucking-fish is about the bigness of a large whiting, and
much of the same make towards the tail, but the head is flatter.
From the head to the middle of its back there grows a sort of
flesh of a hard gristly substance like that of the limpet (a
shellfish tapering up pyramidically) which sticks to the rocks;
or like the head or mouth of a shell-snail, but harder. This
excrescence is of a flat and oval form, about seven or eight
inches long and five or six broad; and rising about half an inch
high. It is full of small ridges with which it will fasten itself
to anything that it meets with in the sea, just as a snail does
to a wall. When any of them happen to come about a ship they
seldom leave her, for they will feed on such filth as is daily
thrown overboard, or on mere excrements. When it is fair weather,
and but little wind, they will play about the ship; but in
blustering weather, or when the ship sails quick, they commonly
fasten themselves to the ship's bottom, from whence neither the
ship's motion, though never so swift, nor the most tempestuous
sea can remove them. They will likewise fasten themselves to any
other bigger fish; for they never swim fast themselves if they
meet with anything to carry them. I have found them sticking to a
shark after it was hauled in on the deck, though a shark is so
strong and boisterous a fish, and throws about him so vehemently
for half an hour together, it may be, when caught, that did not
the sucking-fish stick at no ordinary rate, it must needs be cast
off by so much violence. It is usual also to see them sticking to
turtle, to any old trees, planks, or the like, that lie driven at
sea. Any knobs or inequalities at a ship's bottom are a great
hindrance to the swiftness of its sailing; and 10 or 12 of these
sticking to it must needs retard it as much, in a manner, as if
its bottom were foul. So that I am inclined to think that this
fish is the remora, of which the ancients tell such stories; if
it be not I know no other that is, and I leave the reader to
judge. I have seen of these sucking-fishes in great plenty in the
Bay of Campeachy and in all the sea between that and the coast of
Caracas, as about those islands particularly I have lately
described, Los Roques, Blanco, Tortugas, etc. They have no
scales, and are very good meat.
THE AUTHOR'S ARRIVAL IN VIRGINIA.
We met nothing else worth remark in our voyage to Virginia,
where we arrived in July 1682. That country is so well known to
our nation that I shall say nothing of it, nor shall I detain the
reader with the story of my own affairs, and the trouble that
befell me during about thirteen months of my stay there; but in
the next chapter enter immediately upon my second voyage into the
South Seas, and round the globe.
Chapter IV
The Author's Voyage to the Isle of Juan Fernandez in the South Seas.
Being now entering upon the relation of a new voyage which
makes up the main body of this book, proceeding from Virginia by
the way of Tierra del Fuego, and the South Seas, the East Indies,
and so on, till my return to England by the way of the Cape of
Good Hope, I shall give my reader this short account of my first
entrance upon it. Among those who accompanied Captain Sharp into
the South Seas in our former expedition, and leaving him there,
returned overland, as is said in the Introduction and in the 1st
and 2nd chapters there was one Mr. Cook, an English native of St.
Christopher's, a Cirole, as we call all born of European parents
in the West Indies. He was a sensible man, and had been some
years a privateer. At our joining ourselves with those
privateers, we met at our coming again to the North Seas; his lot
was to be with Captain Yankes, who kept company for some
considerable time with Captain Wright, in whose ship I was, and
parted with us at our 2nd anchoring at the isle of Tortugas; as I
have said in the last chapter. After our parting, this Mr. Cook
being quartermaster under Captain Yankes, the second place in the
ship according to the law of privateers, laid claim to a ship
they took from the Spaniards; and such of Captain Yankes's men as
were so disposed, particularly all those who came with us
overland, went aboard this prize-ship under the new Captain Cook.
This distribution was made at the isle of Vacca, or the isle of
Ash, as we call it; and here they parted also such goods as they
had taken. But Captain Cook having no commission, as Captain
Yankes, Captain Tristian, and some other French commanders had,
who lay then at that island, and they grudging the English such a
vessel, they all joined together, plundered the English of their
ships, goods, and arms, and turned them ashore. Yet Captain
Tristian took in about 8 or 10 of these English, and carried them
with him to Petit Guavres: of which number Captain Cook was one,
and Captain Davis another, who with the rest found means to seize
the ship as she lay at anchor in the road, Captain Tristian and
many of his men being then ashore: and the English sending ashore
such Frenchmen as remained in the ship and were mastered by them,
though superior in number, stood away with her immediately for
the isle of Vacca before any notice of this surprise could reach
the French governor of that isle; so, deceiving him also by a
stratagem, they got on board the rest of their countrymen who had
been left on that island; and going thence they took a ship newly
come from France laden with wines. They also took a ship of good
force, in which they resolved to embark themselves, and make a
new expedition into the South Seas, to cruise on the coast of
Chile and Peru. But first they went for Virginia with their
prizes; where they arrived the April after my coming thither. The
best of their prizes carried 18 guns; this they fitted up there
with sails, and everything necessary for so long a voyage;
selling the wines they had taken for such provisions as they
wanted. Myself and those of our fellow-travellers over the
Isthmus of America who came with me to Virginia the year before
this (most of which had since made a short voyage to Carolina,
and were again returned to Virginia) resolved to join ourselves
to these new adventurers: and as many more engaged in the same
design as made our whole crew consist of about 70 men. So, having
furnished ourselves with necessary materials, and agreed upon
some particular rules, especially of temperance and sobriety, by
reason of the length of our intended voyage, we all went on board
our ship.
August 23 1683 we sailed from Achamack in Virginia under the
command of Captain Cook bound for the South Seas. I shall not
trouble the reader with an account of every day's run, but hasten
to the less known parts of the world to give a description of
them; only relating such memorable accidents as happened to us
and such places as we touched at by the way.
HE ARRIVES AT THE ISLES OF CAPE VERDE.
We met nothing worth observation till we came to the Islands
of Cape Verde, excepting a terrible storm which we could not
escape: this happened in a few days after we left Virginia; with
a south-south-east wind just in our teeth. The storm lasted above
a week: it drenched us all like so many drowned rats, and was one
of the worst storms I ever was in. One I met with in the East
Indies was more violent for the time; but of not above 24 hours
continuance.
ISLE OF SAL; ITS SALT PONDS.
After that storm we had favourable winds and good weather; and
in a short time we arrived at the island Sal, which is one of the
eastermost of the Cape Verde Islands. Of these there are 10 in
number (so considerable as to bear distinct names) and they lie
several degrees off from Cape Verde in Africa, whence they
receive that appellation; taking up about 5 degrees of longitude
in breadth, and about as many of latitude in their length,
namely, from near 14 to 19 north. They are most inhabited by
Portuguese banditti. This of Sal is an island lying in the
latitude of 16, in longitude 19 degrees 33 minutes west from the
Lizard in England, stretching from north to south about 8 or 9
leagues, and not above a league and a half or two leagues wide.
It has its name from the abundance of salt that is naturally
congealed there, the whole island being full of large salt ponds.
The land is very barren, producing no tree that I could see, but
some small shrubby bushes by the seaside. Neither could I discern
any grass; yet there are some poor goats on it.
THE FLAMINGO, AND ITS REMARKABLE NEST.
I know not whether there are any other beasts on the island:
there are some wildfowl, but I judge not many. I saw a few
flamingos, which is a sort of large fowl, much like a heron in
shape, but bigger, and of a reddish colour. They delight to keep
together in great companies, and feed in mud or ponds, or in such
places where there is not much water: they are very shy,
therefore it is hard to shoot them. Yet I have lain obscured in
the evening near a place where they resort, and with two more in
my company have killed 14 of them at once; the first shot being
made while they were standing on the ground, the other two as
they rose. They build their nests in shallow ponds where there is
much mud, which they scrape together, making little hillocks like
small islands appearing out of the water a foot and a half high
from the bottom. They make the foundation of these hillocks
broad, bringing them up tapering to the top, where they leave a
small hollow pit to lay their eggs in; and when they either lay
their eggs or hatch them they stand all the while, not on the
hillock but close by it with their legs on the ground and in the
water, resting themselves against the hillock and covering the
hollow nest upon it with their rumps: for their legs are very
long; and building thus, as they do, upon the ground, they could
neither draw their legs conveniently into their nests, nor sit
down upon them otherwise than by resting their whole bodies
there, to the prejudice of their eggs or their young, were it not
for this admirable contrivance which they have by natural
instinct. They never lay more than two eggs and seldom fewer. The
young ones cannot fly till they are almost full-grown; but will
run prodigiously fast; yet we have taken many of them. The flesh
of both young and old is lean and black, yet very good meat,
tasting neither fishy nor any way unsavoury. Their tongues are
large, having a large knob of fat at the root, which is an
excellent bit: a dish of flamingo's tongues being fit for a
prince's table.
When many of them are standing together by a pond's side,
being half a mile distant from a man, they appear to him like a
brick wall; their feathers being of the colour of new red brick:
and they commonly stand upright and single, one by one, exactly
in a row (except when feeding) and close by each other. The young
ones at first are of a light grey; and as their wing-feathers
spring out they grow darker; and never come to their right
colour, or any beautiful shape, under ten or eleven months old. I
have seen flamingoes at Rio la Hacha, and at an island lying near
the Main of America, right against Curacao, called by privateers
Flamingo Key, from the multitude of these fowls that breed there:
and I never saw of their nests and young but here.
There are not above 5 or 6 men on this island of Sal, and a
poor governor, as they called him, who came aboard in our boat,
and about 3 or 4 poor lean goats for a present to our captain,
telling him they were the best that the island did afford. The
captain, minding more the poverty of the giver than the value of
the present, gave him in requital a coat to clothe him; for he
had nothing but a few rags on his back and an old hat not worth
three farthings; which yet I believe he wore but seldom, for fear
he should want before he might get another; for he told us there
had not been a ship in 3 years before. We bought of him about 20
bushels of salt for a few old clothes: and he begged a little
powder and shot. We stayed here 3 days; in which time one of
these Portuguese offered to some of our men a lump of ambergris
in exchange for some clothes, desiring them to keep it secret,
for he said if the governor should know it he should be hanged.
At length one Mr. Coppinger bought for a small matter; yet I
believe he gave more than it was worth.
AMBERGRIS WHERE FOUND.
We had not a man in the ship that knew ambergris; but I have
since seen it in other places, and therefore am certain it was
not right. It was of a dark colour, like sheep dung, and very
soft, but of no smell, and possibly it was some of their goat's
dung. I afterwards saw some sold at the Nicobars in the East
Indies which was of a lighter colour, but very hard, neither had
it any smell; and this also I suppose was a cheat. Yet it is
certain that in both these places there is ambergris found.
I was told by one John Read, a Bristol man, that he was
apprentice to a master who traded to these islands of Cape Verde
and once as he was riding at an anchor at Fogo, another of these
islands, there was a lump of it swam by the ship, and the boat
being ashore he missed it, but knew it to be ambergris, having
taken up a lump swimming in the like manner the voyage before,
and his master having at several times bought pieces of it of the
natives of the isle of Fogo so as to enrich himself thereby. And
so at the Nicobars Englishmen have bought, as I have been
credibly informed, great quantities of very good ambergris. Yet
the inhabitants are so subtle that they will counterfeit it, both
there and here: and I have heard that in the Gulf of Florida,
whence much of it comes, the native Indians there use the same
fraud.
Upon this occasion I cannot omit to tell my reader what I
learnt from Mr. Hill the surgeon upon his showing me once a piece
of ambergris, which was thus. One Mr. Benjamin Barker, a man that
I have been long well acquainted with, and know him to be a very
diligent and observing person, and likewise very sober and
credible, told this Mr. Hill that, being in the Bay of Honduras
to procure log-wood, which grows there in great abundance, and,
passing in a canoe over to one of the islands in that bay, he
found upon the shore, on a sandy bay there, a lump of ambergris
so large that, when carried to Jamaica, he found it to weigh a
hundred pound and upwards. When he first found it it lay dry
above the mark which the sea then came to at high-water; and he
observed in it a great multitude of beetles: it was of a dusky
colour, towards black, and about the hardness of mellow cheese,
and of a very fragrant smell: this that Mr. Hill showed me, being
some of it which Mr. Barker gave him. Besides those already
mentioned, all the places where I have heard that ambergris has
been found, at Bermuda and the Bahama Islands in the West Indies,
and that part of the coast of Africa with its adjacent islands
which reaches from Mozambique to the Red Sea.
THE ISLES OF ST. NICHOLAS, MAYO, ST. JAGO, FOGO, A BURNING
MOUNTAIN; WITH THE REST OF THE ISLES OF CAPE VERDE.
We went from this Island of Sal to St. Nicholas, another of
the Cape Verde Islands lying west-south-west from Sal about 22
leagues. We arrived there the next day after we left the other,
and anchored on the south-east side of the island. This is a
pretty large island; it is one of the biggest of all the Cape
Verde, and lies in a triangular form. The longest side, which
lies to the east, is about 30 leagues long, and the other two
about 20 leagues each. It is a mountainous barren island, and
rocky all round towards the sea; yet in the heart of it there are
valleys where the Portuguese, which inhabit here, have vineyards
and plantations, and wood for fuel. Here are many goats, which
are but poor in comparison with those in other places, yet much
better than those at Sal: there are likewise many asses. The
governor of this island came aboard us with three or four
gentlemen more in his company who were all indifferently well
clothed, and accoutred with swords and pistols; but the rest that
accompanied him to the seaside, which were about twenty or thirty
men more, were but in a ragged garb. The governor brought aboard
some wine made in the island, which tasted much like Madeira
wine: it was of a pale colour, and looked thick. He told us the
chief town was in the valley fourteen mile from the bay where we
rode; that he had there under him above one hundred families,
besides other inhabitants that lived scattering in valleys more
remote. They were all very swarthy; the governor was the clearest
of them, yet of a dark tawny complexion.
At this island we scrubbed the bottom of our ship, and here
also we dug wells ashore on the bay, and filled all our water,
and after 5 or 6 days stay we went from hence to Mayo, another of
the Cape Verde Islands, lying about forty mile east and by south
from the other, arriving there the next day and anchoring on the
north-west side of the island. We sent our boat on shore,
intending to have purchased some provision, as beef or goats,
with which this island is better stocked than the rest of the
islands. But the inhabitants would not suffer our men to land;
for about a week before our arrival there came an English ship,
the men of which came ashore pretending friendship, and seized on
the governor with some others, and, carrying them aboard, made
them send ashore for cattle to ransom their liberties: and yet
after this set sail, and carried them away, and they had not
heard of them since. The Englishman that did this (as I was
afterwards informed) was one Captain Bond of Bristol. Whether
ever he brought back those men again I know not: he himself and
most of his men have since gone over to the Spaniards: and it was
he who had like to have burnt our ship after this in the Bay of
Panama; as I shall have occasion to relate.
This isle of Mayo is but small and environed with shoals, yet
a place much frequented by shipping for its great plenty of salt:
and though there is but bad landing, yet many ships lade here
every year. Here are plenty of bulls, cows, and goats; and at a
certain season of the year, as May, June, July, and August, a
sort of small sea-tortoise come hither to lay their eggs; but
these turtle are not so sweet as those in the West Indies. The
inhabitants plant corn, yams, potatoes, and some plantains, and
breed a few fowls; living very poor, yet much better than the
inhabitants of any other of these islands, St. Jago excepted,
which lies four or five leagues to the westward of Mayo and is
the chief, the most fruitful, and best inhabited of all the
islands of Cape Verde; yet mountainous, and much barren land in
it.
On the east side of the isle St. Jago is a good port, which in
peaceable times especially is seldom without ships; for this has
been long a place which ships have been wont to touch at for
water and refreshments, as those outward-bound to the East
Indies, English, French and Dutch; many of the ships bound to the
coast of Guinea, the Dutch to Surinam, and their own Portuguese
fleet going for Brazil, which is generally about the latter end
of September: but few ships call in here in their return to
Europe. When any ships are here the country people bring down
their commodities to sell to the seamen and passengers, namely,
bullocks, hogs, goats, fowls, eggs, plantains, and coconuts,
which they will give in exchange for shirts, drawers,
handkerchiefs, hats, waistcoats, breeches, or in a manner for any
sort of cloth, especially linen, for woollen is not much esteemed
there. They care not willingly to part with their cattle of any
sort but in exchange for money, or linen, or some other valuable
commodity. Travellers must have a care of these people, for they
are very thievish; and if they see an opportunity will snatch
anything from you and run away with it. We did not touch at this
island in this voyage; but I was there before this in the year
1670, when I saw a fort here lying on the top of a hill and
commanding the harbour.
The governor of this island is chief over all the rest of the
islands. I have been told that there are two large towns on this
island, some small villages, and a great many inhabitants; and
that they make a great deal of wine, such as is that of St.
Nicholas. I have not been on any other of the Cape Verde Islands,
nor near them; but have seen most of them at a distance. They
seem to be mountainous and barren; some of these before-mentioned
being the most fruitful and most frequented by strangers,
especially St. Jago and Mayo. As to the rest of them, Fogo and
Brava are two small islands lying to the westward of St. Jago,
but of little note; only Fogo is remarkable for its being a
volcano: it is all of it one large mountain of a good height, out
of the top whereof issues flames of fire, yet only discerned in
the night: and then it may be seen a great way at sea. Yet this
island is not without inhabitants, who live at the foot of the
mountain near the sea. Their substance is much the same as in the
other islands; they have some goats, fowls, plantains, coconuts,
etc., as I am informed. Of the plantains and coconuts I shall
have occasion to speak when I come into the East Indies; and
shall defer the giving an account of them till then.
The remainder of these Islands of Cape Verde are St. Antonia,
St. Lucia, St. Vicente, and Buena Vista: of which I know nothing
considerable.
SHERBOROUGH RIVER ON THE COAST OF GUINEA.
Our entrance among these islands was from the north-east; for
in our passage from Virginia we ran pretty fair toward the coast
of Gualata in Africa to preserve the trade-wind, lest we should
be borne off too much to the westward and so lose the islands. We
anchored at the south of Sal and passing by the south of St.
Nicholas anchored again at Mayo, as has been said; where we made
the shorter stay, because we could get no flesh among the
inhabitants, by reason of the regret they had at their governor,
and his men being carried away by Captain Bond. So leaving the
isles of Cape Verde we stood away to the southward with the wind
at east-north-east, intending to have touched no more till we
came to the Straits of Magellan. But when we came into the
latitude of 10 degrees north we met the winds at south by west
and south-south-west. Therefore we altered our resolutions and
steered away for the coast of Guinea, and in few days came to the
mouth of the river of Sherborough, which is an English factory
lying south of Sierra Leone. We had one of our men who was well
acquainted there; and by his direction we went in among the
shoals, and came to an anchor.
THE COMMODITIES AND NEGROES THERE. A TOWN OF THEIRS
DESCRIBED.
Sherborough was a good way from us so I can give no account of
the place, or our factory there; save that I have been informed
that there is a considerable trade driven there for a sort of red
wood for dyeing, which grows in that country very plentifully, it
is called by our people cam-wood. A little within the shore where
we anchored was a town of Negroes, natives of this coast. It was
screened from our sight by a large grove of trees that grew
between them and the shore; but we went thither to them several
times during the 3 or 4 days of our stay here to refresh
ourselves; and they as often came aboard us, bringing with them
plantains, sugar-cane, palm-wines, rice, fowls, and honey, which
they sold us. They were no way shy of us, being well acquainted
with the English, by reason of our Guinea factories and trade.
This town seemed pretty large; the houses are but low and
ordinary: but one great house in the midst of it where their
chief men meet and receive strangers: and here they treated us
with palm-wine. As to their persons, they are like other Negroes.
While we lay here we scrubbed the bottom of our ship and then
filled all our water-casks; and, buying up 2 puncheons of rice
for our voyage, we departed from hence about the middle of
November 1683, prosecuting our intended course towards the
Straits of Magellan.
TORNADOES, SHARKS, FLYING-FISH.
We had but little wind after we got out, and very hot weather
with some fierce tornadoes, commonly rising out of the north-east
which brought thunder, lightning, and rain. These did not last
long; sometimes not a quarter of an hour, and then the wind would
shuffle about to the southward again, and fall flat calm; for
these tornadoes commonly come against the wind that is then
blowing, as our thunder-clouds are often observed to do in
England; but the tornadoes I shall describe more largely in my
Chapter of Winds, in the Appendix to this book. At this time many
of our men were taken with fevers yet we lost but one. While we
lay in the calms we caught several great sharks; sometimes two or
three in a day, and ate them all, boiling and squeezing them dry,
and then stewing them with vinegar, pepper, etc., for we had but
little flesh aboard. We took the benefit of every tornado, which
came sometimes three or four in a day, and carried what sail we
could to get to the southward, for we had but little wind when
they were over; and those small winds between the tornadoes were
much against us, at south by east and south-south-east till we
passed the Equinoctial Line, which we crossed about a degree to
the eastward of the meridian of the isle of St. Jago, one of the
Cape Verde Islands.
At first we could scarcely lie south-west but, being got a
degree to the southward of the Line, the wind veered most
easterly, and then we stemmed south-west by south and as we got
farther to the southward, so the wind came about to the eastward
and freshened upon us. In the latitude of 3 south we had the wind
at south-east. In the latitude of 5 we had it at east south where
it stood a considerable time and blew a fresh top-gallant gale.
We then made the best use of it, steering on briskly with all the
sail we could make; and this wind, by the 18th of January carried
us into the latitude of 36 south. In all this time we met with
nothing worthy remark; not so much as a fish except flying fish,
which have been so often described that I think it needless to do
it.
A SEA DEEP AND CLEAR, YET PALE.
Here we found the sea much changed from its natural greenness
to a white or palish colour, which caused us to sound, supposing
we might strike ground: for whenever we find the colour of the
sea to change we know we are not far from land or shoals which
stretch out into the sea, running from some land. But here we
found no ground with one hundred fathom line. I was this day at
noon by reckoning 48 degrees 50 minutes west from the Lizard, the
variation by our morning amplitude 15 degrees 10 minutes east,
the variation increasing. The 20th day one of our surgeons died
much lamented, because we had but one more for such a dangerous
voyage.
ISLES OF SIBBEL DE WARD.
January 28 we made the Sibbel de Wards which are 3 islands
lying in the latitude of 51 degrees 25 minutes south and
longitude west from the Lizard in England, by my account, 57
degrees 28 minutes. The variation here we found to be 23 degrees
10 minutes. I had for a month before we came hither endeavoured
to persuade Captain Cook and his company to anchor at these
islands, where I told them we might probably get water, as I then
thought, and in case we should miss of it here, yet by being good
husbands of what we had we might reach Juan Fernandez in the
South Seas before our water was spent. This I urged to hinder
their designs of going through the Straits of Magellan, which I
knew would prove very dangerous to us; the rather because, our
men being privateers and so more wilful and less under command,
would not be so ready to give a watchful attendance in a passage
so little known. For, although these men were more under command
than I had ever seen any privateers, yet I could not expect to
find them at a minute's call in coming to an anchor or weighing
anchor: beside, if ever we should have occasion to moor or cast
out two anchors, we had not a boat to carry out or weigh an
anchor. These islands of Sibbel de Wards were so named by the
Dutch. They are all three rocky barren islands without any tree,
only some dildoe-bushes growing on them: and I do believe there
is no water on any one of them, for there was no appearance of
any water. The two northermost we could not come near; but the
southermost we came close by, but could not strike ground till
within two cables' length of the shore, and there found it to be
foul rocky ground.
SMALL RED LOBSTERS.
From the time that we were in 10 degrees south till we came to
these islands we had the wind between east-north-east and the
north-north-east, fair weather and a brisk gale. The day that we
made these islands we saw great shoals of small lobsters which
coloured the sea in red spots for a mile in compass, and we drew
some of them out of the sea in our water-buckets. They were no
bigger than the top of a man's little finger, yet all their
claws, both great and small, like a lobster. I never saw any of
this sort of fish naturally red but here; for ours on the English
coast, which are black naturally, are not red till they are
boiled: neither did I ever anywhere else meet with any fish of
the lobster shape so small as these; unless, it may be, shrimps
or prawns: Captain Swan and Captain Eaton met also with shoals of
this fish in much the same latitude and longitude.
STRAIT LE MAIRE.
Leaving therefore the Sibbel de Ward Islands, as having
neither good anchorage nor water, we sailed on, directing our
course for the Straits of Magellan. But, the winds hanging in the
wester-board and blowing hard, oft put us by our topsails, so
that we could not fetch it. The 6th day of February we fell in
with the Straits Le Maire, which is very high land on both sides,
and the straits very narrow. We had the wind at north-north-west
a fresh gale; and, seeing the opening of the straits, we ran in
with it, till within four mile of the mouth, and then it fell
calm, and we found a strong tide setting out of the straits to
the northward, and like to founder our ship; but whether flood or
ebb I know not; only it made such a short cockling sea as if it
had been in a race, or place where two tides meet; for it ran
every way, sometimes breaking in over our waist, sometimes over
our poop, sometimes over our bow, and the ship tossed like an
eggshell, so that I never felt such uncertain jerks in a ship. At
8 o'clock in the evening we had a small breeze at west-north-west
and steered away to the eastward, intending to go round the
States Island, the east end of which we reached the next day by
noon, having a fresh breeze all night.
STATES ISLAND.
The 7th day at noon, being off the east end of States Island,
I had a good observation of the sun, and found myself in latitude
54 degrees 52 minutes south.
At the east end of States Island are three small islands, or
rather rocks, pretty high, and white with the dung of fowls.
CAPE HORN IN TIERRA DEL FUEGO.
Wherefore having observed the sun, we hauled up south,
designing to pass round to the southward of Cape Horne, which is
the southermost Land of Tierra del Fuego. The winds hung in the
western quarter betwixt the north-west and the west, so that we
could not get much to the westward, and we never saw Tierra del
Fuego after that evening that we made the Straits Le Maire. I
have heard that there have been smokes and fires on Tierra del
Fuego, not on the tops of hills, but in plains and valleys, seen
by those who have sailed through the Straits of Magellan;
supposed to be made by the natives.
We did not see the sun at rising or setting in order to make
an amplitude after we left the Sibbel de Wards till we got into
the South Sea: therefore I know not whether the variation
increased any more or no. Indeed I had an observation of the sun
at noon in latitude 59 degrees 30 minutes and we were then
standing to the southward with the wind at west by north, and
that night the wind came about more to the southward of the west
and we tacked. I was then in latitude 60 by reckoning, which was
the farthest south latitude that ever I was in.
The 14th day of February, being in latitude 57 and to the west
of Cape Horne, we had a violent storm, which held us to the 3rd
day of March, blowing commonly south-west and south-west by west
and west-south-west, thick weather all the time with small
drizzling rain, but not hard. We made a shift however to save 23
barrels of rainwater besides what we dressed our victuals
withal.
March the 3rd the wind shifted at once, and came about at
south, blowing a fierce gale of wind; soon after it came about to
the eastward, and we stood into the South Seas.
The 9th day, having an observation of the sun, not having seen
it of late, we found ourselves in latitude 47 degrees 10 minutes
and the variation to be but 15 degrees 30 minutes east.
The wind stood at south-east, we had fair weather, and a
moderate gale, and the 17th day we were in latitude 36 by
observation, and then found the variation to be but 8 degrees
east.
THEIR MEETING WITH CAPTAIN EATON IN THE SOUTH SEAS, AND THEIR
GOING TOGETHER TO THE ISLE OF JUAN FERNANDEZ.
The 19th day when we looked out in the morning we saw a ship
to the southward of us, coming with all the sail she could make
after us: we lay muzzled to let her come up with us, for we
supposed her to be a Spanish ship come from Valdivia bound to
Lima: we being now to the northward of Valdivia and this being
the time of the year when ships that trade thence to Valdivia
return home. They had the same opinion of us, and therefore made
sure to take us, but coming nearer we both found our mistakes.
This proved to be one Captain Eaton in a ship sent purposely from
London to the South Seas. We hailed each other, and the captain
came on board, and told us of his actions on the coast of Brazil,
and in the river of Plate.
He met Captain Swan (one that came from England to trade here)
at the east entrance into the Straits of Magellan, and they
accompanied each other through the straits, and were separated
after they were through by the storm before-mentioned. Both we
and Captain Eaton being bound for Juan Fernandez Isle, we kept
company, and we spared him bread and beef, and he spared us
water, which he took in as he passed through the straits.
OF A MOSKITO MAN LEFT THERE ALONE THREE YEARS: HIS ART AND
SAGACITY; WITH THAT OF OTHER INDIANS.
March the 22nd 1684, we came in sight of the island, and the
next day got in and anchored in a bay at the south end of the
island, and 25 fathom water, not two cables' length from the
shore. We presently got out our canoe, and went ashore to see for
a Moskito Indian whom we left here when we were chased hence by
three Spanish ships in the year 1681, a little before we went to
Arica; Captain Watling being then our commander, after Captain
Sharp was turned out.
This Indian lived here alone above three years and, although
he was several times sought after by the Spaniards, who knew he
was left on the island, yet they could never find him. He was in
the woods hunting for goats when Captain Watling drew off his
men, and the ship was under sail before he came back to shore. He
had with him his gun and a knife, with a small horn of powder and
a few shot; which, being spent, he contrived a way by notching
his knife to saw the barrel of his gun into small pieces
wherewith he made harpoons, lances, hooks, and a long knife,
heating the pieces first in the fire, which he struck with his
gunflint, and a piece of the barrel of his gun, which he
hardened; having learnt to do that among the English. The hot
pieces of iron he would hammer out and bend as he pleased with
stones, and saw them with his jagged knife; or grind them to an
edge by long labour, and harden them to a good temper as there
was occasion. All this may seem strange to those that are not
acquainted with the sagacity of the Indians; but it is no more
than these Moskito men are accustomed to in their own country,
where they make their own fishing and striking-instruments,
without either forge or anvil; though they spend a great deal of
time about them.
Other wild Indians who have not the use of iron, which the
Moskito men have from the English, make hatchets of a very hard
stone, with which they will cut down trees (the cotton-tree
especially, which is a soft tender wood) to build their houses or
make canoes; and, though in working their canoes hollow, they
cannot dig them so neat and thin, yet they will make them fit for
their service. This their digging or hatchet-work they help out
by fire; whether for the felling of trees or for the making the
inside of their canoe hollow. These contrivances are used
particularly by the savage Indians of Bluefield's River,
described in the 3rd chapter, whose canoes and stone hatchets I
have seen. These stone hatchets are about 10 inches long, 4
broad, and three inches thick in the middle. They are ground away
flat and sharp at both ends: right in the midst and clear round
it they make a notch, so wide and deep that a man might place his
finger along it and, taking a stick or withe about 4 foot long,
they bind it round the hatchet head, in that notch, and so,
twisting it hard, use it as a handle or helve; the head being
held by it very fast. Nor are other wild Indians less ingenious.
Those of Patagonia particularly head their arrows with flint, cut
or ground; which I have seen and admired. But to return to our
Moskito man on the isle of Juan Fernandez. With such instruments
as he made in that manner, he got such provision as the island
afforded; either goats or fish. He told us that at first he was
forced to eat seal, which is very ordinary meat, before he had
made hooks: but afterwards he never killed any seals but to make
lines, cutting their skins into thongs. He had a little house or
hut half a mile from the sea, which was lined with goat's skin;
his couch or barbecue of sticks lying along about two foot
distant from the ground, was spread with the same, and was all
his bedding. He had no clothes left, having worn out those he
brought from Watling's ship, but only a skin about his waist. He
saw our ship the day before we came to an anchor, and did believe
we were English, and therefore killed three goats in the morning
before we came to an anchor, and dressed them with cabbage, to
treat us when we came ashore. He came then to the seaside to
congratulate our safe arrival. And when we landed a Moskito
Indian named Robin first leapt ashore and, running to his brother
Moskito man, threw himself flat on his face at his feet, who
helping him up, and embracing him, fell flat with his face on the
ground at Robin's feet, and was by him taken up also. We stood
with pleasure to behold the surprise, and tenderness, and
solemnity of this interview, which was exceedingly affectionate
on both sides; and when their ceremonies of civility were over we
also that stood gazing at them drew near, each of us embracing
him we had found here, who was overjoyed to see so many of his
old friends come hither, as he thought purposely to fetch him. He
was named Will, as the other was Robin. These were names given
them by the English, for they had no names among themselves; and
they take it as a great favour to be named by any of us; and will
complain for want of it if we do not appoint them some name when
they are with us: saying of themselves they are poor men, and
have no name.
THE ISLAND DESCRIBED.
This island is in latitude 34 degrees 45 minutes and about 120
leagues from the Main. It is about 12 leagues round, full of high
hills, and small pleasant valleys; which if manured would
probably produce anything proper for the climate. The sides of
the mountains are part savannahs, part woodland. Savannahs are
clear pieces of land without woods; not because more barren than
the woodland, for they are frequently spots of as good land as
any, and often are intermixed with woodland.
THE SAVANNAHS OF AMERICA.
In the Bay of Campeachy are very large savannahs, which I have
seen full of cattle: but about the river of Plate are the largest
that ever I heard of, 50, 60, or 100 miles in length; and
Jamaica, Cuba, and Hispaniola have many savannahs intermixed with
woods. Places cleared of wood by art and labour do not go by this
name, but those only which are found so in the uninhabited parts
of America, such as this isle of Juan Fernandez; or which were
originally clear in other parts.
The grass in these savannahs at Juan Fernandez is not a long
flaggy grass, such as is usually in the savannahs in the West
Indies, but a sort of kindly grass, thick and flourishing the
biggest part of the year. The woods afford divers sorts of trees;
some large and good timber for building, but none fit for masts.
The cabbage trees of this isle are but small and low; yet afford
a good head, and the cabbage very sweet. This tree I shall
describe in the Appendix, in the Bay of Campeachy.
GOATS AT JUAN FERNANDEZ.
The savannahs are stocked with goats in great herds: but those
that live on the east end of the island are not so fat as those
on the west end; for though there is much more grass, and plenty
of water in every valley, nevertheless they thrive not so well
here as on the west end, where there is less food; and yet there
are found greater flocks, and those too fatter and sweeter.
The west end of the island is all high champion ground without
any valley, and but one place to land; there is neither wood nor
any fresh water, and the grass short and dry.
Goats were first put on the island by Juan Fernandez, who
first discovered it on his voyage from Lima to Valdivia; (and
discovered also another island about the same bigness, 20 leagues
to the westward of this.) From those goats these were propagated,
and the island has taken its name from this its first discoverer
who, when he returned to Lima, desired a patent for it, designing
to settle here; and it was in his second voyage hither that he
set ashore three or four goats which have since, by their
increase, so well stocked the whole island. But he could never
get a patent for it, therefore it lies still destitute of
inhabitants, though doubtless capable of maintaining 4 or 500
families, by what may be produced off the land only. I speak much
within compass; for the savannahs would at present feed 1000 head
of cattle besides goats, and the land being cultivated would
probably bear corn, or wheat, and good peas, yams, or potatoes;
for the land in their valleys and sides of the mountains is of a
good black fruitful mould. The sea about it is likewise very
productive of its inhabitants.
SEALS. SEA-LIONS.
Seals swarm as thick about this island as if they had no other
place in the world to live in; for there is not a bay nor rock
that one can get ashore on but is full of them. Sea-lions are
here in great companies, and fish, particularly snapper and
rock-fish, are so plentiful that two men in an hour's time will
take with hook and line as many as will serve 100 men.
The seals are a sort of creatures pretty well known, yet it
may not be amiss to describe them. They are as big as calves, the
head of them like a dog, therefore called by the Dutch the
sea-hounds. Under each shoulder grows a long thick fin: these
serve them to swim with when in the sea, and are instead of legs
to them when on the land for raising their bodies up on end, by
the help of these fins or stumps, and so having their tail-parts
drawn close under them, they rebound as it were, and throw their
bodies forward, drawing their hinder parts after them; and then
again rising up, and springing forward with their fore parts
alternately, they lie tumbling thus up and down all the while
they are moving on land. From their shoulders to their tails they
grow tapering like fish, and have two small fins on each side the
rump; which is commonly covered with their fins. These fins serve
instead of a tail in the sea; and on land they sit on them when
they give suck to their young. Their hair is of divers colours,
as black, grey, dun, spotted, looking very sleek and pleasant
when they come first out of the sea: for these at Juan Fernandez
have fine thick short fur; the like I have not taken notice of
anywhere but in these seas. Here are always thousands, I might
say possibly millions of them, either sitting on the bays, or
going and coming in the sea round the island; which is covered
with them (as they lie at the top of the water playing and
sunning themselves) for a mile or two from the shore. When they
come out of the sea they bleat like sheep for their young; and,
though they pass through hundreds of others' young ones before
they come to their own, yet they will not suffer any of them to
suck. The young ones are like puppies, and lie much ashore; but
when beaten by any of us, they, as well as the old ones, will
make towards the sea, and swim very swift and nimble; though on
shore they lie very sluggishly and will not go out of our ways
unless we beat them, but snap at us. A blow on the nose soon
kills them. Large ships might here load themselves with
seal-skins, and train-oil; for they are extraordinary fat. Seals
are found as well in cold as hot climates; and in the cold places
they love to get on lumps of ice, where they will lie and sun
themselves, as here on the land: they are frequent in the
northern parts of Europe and America, and in the southern parts
of Africa, as about the Cape of Good Hope and at the Straits of
Magellan: and though I never saw any in the West Indies but in
the Bay of Campeachy, at certain islands called the Alceranes,
and at others called the Desarts; yet they are over all the
American coast of the South Seas, from Tierra del Fuego up to the
Equinoctial Line; but to the north of the Equinox again, in these
seas, I never saw any till as far as 21 north latitude. Nor did I
ever see any in the East Indies. In general they seem to resort
where there is plenty of fish, for that is their food; and fish,
such as they feed on, as cods, groupers, etc., are most plentiful
on rocky coasts: and such is mostly this western coast of the
South America; as I shall further relate.
The sea-lion is a large creature about 12 or 14 foot long. The
biggest part of his body is as big as a bull: it is shaped like a
seal, but six times as big. The head is like a lion's head; it
has a broad face with many long hairs growing about its lips like
a cat. It has a great goggle eye, the teeth three inches long,
about the bigness of a man's thumb: in Captain Sharp's time, some
of our men made dice with them. They have no hair on their bodies
like the seal; they are of a dun colour, and are all
extraordinary fat; one of them being cut up and boiled will yield
a hogshead of oil which is very sweet and wholesome to fry meat
withal. The lean flesh is black, and of a coarse grain; yet
indifferent good food. They will lie a week at a time ashore if
not disturbed. Where 3 or 4 or more of them come ashore together
they huddle one on another like swine, and grunt like them,
making a hideous noise. They eat fish, which I believe is their
common food.
SNAPPER, A SORT OF FISH.
The snapper is a fish much like a roach, but a great deal
bigger. It has a large head and mouth, and great gills. The back
is of a bright red, the belly of a silver colour: the scales are
as broad as a shilling. The snapper is excellent meat. They are
in many places in the West Indies and the South Seas: I have not
seen them anywhere beside.
ROCK-FISH.
The rock-fish is called by seamen a grouper; the Spaniards
call it a baccalao, which is the name for cod, because it is much
like it. It is rounder than the snapper, of a dark brown colour;
and has small scales no bigger than a silver penny. This fish is
good sweet meat, and is found in great plenty on all the coast of
Peru and Chile.
THE BAYS, AND NATURAL STRENGTH OF THIS ISLAND.
There are only two bays in the whole island where ships may
anchor; these are both at the east end, and in both of them is a
rivulet of good fresh water. Either of these bays may be
fortified with little charge, to that degree that 50 men in each
may be able to keep off 1000; and there is no coming into these
bays from the west end but with great difficulty over the
mountains, where if 3 men are placed they may keep down as many
as come against them on any side. This was partly experienced by
5 Englishmen that Captain Davis left here, who defended
themselves against a great body of Spaniards who landed in the
bays, and came here to destroy them; and though the second time
one of their consorts deserted and fled to the Spaniards, yet the
other four kept their ground, and were afterwards taken in from
hence by Captain Strong of London.
We remained at Juan Fernandez sixteen days; our sick men were
ashore all the time, and one of Captain Eaton's doctors (for he
had four in his ship) tending and feeding them with goat and
several herbs, whereof here is plenty growing in the brooks; and
their diseases were chiefly scorbutic.
Chapter V
The Author Departs from Juan Fernandez. of the Pacific Sea.
The 8th of April 1684 we sailed from the isle of Juan
Fernandez with the wind at south-east. We were now two ships in
company: Captain Cook's, whose ship I was in, and who here took
the sickness of which he died a while after, and Captain Eaton's.
Our passage lay now along the Pacific Sea, properly so called.
For though it be usual with our map-makers to give that name to
this whole ocean, calling it Mare Australe, Mal del Zur, or Mare
Pacificum; yet in my opinion the name of the Pacific Sea ought
not to be extended from south to north farther than from 30 to
about 4 degrees south latitude, and from the American shore
westward indefinitely, with respect to my observation; who have
been in these parts 250 leagues or more from land, and still had
the sea very quiet from winds. For in all this tract of water of
which I have spoken there are no dark rainy clouds, though often
a thick horizon so as to hinder an observation of the sun with
the quadrant; and in the morning hazy weather frequently, and
thick mists, but scarce able to wet one. Nor are there in this
sea any winds but the trade-wind, no tempests, no tornadoes or
hurricanes (though north of the Equator they are met with as well
in this ocean as in the Atlantic) yet the sea itself at the new
and full of the moon runs with high, large, long surges, but such
as never break out at sea and so are safe enough; unless that
where they fall in and break upon the shore they make it bad
landing.
OF THE ANDES, OR HIGH MOUNTAINS IN PERU AND CHILE.
In this sea we made the best of our way toward the Line till
in the latitude of 24 south where we fell in with the mainland of
the South America. All this course of the land, both of Chile and
Peru, is vastly high; therefore we kept 12 or 14 leagues off from
shore, being unwilling to be seen by the Spaniards dwelling
there. The land (especially beyond this, from 24 degrees south
latitude 17, and from 14 to 10) is of a most prodigious height.
It lies generally in ridges parallel to the shore, and 3 or 4
ridges one with another, each surpassing other in height; and
those that are farthest within land are much higher than others.
They always appear blue when seen at sea: sometimes they are
obscured with clouds, but not so often as the high lands in other
parts of the world, for here are seldom or never any rains on
these hills, any more than in the sea near it; neither are they
subject to fogs. These are the highest mountains that ever I saw,
far surpassing the Pike of Tenerife or Santa Marta and, I
believe, any mountains in the world.
I have seen very high land in the latitude of 30 south, but
not so high as in the latitudes before described. In Sir John
Narborough's voyage also to Valdivia (a city on this coast)
mention is made of very high land seen near Valdivia: and the
Spaniards with whom I have discoursed have told me that there is
a very high land all the way between Coquimbo (which lies in
about 30 degrees south latitude) and Valdivia, which is in 40
south; so that by all likelihood these ridges of mountains do run
in a continued chain from one end of Peru and Chile to the other,
all along this South Sea coast, called usually the Andes, or
Sierra Nevada des Andes. The excessive height of these mountains
may possibly be the reason that there are no rivers of note that
fall into these seas. Some small rivers indeed there are, but
very few of them, for in some places there is not one that comes
out into the sea in 150 or 200 leagues, and where they are
thickest they are 30, 40, or 50 leagues asunder, and too little
and shallow to be navigable. Besides, some of these do not
constantly run, but are dry at certain seasons of the year; as
the river of Ylo runs flush with a quick current at the latter
end of January, and so continues till June, and then it decreases
by degrees, growing less, and running slow till the latter end of
September, when it fails wholly, and runs no more till January
again: this I have seen at both seasons in two former voyages I
made hither, and have been informed by the Spaniards that other
rivers on this coast are of the like nature, being rather
torrents or land-floods caused by their rains at certain seasons
far within land than perennial streams.
A PRIZE TAKEN.
We kept still along in sight of this coast but at a good
distance from it, encountering with nothing of note till in the
latitude of 9 degrees 40 minutes south. On the 3rd of May we
descried a sail to the northward of us. She was plying to
windward, we chased her, and Captain Eaton being ahead soon took
her: she came from Guayaquil about a month before, laden with
timber, and was bound to Lima. Three days before we took her she
came from Santa, whither she had gone for water, and where they
had news of our being in these seas by an express from Valdivia,
for, as we afterwards heard, Captain Swan had been at Valdivia to
seek a trade there; and he having met Captain Eaton in the
Straits of Magellan, the Spaniards of Valdivia were doubtless
informed of us by him, suspecting him also to be one of us,
though he was not. Upon this news the viceroy of Lima sent
expresses to all the sea ports, that they might provide
themselves against our assaults.
ISLE OF LOBOS: PENGUINS AND OTHER BIRDS THERE.
We immediately steered away for the island Lobos which lies in
latitude 6 degrees 24 minutes south latitude (I took the
elevation of it ashore with an astrolabe) and it is 5 leagues
from the Main. It is called Lobos de la Mar, to distinguish it
from another that is not far from it, and extremely like it,
called Lobos de la Terra, for it lies nearer the main. Lobos, or
Lovos, is the Spanish name for a seal, of which there are great
plenty about these and several other islands in these seas that
go by this name.
The 9th of May we arrived at this isle of Lobos de la Mar and
came to an anchor with our prize. This Lobos consists indeed of
two little islands, each about a mile round, of an indifferent
height, a small channel between, fit for boats only; and several
rocks lying on the north side of the islands, a little way from
shore. There is a small cove or sandy bay sheltered from the
winds at the west end of the eastermost island, where ships may
careen: the rest of the shore, as well round the two islands as
between them, is a rocky coast consisting of small cliffs. Within
land they are both of them partly rocky, and partly sandy,
barren, without any fresh water, tree, shrub, grass, or herbs; or
any land animals (for the seals and sea-lions come ashore here)
but fowls, of which there are great multitudes; as boobies, but
mostly penguins, which I have seen plentifully all over the South
Seas, on the coast of Newfoundland, and of the Cape of Good Hope.
They are a sea-fowl, about as big as a duck, and such feet; but a
sharp bill, feeding on fish. They do not fly, but flutter, having
rather stumps like a young gosling's than wings: and these are
instead of fins to them in the water. Their feathers are downy.
Their flesh is but ordinary food but their eggs are good meat.
There is another sort of small black fowl that makes holes in the
sand for their night habitations whose flesh is good sweet meat.
I never saw any of them but here and at Juan Fernandez.
There is good riding between the eastermost island and the
rocks in ten, twelve, or fourteen fathom, for the wind is
commonly at south or south-south-east, and the eastermost island
lying east and west, shelters that road.
Here we scrubbed our ships and, being in a readiness to sail,
the prisoners were examined to know if any of them could conduct
us to some town where we might make some attempt; for they had
before informed us that we were descried by the Spaniards, and by
that we knew that they would send no riches by sea so long as we
were here. Many towns were considered on, as Guayaquil, Zana,
Truxillo, and others: at last Truxillo was pitched on as the most
important, therefore the likeliest to make us a voyage if we
could conquer it: which we did not much question though we knew
it to be a very populous city. But the greatest difficulty was in
landing; for Guanchaquo, which is the nearest sea port to it, but
six miles off, is an ill place to land, since sometimes the very
fishermen that live there are not able to go in three or four
days.
THREE PRIZES MORE.
However the 17th of May in the afternoon our men were mustered
of both ships' companies, and their arms proved. We were in all
108 men fit for service besides the sick: and the next day we
intended to sail and take the wood prize with us. But the next
day, one of our men being ashore betimes on the island, described
three sail bound to the northward; two of them without the island
to the westward, the other between it and the continent.
We soon got our anchors up and chased: and Captain Eaton, who
drew the least draught of water, put through between the
westermost island and the rocks, and went after those two that
were without the islands. We in Captain Cook's ship went after
the other, which stood in for the mainland, but we soon fetched
her up and, having taken her, stood in again with her to the
island; for we saw that Captain Eaton wanted no help, having
taken both those that he went after. He came in with one of his
prizes; but the other was so far to leeward and so deep that he
could not then get her in, but he hoped to get her in the next
day: but being deep laden, as designed to go down before the wind
to Panama, she would not bear sail.
The 19th day she turned all day, but got nothing nearer the
island. Our Moskito strikers, according to their custom, went and
struck six turtles; for here are indifferent plenty of them.
These ships that we took the day before we came from Guanchaquo,
all three laden with flour, bound for Panama. Two of them were
laden as deep as they could swim, the other was not above half
laden, but was ordered by the viceroy of Lima to sail with the
other two, or else she should not sail till we were gone out of
the seas; for he hoped they might escape us by setting out early.
In the biggest ship was a letter to the president of Panama from
the viceroy of Lima; assuring him that there were enemies come
into that sea; for which reason he had dispatched these three
ships with flour, that they might not want (for Panama is
supplied from Peru) and desired him to be frugal of it, for he
knew not when he should send more. In this ship were likewise 7
or 8 tuns of marmalade of quinces, and a stately mule sent to the
president, and a very large image of the Virgin Mary in wood,
carved and painted to adorn a new church at Panama, and sent from
Lima by the viceroy; for this great ship came from thence not
long before. She brought also from Lima 800,000 pieces-of-eight
to carry with her to Panama: but while she lay at Guanchaco,
taking in her lading of flour, the merchants, hearing of Captain
Swan's being in Valdivia, ordered the money ashore again. These
prisoners likewise informed us that the gentlemen (inhabitants of
Truxillo) were building a fort at Guanchaquo (which is the sea
port for Truxillo) close by the sea, purposely to hinder the
designs of any that should attempt to land there. Upon this news
we altered our former resolutions, and resolved to go with our
three prizes to the Galapagos; which are a great many large
islands lying some under the Equator, others on each side of it.
I shall here omit the description of Truxillo, because in my
Appendix, at the latter end of the book, I intend to give a
general relation of most of the towns of note on this coast from
Valdivia to Panama, and from thence towards California.
The 19th day in the evening we sailed from the island Lobos
with Captain Eaton in our company. We carried the three flour
prizes with us, but our first prize laden with timber we left
here at an anchor; the wind was at south by east which is the
common trade-wind here, and we steered away north-west by north
intending to run into the latitude of the isles Galapagos, and
steer off west, because we did not know the certain distance, and
therefore could not shape a direct course to them. When we came
within 40 minutes of the Equator we steered west, having the wind
at south, a very moderate gentle gale.
THE ISLANDS GALAPAGOS: THE DILDOE-TREE, BURTON-WOOD,
MAMMEE-TREES, IGUANAS, LAND-TORTOISE, THEIR SEVERAL KIND; GREEN
SNAKES, TURTLE-DOVES, TORTOISE, OR TURTLE-GRASS.
It was the 31st day of May when we first had sight of the
islands Galapagos: some of them appeared on our weather bow, some
on our lee bow, others right ahead. We at first sight trimmed our
sails and steered as nigh the wind as we could, striving to get
to the southermost of them but, our prizes being deep laden,
their sails but small and thin, and a very small gale, they could
not keep up with us; therefore we likewise edged away again a
point from the wind to keep near them; and in the evening the
ship that I was in and Captain Eaton anchored on the east side of
one of the eastermost islands, a mile from the shore, in sixteen
fathom water, clean, white, hard sand.
The Galapagos Islands are a great number of uninhabited
islands lying under and on both sides of the Equator. The
eastermost of them are about 110 leagues from the Main. They are
laid down in the longitude of 181, reaching to the westward as
far as 176, therefore their longitude from England westward is
about 68 degrees. But I believe our hydrographers do not place
them far enough to the westward. The Spaniards who first
discovered them, and in whose charts alone they are laid down,
report them to be a great number stretching north-west from the
Line, as far as 5 degrees north, but we saw not above 14 or 15.
They are some of them 7 or 8 leagues long, and 3 or 4 broad. They
are of a good height, most of them flat and even on the top; 4 or
5 of the eastermost are rocky, barren and hilly, producing
neither tree, herb, nor grass, but a few dildoe-trees, except by
the seaside. The dildoe-tree is a green prickly shrub that grows
about 10 or 12 foot high, without either leaf or fruit. It is as
big as a man's leg, from the root to the top, and it is full of
sharp prickles growing in thick rows from top to bottom; this
shrub is fit for no use, not so much as to burn. Close by the sea
there grows in some places bushes of burton-wood, which is very
good firing. This sort of wood grows in many places in the West
Indies, especially in the Bay of Campeachy and the Samballoes. I
did never see any in these seas but here. There is water on these
barren islands in ponds and holes among the rocks. Some other of
these islands are mostly plain and low, and the land more
fertile, producing trees of divers sorts unknown to us. Some of
the westermost of these islands are nine or ten leagues long and
six or seven broad; the mould deep and black. These produce trees
of great and tall bodies, especially mammee-trees, which grow
here in great groves. In these large islands there are some
pretty big rivers; and in many of the other lesser islands there
are brooks of good water. The Spaniards when they first
discovered these islands found multitudes of iguanas, and
land-turtle or tortoise, and named them the Galapagos Islands. I
do believe there is no place in the world that is so plentifully
stored with those animals. The iguanas here are fat and large as
any that I ever saw; they are so tame that a man may knock down
twenty in an hour's time with a club. The land-turtle are here so
numerous that 5 or 600 men might subsist on them alone for
several months without any other sort of provision: they are
extraordinary large and fat; and so sweet that no pullet eats
more pleasantly. One of the largest of these creatures will weigh
150 or 200 weight, and some of them are 2 foot, or 2 foot 6
inches over the challapee or belly. I did never see any but at
this place that will weigh above 30 pound weight. I have heard
that at the isle of St. Lawrence or Madagascar, and at the
English Forest, an island near it called also Don Mascarin and
now possessed by the French, there are very large ones, but
whether so big, fat, and sweet as these, I know not. There are 3
or 4 sorts of these creatures in the West Indies. One is called
by the Spaniards hecatee; these live most in fresh-water ponds,
and seldom come on land. They weigh about 10 or 15 pound; they
have small legs and flat feet, and small long necks. Another sort
is called tenapen; these are a great deal less than the hecatee;
the shell on their backs is all carved naturally, finely wrought,
and well clouded: the backs of these are rounder than those
before mentioned; they are otherwise much of the same form: these
delight to live in wet swampy places, or on the land near such
places. Both these sorts are very good meat. They are in great
plenty on the isles of Pines near Cuba: there the Spanish hunters
when they meet them in the woods bring them home to their huts,
and mark them by notching their shells, then let them go; this
they do to have them at hand, for they never ramble far from
thence. When these hunters return to Cuba, after about a month or
six weeks' stay, they carry with them 3 or 400 or more of these
creatures to sell; for they are very good meat, and every man
knows his own by their marks. These tortoise in the Galapagos are
more like the hecatee except that, as I said before, they are
much bigger; and they have very long small necks and little
heads. There are some green snakes on these islands, but no other
land animal that I did ever see. There are great plenty of
turtle-doves so tame that a man may kill 5 or 6 dozen in a
forenoon with a stick. They are somewhat less than a pigeon, and
are very good meat, and commonly fat.
There are good wide channels between these islands fit for
ships to pass, and in some places shoal water where there grows
plenty of turtle-grass; therefore these islands are plentifully
stored with sea-turtle of that sort which is called the green
turtle. I have hitherto deferred the description of these
creatures therefore I shall give it here.
SEA-TURTLE, THEIR SEVERAL KINDS.
There are 4 sorts of sea-turtle, namely, the trunk-turtle, the
loggerhead, the hawksbill, and the green turtle. The trunk-turtle
is commonly bigger than the other, their backs are higher and
rounder, and their flesh rank and not wholesome. The loggerhead
is so called because it has a great head, much bigger than the
other sorts; their flesh is likewise very rank, and seldom eaten
but in case of necessity: they feed on moss that grows about
rocks. The hawksbill-turtle is the least kind, they are so called
because their mouths are long and small, somewhat resembling the
bill of a hawk: on the backs of these hawksbill turtle grows that
shell which is so much esteemed for making cabinets, combs, and
other things. The largest of them may have 3 pound and a half of
shell; I have taken some that have had 3 pound 10 ounces: but
they commonly have a pound and a half or two pound; some not so
much. These are but ordinary food, but generally sweeter than the
loggerhead: yet these hawksbills in some places are unwholesome,
causing them that eat them to purge and vomit excessively,
especially those between the Samballoes and Portobello. We meet
with other fish in the West Indies of the same malignant nature:
but I shall describe them in the Appendix. These
hawksbill-turtles are better or worse according to their feeding.
In some places they feed on grass, as the green tortoise also
does; in other places they keep among rocks and feed on moss or
seaweeds; but these are not so sweet as those that eat grass,
neither is their shell so clear; for they are commonly overgrown
with barnacles which spoil the shell; and their flesh is commonly
yellow, especially the fat.
Hawksbill-turtle are in many places of the West Indies: they
have islands and places peculiar to themselves where they lay
their eggs, and seldom come among any other turtle. These and all
other turtle lay eggs in the sand; their time of laying is in
May, June, July. Some begin sooner, some later. They lay 3 times
in a season, and at each time 80 or 90 eggs. Their eggs are as
big as a hen's egg, and very round, covered only with a white
tough skin. There are some bays on the north side of Jamaica
where these hawksbills resort to lay. In the Bay of Honduras are
islands which they likewise make their breeding-places, and many
places along all the coast on the Main of the West Indies from
Trinidad de La Vera Cruz in the Bay of Nova Hispania. When a
sea-turtle turns out of the sea to lay she is at least an hour
before she returns again, for she is to go above high-water mark,
and if it be low-water when she comes ashore, she must rest once
or twice, being heavy, before she comes to the place where she
lays. When she has found a place for her purpose she makes a
great hole with her fins in the sand, wherein she lays her eggs,
then covers them 2 foot deep with the same sand which she threw
out of the hole, and so returns. Sometimes they come up the night
before they intend to lay, and take a view of the place, and so
having made a tour, or semicircular march, they return to the sea
again, and they never fail to come ashore the next night to lay
near that place. All sorts of turtle use the same methods in
laying. I knew a man in Jamaica that made 8 pound Sterling of the
shell of these hawksbill turtle which he got in one season and in
one small bay, not half a mile long. The manner of taking them is
to watch the bay by walking from one part to the other all night,
making no noise, nor keeping any sort of light. When the turtle
comes ashore the man that watches for them turns them on their
backs, then hauls them above high-water mark, and leaves them
till the morning. A large green turtle, with her weight and
struggling, will puzzle 2 men to turn her. The hawksbill-turtle
are not only found in the West Indies but on the coast of Guinea,
and in the East Indies. I never saw any in the South Seas.
The green turtle are so called because their shell is greener
than any other. It is very thin and clear and better clouded than
the hawksbill; but it is used only for inlays, being
extraordinary thin. These turtles are generally larger than the
hawksbill; one will weigh 2 or 3 hundred pound. Their backs are
flatter than the hawksbill, their heads round and small. Green
turtle are the sweetest of all the kinds: but there are degrees
of them both in respect to their flesh and their bigness. I have
observed that at Blanco in the West Indies the green turtle
(which is the only kind there) are larger than any other in the
North Seas. There they will commonly weigh 280 or 300 pound:
their fat is yellow, and the lean white, and their flesh
extraordinary sweet. At Boca Toro, west of Portobello, they are
not so large, their flesh not so white, nor the fat so yellow.
Those in the Bay of Honduras and Campeachy are somewhat smaller
still; their fat is green, and the lean of a darker colour than
those at Boca Toro. I heard of a monstrous green turtle once
taken at Port Royal in the Bay of Campeachy that was four foot
deep from the back to the belly, and the belly six foot broad;
Captain Roch's son, of about nine or ten years of age, went in it
as in a boat on board his father's ship, about a quarter of a
mile from the shore. The leaves of fat afforded eight gallons of
oil. The turtle that live among the keys or small islands on the
south side of Cuba are a mixed sort, some bigger, some less; and
so their flesh is of a mixed colour, some green, some dark, some
yellowish. With these Port Royal in Jamaica is constantly
supplied by sloops that come hither with nets to take them. They
carry them alive to Jamaica where the turtles have wires made
with stakes in the sea to preserve them alive; and the market is
every day plentifully stored with turtle, it being the common
food there, chiefly for the ordinary sort of people.
Green turtle live on grass which grows in the sea in 3, 4, 5,
or 6 fathom water, at most of the places before mentioned. This
grass is different from manatee-grass, for that is a small blade;
but this a quarter of an inch broad and six inches long. The
turtle of these islands Galapagos are a sort of a bastard green
turtle; for their shell is thicker than other green turtle in the
West or East Indies, and their flesh is not so sweet. They are
larger than any other green turtle; for it is common for these to
be two or three foot deep, and their callapees or bellies five
foot wide: but there are other green turtle in the South Seas
that are not so big as the smallest hawksbill. These are seen at
the island Plata, and other places thereabouts: they feed on moss
and are very rank but fat.
Both these sorts are different from any others, for both he's
and she's come ashore in the daytime and lie in the sun; but in
other places none but the she's go ashore, and that in the night
only to lay their eggs. The best feeding for turtle in the South
Seas is among these Galapagos Islands, for here is plenty of
grass.
There is another sort of green turtle in the South Seas which
are but small, yet pretty sweet: these lie westward on the coast
of Mexico. One thing is very strange and remarkable in these
creatures; that at the breeding time they leave for two or three
months their common haunts, where they feed most of the year, and
resort to other places only to lay their eggs: and it is not
thought that they eat anything during this season: so that both
he's and she's grow very lean; but the he's to that degree that
none will eat them. The most remarkable places that I did ever
hear of for their breeding is at an island in the West Indies
called Caymans, and the isle Ascension in the Western Ocean: and
when the breeding time is past there are none remaining.
Doubtless they swim some hundreds of leagues to come to those two
places: for it has been often observed that at Cayman, at the
breeding time, there are found all those sort of turtle before
described. The South Keys of Cuba are above 40 leagues from
thence, which is the nearest place that these creatures can come
from; and it is most certain that there could not live so many
there as come here in one season.
Those that go to lay at Ascension must needs travel much
farther; for there is no land nearer it than 300 leagues: and it
is certain that these creatures live always near the shore. In
the South Sea likewise the Galapagos is the place where they live
the biggest part of the year; yet they go from thence at their
season over to the Main to lay their eggs; which is 100 leagues
the nearest place. Although multitudes of these turtles go from
their common places of feeding and abode to those laying-places,
yet they do not all go: and at the time when the turtle resort to
these places to lay their eggs they are accompanied with
abundance of fish, especially sharks; the places which the turtle
then leave being at that time destitute of fish, which follow the
turtle.
When the she's go thus to their places to lay the male
accompany them, and never leave them till they return: both male
and female are fat the beginning of the season; but before they
return the male, as I said, are so lean that they are not fit to
eat, but the female are good to the very last; yet not so fat as
at the beginning of the season. It is reported of these creatures
that they are nine days engendering, and in the water, the male
on the female's back. It is observable that the male, while
engendering, do not easily forsake their female: for I have gone
and taken hold of the male when engendering: and a very bad
striker may strike them then, for the male is not shy at all: but
the female, seeing a boat when they rise to blow, would make her
escape, but that the male grasps her with his two fore fins, and
holds her fast. When they are thus coupled it is best to strike
the female first, then you are sure of the male also. These
creatures are thought to live to a great age; and it is observed
by the Jamaica turtlers that they are many years before they come
to their full growth.
THE AIR AND WEATHER AT THE GALAPAGOS.
The air of these islands is temperate enough considering the
clime. Here is constantly a fresh sea-breeze all day, and cooling
refreshing winds in the night: therefore the heat is not so
violent here as in most places near the Equator. The time of the
year for the rains is in November, December, and January. Then
there is oftentimes excessive hard tempestuous weather, mixed
with much thunder and lightning. Sometimes before and after these
months there are moderate refreshing showers; but in May, June,
July, and August the weather is always very fair.
We stayed at one of these islands which lies under the Equator
but one night because our prizes could not get in to anchor. We
refreshed ourselves very well both with land and sea-turtles; and
the next day we sailed from thence.
SOME OF THE ISLANDS DESCRIBED, THEIR SOIL, ETC.
The next island of the Galapagos that we came to is but two
leagues from this: it is rocky and barren like this; it is about
five or six leagues long and four broad. We anchored in the
afternoon at the north side of the island, a quarter of a mile
from the shore in 16 fathom water. It is steep all round this
island and no anchoring only at this place. Here it is but
ordinary riding; for the ground is so steep that if an anchor
starts it never holds again; and the wind is commonly off from
the land except in the night when the land-wind comes more from
the west, for there it blows right along the shore, though but
faintly. Here is no water but in ponds and holes of the
rocks.
That which we first anchored at has water on the north end
falling down in a stream from high steep rocks upon the sandy
bay, where it may be taken up. As soon as we came to an anchor,
we made a tent ashore for Captain Cook who was sick. Here we
found the sea-turtle lying ashore on the sand; this is not
customary in the West Indies. We turned them on their backs that
they might not get away. The next day more came up, when we found
it to be their custom to lie in the sun: so we never took care to
turn them afterwards; but sent ashore the cook every morning, who
killed as many as served for the day. This custom we observed all
the time we lay here, feeding sometimes on land-turtle, sometimes
on sea-turtle, there being plenty of either sort. Captain Davis
came hither again a second time; and then he went to other
islands on the west side of these. There he found such plenty of
land-turtle that he and his men ate nothing else for three months
that he stayed there. They were so fat that he saved sixty jars
of oil out of those that he spent: this oil served instead of
butter to eat with doughboys or dumplings, in his return out of
these seas. He found very convenient places to careen, and good
channels between the islands; and very good anchoring in many
places. There he found also plenty of brooks of good fresh water,
and firewood enough, there being plenty of trees fit for many
uses. Captain Harris, one that we shall speak of hereafter, came
thither likewise, and found some islands that had plenty of
mammee-trees, and pretty large rivers. The sea about these
islands is plentifully stored with fish such as are at Juan
Fernandez. They are both large and fat and as plentiful here as
at Juan Fernandez. Here are particularly abundance of sharks. The
north part of this second isle we anchored at lies 28 minutes
north of the Equator. I took the height of the sun with an
astrolabe. These isles of the Galapagos have plenty of salt. We
stayed here but 12 days in which time we put ashore 5000 packs of
flour for a reserve if we should have occasion of any before we
left these seas. Here one of our Indian prisoners informed us
that he was born at Realejo, and that he would engage to carry us
thither. He being examined of the strength and riches of it
satisfied the company so well that they were resolved to go
thither.
Having thus concluded; the 12th of June we sailed from hence,
designing to touch at the island Cocos, as well to put ashore
some flour there as to see the island, because it was in our way
to Realejo. We steered north till in latitude 4 degrees 40
minutes, intending then to steer west by north, for we expected
to have had the wind at south by east or south-south-east as we
had on the south side of the Equator. Thus I had formerly found
the winds near the shore in these latitudes; but when we first
parted from the Galapagos we had the wind at south, and as we
sailed farther north we had the winds at south by west then at
south-south-west, winds which we did not expect. We thought at
first that the wind would come about again to the south; but when
we came to sail off west to the island Cocos we had the wind at
south-west by south and could lie but west by north. Yet we stood
that course till we were in the latitude 5 degrees 40 minutes
north and then despairing, as the winds were, to find the island
Cocos, we steered over to the Main; for had we seen the island
then, we could not have fetched it, being so far to the north of
it.
THE ISLAND COCOS DESCRIBED, CAPE BLANCO, AND THE BAY OF
CALDERA; THE SAVANNAHS THERE.
The island Cocos is so named by the Spaniards because there
are abundance of coconut-trees growing on it. They are not only
in one or two places but grow in great groves, all round the
island, by the sea. This is an uninhabited island, it is 7 or 8
leagues round and pretty high in the middle, where it is
destitute of trees, but looks very green and pleasant with a herb
called by the Spaniards gramadael. It is low land by the
seaside.
This island is in 5 degrees 15 minutes north of the Equator;
it is environed with rocks, which makes it almost inaccessible:
only at the north-east end there is a small harbour where ships
may safely enter and ride secure. In this harbour there is a fine
brook of fresh water running into the sea. This is the account
that the Spaniards give of it, and I had the same also from
Captain Eaton, who was there afterward.
Any who like us had not experienced the nature of the winds in
these parts might reasonably expect that we could have sailed
with a flown sheet to Realejo; but we found ourselves mistaken,
for as we came nearer the shore we found the winds right in our
teeth. But I shall refer my reader to the Chapter of Winds in the
Appendix for a farther account of this.
We had very fair weather and small winds in this voyage from
the Galapagos, and at the beginning of July we fell in with Cape
Blanco, on the Main of Mexico. This is so called from two white
rocks lying off it. When we are off at sea right against the cape
they appear as part of the cape; but being near the shore, either
to the eastward or westward of the cape, they appear like two
ships under sail at first view but, coming nearer, they are like
two high towers; they being small, high and steep on all sides,
and they are about half a mile from the cape. This cape is in
latitude 9 degrees 56 minutes. It is about the height of Beachy
Head in England, on the coast of Sussex. It is a full point, with
steep rocks to the sea. The top of it is flat and even for about
a mile; then it gradually falls away on each side with a gentle
descent. It appears very pleasant, being covered with great lofty
trees. From the cape on the north-west side the land runs in
north-east for about 4 leagues, making a small bay called by the
Spaniards Caldera. A league within Cape Blanco, on the north-west
side of it and at the entrance of this bay, there is a small
brook of very good water running into the sea. Here the land is
low, making a saddling between 2 small hills. It is very rich
land, producing large tall trees of many sorts; the mould is
black and deep, which I have always taken notice of to be a fat
soil. About a mile from this brook towards the north-east the
woodland terminates. Here the savannah land begins, and runs some
leagues into the country, making many small hills and dales.
These savannahs are not altogether clear of trees, but are here
and there sprinkled with small groves, which render them very
delightful. The grass which grows here is very kindly, thick and
long; I have seen none better in the West Indies. Toward the
bottom of the bay the land by the sea is low and full of
mangroves, but farther in the country the land is high and
mountainous. The mountains are part woodland, part savannah. The
trees in those woods are but small and short; and the mountain
savannahs are clothed but with indifferent grass. From the bottom
of this bay it is but 14 or 15 leagues to the Lake of Nicaragua
on the North Sea coast: the way between is somewhat mountainous,
but most savannah.
CAPTAIN COOK DIES.
Captain Cook, who was then sick at Juan Fernandez, continued
so till we came within 2 or 3 leagues of Cape Blanco, and then
died of a sudden; though he seemed that morning to be as likely
to live, as he had been some weeks before; but it is usual with
sick men coming from the sea, where they have nothing but the sea
air, to die off as soon as ever they come within the view of the
land. About four hours after we all came to an anchor (namely the
ship that I was in, Captain Eaton, and the great meal prize) a
league within the cape, right against the brook of fresh water,
in 14 fathom clean hard sand. Presently after we came to an
anchor Captain Cook was carried ashore to be buried, twelve men
carried their arms to guard those that were ordered to dig the
grave: for although we saw no appearance of inhabitants, yet we
did not know but the country might be thick inhabited. And before
Captain Cook was interred three Spanish Indians came to the place
where our men were digging the grave and demanded what they were,
and from whence they came? To whom our men answered they came
from Lima and were bound to Realejo, but that the captain of one
of the ships dying at sea, obliged them to come into this place
to give him Christian burial. The three Spanish Indians who were
very shy at first began to be very bold and, drawing near, asked
many silly questions; and our men did not stick to soothe them up
with as many falsehoods, purposely to draw them into their
clutches. Our men often laughed at their temerity; and asked them
if they never saw any Spaniards before? They told them that they
themselves were Spaniards and that they lived among Spaniards,
and that although they were born there yet they had never seen 3
ships there before: our men told them that neither now might they
have seen so many if it had not been on an urgent occasion. At
length they drilled them by discourse so near that our men laid
hold on all three at once; but before Captain Cook was buried one
of them made his escape, the other two were brought off aboard
our ship. Captain Eaton immediately came aboard and examined
them; they confessed that they came purposely to view our ship
and if possible to inform themselves what we were; for the
president of Panama not long before sent a letter of advice to
Nicoya, informing the magistrates thereof that some enemies were
come into these seas, and that therefore it behoved them to be
careful of themselves. Nicoya is a small Mulatto town about 12 or
14 leagues east from hence, standing on the banks of a river of
that name. It is a place very fit for building ships, therefore
most of the inhabitants are carpenters who are commonly employed
in building new or repairing old ships. It was here that Captain
Sharp (just after I left him in the year 1681) got carpenters to
fix his ship before he returned to England: and for that reason
it behoved the Spaniards to be careful (according to the governor
of Panama's advice) lest any men at other times wanting such
necessaries as that place afforded might again be supplied
there.
OF NICOYA, AND A RED WOOD FOR DYEING, AND OTHER
COMMODITIES.
These Spanish Indians told us likewise that they were sent to
the place where they were taken in order to view our ships, as
fearing these were those mentioned by the president of Panama: it
being demanded of them to give an account of the estate and
riches of the country; they said that the inhabitants were most
husbandmen, who were employed either in planting and manuring of
corn, or chiefly about cattle; they having large savannahs, which
were well stored with bulls, cows and horses; that by the seaside
in some places there grew some red-wood, useful in dyeing; of
this they said there was little profit made, because they were
forced to send it to the Lake of Nicaragua, which runs into the
North Seas: that they sent thither also great quantities of bull
and cow-hides, and brought from thence in exchange Europe
commodities; as hats, linen and woollen, wherewith they clothed
themselves; that the flesh of the cattle turned to no other
profit than sustenance for their families; as for butter and
cheese they make but little in those parts. After they had given
this relation they told us that if we wanted provision there was
a beef estancia, or farm of bulls and cows, about three mile off
where we might kill what we pleased. This was welcome news for we
had no sort of flesh since we left the Galapagos; therefore
twenty-four of us immediately entered into two boats, taking one
of these Spanish Indians with us for a pilot, and went ashore
about a league from the ship. There we hauled up our boats dry
and marched all away, following our guide, who soon brought us to
some houses and a large pen for cattle. This pen stood in a large
savannah, about two mile from our boats: there were a great many
fat bulls and cows feeding in the savannahs; some of us would
have killed three or four to carry on board, but others opposed
it, and said it was better to stay all night, and in the morning
drive the cattle into the pen, and then kill 20 or 30, or as many
as we pleased.
A NARROW ESCAPE OF TWELVE MEN.
I was minded to return aboard, and endeavoured to persuade
them all to go with me, but some would not, therefore I returned
with 12, which was half, and left the other 12 behind. At this
place I saw three or four tun of the redwood; which I take to be
that sort of wood, called in Jamaica blood-wood, or
Nicaragua-wood. We who returned aboard met no one to oppose us,
and the next day we expected our consorts that we left ashore,
but none came; therefore at four o'clock in the afternoon ten men
went in our canoe to see what was become of them: when they came
to the bay where we landed to go to the estancia they found our
men all on a small rock, half a mile from the shore, standing in
the water up to their waists. These men had slept ashore in the
house and turned out betimes in the morning to pen the cattle; 2
or 3 went one way and as many another way to get the cattle to
the pen, and others stood at the pen to drive them in. When they
were thus scattered about 40 or 50 armed Spaniards came in among
them. Our men immediately called to each other and drew together
in a body before the Spaniards could attack them; and marched to
their boat, which was hauled up dry on the sand. But when they
came to the sandy bay they found their boat all in flames. This
was a very unpleasing sight for they knew not how to get aboard
unless they marched by land to the place where Captain Cook was
buried, which was near a league. The greatest part of the way was
thick woods, where the Spaniards might easily lay an ambush for
them, at which they are very expert. On the other side, the
Spaniards now thought them secure; and therefore came to them,
and asked them if they would be pleased to walk to their
plantations, with many other such flouts; but our men answered
never a word. It was about half ebb when one of our men took
notice of a rock a good distance from the shore, just appearing
above water; he showed it to his consorts, and told them it would
be a good castle for them if they could get thither. They all
wished themselves there; for the Spaniards, who lay as yet at a
good distance from them behind the bushes, as secure of their
prey, began to whistle now and then a shot among them. Having
therefore well considered the place together with the danger they
were in, they proposed to send one of the tallest men to try if
the sea between them and the rock were fordable. This counsel
they presently put in execution and found it according to their
desire. So they all marched over to the rock, where they remained
till the canoe came to them; which was about seven hours. It was
the latter part of the ebb when they first went over, and then
the rock was dry; but when the tide of flood returned again the
rock was covered, and the water still flowing; so that if our
canoe had stayed but one hour longer they might have been in as
great danger of their lives from the sea as before from the
Spaniards; for the tide rises here about eight foot. The
Spaniards remained on the shore, expecting to see them destroyed,
but never came from behind the bushes where they first planted
themselves; they having not above 3 or 4 hand-guns, the rest of
them being armed with lances. The Spaniards in these parts are
very expert in heaving or darting the lance; with which upon
occasion, they will do great feats, especially in ambuscades: and
by their good will, they care not for fighting otherwise, but
content themselves with standing aloof, threatening and calling
names, at which they are as expert as the other; so that if their
tongues be quiet, we always take it for granted they have laid
some ambush. Before night our canoe came aboard, and brought our
men all safe. The next day two canoes were sent to the bottom of
the bay to seek for a large canoe, which we were informed was
there. The Spaniards have neither ships nor barks here, and but a
few canoes, which they seldom use: neither are there any
fishermen here, as I judge, because fish is very scarce; for I
never saw any here, neither could any of our men ever take any;
and yet wherever we come to an anchor we always send out our
strikers, and put our hooks and lines overboard, to try for fish.
The next day our men returned out of the bay and brought the
canoe with them, which they were sent for, and three or four days
afterwards the two canoes were sent out again for another, which
they likewise brought aboard. These canoes were fitted with
thwarts or benches, straps and oars fit for service; and one of
these Captain Eaton had for his share, and we the other, which we
fixed for landing men when occasion required.
LANCE-WOOD.
While we lay here we filled our water and cut a great many
looms, or handles, or staves for oars; for here is plenty of
lance-wood, which is most proper for that use. I never saw any in
the South Seas but in this place: there is plenty of it in
Jamaica, especially at a place called Bluefields (not Bluefield's
River which is on the Main) near the west end of that island. The
lance-wood grows straight like our young ash; it is very hard,
tough, and heavy, therefore privateers esteem it very much, not
only to make looms for oars, but scouring-rods for their guns;
for they have seldom less than three or four spare rods for fear
one should break, and they are much better than rods made of
ash.
The day before we went from hence Mr. Edward Davis, the
company's quartermaster, was made Captain by consent of all the
company; for it was his place by succession. The 20th day of July
we sailed from this bay of Caldera with Captain Eaton and our
prize which we brought from Galapagos in company, directing our
course for Realejo. The wind was at north, which although but an
ordinary wind yet carried us in three days abreast of our
intended port.
VOLCAN VIEJO, A BURNING MOUNTAIN ON THE COAST OF REALEJO.
Realejo is the most remarkable land on all this coast, for
there is a high peaked burning mountain, called by the Spaniards
Volcan Viejo, or the Old Volcano. This must be brought to bear
north-east then steer in directly with the mountain, and that
course will bring you to the harbour. The sea-winds are here at
south-south-west, therefore ships that come hither must take the
sea-winds, for there is no going in with the land-wind. The
volcano may be easily known, because there is not any other so
high a mountain near it, neither is there any that appears in the
like form all along the coast; besides it smokes all the day, and
in the night it sometimes sends forth flames of fire. This
mountain may be seen twenty leagues; being within three leagues
of the harbour, the entrance into it may be seen; there is a
small flat low island which makes the harbour. It is about a mile
long and a quarter of a mile broad, and is from the Main about a
mile and a half. There is a channel at each end of the island,
the west channel is the widest and safest, yet at the north-west
point of the island there is a shoal which ships must take heed
of going in. Being past that shoal, you must keep close to the
island, for there is a whole sandy point strikes over from the
Main almost half way. The east channel is not so wide, besides
there runs a stronger tide; therefore ships seldom or never go in
that way. This harbour is capable of receiving 200 sail of ships;
the best riding is near the Main, where there is seven or eight
fathom water, clean hard sand.
Realejo Town is two leagues from hence, and there are 2 creeks
that run towards it; the westermost comes near the back side of
the town, the other runs up to the town, but neither ships nor
barks can go so far. These creeks are very narrow, and the land
on each side drowned and full of red mangrove-trees. About a mile
and a half below the town, on the banks of the east creek, the
Spaniards had cast up a strong breast-work; it was likewise
reported they had another on the west creek, both so
advantageously placed that ten men might with ease keep 200 men
from landing. I shall give a description of the town in my return
hither, and therefore forbear to do it here. Wherefore, to resume
the thread of our course, we were now in sight of the volcano,
being by estimation 7 or 8 leagues from the shore, and the
mountain bearing north-east we took in our topsails and hauled up
our courses, intending to go with our canoes into the harbour in
the night.
A TORNADO.
In the evening we had a very hard tornado out of the
north-east with much thunder, lightning, and rain. The violence
of the wind did not last long, yet it was 11 o'clock at night
before we got out our canoes, and then it was quite calm. We
rowed in directly for the shore and thought to have reached it
before day, but it was 9 o'clock in the morning before we got
into the harbour.
THE ISLAND AND HARBOUR OF REALEJO.
When we came within a league of the island of Realejo, that
makes the harbour, we saw a house on it, and coming nearer we saw
two or three men, who stood and looked on us till we came within
half a mile of the island, then they went into their canoe, which
lay on the inside of the island, and rowed towards the Main; but
we overtook them before they got over, and brought them back
again to the island. There was a horseman right against us on the
Main when we took the canoe, who immediately rode away towards
the town as fast as he could. The rest of our canoes rowed
heavily and did not come to the island till 12 o'clock, therefore
we were forced to stay for them. Before they came we examined the
prisoners who told us that they were set there to watch, for the
governor of Realejo received a letter about a month before,
wherein he was advised of some enemies come into the sea, and
therefore admonished him to be careful; that immediately
thereupon the governor had caused a house to be built on this
island, and ordered four men to be continually there to watch
night and day; and if they saw any ship coming thither they were
to give notice of it. They said they did not expect to see boats
or canoes, but looked out for a ship. At first they took us in
our advanced canoe to be some men that had been cast away and
lost our ship; till, seeing 3 or 4 canoes more, they began to
suspect what we were. They told us likewise that the horseman
which we saw did come to them every morning, and that in less
than an hour's time he could be at the town. When Captain Eaton
and his canoes came ashore we told them what had happened. It was
now three hours since the horseman rode away, and we could not
expect to get to the town in less than two hours; in which time
the governor having notice of our coming might be provided to
receive us at his breast-works; therefore we thought it best to
defer this design till another time.
THE GULF OF AMAPALLA AND POINT GASIVINA.
There is a fine spring of fresh water on the island; there are
some trees also, but the biggest part is savannah, whereon is
good grass, though there is no sort of beast to eat it. This
island is in latitude 12 degrees 10 minutes north. Here we stayed
till 4 o'clock in the afternoon; then, our ships being come
within a league of the shore, we all went on board, and steered
for the Gulf of Amapalla, intending there to careen our
ships.
The 26th of July Captain Eaton came aboard our ship to consult
with Captain Davis how to get some Indians to assist us in
careening: it was concluded that, when we came near the gulf,
Captain Davis should take two canoes well manned and go before,
and Captain Eaton should stay aboard. According to this agreement
Captain Davis went away for the gulf the next day.
ISLES OF MANGERA AND AMAPALLA.
The Gulf of Amapalla is a great arm of the sea running 8 or 10
leagues into the country. It is bounded on the south side of its
entrance with Point Casivina, and on the north-west side with St.
Michael's Mount. Both these places are very remarkable: Point
Casivina is in latitude 12 degrees 40 minutes north: it is a high
round point which at sea appears like an island; because the land
within it is very low. St. Michael's Mount is a very high peaked
hill, not very steep: the land at the foot of it on the
south-east side is low and even, for at least a mile. From this
low land the Gulf of Amapalla enters on that side. Between this
low land and Point Casivina there are two considerable high
islands; the southermost is called Mangera, the other is called
Amapalla; and they are two miles asunder.
Mangera is a high round island, about 2 leagues in compass,
appearing like a tall grove. It is environed with rocks all
round, only a small cove, or sandy bay, on the north-east side.
The mould and soil of this island is black, but not deep; it is
mixed with stones, yet very productive of large tall timber
trees.
THE INDIAN INHABITANTS.
In the middle of the island there is an Indian town, and a
fair Spanish church. The Indians have plantations of maize round
the town, and some plantains: they have a few cocks and hens, but
no other sort of tame fowl; neither have they any sort of beast,
but cats and dogs. There is a path from the town to the sandy
bay, but the way is steep and rocky. At this sandy bay there are
always 10 or 12 canoes lie hauled up dry, except when they are in
use.
Amapalla is a larger island than Mangera; the soil much the
same. There are two towns on it, about two miles asunder; one on
the north side, the other on the east side: that on the east side
is not above a mile from the sea; it stands on a plain on the top
of a hill, the path to it is so steep and rocky that a few men
might keep down a great number only with stones. There is a very
fair church standing in the midst of the town. The other town is
not so big, yet it has a good handsome church. One thing I have
observed in all the Indian towns under the Spanish government, as
well in these parts in the Bay of Campeachy and elsewhere, that
the images of the Virgin Mary and other saints (with which all
their churches were filled) are still painted in an Indian
complexion, and partly in that dress; but in those towns which
are inhabited chiefly by Spaniards, the saints also conform
themselves to the Spanish garb and complexion.
HOG-PLUM-TREE.
The houses here are but mean; the Indians of both plains have
good field maize, remote from the town: they have but few
plantains, but they have abundance of large hog-plum-trees
growing about their houses. The tree that bears this fruit is as
big as our largest plum-tree: the leaf is of a dark green colour
and as broad as the leaf of a plum-tree; but they are shaped like
the hawthorn leaf. The trees are very brittle wood; the fruit is
oval, and as big as a small horse-plum. It is at first very
green, but when it is ripe one side is yellow, the other red. It
has a great stone, and but little substance about it: the fruit
is pleasant enough; but I do not, remember that ever I saw one
thoroughly ripe that had not a maggot or two in it. I do not
remember that I did ever see any of this fruit in the South Seas
but at this place. In the Bay of Campeachy they are very
plentiful, and in Jamaica they plant them to fence their ground.
These Indians have also some fowls, as those at Mangera: no
Spaniards dwell among them but only one padre or priest, who
serves for all three towns; these two at Amapalla and that at
Mangera. They are under the governor of the town of St.
Michael's, at the foot of St. Michael's Mount, to whom they pay
their tribute in maize; being extremely poor, yet very contented.
They have nothing to make money of but their plantations of maize
and their fowls; the padre or friar has his tenths of it, and
knows to a peck how much every man has, and how many fowls, of
which they dare not kill one, though they are sick, without leave
from him. There was (as I said) never another white man on these
islands but the friar. He could speak the Indian language, as all
friars must that live among them. In this vast country of America
there are divers nations of Indians, different in their language,
therefore those friars that are minded to live among any nations
of Indians must learn the language of those people they propose
to teach. Although these here are but poor, yet the Indians in
many other places have great riches which the Spaniards draw from
them for trifles: in such places the friars get plentiful
incomes; as particularly in the Bay of Campeachy, where the
Indians have large cocoa-walks; or in other places where they
plant cochineel-trees, or silvester-trees; or where they gather
vinelloes, and in such places where they gather gold. In such
places as these the friars do get a great deal of wealth. There
was but one of all the Indians on both these islands that could
speak Spanish; he could write Spanish also, being bred up
purposely to keep the registers and books of account: he was
secretary to both islands. They had a casica too (a small sort of
magistrate the Indians have amongst themselves) but he could
neither write nor speak Spanish.
OTHER ISLANDS IN THE GULF OF AMAPALLA.
There are a great many more islands in this bay, but none
inhabited as these. There is one pretty large island belonging to
a nunnery, as the Indians told us, this was stocked with bulls
and cows; there were 3 or 4 Indians lived there to look after the
cattle, for the sake of which we often frequented this island
while we lay in the bay: they are all low islands except Amapalla
and Mangera. There are two channels to come into this gulf, one
between Point Casivina and Mangera, the other between Mangera and
Amapalla: the latter is the best. The riding-place is on the east
side of Amapalla, right against a spot of low ground; for all the
island except this one place is high land. Running in farther
ships may anchor near the Main, on the north-east side of the
island Amapalla. This is the place most frequented by Spaniards:
it is called the Port of Martin Lopez. This gulf or lake runs in
some leagues beyond all the islands; but it is shoal water and
not capable of ships.
It was into this gulf that Captain Davis was gone with the two
canoes to endeavour for a prisoner, to gain intelligence, if
possible, before our ships came in: he came the first night to
Mangera, but for want of a pilot did not know where to look for
the town. In the morning he found a great many canoes hauled up
on the bay; and from that bay found a path which led him and his
company to the town. The Indians saw our ships in the evening
coming towards the island, and, being before informed of enemies
in the sea, they kept scouts out all night for fear: who, seeing
Captain Davis coming, ran into the town, and alarmed all the
people. When Captain Davis came thither they all run into the
woods. The friar happened to be there at this time; who, being
unable to ramble into the woods, fell into Captain Davis's hands:
there were two Indian boys with him who were likewise taken.
Captain Davis went only to get a prisoner, therefore was well
satisfied with the friar, and immediately came down to the
seaside. He went from thence to the island Amapalla, carrying the
friar and the two Indian boys with him. These were his pilots to
conduct him to the landing-place, where they arrived about noon.
They made no stay here, but left three or four men to look after
the canoes, and Captain Davis with the rest marched to the town,
taking the friar with them. The town, as is before noted, is
about a mile from the landing-place, standing in a plain on the
top of a hill, having a very steep ascent to go to it. All the
Indians stood on the top of the hill waiting Captain Davis's
coming.
The secretary, mentioned before, had no great kindness for the
Spaniards. It was he that persuaded the Indians to wait Captain
Davis's coming; for they were all running into the woods; but he
told them that if any of the Spaniard's enemies came thither it
was not to hurt them, but the Spaniards whose slaves they were;
and that their poverty would protect them. This man with the
casica stood more forward than the rest, at the bank of the hill,
when Captain Davis with his company appeared beneath. They called
out therefore in Spanish, demanding of our men what they were,
and from whence they came? To whom Captain Davis and his men
replied they were Biscayers, and that they were sent thither by
the king of Spain to clear those seas from enemies; that their
ships were coming into the gulf to careen, and that they came
thither before the ships to seek a convenient place for it, as
also to desire the Indian's assistance. The secretary, who, as I
said before, was the only man that could speak Spanish, told them
that they were welcome, for he had a great respect for any Old
Spain men, especially for the Biscayers, of whom he had heard a
very honourable report; therefore he desired them to come up to
their town. Captain Davis and his men immediately ascending the
hill, the friar going before; and they were received with a great
deal of affection by the Indians. The casica and secretary
embraced Captain Davis, and the other Indians received his men
with the like ceremony. These salutations being ended, they all
marched towards the church, for that is the place of all public
meetings, and all plays and pastimes are acted there also;
therefore in the churches belonging to Indian towns they have all
sorts of vizards, and strange antick dresses both for men and
women, and abundance of musical hautboys and strumstrums. The
strumstrum is made somewhat like a sittern; most of those that
the Indians use are made of a large gourd cut in the midst, and a
thin board laid over the hollow, and which is fastened to the
sides; this serves for the belly; over which the strings are
placed. The nights before any holidays, or the nights ensuing,
are the times when they all meet to make merry. Their mirth
consists in singing, dancing, and sporting in those antick
habits, and using as many antick gestures. If the moon shine they
use but few torches, if not, the church is full of light. There
meet at these times all sorts of both sexes. All the Indians that
I have been acquainted with who are under the Spaniards seem to
be more melancholy than other Indians that are free; and at these
public meetings, when they are in the greatest of their jollity,
their mirth seems to be rather forced than real. Their songs are
very melancholy and doleful; so is their music: but whether it be
natural to the Indians to be thus melancholy, or the effect of
their slavery, I am not certain: but I have always been prone to
believe that they are then only condoling their misfortunes, the
loss of their country and liberties: which although these that
are now living do not know, nor remember what it was to be free,
yet there seems to be a deep impression of the thoughts of the
slavery which the Spaniards have brought them under, increased
probably by some traditions of their ancient freedom.
Captain Davis intended when they were all in the church to
shut the doors and then make a bargain with them, letting them
know what he was, and so draw them afterwards by fair means to
our assistance: the friar being with him, who had also promised
to engage them to it: but before they were all in the church, one
of Captain Davis's men pushed one of the Indians to hasten him
into the church. The Indian immediately ran away, and all the
rest taking the alarm sprang out of the church like deer; it was
hard to say which was first: and Captain Davis, who knew nothing
of what happened, was left in the church only with the friar.
When they were all fled, Captain Davis's men fired and killed the
secretary; and thus our hopes perished by the indiscretion of one
foolish fellow.
CAPTAIN EATON AND CAPTAIN DAVIS CAREEN THEIR SHIPS HERE, AND
AFTERWARDS PART.
In the afternoon the ships came into the gulf between Point
Casivina and Mangera, and anchored near the island Amapalla on
the east side in 10 fathom water, clean hard sand. In the evening
Captain Davis and his company came aboard, and brought the friar
with them; who told Captain Davis that if the secretary had not
been killed he could have sent him a letter by one of the Indians
that was taken at Mangera, and persuaded him to come to us; but
now the only way was to send one of those Indians to seek the
casica, and that himself would instruct him what to say, and did
not question but the casica would come in on his word. The next
day we sent ashore one of the Indians, who before night returned
with the casica and six other Indians, who remained with us all
the time that we stayed here. These Indians did us good service;
especially in piloting us to an island where we killed beef
whenever we wanted; and for this their service we satisfied them
to their hearts' content. It was at this island Amapalla that a
party of Englishmen and Frenchmen came afterwards, and stayed a
great while, and at last landed on the Main, and marched overland
to the Cape River, which disembogues into the North Seas near
Cape Gracias a Dios, and is therefore called the Cape River: near
the head of this river they made bark-logs (which I shall
describe in the next chapter) and so went into the North Seas.
This was the way that Captain Sharp had proposed to go if he had
been put to it; for this way was partly known by privateers by
the discovery that was made into the country about 30 years
since, by a party of Englishmen that went up that river in
canoes, about as far as the place where these Frenchmen made
their bark-logs: there they landed and marched to a town called
Segovia in the country. They were near a month getting up the
river, for there were many cataracts where they were often forced
to leave the river and haul their canoes ashore over the land
till they were past the cataracts, and then launch their canoes
again into the river. I have discoursed several men that were in
that expedition, and if I mistake not Captain Sharp was one of
them. But to return to our voyage in hand; when both our ships
were clean and our water filled Captain Davis and Captain Eaton
broke off consortships. Captain Eaton took aboard of his ship 400
packs of flour, and sailed out of the gulf the second day of
September.
Chapter VI
They Depart from Amapalla.
The third day of September 1684 we sent the friar ashore and
left the Indians in possession of the prize which we brought in
hither, though she was still half laden with flour, and we sailed
out with the land-wind, passing between Amapalla and Mangera.
When we were a league out we saw a canoe coming with sail and
oars after us; therefore we shortened sail and stayed for her.
She was a canoe sent by the governor of St. Michael's Town to our
captain, desiring him not to carry away the friar. The messenger
being told that the friar was set ashore again at Amapalla he
returned with joy, and we made sail again, having the wind at
west-north-west.
TORNADOES.
We steered towards the coast of Peru; we had tornadoes every
day till we made Cape San Francisco, which from June to November
are very common on these coasts; and we had with the tornadoes
very much thunder, lightning, and rain. When the tornadoes were
over the winds, which while they lasted was most from the
south-east, came about again to the west, and never failed us
till we were in sight of Cape San Francisco, where we found the
wind at south with fair weather.
CAPE SAN FRANCISCO.
This cape is in latitude 01 degrees 00 north. It is a high
bluff, or full point of land, clothed with tall great trees.
Passing by this point, coming from the north, you will see a
small low point which you might suppose to be the cape; but you
are then past it, and presently afterwards it appears with three
points. The land in the country within this cape is very high,
and the mountains commonly appear very black.
THEY MEET CAPTAIN EATON, AND PART AGAIN.
When we came in with this cape we overtook Captain Eaton,
plying under the shore: he in his passage from Amapalla, while he
was on that coast, met with such terrible tornadoes of thunder
and lightning that, as he and all his men related, they had never
met with the like in any place. They were very much affrighted by
them, the air smelling very much of sulphur, and they
apprehending themselves in great danger of being burnt by the
lightning. He touched at the island Cocos, and put ashore 200
packs of flour there, and loaded his boat with coconuts, and took
in fresh water. In the evening we separated again from Captain
Eaton; for he stood off to sea and we plied up under the shore,
making our best advantage both of sea and land-winds. The
sea-winds are here at south, the land-winds at south-south-east,
but sometimes when we came abreast of the river we should have
the wind at south-east.
ISLE OF PLATA DESCRIBED.
The 20th day of September we came to the island Plata, and
anchored in 16 fathom. We had very good weather from the time
that we fell in with Cape San Francisco; and were now fallen in
again with the same places from whence I begin the account of
this voyage in the first chapter, having now compassed in the
whole continent of the South America.
The island Plata, as some report, was so named by the
Spaniards after Sir Francis Drake took the Cacafoga, a ship
chiefly laden with plate, which they say he brought hither and
divided it here with his men. It is about four mile long, and a
mile and a half broad, and of a good height. It is bounded with
high steep cliffs clear round, only at one place on the east
side. The top of it is flat and even, the soil sandy and dry: the
trees it produces are but small-bodied, low, and grow thin; and
there are only three or four sorts of trees, all unknown to us. I
observed they were much overgrown with long moss. There is good
grass, especially in the beginning of the year. There is no water
on this island but at one place on the east side, close by the
sea; there it drills slowly down from the rocks, where it may be
received into vessels. There was plenty of goats but they are now
all destroyed. There is no other sort of land-animal that I did
ever see: here are plenty of boobies and men-of-war-birds. The
anchoring-place is on the east side near the middle of the island
close by the shore, within 2 cables' length of the sandy bay:
there is about 18 or 20 fathom good fast oazy ground and smooth
water; for the south-east point of the island shelters from the
south winds which constantly blow here. From the south-east point
there strikes out a small shoal a quarter of a mile into the sea,
where there is commonly a great rippling or working of short
waves during all the flood. The tide runs pretty strong, the
flood to the south and the ebb to the north. There is good
landing on the sandy bay against the anchoring-place, from whence
you may go up into the island, and at no place besides. There are
2 or 3 high, steep, small rocks at the south-east point, not a
cable's length from the island; and another much bigger at the
north-east end: it is deep water all round, but at the
anchoring-place, and at the shoal at the south-east point. This
island lies in latitude 01 degrees 10 minutes south. It is
distant from Cape San Lorenzo 4 or 5 leagues, bearing from it
west-south-west and half a point westerly. At this island are
plenty of those small sea-turtle spoken of in my last
chapter.
ANOTHER MEETING WITH CAPTAIN EATON, AND THEIR FINAL
PARTING.
The 21st day Captain Eaton came to an anchor by us: he was
very willing to have consorted with us again; but Captain Davis's
men were so unreasonable that they would not allow Captain
Eaton's men an equal share with them in what they got: therefore
Captain Eaton stayed here but one night, and the next day sailed
from hence, steering away to the southward. We stayed no longer
than the day ensuing, and then we sailed towards Point Santa
Helena, intending there to land some men purposely to get
prisoners for intelligence.
POINT SANTA HELENA.
Point Santa Helena bears south from the island Plata. It lies
in latitude 2 degrees 15 minutes south. The point is pretty high,
flat, and even at top, overgrown with many great thistles, but no
sort of tree; at a distance it appears like an island because the
land within it is very low.
This point strikes out west into the sea, making a pretty
large bay on the north side. A mile within the point on the sandy
bay close by the sea there is a poor small Indian village called
Santa Helena; the land about it is low, sandy and barren, there
are no trees nor grass growing near it; neither do the Indians
produce any fruit, grain, or plant but watermelons only, which
are large and very sweet. There is no fresh water at this place
nor near it; therefore the inhabitants are obliged to fetch all
their water from the river Colanche, which is in the bottom of
the bay, about 4 leagues from it.
ALGATRANE, A SORT OF TAR.
Not far from this town, on the bay close by the sea, about 5
paces from high-water mark, there is a sort of bituminous matter
boils out of a little hole in the earth; it is like thin tar: the
Spaniards call it algatrane. By much boiling it becomes hard like
pitch. It is frequently used by the Spaniards instead of pitch;
and the Indians that inhabit here save it in jars. It boils up
most at high water; and then the Indians are ready to receive it.
These Indians are fishermen and go out to sea on bark-logs. Their
chief subsistence is maize, most of which they get from ships
that come hither from Algatrane. There is good anchoring to
leeward of the point right against the village: but on the west
side of the point it is deep water and no anchoring.
A SPANISH WRECK.
The Spaniards do report that there was once a very rich ship
driven ashore here in calm for want of wind to work her. As soon
as ever she struck she heeled off to sea, 7 or 8 fathom water,
where she lies to this day; none having attempted to fish for
her, because she lies deep, and there falls in here a great high
sea.
CRUISINGS.
When we were abreast of this point, we sent away our canoes in
the night to take the Indian village. They landed in the morning
betimes close by the town and took some prisoners. They took
likewise a small bark which the Indians had set on fire, but our
men quenched it and took the Indians that did it; who being asked
wherefore he set the bark on fire said that there was an order
from the viceroy lately set out commanding all seamen to burn
their vessels if attacked by us, and betake themselves to their
boats. There was another bark in a small cove a mile from the
village, thither our men went, thinking to take her, but the
seamen that were aboard set her in flames and fled: in the
evening our men came aboard and brought the small bark with them,
the fire of which they had quenched; and then we returned again
towards Plata; where we arrived the 26th day of September.
MANTA, NEAR CAPE SAN LORENZO.
In the evening we sent out some men in our bark lately taken,
and canoes, to an Indian village called Manta, two or three
leagues to the westward of Cape San Lorenzo; hoping there to get
other prisoners, for we could not learn from those we took at
Point Santa Helena the reason why the viceroy should give such
orders to burn the ships. They had a fresh sea-breeze till about
12 o'clock at night, and then it proved calm; wherefore they
rowed away with their canoes as near to the town as they thought
convenient, and lay still till day.
Manta is a small Indian village on the Main, distant from the
island Plata 7 or 8 leagues. It stands so advantageously to be
seen, being built on a small ascent, that it makes a very fair
prospect to the sea; yet but a few poor scattering Indian houses.
There is a very fine church, adorned with a great deal of carved
work. It was formerly a habitation for Spaniards, but they are
all removed from hence now. The land about it is dry and sandy,
bearing only a few shrubby trees. These Indians plant no manner
of grain or root, but are supplied from other places; and
commonly keep a stock of provision to relieve ships that want;
for this is the first settlement that ships can touch at which
come from Panama bound to Lima, or any other port in Peru. The
land, being dry and sandy, is not fit to produce crops of maize;
which is the reason they plant none. There is a spring of good
water between the village and the sea.
MONTE CHRISTO.
On the back of the town, a pretty way up in the country, there
is a very high mountain, towering up like a sugar-loaf, called
Monte Christo. It is a very good sea-mark, for there is none like
it on all the coast. The body of this mountain bears due south
from Manta. About a mile and a half from the shore, right against
the village, there is a rock, which is very dangerous, because it
never appears above water; neither does the sea break on it,
because there is seldom any great sea; yet it is now so well
known that all ships bound to this place do easily avoid it. A
mile within this rock there is good anchoring in 6, 8, or 10
fathom water, good hard sand and clear ground. And a mile from
the road on the west side there is a shoal running out a mile
into the sea. From Manta to Cape San Lorenzo the land is plain
and even, of an indifferent height. [See a farther account of
these coasts in the Appendix.]
CRUISINGS.
As soon as ever the day appeared our men landed, and marched
towards the village, which was about a mile and a half from their
landing-place: some of the Indians who were stirring saw them
coming and alarmed their neighbours; so that all that were able
got away. They took only two old women who both said that it was
reported that a great many enemies were come overland through the
country of Darien into the South Seas, and that they were at
present in canoes and periagos: and that the viceroy upon this
news had set out the forementioned order for burning their own
ships. Our men found no sort of provision here; the viceroy
having likewise sent orders to all sea ports to keep no
provision, but to just supply themselves. These women also said
that the Manta Indians were sent over to the island Plata to
destroy all the goats there; which they performed about a month
agone. With this news our men returned again, and arrived at
Plata the next day.
We lay still at the island Plata, being not resolved what to
do; till the 2nd day of October, and then Captain Swan in the
Cygnet of London arrived there. He was fitted out by very eminent
merchants of that city, on a design only to trade with the
Spaniards or Indians, having a very considerable cargo well
sorted for these parts of the world; but meeting with divers
disappointments and, being out of hopes to obtain a trade in
these seas, his men forced him to entertain a company of
privateers which he met with near Nicoya, a town whither he was
going to seek a trade, and these privateers were bound thither in
boats to get a ship. These were the men that we had heard of at
Manta; they came overland under the command of Captain Peter
Harris, nephew to that Captain Harris who was killed before
Panama. Captain Swan was still commander of his own ship, and
Captain Harris commanded a small bark under Captain Swan. There
was much joy on all sides when they arrived; and immediately
hereupon Captain Davis and Captain Swan consorted, wishing for
Captain Eaton again. Our little bark, which was taken at Santa
Helena, was immediately sent out to cruise, while the ships were
fitting; for Captain Swan's ship being full of goods was not fit
to entertain his new guest till the goods were disposed of;
therefore he by the consent of the supercargo got up all his
goods on deck, and sold to anyone that would buy upon trust: the
rest was thrown overboard into the sea except fine goods, as
silks, muslins, stockings, etc., and except the iron, whereof he
had a good quantity, both wrought and in bars: this was saved for
ballast.
The third day after our bark was sent to cruise she brought in
a prize of 400 tuns, laden with timber: they took her in the Bay
of Guayaquil; she came from a town of that name and was bound to
Lima. The commander of this prize said that it was generally
reported and believed at Guayaquil that the viceroy was fitting
out 10 sail of frigates to drive us out of these seas. This news
made our unsettled crew wish that they had been persuaded to
accept of Captain Eaton's company on reasonable terms. Captain
Davis and Captain Swan had some discourse concerning Captain
Eaton; they at last concluded to send our small bark towards the
coast of Lima, as far as the island Lobos, to seek Captain Eaton.
This being approved by all hands she was cleaned the next day and
sent away, manned with twenty men, ten of Captain Davis's, and
ten of Swan's men, and Captain Swan writ a letter directed to
Captain Eaton, desiring his company, and the isle of Plata was
appointed for the general rendezvous. When this bark was gone we
turned another bark which we had into a fire-ship; having six or
seven carpenters who soon fixed her; and while the carpenters
were at work about the fire-ship we scrubbed and cleaned our
men-of-war as well as time and place would permit.
The 19th day of October we finished our business, and the 20th
day we sailed towards the island Lobos, where our bark was
ordered to stay for us, or meet us again at Plata. We had but
little wind, therefore it was the 23rd day before we passed by
Point Santa Helena. The 25th day we crossed over the Bay of
Guayaquil.
CAPE BLANCO.
The 30th day we doubled Cape Blanco. This cape is in latitude
3 degrees 45 minutes. It is counted the worst cape in all the
South Seas to double, passing to the southward; for in all other
places ships may stand off to sea 20 or 30 leagues off if they
find they cannot get anything under the shore; but here they dare
not do it: for, by relation of the Spaniards, they find a current
setting north-west which will carry a ship off more in two hours
than they can run in again in five. Besides, setting to the
northward they lose ground: therefore they always beat up in
under the shore, which ofttimes they find very difficult because
the wind commonly blows very strong at south-south-west or south
by west without altering; for here are never any land-winds. This
cape is of an indifferent height: it is fenced with white rocks
to the sea; for which reason, I believe, it has this name. The
land in the country seems to be full of high, steep, rugged and
barren rocks.
PAYTA.
The 2nd day of November we got as high as Payta: we lay about
six leagues off shore all the day, that the Spaniards might not
see us; and in the evening sent our canoes ashore to take it,
manned with 110 men.
Payta is a small Spanish sea port town in the latitude of 5
degrees 15 minutes. It is built on the sand, close by the sea, in
a nook, elbow, or small bay, under a pretty high hill. There are
not above 75 or 80 houses and two churches. The houses are but
low and ill built.
THE BUILDINGS IN PERU.
The building in this country of Peru is much alike on all the
sea-coast. The walls are built of brick made with earth and straw
kneaded together: they are about three foot long, two foot broad,
and a foot and a half thick: they never burn them, but lay them a
long time in the sun to dry before they are used in building. In
some places they have no roofs, only poles laid across from the
side walls and covered with mats; and then those walls are
carried up to a considerable height. But where they build roofs
upon their houses the walls are not made so high, as I said
before. The houses in general all over this kingdom are but
meanly built, one chief reason, with the common people
especially, is the want of materials to build withal; for however
it be more within land, yet here is neither stone nor timber to
build with, nor any materials but such brick as I have described;
and even the stone which they have in some places is so brittle
that you may rub it into sand with your fingers. Another reason
why they build so meanly is because it never rains; therefore
they only endeavour to fence themselves from the sun. Yet their
walls, which are built but with an ordinary sort of brick in
comparison with what is made in other parts of the world,
continue a long time as firm as when first made, having never any
winds nor rains to rot, moulder, or shake them. However, the
richer sort have timber, which they make use of in building; but
it is brought from other places.
THE SOIL OF PERU.
This dry country commences to the northward, from about Cape
Blanco to Coquimbo, in about 30 degrees south, having no rain
that I could ever observe or hear of; nor any green thing growing
in the mountains: neither yet in the valleys, except where here
and there watered with a few small rivers dispersed up and down.
So that the northermost parts of this tract of land are supplied
with timber from Guayaquil, Gallo, Tornato, and other places that
are watered with rains; where there are plenty of all sorts of
timber. In the south parts, as about Guasco and Coquimbo, they
fetch their timber from the island Chiloe, or other places
thereabouts. The walls of churches and rich men's houses are
whitened with lime, both within and without; and the doors and
posts are very large, and adorned with carved work, and the beams
also in the churches: the inside of the houses are hung round
with rich embroidered or painted cloths. They have likewise
abundance of fine pictures, which adds no small ornament to their
houses: these, I suppose, they have from Old Spain. But the
houses of Payta are none of them so richly furnished. The
churches were large and fairly carved: at one end of the town
there was a small fort close by the sea, but no great guns in it.
This fort, only with muskets, will command all the bay so as to
hinder any boats from landing. There is another fort on the top
of the hill, just over the town, which commands both it and the
lower fort.
COLAN.
There is neither wood nor water to be had there: they fetch
their water from an Indian town called Colan, about two leagues
north-north-east from Payta: for at Colan there is a small river
of fresh water which runs out into the sea; from whence ships
that touch at Payta are supplied with water and other
refreshments, as fowls, hogs, plantains, yams, and maize: Payta
being destitute of all these things, only as they fetch them from
Colan, as they have occasion.
BARK LOGS DESCRIBED.
The Indians of Colan are all fishermen: they go out to sea and
fish from bark-logs. Bark-logs are made of many round logs of
wood, in manner of a raft, and very different according to the
use that they are designed for, or the humour of the people that
make them, or the matter that they are made of. If they are made
for fishing then they are only 3 or 4 logs of light wood, of 7 or
8 foot long, placed by the side of each other, pinned fast
together with wooden pins and bound hard with withes. The logs
are so placed that the middlemost are longer than those by the
sides, especially at the head or fore part, which grows narrower
gradually into an angle or point, the better to cut through the
water. Others are made to carry goods: the bottom of these is
made of 20 or 30 great trees of about 20, 30, or 40 foot long,
fastened like the other, side to side, and so shaped: on the top
of these they place another shorter row of trees across them,
pinned fast to each other and then pinned to the undermost row:
this double row of planks makes the bottom of the float, and of a
considerable breadth. From this bottom the raft is raised to
about 10 foot higher, with rows of posts sometimes set upright,
and supporting a floor or two: but those I observed were raised
by thick trees laid across each other, as in wood-piles; only not
close together as in the bottom of the float, but at the ends and
sides only, so as to leave the middle all hollow like a chamber;
except that here and there a beam goes across it to keep the
float more compact. In this hollow at about 4 foot height from
the beams at the bottom they lay small poles along and close
together to make a floor for another room, on the top of which
also they lay another such floor made of poles; and the entrances
into both these rooms is only by creeping between the great
traverse trees which make the walls of this sea-house. The lowest
of these storeys serves as a cellar: there they lay great stones
for ballast, and their jars of fresh water closed up, and
whatever may bear being wet; for, by the weight of the ballast
and cargo, the bottom of this room, and of the whole vessel, is
sunk so deep as to lie 2 or 3 feet within the surface of the
water. The second story is for the seamen and their necessaries.
Above this second story the goods are stowed to what height they
please, usually about 8 or 10 feet, and kept together by poles
set upright quite round: only there is a little space abaft for
the steersmen (for they have a large rudder) and afore for the
fire-hearth, to dress their victuals, especially when they make
long voyages, as from Lima to Truxillo, or Guayaquil, or Panama,
which last voyage is 5 or 600 leagues. In the midst of all, among
the goods, rises a mast, to which is fastened a large sail, as in
our West Country barges in the Thames. They always go before the
wind, being unable to ply against it; and therefore are fit only
for these seas, where the wind is always in a manner the same,
not varying above a point or two all the way from Lima, till such
time as they come into the Bay of Panama: and even there they
meet with no great sea; but sometimes northerly winds; and then
they lower their sails, and drive before it, waiting a change.
All their care then is only to keep off from shore; for they are
so made that they cannot sink at sea. These rafts carry 60 or 70
tuns of goods and upwards; their cargo is chiefly wine, oil,
flour, sugar, Quito-cloth, soap, goat-skins dressed, etc. The
float is managed usually by 3 or 4 men, who, being unable to
return with it against the trade-wind, when they come to Panama
dispose of the goods and bottom together; getting a passage back
again for themselves in some ship or boat bound to the port they
came from; and there they make a new bark-log for their next
cargo.
The smaller sort of bark-logs, described before, which lie
flat on the water and are used for fishing, or carrying water to
ships, or the like (half a tun or a tun at a time) are more
governable than the other, though they have masts and sails too.
With these they go out at night by the help of the land-wind
(which is seldom wanting on this coast) and return back in the
daytime with the sea-wind.
This sort of floats are used in many places both in the East
and West Indies. On the coast of Coromandel in the East Indies
they call them catamarans. These are but one log, or two
sometimes of a sort of light wood, and are made without sail or
rudder, and so small that they carry but one man, whose legs and
breech are always in the water, and he manages his log with a
paddle, appearing at a distance like a man sitting on a fish's
back.
PIURA.
The country about Payta is mountainous and barren like all the
rest of the Kingdom of Peru. There is no town of consequence
nearer it than Piura, which is a large town in the country 40
miles distant. It lies, by report of our Spanish prisoners, in a
valley which is watered with a small river that disembogues
itself into the Bay of Chirapee, in about 7 degrees of north
latitude. This bay is nearer to Piura than Payta; yet all goods
imported by sea for Piura are landed at Payta, for the bay of
Chirapee is full of dangerous shoals, and therefore not
frequented by shipping.
THE ROAD OF PAYTA.
The road of Payta is one of the best on the coast of Peru. It
is sheltered from the south-west by a point of land which makes a
large bay and smooth water for ships to ride in. There is room
enough for a good fleet of ships, and good anchoring in any
depth, from 6 fathom water to 20 fathom. Right against the town,
the nearer the town, the shallower the water and the smoother the
riding, it is clean sand all over the bay. Most ships passing
either to the north or the south touch at this place for water,
for, though here is none at the town, yet those Indian fishermen
of Colan will, and do, supply all ships very reasonably; and good
water is much prized on all this coast through the scarcity of
it.
November the 3rd at 6 o'clock in the morning our men landed
about 4 miles to the south of the town and took some prisoners
that were sent thither to watch for fear of us; and these
prisoners said that the governor of Piura came with 100 armed men
to Payta the night before, purposely to oppose our landing there
if we should attempt it.
Our men marched directly to the fort on the hill, and took it
without the loss of one man. Hereupon the governor of Piura with
all his men and the inhabitants of the town ran away as fast as
they could. Then our men entered the town and found it emptied
both of money and goods; there was not so much as a meal of
victuals left for them.
The prisoners told us a ship had been here a little before and
burnt a great ship in the road, but did not land their men; and
that here they put ashore all their prisoners and pilots. We knew
this must be Captain Eaton's ship which had done this, and by
these circumstances we supposed he was gone to the East Indies,
it being always designed by him. The prisoners told us also that,
since Captain Eaton was here, a small bark had been off the
harbour and taken a pair of bark-logs a-fishing, and made the
fishermen bring aboard 20 or 30 jars of fresh water. This we
supposed was our bark that was sent to the Lobos to seek Captain
Eaton.
In the evening we came in with our ships and anchored before
the town in 10 fathom water, near a mile from the shore. Here we
stayed till the sixth day, in hopes to get a ransom from the
town. Our captains demanded 300 packs of flour, 3000 pound of
Sugar, 25 jars of wine, and 1000 jars of water to be brought off
to us; but we got nothing of it. Therefore Captain Swan ordered
the town to be fired, which was presently done. Then all our men
came aboard, and Captain Swan ordered the bark which Captain
Harris commanded to be burnt because she did not sail well.
At night, when the land-wind came off, we sailed from hence
towards Lobos. The 10th day in the evening we saw a sail bearing
north-west by north as far as we could well discern her on our
deck. We immediately chased, separating ourselves the better to
meet her in the night; but we missed her. Therefore the next
morning we again trimmed sharp and made the best of our way to
Lobos de la Mar.
LOBOS DE TERRA.
The 14th day we had sight of the island Lobos de Terra: it
bore east from us; we stood in towards it, and betwixt 7 and 8
o'clock in the night came to an anchor at the north-east end of
the island, in 4 fathom water. This island at sea is of an
indifferent height, and appears like Lobos de la Mar. About a
quarter of a mile from the north end there is a great hollow
rock, and a good channel between, where there is 7 fathom water.
The 15th day we went ashore and found abundance of penguins and
boobies, and seal in great quantities. We sent aboard of all
these to be dressed, for we had not tasted any flesh in a great
while before; therefore some of us did eat very heartily. Captain
Swan, to encourage his men to eat this coarse flesh, would
commend it for extraordinary food, comparing the seal to a
roasted pig, the boobies to hens, and the penguins to ducks: this
he did to train them to live contentedly on coarse meat, not
knowing but we might be forced to make use of such food before we
departed out of these seas; for it is generally seen among
privateers that nothing emboldens them sooner to mutiny than
want, which we could not well suffer in a place where there are
such quantities of these animals to be had if men could be
persuaded to be content with them.
THEY COME AGAIN TO LOBOS DE LA MAR.
In the afternoon we sailed from Lobos de Terra with the wind
at south by east and arrived at Lobos de la Mar on the 19th day.
Here we found a letter, left by our bark that was sent to seek
Captain Eaton, by which we understood that Captain Eaton had been
there but was gone before they arrived, and had left no letter to
advise us which way he was gone; and that our bark was again
returned to Plata in hopes to find us there, or meet us by the
way, else resolving to stay for us there. We were sorry to hear
that Captain Eaton was gone, for now we did not expect to meet
with him any more in these seas.
The 21st day we sent out our Moskito strikers for turtle, who
brought aboard enough to serve both ships' companies; and this
they did all the time that we abode here. While we lay at this
island Captain Swan made new yards, squarer than those he had
before, and made his sails larger, and our ship's company in the
meantime split plank for firewood, and put aboard as many planks
as we could conveniently stow for other uses: here being plank
enough of all sorts which we had brought hither in the first
prize that we took and left here.
The 26th day in the evening we saw a small bark about 3
leagues north-north-west from the island, but, we supposing her
to be our own bark, did not go after her. The next morning she
was two leagues south of the island, standing off to sea; but we
did not now chase her neither, although we knew she was not our
bark; for, being to windward of us, she could have made her
escape if we had chased her. This bark, as we were afterwards
informed, was sent out purposely to see if we were at this
island. Her orders were not to come too near, only to appear in
sight; they supposing that if we were here we should soon be
after her; as indeed it was a wonder we had not chased her: but
our not doing so, and lying close under the island undiscerned by
them, was a great occasion of our coming upon Puna afterwards
unexpectedly, they being now without fear of any enemy so near
them.
THE BAY OF GUAYAQUIL.
The 28th day we scrubbed our ship's bottom, intending to sail
the next day towards Guayaquil; it being concluded upon to
attempt that town before we returned again to Plata. Accordingly,
on the 29th day in the morning, we loosed from hence, steering
directly for the Bay of Guayaquil. This bay runs in between Cape
Blanco on the south side, and Point Chandy on the north.
ISLE OF SANTA CLARA.
About 25 leagues from Cape Blanco, near the bottom of the bay,
there is a small island called Santa Clara, which lies east and
west: it is of an indifferent length, and it appears like a dead
man stretched out in a shroud. The east end represents the head,
and the west end the feet. Ships that are bound into the river of
Guayaquil pass on the south side to avoid the shoals which lie on
the north side of it; whereon formerly ships have been lost.
A RICH SPANISH WRECK THERE.
It is reported by the Spaniards that there is a very rich
wreck lies on the north side of that island, not far from it; and
that some of the plate has been taken up by one who came from Old
Spain, with a patent from the king to fish in those seas for
wrecks; but he dying, the project ceased, and the wreck still
remains as he left it; only the Indians by stealth do sometimes
take up some of it; and they might have taken up much more if it
were not for the cat-fish which swarms hereabouts.
CATFISH.
The cat-fish is much like a whiting, but the head is flatter
and bigger. It has a great wide mouth, and certain small strings
pointing out from each side of it, like cat's whiskers; and for
that reason it is called a cat-fish. It has three fins; one
growing on the top of his back, and one on either side. Each of
these fins has a stiff sharp bone which is very venomous if it
strikes into a man's flesh; therefore it is dangerous diving
where many of these fish are. The Indians that adventured to
search this wreck have to their sorrow experienced it; some
having lost their lives, others the use of their limbs by it:
this we were informed of by an Indian who himself had been
fishing on it by stealth. I myself have known some white men that
have lost the use of their hands only by a small prick with the
fin of these fish: therefore when we catch them with a hook we
tread on them to take the hook out of their mouths, or otherwise,
in flurting about (as all fish will when first taken) they might
accidentally strike their sharp fins into the hands of those that
caught them. Some of the fish are seven or eight pound weight:
some again, in some particular places, are none of them bigger
than a man's thumb, but their fins are all alike venomous. They
use to be at the mouths of rivers, or where there is much mud and
oaze, and they are found all over the American coast, both in the
North and South Sea, at least in the hot countries, as also in
the East Indies: where, sailing with Captain Minchin among
certain islands near the Straits of Malacca, he pointed to an
island at which he told me he lost the use of his hand by one of
these only in going to take the hook out of its mouth. The wound
was scarce visible yet his hand was much swollen, and the pain
lasted about 9 weeks; during most part of which the raging heat
of it was almost ready to distract him. However, though the bony
fins of these fish are so venomous, yet the bones in their bodies
are not so; at least we never perceived any such effect in eating
the fish; and their flesh is very sweet, delicious and wholesome
meat.
PUNTA ARENA IN THE ISLE PUNA.
From the island Santa Clara to Punta Arena is 7 leagues
east-north-east. This Punta Arena, or Sandy Point, is the
westermost point of the island Puna. Here all ships bound into
the river of Guayaquil anchor, and must wait for a pilot, the
entrance being very dangerous for strangers.
THE ISLAND DESCRIBED.
The island Puna is a pretty large flat low island, stretching
east and west about 12 or 14 leagues long, and about four or five
leagues wide. The tide runs very strong all about this island,
but so many different ways, by reason of the branches, creeks,
and rivers that run into the sea near it, that it casts up many
dangerous shoals on all sides of it. There is in the island only
one Indian town on the south side of it, close by the sea, and
seven leagues from Punta Arena, which town is also called Puna.
The Indians of this town are all seamen, and are the only pilots
in these seas, especially for this river. Their chiefest
employment when they are not at sea is fishing. These men are
obliged by the Spaniards to keep good watch for ships that anchor
at Punta Arena; which, as I said before, is 7 leagues from the
town Puna. The place where they keep this watch is at a point of
land on the island Puna that starts out into the sea; from whence
they can see all ships that anchor at Punta Arena. The Indians
come thither in the morning, and return at night on horseback.
From this watching point to Punta Arena it is 4 leagues, all
drowned mangrove-land: and in the midway between these two points
is another small point, where these Indians are obliged to keep
another watch when they fear an enemy. The sentinel goes thither
in a canoe in the morning, and returns at night; for there is no
coming thither by land through that mangrove marshy ground. The
middle of the island Puna is savannah or pasture.
THE PALMETTO-TREE.
There are some ridges of good woodland which is of a light
yellow or sandy mould, producing large tall trees, most unknown
even to travellers: but there are plenty of palmetto-trees which,
because I am acquainted with, I shall describe. The palmetto-tree
is about the bigness of an ordinary ash: it is about 30 foot
high; the body straight, without any limb, or branch, or leaf,
except at the head only, where it spreads forth into many small
branches, not half so big as a man's arm, some no bigger than
one's finger: these branches are about three or four foot long,
clear from any knot: at the end of the branch there grows one
broad leaf, about the bigness of a large fan. This, when it first
shoots forth, grows in folds, like a fan when it is closed; and
still as it grows bigger so it opens, till it becomes like a fan
spread abroad. It is strengthened towards the stalk with many
small ribs springing from thence, and growing into the leaf;
which as they grow near the end of the leaf, grow thinner and
smaller. The leaves that make the brush part of the flag-brooms
which are brought into England grow just in this manner; and are
indeed a small kind of palmetto; for there are of them of several
dimensions. In Bermuda and elsewhere they make hats, baskets,
brooms, fans to blow the fire instead of bellows, with many other
house implements, of palmetto leaves. On the ridges where these
trees grow the Indians have here and there plantations of maize,
yams, and potatoes.
TOWN AND HARBOUR OF PUNA.
There are in the town of Puna about 20 houses and a small
church. The houses stand all on posts, 10 or 12 foot high, with
ladders on the outside to go up into them. I did never see the
like building anywhere but among the Malayans in the East Indies.
They are thatched with palmetto-leaves, and their chambers well
boarded, in which last they exceed the Malayans. The best place
for ships to lie at an anchor is against the middle of the town.
There is five fathom water within a cables' length of the shore,
and good soft deep oaze where ships may careen or haul ashore; it
stows 15 or 16 foot water up and down.
RIVER OF GUAYAQUIL.
From Puna to Guayaquil is reckoned 7 leagues. It is 1 league
before you come to the river of Guayaquil's mouth, where it is
about two mile wide; from thence upwards the river lies pretty
straight without any considerable turnings. Both sides of the
river are low swampy land, overgrown with red mangroves, so that
there is no landing.
GUAYAQUIL TOWN.
Four mile before you come to the town of Guayaquil there's a
low island standing in the river. This island divides the river
into two parts, making two very fair channels for ships to pass
up and down. The south-west channel is the widest, the other is
as deep, but narrower and narrower yet, by reason of many trees
and bushes which spread over the river, both from the main and
from the island; and there are also several great stumps of trees
standing upright in the water on either side. The island is above
a mile long. From the upper part of the island to the town of
Guayaquil is almost a league, and near as much from one side of
the river to the other. In that spacious place ships of the
greatest burden may ride afloat; but the best place for ships is
nearest to that part of the land where the town stands; and this
place is seldom without ships. Guayaquil stands facing the
island, close by the river, partly on the side and partly at the
foot of a gentle hill declining towards the river, by which the
lower part of it is often overflown. There are two forts, one
standing on the low ground, the other on the hill. This town
makes a very fine prospect, it being beautified with several
churches and other good buildings. Here lives a governor who, as
I have been informed, has his patent from the king of Spain.
ITS COMMODITIES, COCOA, SARSAPARILLA, QUITO CLOTH.
Guayaquil may be reckoned one of the chiefest sea ports in the
South Seas: the commodities which are exported from hence are
cocoa, hides, tallow, sarsaparilla, and other drugs, and woollen
cloth, commonly called cloth of Quito.
The cocoa grows on both sides of the river above the town. It
is a small nut, like the Campeachy nut: I think, the smallest of
the two; they produce as much cocoa here as serves all the
kingdom of Peru; and much of it is sent to Acapulco and from
thence to the Philippine Islands.
Sarsaparilla grows in the water by the sides of the river, as
I have been informed.
The Quito-cloth comes from a rich town in the country within
land called Quito. There is a great deal made, both serges and
broadcloth. This cloth is not very fine, but it is worn by the
common sort of people throughout the whole kingdom of Peru. This
and all other commodities which come from Quito are shipped off
at Guayaquil for other parts; and all imported goods for the city
of Quito pass by Guayaquil: by which it may appear that Guayaquil
is a place of no mean trade.
OF THE CITY, AND GOLD, AND AIR OF QUITO.
Quito, as I have been informed, is a very populous city,
seated in the heart of the country. It is inhabited partly by
Spaniards; but the major part of its inhabitants are Indians,
under the Spanish government.
It is environed with mountains of a vast height, from whose
bowels many great rivers have their rise. These mountains abound
in gold, which by violent rains is washed with the sand into the
adjacent brooks where the Indians resort in troops, washing away
the sand and putting up the gold dust in their calabashes or
gourd-shells: but for the manner of gathering the gold I refer
you to Mr. Wafer's book: only I shall remark here that Quito is
the place in all the kingdom of Peru that abounds most with this
rich metal, as I have been often informed.
The country is subject to great rains and very thick fogs,
especially the valleys. For that reason it is very unwholesome
and sickly. The chiefest distempers are fevers, violent headache,
pains in the bowels, and fluxes. I know no place where gold is
found but what is very unhealthy, as I shall more particularly
relate when I come to speak of Achin in the isle of Sumatra in
the East Indies. Guayaquil is not so sickly as Quito and other
towns farther within land; yet in comparison with the towns that
are on the coast of Mare Pacifico, south of Cape Blanco, it is
very sickly.
THEY ENTER THE BAY IN ORDER TO MAKE AN ATTEMPT ON THE TOWN OF
GUAYAQUIL.
It was to this town of Guayaquil that we were bound; therefore
we left our ships off Cape Blanco and ran into the Bay of
Guayaquil with our bark and canoes, steering in for the island
Santa Clara, where we arrived the next day after we left our
ships, and from thence we sent away two canoes the next evening
to Punta Arena. At this point there are abundance of oysters and
other shellfish, as cockles and mussels; therefore the Indians of
Puna often come hither to get these fish. Our canoes got over
before day and absconded in a creek to wait for the coming of the
Puna Indians. The next morning some of them, according to their
custom, came thither on bark-logs at the latter part of the ebb,
and were all taken by our men. The next day, by their advice, the
two watchmen of the Indian town Puna were taken by our men, and
all its inhabitants, not one escaping. The next ebb they took a
small bark laden with Quito-cloth. She came from Guayaquil that
tide and was bound to Lima, they having advice that we were gone
off the coast by the bark which I said we saw while we lay at the
island Lobos.
A GREAT ADVANTAGE SLIPPED THAT MIGHT HAVE BEEN MADE OF A
COMPANY OF NEGROES TAKEN IN GUAYAQUIL RIVER.
The master of this cloth-bark informed our men that there were
three barks coming from Guayaquil, laden with Negroes: he said
they would come from thence the next tide. The same tide of ebb
that they took the cloth-bark they sent a canoe to our bark,
where the biggest part of the men were, to hasten them away with
speed to the Indian town. The bark was now riding at Punta Arena;
and the next flood she came with all the men and the rest of the
canoes to Puna. The tide of flood being now far spent we lay at
this town till the last of the ebb and then rowed away, leaving
five men aboard our bark who were ordered to lie still till eight
o'clock the next morning, and not to fire at any boat or bark,
but after that time they might fire at any object: for it was
supposed that before that time we should be masters of Guayaquil.
We had not rowed above two mile before we met and took one of the
three barks laden with Negroes; the master of her said that the
other two would come from Guayaquil the next tide of ebb. We cut
her main-mast down and left her at an anchor. It was now strong
flood, and therefore we rowed with all speed towards the town in
hopes to get thither before the flood was down, but we found it
farther than we did expect it to be, or else our canoes, being
very full of men, did not row so fast as we would have them. The
day broke when we were two leagues from the town, and then we had
not above an hour's flood more; therefore our captains desired
the Indian pilot to direct us to some creek where we might
abscond all day, which was immediately done, and one canoe was
sent toward Puna to our bark to order them not to move nor fire
till the next day. But she came too late to countermand the first
orders; for the two barks before mentioned laden with Negroes
come from the town the last quarter of the evening tide, and lay
in the river close by the shore on one side, and we rowed upon
the other side and missed them; neither did they see nor hear us.
As soon as the flood was spent the two barks weighed and went
down with the ebb towards Puna. Our bark, seeing them coming
directly towards them and both full of men, supposed that we by
some accident had been destroyed, and that the two barks were
manned with Spanish soldiers and sent to take our ships, and
therefore they fired three guns at them a league before they came
near. The two Spanish barks immediately came to an anchor, and
the masters got into their boats and rowed for the shore; but our
canoe that was sent from us took them both. The firing of these
three guns made a great disorder among our advanced men, for most
of them did believe they were heard at Guayaquil, and that
therefore it could be no profit to lie still in the creek; but
either row away to the town or back again to our ships. It was
now quarter ebb, therefore we could not move upwards if we had
been disposed so to do. At length Captain Davis said he would
immediately land in the creek where they lay, and march directly
to the town, if but forty men would accompany him: and without
saying more words he landed among the mangroves in the marshes.
Those that were so minded followed him, to the number of forty or
fifty. Captain Swan lay still with the rest of the party in the
creek, for they thought it impossible to do any good that way.
Captain Davis and his men were absent about four hours, and then
returned all wet and quite tired, and could not find any passage
out into the firm land. He had been so far that he almost
despaired of getting back again: for a man cannot pass through
those red mangroves but with very much labour. When Captain Davis
was returned we concluded to be going towards the town the
beginning of the next flood; and, if we found that the town was
alarmed, we purposed to return again without attempting anything
there. As soon as it was flood we rowed away and passed by the
island through the north-east channel, which is the narrowest.
There are so many stumps in the river that it is very dangerous
passing in the night (and that is the time we always take for
such attempts) for the river runs very swift, and one of our
canoes stuck on a stump and had certainly overset if she had not
been immediately rescued by others. When we were come almost to
the end of the island, there was a musket fired at us out of the
bushes on the Main. We then had the town open before us, and
presently saw lighted torches, or candles, all the town over;
whereas before the gun was fired there was but one light:
therefore we now concluded we were discovered: yet many of our
men said that it was a holy day the next day, as it was indeed,
and that therefore the Spaniards were making fireworks, which
they often do in the night against such times. We rowed therefore
a little farther, and found firm land, and Captain Davis pitched
his canoe ashore and landed with his men. Captain Swan and most
of his men did not think it convenient to attempt anything,
seeing the town was alarmed; but at last, being upbraided with
cowardice, Captain Swan and his men landed also. The place where
we landed was about two mile from the town: it was all overgrown
with woods so thick that we could not march through in the night;
and therefore we sat down, waiting for the light of the day. We
had two Indian pilots with us; one that had been with us a month,
who, having received some abuses from a gentleman of Guayaquil,
to be revenged offered his service to us, and we found him very
faithful: the other was taken by us not above two or three days
before, and he seemed to be as willing as the other to assist us.
This latter was led by one of Captain Davis's men, who showed
himself very forward to go to the town, and upbraided others with
faint-heartedness: yet this man (as he afterwards confessed)
notwithstanding his courage, privately cut the string that the
guide was made fast with, and let him go to the town by himself,
not caring to follow him; but when he thought the guide was got
far enough from us, he cried out that the pilot was gone, and
that somebody had cut the cord that tied him. This put every man
in a moving posture to seek the Indian, but all in vain; and our
consternation was great, being in the dark and among woods; so
the design was wholly dashed, for not a man after that had the
heart to speak of going farther. Here we stayed till day and then
rowed out into the middle of the river, where we had a fair view
of the town; which, as I said before, makes a very pleasant
prospect. We lay still about half an hour, being a mile or
something better from the town. They did not fire one gun at us,
nor we at them. Thus our design on Guayaquil failed: yet Captain
Townley and Captain Francois Gronet took it a little while after
this. When we had taken a full view of the town we rowed over the
river, where we went ashore to a beef estancia or farm and killed
a cow, which we dressed and ate. We stayed there till the evening
tide of ebb, and then rowed down the river, and the 9th day in
the morning arrived at Puna. In our way thither we went aboard
the three barks laden with Negroes, that lay at their anchor in
the river, and carried the barks away with us. There were 1000
Negroes in the three barks, all lusty young men and women. When
we came to Puna we sent a canoe to Punta Arena to see if the
ships were come thither. The 12th day she returned again with
tidings that they were both there at anchor. Therefore in the
afternoon we all went aboard of our ships and carried the
cloth-bark with us, and about forty of the stoutest Negro men,
leaving their three barks with the rest; and out of these also
Captain Davis and Captain Swan chose about 14 or 15 apiece, and
turned the rest ashore.
There was never a greater opportunity put into the hands of
men to enrich themselves than we had to have gone with these
Negroes and settled ourselves at Santa Maria, on the Isthmus of
Darien, and employed them in getting gold out of the mines there.
Which might have been done with ease: for about six months before
this Captain Harris (who was now with us) coming overland from
the North Seas with his body of Privateers, had routed the
Spaniards away from the town and gold-mines of Santa Maria, so
that they had never attempted to settle there again since: add to
this that the Indian neighbourhood, who were mortal enemies to
the Spaniards and had been flushed by their successes against
them, through the assistance of the privateers, for several
years, were our fast friends and ready to receive and assist us.
We had, as I have said, 1000 Negroes to work for us, we had 200
tun of flour that lay at the Galapagos, there was the river of
Santa Maria, where we could careen and fit our ships; and might
fortify the mouth so that if all the strength the Spaniards have
in Peru had come against us we could have kept them out. If they
lay with guard-ships of strength to keep us in, yet we had a
great country to live in, and a great nation of Indians that were
our friends: besides, which was the principal thing, we had the
North Seas to befriend us; from whence we could export ourselves,
or effects, or import goods or men to our assistance; for in a
short time we should have had assistance from all parts of the
West Indies; many thousands of privateers from Jamaica and the
French islands especially would have flocked over to us; and long
before this time we might have been masters not only of those
mines (the richest gold-mines ever yet found in America) but of
all the coast as high as Quito: and much more than I say might
then probably have been done.
THEY GO TO PLATA AGAIN.
But these may seem to the reader but golden dreams: to leave
them therefore; the 13th day we sailed from Punta Arena towards
Plata to seek our bark that was sent to the island Lobos in
search of Captain Eaton. We were two ships in company and two
barks; and the 16th day we arrived at Plata, but found no bark
there, nor any letter. The next day we went over to the main to
fill water, and in our passage met our bark: she had been a
second time at the island Lobos and, not finding us, was coming
to Plata again. They had been in some want of provision since
they left us, and therefore they had been at Santa Helena, and
taken it; where they got as much maize as served them three or
four days; and that, with some fish and turtle which they struck,
lasted them till they came to the island Lobos de Terra. They got
boobies' and penguins' eggs, of which they laid in a store; and
went from thence to Lobos de la Mar where they replenished their
stock of eggs, and salted up a few young seal, for fear they
should want: and, being thus victualled, they returned again
towards Plata.
ISLE PLATA.
When our water was filled we went over again to the island
Plata. There we parted the cloths that were taken in the
cloth-bark into two lots or shares; Captain Davis and his men had
one part and Captain Swan and his men had the other part. The
bark which the cloth was in Captain Swan kept for a tender. At
this time here were at Plata a great many large turtles, which I
judge came from the Galapagos, for I had never seen any here
before though I had been here several times. This was their
coupling-time, which is much sooner in the year here than in the
West Indies, properly so called. Our strikers brought aboard
every day more than we could eat. Captain Swan had no striker,
and therefore had no turtle but what was sent him from Captain
Davis; and all his flour too he had from Captain Davis: but since
our disappointment at Guayaquil Captain Davis's men murmured
against Captain Swan, and did not willingly give him any
provision, because he was not so forward to go thither as Captain
Davis. However at last these differences were made up and we
concluded to go into the Bay of Panama, to a town called La
Velia; but, because we had not canoes enough to land our men, we
were resolved to search some rivers where the Spaniards have no
commerce, there to get Indian canoes.
Chapter VII
They Leave the Isle of Plata.
The 23rd day of December 1684 we sailed from the island Plata
towards the Bay of Panama: the wind at south-south-east a fine
brisk gale and fine weather.
CAPE PASSAO.
The next morning we passed by Cape Passao. This cape is in
latitude 00 degrees 08 minutes south of the Equator. It runs out
into the sea with a high round point which seems to be divided in
the midst. It is bald against the sea, but within land and on
both sides it is full of short trees. The land in the country is
very high and mountainous and it appears to be very woody.
THE COAST BETWEEN THAT AND CAPE SAN FRANCISCO; AND FROM THENCE
ON TO PANAMA.
Between Cape Passao and Cape San Francisco the land by the sea
is full of small points, making as many little sandy bays between
them; and is of an indifferent height covered with trees of
divers sorts; so that sailing by this coast you see nothing but a
vast grove or wood; which is so much the more pleasant because
the trees are of several forms, both in respect to their growth
and colour.
Our design was, as I said in my first chapter, to search for
canoes in some river where the Spaniards have neither settlement
or trade with the native Indians. We had Spanish pilots, and
Indians bred under the Spaniards, who were able to carry us into
any harbour or river belonging to the Spaniards, but were wholly
unacquainted with those rivers which were not frequented by the
Spaniards. There are many such unfrequented rivers between Plata
and Panama: indeed all the way from the Line to the Gulf of St.
Michaels, or even to Panama itself, the coast is not inhabited by
any Spaniards, nor are the Indians that inhabit there any way
under their subjection: except only near the isle Gallo, where,
on the banks of a gold river or two, there are some Spaniards who
work there to find gold.
Now our pilots being at a loss on these less-frequented
coasts, we supplied that defect out of the Spanish pilot-books,
which we took in their ships; these we found by experience to be
very good guides. Yet nevertheless the country in many places by
the sea being low, and full of openings, creeks and rivers, it is
somewhat difficult to find any particular river that a man
designs to go to, where he is not well acquainted.
This however could be no discouragement to us; for one river
might probably be as well furnished with Indian canoes as
another; and, if we found them, it was to us indifferent where,
yet we pitched on the river St. Jago, not because there were not
other rivers as large and as likely to be inhabited with Indians
as it; but because that river was not far from Gallo, an island
where our ships could anchor safely and ride securely. We passed
by Cape San Francisco, meeting with great and continued rains.
The land by the sea to the north of the cape is low and
extraordinary woody; the trees are very thick and seem to be of a
prodigious height and bigness. From Cape San Francisco the land
runs more easterly into the Bay of Panama. I take this cape to be
its bounds on the south side, and the isles of Cobaya or Quibo to
bound it on the north side. Between this cape and the isle Gallo
there are many large and navigable rivers. We passed by them all
till we came to the river St. Jago.
THE RIVER OF ST. JAGO.
This river is near 2 degrees north of the Equator. It is large
and navigable some leagues up, and seven leagues from the sea it
divides itself into two parts, making an island that is four
leagues wide against the sea. The widest branch is that on the
south-west side of the island. Both branches are very deep, but
the mouth of the narrower is so choked with shoals that at low
water even canoes can't enter. Above the island it is a league
wide, and the stream runs pretty straight and very swift. The
tide flows about three leagues up the river, but to what height I
know not. Probably the river has its original from some of the
rich mountains near the city Quibo, and it runs through a country
as rich in soil as perhaps any in the world, especially when it
draws within 10 or 12 leagues of the sea. The land there, both on
the island and on both sides of the river, is of a black deep
mould, producing extraordinary great tall trees of many sorts,
such as usually grow in these hot climates. I shall only give an
account of the cotton and cabbage-trees, whereof there is great
plenty; and they are as large of their kinds as ever I saw.
THE RED AND THE WHITE COTTON-TREE.
There are two sorts of cotton-trees, one is called the red,
the other the white cotton-tree. The white cotton-tree grows like
an oak, but generally much bigger and taller than our oaks: the
body is straight and clear from knots or boughs to the very head:
there it spreads forth many great limbs just like an oak. The
bark is smooth and of a grey colour: the leaves are as big as a
large plum-leaf, jagged at the edge; they are oval, smooth, and
of a dark green colour. Some of these trees have their bodies
much bigger 18 or 20 foot high than nearer the ground, being
big-bellied like ninepins. They bear a very fine sort of cotton,
called silk-cotton. When this cotton is ripe the trees appear
like our apple-trees in England when full of blossoms. If I do
not mistake the cotton falls down in November or December: then
the ground is covered white with it. This is not substantial and
continuous, like that which grows upon the cotton-shrubs in
plantations, but like the down of thistles; so that I did never
know any use made of it in the West Indies, because it is not
worth the labour of gathering it: but in the East Indies the
natives gather and use it for pillows. It has a small black seed
among it. The leaves of this tree fall off the beginning of
April; while the old leaves are falling off the young ones spring
out, and in a week's time the tree casts off her old robes and is
clothed in a new pleasant garb. The red cotton-tree is like the
other, but hardly so big: it bears no cotton, but its wood is
somewhat harder of the two, yet both sorts are soft spongy wood,
fit for no use that I know but only for canoes, which, being
straight and tall, they are very good for; but they will not last
long, especially if not drawn ashore often and tarred; otherwise
the worm and the water soon rot them. They are the biggest trees,
or perhaps weeds rather, in the West Indies. They are common in
the East and West Indies in good fat land.
THE CABBAGE-TREE.
As the cotton is the biggest tree in the woods, so the
cabbage-tree is the tallest: the body is not very big, but very
high and straight. I have measured one in the Bay of Campeachy
120 feet long as it lay on the ground, and there are some much
higher. It has no limbs nor boughs, but at the head there are
many branches bigger than a man's arm. These branches are not
covered but flat with sharp edges; they are 12 or 14 foot long.
About two foot from the trunk the branches shoot forth small long
leaves about an inch broad, which grow so regularly on both sides
of the branch that the whole branch seems to be but one leaf made
up of many small ones. The cabbage-fruit shoots out in the midst
of these branches from the top of the tree; it is invested with
many young leaves or branches which are ready to spread abroad as
the old branches drop and fall down. The cabbage itself, when it
is taken out of the leaves which it seems to be folded in, is as
big as the small of a man's leg and a foot long; it is as white
as milk and as sweet as a nut if eaten raw, and it is very sweet
and wholesome if boiled. Besides the cabbage itself there grow
out between the cabbage and the large branches small twigs, as of
a shrub, about two foot long from their stump. At the end of
those twigs (which grow very thick together) there hang berries
hard and round and as big as a cherry. These the trees shed every
year, and they are very good for hogs: for this reason the
Spaniards fine any who shall cut down any of these in their
woods. The body of the tree is full of rings round it, half a
foot asunder from the bottom to the top. The bark is thin and
brittle; the wood is black and very hard, the heart or middle of
the tree is white pith. They do not climb to get the cabbage but
cut them down; for should they gather it off the tree as it
stands, yet its head being gone it soon dies. These trees are
much used by planters in Jamaica to board the sides of the
houses, for it is but splitting the trunk into four parts with an
axe, and there are so many planks. Those trees appear very
pleasant, and they beautify the whole wood, spreading their green
branches above all other trees.
All this country is subject to very great rains, so that this
part of Peru pays for the dry weather which they have about Lima
and all that coast. I believe that is one reason why the
Spaniards have made such small discoveries in this and other
rivers on this coast. Another reason may be because it lies not
so directly in their way; for they do not coast it along in going
from Panama to Lima, but first go westward as far as to the keys
or isles of Cobaya, for a westerly wind, and from thence stand
over towards Cape San Francisco, not touching anywhere usually
till they come to Manta near Cape San Lorenzo. In their return
indeed from Lima to Panama they may keep along the coast
hereabouts; but then their ships are always laden; whereas the
light ships that go from Panama are most at leisure to make
discoveries. A third reason may be the wildness and enmity of all
the natives on this coast, who are naturally fortified by their
rivers and vast woods, from whence with their arrows they can
easily annoy any that shall land there to assault them. At this
river particularly there are no Indians live within 6 leagues of
the sea, and all the country so far is full of impassable woods;
so that to get at the Indians, or the mines and mountains, there
is no way but by rowing up the river; and if any who are enemies
to the natives attempt this (as the Spaniards are always hated by
them) they must all the way be exposed to the arrows of those who
would lie purposely in ambush in the woods for them. These wild
Indians have small plantations of maize and good
plantain-gardens; for plantains are their chiefest food. They
have also a few fowls and hogs.
THE INDIANS OF ST. JAGO RIVER, AND ITS NEIGHBOURHOOD.
It was to this river that we were bound to seek for canoes,
therefore the 26th, supposing ourselves to be abreast of it, we
went from our ships with 4 canoes. The 27th day in the morning we
entered at half flood into the smaller branch of that river, and
rowed up six leagues before we met any inhabitants. There we
found two small huts thatched with palmetto-leaves. The Indians,
seeing us rowing towards their houses, got their wives and little
ones, with their household stuff, into their canoes, and paddled
away faster than we could row; for we were forced to keep in the
middle of the river because of our oars, but they with their
paddles kept close under the banks, and so had not the strength
of the stream against them, as we had. These huts were close by
the river on the east side of it, just against the end of the
island. We saw a great many other houses a league from us on the
other side of the river; but the main stream into which we were
now come seemed to be so swift that we were afraid to put over
for fear we should not be able to get back again. We found only a
hog, some Fowls and plantains in the huts: we killed the hog and
the Fowls, which were dressed presently. Their hogs they got (as
I suppose) from the Spaniards by some accident, or from some
neighbouring Indians who converse with the Spaniards; for this
that we took was of their European kind, which the Spaniards have
introduced into America very plentifully, especially into the
islands Jamaica, Hispaniola, and Cuba above all, being very
largely stored with them; where they feed in the woods in the
daytime, and at night come in at the sounding of a conch-shell,
and are put up in their crauls or pens, and yet some turn wild,
which nevertheless are often decoyed in by the other, which being
all marked, whenever they see an unmarked hog in the pen, they
know it is a wild one, and shoot him presently. These crauls I
have not seen on the Continent where the Spaniards keep them tame
at home. Among the wild Indians, or in their woods, are no hogs,
but peccary and warree, a sort I have mentioned before.
After we had refreshed ourselves we returned toward the mouth
of the river. It was the evening when we came from thence, and we
got to the river's mouth the next morning before day: our ships
when we left them were ordered to go to Gallo, where they were to
stay for us.
THE ISLE OF GALLO.
Gallo is a small uninhabited island lying in between two and
three degrees north latitude. It lies in a wide bay about three
leagues from the mouth of the river Tomaco; and four leagues and
a half from a small Indian village called Tomaco: the island
Gallo is of an indifferent height; it is clothed with very good
timber-trees, and is therefore often visited with barks from
Guayaquil and other places: for most of the timber carried from
Guayaquil to Lima is first fetched from Gallo. There is a spring
of good water at the north-east end: at that place there is a
fine small sandy bay, where there is good landing. The road for
ships is against this bay, where there is good secure riding in
six or seven fathom water; and here ships may careen. It is but
shoal water all about this island; yet there is a channel to come
in at, where there is no less than four fathom water: you must go
in with the tide of flood and come out with ebb, sounding all the
way.
Tomaco is a large river that takes its name from an Indian
village so called: it is reported to spring from the rich
mountains about Quito. It is thick inhabited with Indians; and
there are some Spaniards that live there who traffic with the
Indians for gold. It is shoal at the mouth of the river yet barks
may enter.
THE RIVER AND VILLAGE OF TOMACO.
This village Tomaco is but small, and is seated not far from
the mouth of the river. It is a place to entertain the Spanish
merchants that come to Gallo to load timber, or to traffic with
the Indians for gold. At this place one Doleman, with seven or
eight men more, once of Captain Sharp's crew, were killed in the
year 1680. From the branch of the river St. Jago, where we now
lay, to Tomaco is about five leagues; the land low and full of
creeks so that canoes may pass within land through those creeks,
and from thence into Tomaco River.
The 28th day we left the river of St. Jago, crossing some
creeks in our way with our canoes; and came to an Indian house
where we took the man and all his family. We stayed here till the
afternoon, and then rowed towards Tomaco, with the man of this
house for our guide. We arrived at Tomaco about 12 o'clock at
night. Here we took all the inhabitants of the village and a
Spanish knight called Don Diego de Pinas. This knight came in a
ship from Lima to lade timber. The ship was riding in a creek
about a mile off, and there were only one Spaniard and 8 Indians
aboard. We went in a canoe with 7 men and took her; she had no
goods but 12 or 13 jars of good wine, which we took out, and the
next day let the ship go. Here an Indian canoe came aboard with
three men in her. These men could not speak Spanish, neither
could they distinguish us from Spaniards; the wild Indians
usually thinking all white men to be Spaniards. We gave them 3 Or
4 calabashes of wine, which they freely drank. They were
straight-bodied and well-limbed men of a mean height; their hair
black, long-visaged, small noses and eyes; and were thin-faced,
ill-looked men, of a very dark copper colour. A little before
night Captain Swan and all of us returned to Tomaco and left the
vessel to the seamen. The 31st day two of our canoes who had been
up the river of Tomaco returned back again to the village. They
had rowed seven or eight leagues up and found but one Spanish
house, which they were told did belong to a lady who lived at
Lima; she had servants here that traded with the Indians for
gold; but they seeing our men coming ran away: yet our men found
there several ounces of gold in calabashes.
The first day of January 1685 we went from Tomaco towards
Gallo. We carried the knight with us and two small canoes which
we took there, and while we were rowing over one of our canoes
took a packet-boat that was sent from Panama to Lima. The
Spaniards threw the packet of letters overboard with a line and a
buoy to it, but our men seeing it took it up, and brought the
letters and all the prisoners aboard our ships that were then at
an anchor at Gallo. Here we stayed till the 6th day, reading the
letters, by which we understood that the armada from Old Spain
was come to Portobello: and that the president of Panama had sent
this packet on purpose to hasten the Plate fleet thither from
Lima.
We were very joyful of this news, and therefore sent away the
packet-boat with all her letters; and we altered our former
resolutions of going to Lavelia. We now concluded to careen our
ships as speedily as we could, that we might be ready to
intercept this fleet. The properest place that we could think on
for doing it was among the King's Islands or Pearl Keys, because
they are near Panama and all ships bound to Panama from the coast
of Lima pass by them; so that being there we could not possibly
miss the fleet. According to these resolutions we sailed the next
morning, in order to execute what we designed. We were two ships
and three barks in company, namely, Captain Davis, Captain Swan,
a fire-ship, and two small barks as tenders; one on Captain
Davis's ship, the other on Captain Swan's. We weighed before day
and got out all but Captain Swan's tender, which never budged;
for the men were all asleep when we went out and, the tide of
flood coming on before they waked, we were forced to stay for
them till the next day.
The 8th day in the morning we descried a sail to the west of
us; the wind was at south and we chased her and before noon took
her. She was a ship of about 90 tun laden with flour; she came
from Truxillo and was bound to Panama. This ship came very
opportunely to us for flour began to grow scarce, and Captain
Davis's men grudged at what was given to Captain Swan; who, as I
said before, had none but what he had from Captain Davis.
We jogged on after this with a gentle gale towards Gorgona, an
island lying about 25 leagues from the island Gallo. The 9th day
we anchored at Gorgona, on the west side of the island in 38
fathom clean ground, not two cables' length from the shore.
Gorgona is an uninhabited island in latitude about three degrees
north: it is a pretty high island, and very remarkable by reason
of two saddles, or risings and fallings on the top. It is about 2
leagues long and a league broad; and it is four leagues from the
Main: at the west end is another small island. The land against
the anchoring-place is low; there is a small sandy bay and good
landing. The soil or mould of it is black and deep in the low
ground, but on the side of the high land it is a kind of a red
clay. This island is very well clothed with large trees of
several sorts that are flourishing and green all the year. It's
very well watered with small brooks that issue from the high
land. Here are a great many little black monkeys, some Indian
conies, and a few snakes, which are all the land animals that I
know there. It is reported of this island that it rains on every
day in the year more or less; but that I can disprove: however,
it is a very wet coast, and it rains abundantly here all the year
long. There are but few fair days; for there is little difference
in the seasons of the year between the wet and dry; only in that
season which should be the dry time the rains are less frequent
and more moderate than in the wet season, for then it pours as
out of a sieve. It is deep water and no anchoring anywhere about
this island, only at the west side: the tide rises and falls
seven or eight foot up and down. Here are a great many
periwinkles and mussels to be had at low water. Then the monkeys
come down by the seaside and catch them; digging them out of
their shells with their claws.
Here are pearl-oysters in great plenty: they grow to the loose
rocks in 4, 5, or 6 fathom water by beards, or little small
roots, as a mussel: these oysters are commonly flatter and
thinner than other oysters; otherwise much alike in shape. The
fish is not sweet nor very wholesome; it is as slimy as a
shell-snail; they taste very copperish if eaten raw, and are best
boiled. The Indians who gather them for the Spaniards hang the
meat of them on strings like jews-ears, and dry them before they
eat them. The pearl is found at the head of the oyster lying
between the meat and the shell. Some will have 20 or 30 small
seed-pearl, some none at all, and some will have one or two
pretty large ones. The inside of the shell is more glorious than
the pearl itself. I did never see any in the South Seas but here.
It is reported there are some at the south end of California. In
the West Indies, the Rancho Reys, or Rancheria, spoken of in
Chapter 3, is the place where they are found most plentifully. It
is said there are some at the island Margarita, near St.
Augustin, a town in the Gulf of Florida, etc. In the East Indies
the island Ainam, near the south end of China, is said to have
plenty of these oysters, more productive of large round pearl
than those in other places. They are found also in other parts of
the East Indies, and on the Persian coast.
ISLE OF GORGONA, THE PEARL-OYSTERS THERE AND IN OTHER
PARTS.
At this island Gorgona we rummaged our prize and found a few
boxes of marmalade and three or four jars of brandy, which were
equally shared between Captain Davis and Captain Swan and their
men. Here we filled all our water and Captain Swan furnished
himself with flour: afterward we turned ashore a great many
prisoners but kept the chiefest to put them ashore in a better
place.
The 13th day we sailed from hence towards the King's Islands.
We were now six sail, two men-of-war, two tenders, a fire-ship,
and the prize. We had but little wind but what we had was the
common trade at south.
THE LAND ON THE MAIN.
The land we sailed by on the Main is very low towards the
seaside, but in the country there are very high mountains.
CAPE CORRIENTES.
The 16th day we passed by Cape Corrientes. This cape is in
latitude 5 degrees 10 minutes. It is high bluff land with three
or four small hillocks on the top. It appears at a distance like
an island. Here we found a strong current running to the north,
but whether it be always so I know not. The day after we passed
by the cape we saw a small white island which we chased,
supposing it had been a sail, till coming near we found our
error.
POINT GARACHINA.
The 21st day we saw Point Garachina. This point is in latitude
7 degrees 20 minutes north; it is pretty high land, rocky, and
destitute of trees; yet within land it is woody. It is fenced
with rocks against the sea. Within the point by the sea at low
water you may find store of oysters and mussels.
The King's Islands, or Pearl Keys, are about twelve leagues
distant from this point.
ISLAND GALLERA.
Between Point Garachina and them there is a small low flat
barren island called Gallera, at which Captain Harris was sharing
with his men the gold he took in his pillaging Santa Maria, which
I spoke of a little before, when on a sudden five Spanish barks
fitted out on purpose at Panama came upon him; but he fought them
so stoutly with one small bark he had and some few canoes,
boarding their admiral particularly, that they were all glad to
leave him. By this island we anchored and sent our boats to the
King's Islands for a good careening-place.
THE KING'S, OR PEARL, ISLANDS, PACHEQUE ST. PAUL'S ISLAND.
The King's Islands are a great many low woody islands lying
north-west by north and south-east by south. They are about 7
leagues from the Main and 14 leagues in length, and from Panama
about 12 leagues. Why they are called the King's Islands I know
not; they are sometimes, and mostly in maps, called the Pearl
Islands. I cannot imagine wherefore they are called so, for I did
never see one pearl-oyster about them, nor any
pearl-oyster-shells; but on the other oysters I have made many a
meal there: the northermost island of all this range is called
Pacheca, or Pacheque. This is but a small island distant from
Panama 11 or 12 leagues. The southermost of them is called St.
Paul's. Besides these two I know no more that are called by any
particular name, though there are many that far exceed either of
the two in bigness. Some of these islands are planted with
plantains and bananas; and there are fields of rice on others of
them. The gentlemen of Panama, to whom they belong, keep Negroes
there to plant, weed, and husband the plantations. Many of them,
especially the largest, are wholly untilled, yet very good fat
land full of large trees. These unplanted islands shelter many
runaway Negroes, who abscond in the woods all day, and in the
night boldly pillage the plantain-walks. Betwixt these islands
and the Main is a channel of 7 or 8 leagues wide; there is good
depth of water, and good anchoring all the way. The islands
border thick on each other; yet they make many small narrow deep
channels, fit only for boats to pass between most of them. At the
south-east end, about a league from St. Pauls Island, there is a
good place for ships to careen, or haul ashore. It is surrounded
with the land, and has a good deep channel on the north side to
go in at. The tide rises here about ten foot perpendicular.
We brought our ships into this place the 25th day but were
forced to tarry for a spring-tide before we could have water
enough to clean them; therefore we first cleaned our barks that
they might cruise before Panama while we lay here. The 27th day
our barks being clean we sent them out with 20 men in each. The
4th day after they returned with a prize laden with maize, or
Indian corn, salt-beef, and fowls. She came from Lavelia and was
bound to Panama.
LAVELIA.
Lavelia is a town we once designed to attempt. It is pretty
large, and stands on the bank of a river on the north side of the
Bay of Panama, six or seven leagues from the sea.
NATA. THE CATFISH. OYSTERS.
Nata is another such town, standing in a plain near another
branch of the same river. In these towns, and some others on the
same coast, they breed hogs, fowls, bulls, and cows, and plant
maize purposely for the support of Panama, which is supplied with
provision mostly from other towns and the neighbouring
islands.
The beef and fowl our men took came to us in a good time, for
we had eaten but little flesh since we left the island Plata. The
harbour where we careened was encompassed with three islands, and
our ships rode in the middle. That on which we hauled our ships
ashore was a little island on the north side of the harbour.
There was a fine small sandy bay, but all the rest of the island
was environed with rocks on which at low water we did use to
gather oysters, clams, mussels, and limpets. The clam is a sort
of oyster which grows so fast to the rock that there is no
separating it from thence, therefore we did open it where it
grows, and take out the meat, which is very large, fat, and
sweet. Here are a few common oysters such as we have in England,
of which sort I have met with none in these seas but here, at
Point Garachina, at Puna, and on the Mexican coast, in the
latitude of 23 degrees north. I have a manuscript of Mr. Teat,
Captain Swan's chief mate, which gives an account of oysters
plentifully found in Port St. Julian, on the east side and
somewhat to the north of the Straits of Magellan; but there is no
mention made of what oysters they are. Here are some iguanas, but
we found no other sort of land-animal. Here are also some pigeons
and turtle-doves. The rest of the islands that encompass this
harbour had of all these sorts of creatures. Our men therefore
did every day go over in canoes to them to fish, fowl, or hunt
for iguanas; but, having one man surprised once by some Spaniards
lying there in ambush, and carried off by them to Panama, we were
after that more cautious of straggling.
The 14th day of February 1685 we made an end of cleaning our
ship, filled all our water, and stocked ourselves with firewood.
The 15th day we went out from among the islands and anchored in
the channel between them and the Main, in 25 fathom water, soft
oazy ground. The Plate fleet was not yet arrived; therefore we
intended to cruise before the city of Panama, which is from this
place about 25 leagues. The next day we sailed towards Panama,
passing in the channel between the King's Islands and the
Main.
THE PLEASANT PROSPECTS IN THE BAY OF PANAMA.
It is very pleasant sailing here, having the Main on one side,
which appears in divers forms. It is beautified with many small
hills, clothed with woods of divers sort of trees, which are
always green and flourishing. There are some few small high
islands within a league of the Main, scattering here and there
one: these are partly woody, partly bare; and they as well as the
Main appear very pleasant. The King's Islands are on the other
side of this channel, and make also a lovely prospect as you sail
by them. These, as I have already noted, are low and flat,
appearing in several shapes, according as they are naturally
formed by many small creeks and branches of the sea. The 16th day
we anchored at Pacheca in 17 fathom water about a league from the
island, and sailed from thence the next day, with the wind at
north-north-east directing our course towards Panama.
OLD PANAMA.
When we came abreast of Old Panama we anchored and sent our
canoe ashore with our prisoner Don Diego de Pinas, with a letter
to the governor to treat about an exchange for our man they had
spirited away, as I said; and another Captain Harris left in the
river of Santa Maria the year before, coming overland. Don Diego
was desirous to go on this errand in the name and with the
consent of the rest of our Spanish prisoners; but by some
accident he was killed before he got ashore, as we heard
afterwards.
Old Panama was formerly a famous place, but it was taken by
Sir Henry Morgan about the year 1673, and at that time great part
of it was burned to ashes, and it was never re-edified since.
THE NEW CITY.
New Panama is a very fair city, standing close by the sea,
about four miles from the ruins of the old town. It gives name to
a large bay which is famous for a great many navigable rivers,
some whereof are very rich in gold; it is also very pleasantly
sprinkled with islands that are not only profitable to their
owners, but very delightful to the passengers and seamen that
sail by them; some of which I have already described. It is
encompassed on the back side with a pleasant country which is
full of small hills and valleys, beautified with many groves and
spots of trees that appear in the savannahs like so many little
islands. This city is all compassed with a high stone wall; the
houses are said to be of brick. Their roofs appear higher than
the top of the city wall. It is beautified with a great many fair
churches and religious houses besides the president's house and
other eminent buildings; which altogether make one of the finest
objects that I did ever see, in America especially. There are a
great many guns on her walls, most of which look toward the land.
They had none at all against the sea when I first entered those
seas with Captain Sawkins, Captain Coxon, Captain Sharp, and
others; for till then they did not fear any enemy by sea: but
since that they have planted guns clear round.
THE GREAT CONCOURSE THERE FROM LIMA AND PORTOBELLO, ETC. UPON
THE ARRIVAL OF THE SPANISH ARMADA IN THE WEST INDIES.
This is a flourishing city by reason it is a thoroughfare for
all imported or exported goods and treasure, to and from all
parts of Peru and Chile; whereof their store-houses are never
empty. The road also is seldom or never without ships. Besides,
once in three years, when the Spanish armada comes to Portobello,
then the Plate fleet also from Lima comes hither with the King's
treasure, and abundance of merchant-ships full of goods and
Plate; at that time the city is full of merchants and gentlemen;
the seamen are busy in landing the treasure and goods, and the
carriers, or caravan masters, employed in carrying it overland on
mules (in vast droves every day) to Portobello, and bringing back
European goods from thence: though the city be then so full yet
during this heat of business there is no hiring of an ordinary
slave under a piece-of-eight a day; houses, also chambers, beds
and victuals, are then extraordinary dear.
THE COURSE THE ARMADA TAKES; WITH AN INCIDENTAL ACCOUNT OF THE
FIRST INDUCEMENTS THAT MADE THE PRIVATEERS UNDERTAKE THE PASSAGE
OVER THE ISTHMUS OF DARIEN INTO THE SOUTH SEAS, AND OF THE
PARTICULAR BEGINNING OF THEIR CORRESPONDENCE WITH THE INDIANS
THAT INHABIT THAT ISTHMUS.
Now I am on this subject I think it will not be amiss to give
the reader an account of the progress of the armada from Old
Spain, which comes thus every three years into the Indies. Its
first arrival is at Cartagena, from whence, as I have been told,
an express is immediately sent overland to Lima, through the
southern continent, and another by sea to Portobello with two
packets of letters, one for the viceroy of Lima, the other for
the viceroy of Mexico. I know not which way that of Mexico goes
after its arrival at Portobello, whether by land or sea: but I
believe by sea to La Vera Cruz. That for Lima is sent by land to
Panama and from thence by sea to Lima.
Upon mention of these packets I shall digress yet a little
further and acquaint my reader that before my first going over
into the South Seas with Captain Sharp (and indeed before any
privateers, at least since Drake and Oxenham had gone that way
which we afterwards went, except La Sound, a French captain, who
by Captain Wright's instructions had ventured as far as Cheapo
Town with a body of men but was driven back again) I being then
on board Captain Coxon, in company with three or four more
privateers, about four leagues to the east of Portobello, we took
the packets bound thither from Cartagena. We opened a great
quantity of the merchants' letters and found the contents of many
of them to be very surprising, the merchants of several parts of
Old Spain thereby informing their correspondents of Panama and
elsewhere of a certain prophecy that went about Spain that year,
the tenor of which was THAT THERE WOULD BE ENGLISH PRIVATEERS
THAT YEAR IN THE WEST INDIES, WHO WOULD MAKE SUCH GREAT
DISCOVERIES AS TO OPEN A DOOR INTO THE SOUTH SEAS; which they
supposed was fastest shut: and the letters were accordingly full
of cautions to their friends to be very watchful and careful of
their coasts.
This door they spoke of we all concluded must be the passage
overland through the country of the Indians of Darien, who were a
little before this become our friends, and had lately fallen out
with the Spaniards, breaking off the intercourse which for some
time they had with them: and upon calling also to mind the
frequent invitations we had from those Indians a little before
this time to pass through their country and fall upon the
Spaniards in the South Seas, we from henceforward began to
entertain such thoughts in earnest, and soon came to a resolution
to make those attempts which we afterwards did with Captain
Sharp, Coxon, etc., so that the taking these letters gave the
first life to those bold undertakings: and we took the advantage
of the fears the Spaniards were in from that prophecy, or
probable conjecture, or whatever it were; for we sealed up most
of the letters again, and sent them ashore to Portobello.
The occasion of this our late friendship with those Indians
was thus: about 15 years before this time, Captain Wright being
cruising near that coast and going in among the Samballoes Isles
to strike fish and turtle, took there a young Indian lad as he
was paddling about in a canoe. He brought him aboard his ship and
gave him the name of John Gret, clothing him and intending to
breed him among the English. But his Moskito strikers, taking a
fancy to the boy, begged him of Captain Wright, and took him with
them at their return into their own country, where they taught
him their art, and he married a wife among them and learnt their
language, as he had done some broken English while he was with
Captain Wright, which he improved among the Moskitos, who,
corresponding so much with us, do all of them smatter English
after a sort; but his own language he had almost forgot. Thus he
lived among them for many years; till, about six or eight months
before our taking these letters, Captain Wright being again among
the Samballoes, took thence another Indian boy about 10 or 12
years old, the son of a man of some account among those Indians;
and, wanting a striker, he went away to the Moskito's country,
where he took John Gret, who was now very expert at it. John Gret
was much pleased to see a lad there of his own country, and it
came into his mind to persuade Captain Wright upon this occasion
to endeavour a friendship with those Indians; a thing our
privateers had long coveted but never durst attempt, having such
dreadful apprehensions of their numbers and fierceness: but John
Gret offered the captain that he would go ashore and negotiate
the matter; who accordingly sent him in his canoe till he was
near the shore, which of a sudden was covered with Indians
standing ready with their bows and arrows. John Gret, who had
only a clout about his middle as the fashion of the Indians is,
leapt then out of the boat and swam, the boat retiring a little
way back; and the Indians ashore, seeing him in that habit and
hearing him call to them in their own tongue (which he had
recovered by conversing with the boy lately taken) suffered him
quietly to land, and gathered all about to hear how it was with
him. He told them particularly that he was one of their
countrymen, and how he had been taken many years ago by the
English, who had used him very kindly; that they were mistaken in
being so much afraid of that nation who were not enemies to them
but to the Spaniards: to confirm this he told them how well the
English treated another young lad of theirs they had lately
taken, such a one's son; for this he had learnt of the youth, and
his father was one of the company that was got together on the
shore. He persuaded them therefore to make a league with these
friendly people, by whose help they might be able to quell the
Spaniards; assuring also the father of the boy that, if he would
but go with him to the ship which they saw at anchor at an island
there (it was Golden Island, the eastermost of the Samballoes, a
place where there is good striking for turtle) he should have his
son restored to him and they might all expect a very kind
reception. Upon these assurances 20 or 30 of them went off
presently in two or three canoes laden with plantains, bananas,
fowls, etc. And, Captain Wright having treated them on board,
went ashore with them, and was entertained by them, and presents
were made on each side. Captain Wright gave the boy to his father
in a very handsome English dress which he had caused to be made
purposely for him; and an agreement was immediately struck up
between the English and these Indians who invited the English
through their country into the South Seas.
Pursuant to this agreement the English, when they came upon
any such design, or for traffic with them, were to give a certain
signal which they pitched upon, whereby they might be known. But
it happened that Mr. La Sound, the French captain spoken of a
little before, being then one of Captain Wright's men, learnt
this signal, and, staying ashore at Petit Guavres upon Captain
Wright's going thither soon after, who had his commission from
thence, he gave the other French there such an account of the
agreement before mentioned, and the easiness of entering the
South Seas thereupon, that he got at the head of about 120 of
them who made that unsuccessful attempt upon Cheapo, as I said;
making use of the signal they had learnt for passing the Indians'
country, who at that time could not distinguish so well between
the several nations of the Europeans as they can since.
From such small beginnings arose those great stirs that have
been since made over the South Seas, namely, from the letters we
took, and from the friendship contracted with these Indians by
means of John Gret. Yet this friendship had like to have been
stifled in its infancy; for within a few months after an English
trading sloop came on this coast from Jamaica, and John Gret, who
by this time had advanced himself as a grandee among these
Indians, together with five or six more of that quality, went off
to the sloop in their long gowns, as the custom is for such to
wear among them. Being received aboard they expected to find
everything friendly, and John Gret talked to them in English; but
these Englishmen, having no knowledge at all of what had
happened, endeavoured to make them slaves (as is commonly done)
for upon carrying them to Jamaica they could have sold them for
10 or 12 pound apiece. But John Gret and the rest perceiving
this, leapt all overboard, and were by the others killed every
one of them in the water. The Indians on shore never came to the
knowledge of it; if they had it would have endangered our
correspondence. Several times after, upon our conversing with
them, they enquired of us what was become of their countrymen:
but we told them we knew not, as indeed it was a great while
after that we heard this story; so they concluded the Spaniards
had met with them and killed or taken them.
But to return to the account of the progress of the armada
which we left at Cartagena. After an appointed stay there of
about 60 days, as I take it, it goes thence to Portobello, where
it lies 30 days and no longer. Therefore the viceroy of Lima, on
notice of the armada's arrival at Cartagena, immediately sends
away the King's treasure to Panama, where it is landed and lies
ready to be sent to Portobello upon the first news of the
armada's arrival there. This is the reason partly of their
sending expresses so early to Lima, that upon the armada's first
coming to Portobello, the treasure and goods may lie ready at
Panama to be sent away upon the mules, and it requires some time
for the Lima fleet to unlade, because the ships ride not at
Panama but at Perica, which are three small islands 2 leagues
from thence. The King's treasure is said to amount commonly to
about 24,000,000 of pieces-of-eight: besides abundance of
merchants' money. All this treasure is carried on mules, and
there are large stables at both places to lodge them. Sometimes
the merchants to steal the custom pack up money among goods and
send it to Venta de Cruzes on the river Chagre; from thence down
the river, and afterwards by sea to Portobello; in which passage
I have known a whole fleet of periagos and canoes taken. The
merchants who are not ready to sail by the thirteenth day after
the armada's arrival are in danger to be left behind, for the
ships all weigh the 30th day precisely, and go to the harbour's
mouth: yet sometimes, on great importunity, the admiral may stay
a week longer; for it is impossible that all the merchants should
get ready, for want of men. When the armada departs from
Portobello it returns again to Cartagena, by which time all the
King's revenue which comes out of the country is got ready there.
Here also meets them again a great ship called the Pattache, one
of the Spanish galleons, which before their first arrival at
Cartagena goes from the rest of the armada on purpose to gather
the tribute of the coast, touching at the Margaritas and other
places in her way thence to Cartagena, as Punta de Guaira
Moracaybo, Rio de la Hacha, and Santa Marta; and at all these
places takes in treasure for the king. After the set stay at
Cartagena the armada goes away to the Havana in the isle of Cuba,
to meet there the flota, which is a small number of ships that go
to La Vera Cruz, and there takes in the effects of the city and
country of Mexico, and what is brought thither in the ship which
comes thither every year from the Philippine Islands; and, having
joined the rest at the Havana, the whole armada sets sail for
Spain through the Gulf of Florida. The ships in the South Seas
lie a great deal longer at Panama before they return to Lima. The
merchants and gentlemen which come from Lima stay as little time
as they can at Portobello, which is at the best but a sickly
place, and at this time is very full of men from all parts. But
Panama, as it is not overcharged with men so unreasonably as the
other, though very full, so it enjoys a good air, lying open to
the sea-wind which rises commonly about 10 or 11 o'clock in the
morning, and continues till 8 or 9 o'clock at night: then the
land-wind comes and blows till 8 or 9 in the morning.
OF THE AIR AND WEATHER AT PANAMA.
There are no woods nor marshes near Panama, but a brave dry
champion land, not subject to fogs nor mists. The wet season
begins in the latter end of May and continues till November. At
that time the sea-breezes are at south-south-west and the
land-winds at north. At the dry season the winds are most betwixt
the east-north-east and the north. Yet off in the bay they are
commonly at south; but of this I shall be more particular in my
Chapter of Winds in the Appendix. The rains are not so excessive
about Panama itself as on either side of the bay; yet in the
months of June, July, and August, they are severe enough.
Gentlemen that come from Peru to Panama, especially in these
months, cut their hair close to preserve them from fevers; for
the place is sickly to them, because they come out of a country
which never has any rains or fogs but enjoys a constant serenity;
but I am apt to believe this city is healthy enough to any other
people. Thus much for Panama.
THE ISLES OF PERICO.
The 20th day we went and anchored within a league of the
islands Perico (which are only 3 little barren rocky islands) in
expectation of the president of Panama's answer to the letter I
said we sent him by Don Diego, treating about exchange of
prisoners; this being the day on which he had given us his parole
to return with an answer. The 21st day we took another bark laden
with hogs, fowls, salt-beef and molasses; she came from Lavelia,
and was going to Panama. In the afternoon we sent another letter
ashore by a young Mestizo (a mixed brood of Indians and
Europeans) directed to the president, and 3 or 4 copies of it to
be dispersed abroad among the common people. This letter, which
was full of threats, together with the young man's managing the
business, wrought so powerfully among the common people that the
city was in an uproar. The president immediately sent a gentleman
aboard, who demanded the flour-prize that we took off of Gallo
and all the prisoners for the ransom of our two men: but our
captains told him they would exchange man for man. The gentleman
said he had not orders for that, but if we would stay till the
next day he would bring the governors' answer. The next day he
brought aboard our two men and had about 40 prisoners in
exchange.
TABAGO, A PLEASANT ISLAND.
The 24th day we ran over to the island Tabago. Tabago is in
the bay and about six leagues south of Panama. It is about 3 mile
long and 2 broad, a high mountainous island. On the north side it
declines with a gentle descent to the sea. The land by the sea is
of a black mould and deep; but towards the top of the mountain it
is strong and dry. The north side of this island makes a very
pleasant show, it seems to be a garden of fruit enclosed with
many high trees; the chiefest fruits are plantains and bananas.
They thrive very well from the foot to the middle of it; but
those near the top are but small, as wanting moisture. Close by
the sea there are many coconut-trees, which make a very pleasant
sight.
THE MAMMEE-TREE.
Within the coconut-trees there grow many mammee-trees. The
mammee is a large, tall, and straight-bodied tree, clean without
knots or limbs for 60 or 70 foot or more. The head spreads abroad
into many small limbs which grow pretty thick and close together.
The bark is of a dark grey colour, thick and rough, full of large
chops. The fruit is bigger than a quince; it is round and covered
with a thick rind of a grey colour: when the fruit is ripe the
rind is yellow and tough; and it will then peel off like leather;
but before it is ripe it is brittle: the juice is then white and
clammy; but when ripe not so. The ripe fruit under the rind is
yellow as a carrot, and in the middle are two large rough stones,
flat, and each of them much bigger than an almond. The fruit
smells very well and the taste is answerable to the smell. The
south-west end of the island has never been cleared but is full
of firewood and trees of divers sorts. There is a very fine small
brook of fresh water that springs out of the side of the mountain
and, gliding through the grove of fruit-trees, falls into the sea
on the north side.
THE VILLAGE TABAGO.
There was a small town standing by the sea with a church at
one end, but now the biggest part of it is destroyed by the
privateers. There is good anchoring right against the town about
a mile from the shore, where you may have 16 or 18 fathom water,
soft oazy ground. There is a small island close by the north-west
end of this called Tabogilla, with a small channel to pass
between. There is another woody island about a mile on the
north-east side of Tabago, and a good channel between them: this
island has no name that ever I heard.
A SPANISH STRATAGEM OR TWO OF CAPTAIN BOND THEIR ENGINEER.
While we lay at Tabago we had like to have had a scurvy trick
played us by a pretended merchant from Panama, who came as by
stealth to traffic with us privately; a thing common enough with
the Spanish merchants, both in the North and South Seas,
notwithstanding the severe prohibition of the governors; who yet
sometimes connive at it and will even trade with the privateers
themselves.
Our merchant was by agreement to bring out his bark laden with
goods in the night, and we to go and anchor at the south of
Perico. Out he came, with a fire-ship instead of a bark, and
approached very near, hailing us with the watch-word we had
agreed upon. We, suspecting the worst, called to them to come to
an anchor, and upon their not doing so fired at them; when
immediately their men, going out into the canoes, set fire to
their ship, which blew up, and burnt close by us so that we were
forced to cut our cables in all haste and scamper away as well as
we could.
The Spaniard was not altogether so politick in appointing to
meet us at Perico for there we had sea-room; whereas, had he come
thus upon us at Tabago, the land-wind bearing hard upon us as it
did, we must either have been burnt by the fire-ship or, upon
loosing our cables, have been driven ashore: but I suppose they
chose Perico rather for the scene of their enterprise, partly
because they might there best skulk among the islands, and partly
because, if their exploit failed, they could thence escape best
from our canoes to Panama, but two leagues off.
During this exploit Captain Swan (whose ship was less than
ours, and so not so much aimed at by the Spaniards) lay about a
mile off, with a canoe at the buoy of his anchor, as fearing some
treachery from our pretended merchant; and a little before the
bark blew up he saw a small float on the water and, as it
appeared, a man on it making towards his ship; but the man dived
and disappeared of a sudden, as thinking probably that he was
discovered.
This was supposed to be one coming with some combustible
matter to have stuck about the rudder. For such a trick Captain
Sharp was served at Coquimbo, and his ship had like to have been
burnt by it if, by mere accident, it had not been discovered: I
was then aboard Captain Sharp's ship. Captain Swan, seeing the
blaze by us, cut his cables as we did, his bark did the like; so
we kept under sail all the night, being more scared than hurt.
The bark that was on fire drove burning towards Tabago; but after
the first blast she did not burn clear, only made a smother, for
she was not well made, though Captain Bond had the framing and
management of it.
This Captain Bond was he of whom I made mention in my 4th
chapter. He, after his being at the isles of Cape Verde, stood
away for the South Seas at the instigation of one Richard Morton
who had been with Captain Sharp in the South Seas. In his way he
met with Captain Eaton and they two consorted a day or two: at
last Morton went aboard Captain Eaton and persuaded him to lose
Captain Bond in the night, which Captain Eaton did, Morton
continuing aboard of Captain Eaton, as finding his the better
ship. Captain Bond thus losing both his consort Eaton, and Morton
his pilot, and his ship being but an ordinary sailer, he
despaired of getting into the South Seas; and had played such
tricks among the Caribbean Isles, as I have been told, that he
did not dare to appear at any of the English islands. Therefore
he persuaded his men to go to the Spaniards and they consented to
anything that he should propose: so he presently steered away
into the West Indies and the first place where we came to an
anchor was at Portobello. He presently declared to the governor
that there were English ships coming into the South Seas, and
that if they questioned it, he offered to be kept a prisoner till
time should discover the truth of what he said; but they believed
him and sent him away to Panama where he was in great esteem.
This several prisoners told us.
THE IGNORANCE OF THE SPANIARDS OF THESE PARTS IN
SEA-AFFAIRS.
The Spaniards of Panama could not have fitted out their
fire-ship without this Captain Bond's assistance; for it is
strange to say how grossly ignorant the Spaniards in the West
Indies, but especially in the South Seas, are of sea-affairs.
They build indeed good ships, but this is a small matter: for any
ship of a good bottom will serve for these seas on the south
coast. They rig their ships but untowardly, have no guns but in 3
or 4 of the king's ships, and are meanly furnished with warlike
provisions, and much at a loss for the making any fire-ships or
other less useful machines. Nay, they have not the sense to have
their guns run within the sides upon their discharge, but have
platforms without for the men to stand on to charge them; so that
when we come near we can fetch them down with small shot out of
our boats. A main reason of this is that the native Spaniards are
too proud to be seamen, but use the Indians for all those
offices: one Spaniard, it may be, going in the ship to command
it, and himself of little more knowledge than those poor ignorant
creatures: nor can they gain much experience, seldom going far
off to sea, but coasting along the shores.
A PARTY OF FRENCH PRIVATEERS ARRIVE FROM OVERLAND.
But to proceed: in the morning when it was light we came again
to anchor close by our buoys and strove to get our anchors again;
but our buoy-ropes, being rotten, broke. While we were puzzling
about our anchors we saw a great many canoes full of men pass
between Tabago and the other island. This put us into a new
consternation: we lay still some time till we saw that they came
directly towards us, then we weighed and stood towards them: and
when we came within hail we found that they were English and
French privateers come out of the North Seas through the Isthmus
of Darien. They were 280 men in 28 canoes; 200 of them French,
the rest English. They were commanded by Captain Gronet and
Captain Lequie. We presently came to an anchor again and all the
canoes came aboard. These men told us that there were 180 English
men more, under the command of Captain Townley, in the country of
Darien, making canoes (as these men had been) to bring them into
these seas. All the Englishmen that came over in this party were
immediately entertained by Captain Davis and Captain Swan in
their own ships, and the French men were ordered to have our
flour-prize to carry them, and Captain Gronet being the eldest
commander was to command them there; and thus they were all
disposed of to their hearts' content. Captain Gronet, to
retaliate this kindness, offered Captain Davis and Captain Swan
each of them a new commission from the governor of Petit
Guavres.
OF THE COMMISSIONS THAT ARE GIVEN OUT BY THE FRENCH GOVERNOUR
OF PETIT GUAVRES.
It has been usual for many years past for the governor of
Petit Guavres to send blank commissions to sea by many of his
captains with orders to dispose of them to whom they saw
convenient. Those of Petit Guavres by this means making
themselves the sanctuary and asylum of all people of desperate
fortunes; and increasing their own wealth and the strength and
reputation of their party thereby. Captain Davis accepted of one,
having before only an old commission, which fell to him by
inheritance at the decease of Captain Cook; who took it from
Captain Tristian, together with his bark, as is before mentioned.
But Captain Swan refused it, saying he had an order from the Duke
of York neither to give offence to the Spaniards nor to receive
any affront from them; and that he had been injured by them at
Valdivia, where they had killed some of his men and wounded
several more; so that he thought he had a lawful commission of
his own to right himself. I never read any of these French
commissions while I was in these seas, nor did I then know the
import of them; but I have learnt since that the tenor of them is
to give a liberty to fish, fowl, and hunt. The occasion of this
is that the island Hispaniola, where the garrison of Petit
Guavres is, belongs partly to the French and partly to the
Spaniards; and in time of peace these commissions are given as a
warrant to those of each side to protect them from the adverse
party: but in effect the French do not restrain them to
Hispaniola, but make them a pretence for a general ravage in any
part of America, by sea or land.
OF THE GULF OF ST. MICHAEL, AND THE RIVERS OF CONGOS, SAMBO,
AND SANTA MARIA: AND AN ERROR OF THE COMMON MAPS, IN THE PLACING
POINT GARACHINA AND CAPE SAN LORENZO, CORRECTED.
Having thus disposed of our associates we intended to sail
toward the Gulf of St. Michael to seek Captain Townley; who by
this time we thought might be entering into these seas.
Accordingly the second day of March 1685 we sailed from hence
towards the Gulf of St. Michael. This gulf lies near 30 leagues
from Panama towards the south-east. The way thither from Panama
is to pass between the King's Islands and the Main. It is a place
where many great rivers having finished their courses are
swallowed up in the sea. It is bounded on the south with Point
Garachina, which lies in north latitude 6 degrees 40 minutes, and
on the north side with Cape San Lorenzo. Where, by the way, I
must correct a gross error in our common maps; which, giving no
name at all to the south cape which yet is the most considerable,
and is the true Point Garachina, do give that name to the north
cape, which is of small remark only for those whose business is
into the gulf; and the name San Lorenzo, which is the true name
of this northern point, is by them wholly omitted; the name of
the other point being substituted into its place. The chief
rivers which run into this Gulf of St. Michael are Santa Maria,
Sambo, and Congos. The river Congos (which is the river I would
have persuaded our men to have gone up as their nearest way in
our journey overland, mentioned Chapter 1) comes directly out of
the country, and swallows up many small streams that fall into it
from both sides; and at last loses itself on the north side of
the gulf, a league within Cape San Lorenzo. It is not very wide,
but deep, and navigable some leagues within land. There are sands
without it; but a channel for ships. It is not made use of by the
Spaniards because of the neighbourhood of Santa Maria River;
where they have most business on account of the mines.
The River of Sambo seems to be a great River for there is a
great tide at its mouth; but I can say nothing more of it, having
never been in it.
This river falls into the sea on the south side of the gulf
near Point Garachina. Between the mouths of these two rivers on
either side the gulf runs in towards the land somewhat narrower;
and makes five or six small islands which are clothed with great
trees, green and flourishing all the year, and good channels
between the islands. Beyond which, further in still, the shore on
each side closes so near with two points of low mangrove land as
to make a narrow or strait, scarce half a mile wide. This serves
as a mouth or entrance to the inner part of the gulf, which is a
deep bay two or three leagues over every way, and about the east
end thereof are the mouths of several rivers, the chief of which
is that of Santa Maria. There are many outlets or creeks besides
this narrow place I have described, but none navigable besides
that. For this reason the Spanish guard-ship mentioned in Chapter
1 chose to lie between these two points as the only passage they
could imagine we should attempt; since this is the way that the
privateers have generally taken as the nearest between the North
and South Seas. The river of Santa Maria is the largest of all
the rivers of this gulf. It is navigable eight or nine leagues
up; for so high the tide flows. Beyond that place the river is
divided into many branches which are only fit for canoes. The
tide rises and falls in this river about 18 foot.
OF THE TOWN AND GOLD-MINES OF SANTA MARIA; AND THE TOWN OF
SCUCHADERO.
About six leagues from the river's mouth, on the south side of
it, the Spaniards about 20 years ago, upon their first discovery
of the gold-mines here, built the town Santa Maria, of the same
name with the river. This town was taken by Captain Coxon,
Captain Harris and Captain Sharp, at their entrance into these
seas; it being then but newly built. Since that time it is grown
considerable; for when Captain Harris, the nephew of the former,
took it (as is said in Chapter 6) he found in it all sorts of
tradesmen, with a great deal of flour, and wine, and abundance of
iron crows and pickaxes. These were instruments for the slaves to
work in the gold-mines; for besides what gold and sand they take
up together, they often find great lumps wedged between the
rocks, as if it naturally grew there. I have seen a lump as big
as a hen's egg, brought by Captain Harris from thence (who took
120 pound there) and he told me that there were lumps a great
deal bigger: but these they were forced to beat in pieces that
they might divide them. These lumps are not so solid, but that
they have crevices and pores full of earth and dust. This town is
not far from the mines, where the Spaniards keep a great many
slaves to work in the dry time of the year: but in the rainy
season when the rivers do overflow they cannot work so well. Yet
the mines are so nigh the mountains that, as the rivers soon
rise, so they are soon down again; and presently after the rain
is the best searching for gold in the sands. for the violent
rains do wash down the gold into the rivers, where much of it
settles to the bottom and remains. Then the native Indians who
live hereabouts get most; and of them the Spaniards buy more gold
than their slaves get by working. I have been fold that they get
the value of five shillings a day, one with another. The
Spaniards withdraw most of them with their slaves during the wet
season to Panama. At this town of St. Maria Captain Townley was
lying with his party, making canoes, when Captain Gronet came
into these seas; for it was then abandoned by the Spaniards.
There is another small new town at the mouth of the river
called the Scuchadero: it stands on the north side of the open
place, at the mouth of the river of Santa Maria, where there is
more air than at the mines, or at Santa Maria Town, where they
are in a manner stifled with heat for want of air.
All about these rivers, especially near the sea, the land is
low, it is deep black earth, and the trees it produces are
extraordinary large and high. Thus much concerning the Gulf of
St. Michael, whither we were bound.
The second day of March, as is said before, we weighed from
Perico, and the same night we anchored again at Pacheca. The
third day we sailed from thence steering towards the Gulf.
Captain Swan undertook to fetch off Captain Townley and his men:
therefore he kept near the Main; but the rest of the ships stood
nearer the King's Islands. Captain Swan desired this office
because he intended to send letters overland by the Indians to
Jamaica, which he did; ordering the Indians to deliver his
letters to any English vessel in the other seas. At two o'clock
we were again near the place where we cleaned our ships. There we
saw two ships coming out who proved to be Captain Townley and his
men. They were coming out of the river in the night and took 2
barks bound for Panama: the one was laden with flour, the other
with wine, brandy, sugar, and oil. The prisoners that he took
declared that the Lima fleet was ready to sail.
CAPTAIN TOWNLEY'S ARRIVAL WITH SOME MORE ENGLISH PRIVATEERS
OVERLAND.
We went and anchored among the King's Islands, and the next
day Captain Swan returned out of the river of Santa Maria, being
informed by the Indians that Captain Townley was come over to the
King's Islands. At this place Captain Townley put out a great
deal of his goods to make room for his men.
JARS OF PISCO-WINE.
He distributed his wine and brandy some to every ship that it
might be drank out, because he wanted the jars to carry water in.
The Spaniards in these seas carry all their wine, brandy, and oil
in jars that hold 7 or 8 gallons. When they lade at Pisco (a
place about 40 leagues to the southward of Lima, and famous for
wine) they bring nothing else but jars of wine, and they stow one
tier at the top of another so artificially that we could hardly
do the like without breaking them: yet they often carry in this
manner 1500 or 2000 or more in a ship, and seldom break one. The
10th day we took a small bark that came from Guayaquil: she had
nothing in her but ballast. The 12th day there came an Indian
canoe out of the river of Santa Maria and told us that there were
300 English and Frenchmen more coming overland from the North
Seas.
A BARK OF CAPTAIN KNIGHT'S JOINS THEM.
The 15th day we met a bark with five or six Englishmen in her
that belonged to Captain Knight, who had been in the South Seas
five or six months, and was now on the Mexican coast. There he
had espied this bark; but, not being able to come up with her in
his ship, he detached these five or six men in a canoe, who took
her, but, when they had done, could not recover their own ship
again, losing company with her in the night, therefore they came
into the Bay of Panama intending to go overland back into the
North Seas, but that they luckily met with us: for the Isthmus of
Darien was now become a common road for privateers to pass
between the North and South Seas at their pleasure. This bark of
Captain Knight's had in her 40 or 50 jars of brandy: she was now
commanded by Mr. Henry More; but Captain Swan, intending to
promote Captain Harris, caused Mr. More to be turned out,
alleging that it was very likely these men were run away from
their commander. Mr. More willingly resigned her, and went aboard
of Captain Swan and became one of his men.
It was now the latter end of the dry season here; and the
water at the King's, or Pearl Islands, of which there was plenty
when we first came hither, was now dried away. Therefore we were
forced to go to Point Garachina, thinking to water our ships
there.
POINT GARACHINA AGAIN.
Captain Harris, being now commander of the new bark, was sent
into the river of Santa Maria to see for those men that the
Indians told us of, whilst the rest of the ships sailed towards
Point Garachina; where we arrived the 21st day, and anchored two
mile from the point, and found a strong tide running out of the
river Sambo. The next day we ran within the point and anchored in
four fathom at low water. The tide rises here eight or nine foot:
the flood sets north-north-east, the ebb south-south-west. The
Indians that inhabit in the river Sambo came to us in canoes and
brought plantains and bananas. They could not speak nor
understand Spanish; therefore I believe they have no commerce
with the Spaniards. We found no fresh water here neither; so we
went from hence to Port Pinas, which is seven leagues south by
west from hence.
PORTO DE PINAS.
Porto Pinas lies in latitude 7 degrees north. It is so called
because there are many pine-trees growing there. The land is
pretty high, rising gently as it runs into the country. This
country near the sea is all covered with pretty high woods: the
land that bounds the harbour is low in the middle, but high and
rocky on both sides. At the mouth of the harbour there are two
small high islands, or rather barren rocks. The Spaniards in
their pilot-books commend this for a good harbour; but it lies
all open to the south-west winds, which frequently blow here in
the wet season: beside, the harbour within the islands is a place
of but small extent, and has a very narrow going in; what depth
of water there is in the harbour I know not.
The 25th day we arrived at this Harbour of Pines but did not
go in with our ship, finding it but an ordinary place to lie at.
We sent in our boats to search it, and they found a stream of
good water running into the sea; but there were such great
swelling surges came into the harbour that we could not
conveniently fill our water there. The 26th day we returned to
Point Garachina again. In our way we took a small vessel laden
with cocoa: she came from Guayaquil. The 29th day we arrived at
Point Garachina: there we found Captain Harris, who had been in
the river of Santa Maria; but he did not meet the men that he
went for: yet he was informed again by the Indians that they were
making canoes in one of the branches of the river of Santa Maria.
Here we shared our cocoa lately taken.
Because we could not fill our water here we designed to go to
Tabago again, where we were sure to be supplied. Accordingly on
the 30th day we set sail, being now nine ships in company; and
had a small wind at south-south-east. The first day of April,
being in the channel between the King's Islands and the Main, we
had much Thunder, lightning, and some rain: this evening we
anchored at the island Pacheca, and immediately sent four canoes
before us to the island Tabago to take some prisoners for
information, and we followed the next day. The 3rd day in the
evening we anchored by Perica, and the next morning went to
Tabago where we found our four canoes. They arrived there in the
night, and took a canoe that came (as is usual) from Panama for
plantains. There were in the canoe four Indians and a Mulatto.
The Mulatto, because he said he was in the fire-ship that came to
burn us in the night, was immediately hanged. These prisoners
confirmed that one Captain Bond, an Englishman, did command
her.
Here we filled our water and cut firewood; and from hence we
sent four canoes over to the Main with one of the Indians lately
taken to guide them to a sugar-work: for now we had cocoa we
wanted sugar to make chocolate. But the chiefest of their
business was to get coppers, for, each ship having now so many
men, our pots would not boil victuals fast enough though we kept
them boiling all the day. About two or three days after they
returned aboard with three coppers.
ISLE OF OTOQUE.
While we lay here Captain Davis's bark went to the island
Otoque. This is another inhabited island in the Bay of Panama;
not so big as Tabago, yet there are good plantain-walks on it,
and some Negroes to look after them. These Negroes rear fowls and
hogs for their masters, who live at Panama; as at the King's
Islands.
THE PACKET FROM LIMA TAKEN.OTHER ENGLISH AND FRENCH PRIVATEERS
ARRIVE.
It was for some fowls or hogs that our men went thither; but
by accident they met also with an express that was sent to Panama
with an account that the Lima fleet was at sea. Most of the
letters were thrown overboard and lost; yet we found some that
said positively that the fleet was coming with all the strength
that they could make in the kingdom of Peru; yet were ordered not
to fight us except they were forced to it: (though afterwards
they chose to fight us, having first landed their treasure at
Lavelia) and that the pilots of Lima had been in consultation
what course to steer to miss us.
For the satisfaction of those who may be curious to know I
have here inserted the resolutions taken by the Committee of
Pilots, as one of our company translated them out of the Spanish
of two of the letters we took. The first letter as follows:
Sir,
Having been with his Excellency, and heard the letter of
Captain Michael Sanches de Tena read; wherein he says there
should be a meeting of the pilots of Panama in the said city,
they say it is not time, putting for objection the Galapagos: to
which I answered that it was fear of the enemy, and that they
might well go that way, I told this to his Excellency, who was
pleased to command me to write this course, which is as
follows.
The day for sailing being come, go forth to the
west-south-west; from that to the west till you are forty leagues
off at sea; then keep at the same distance to the north-west till
you come under the Line: from whence the pilot must shape his
course for Moro de Porco, and for the coast of Lavelia and Natta:
where you may speak with the people, and according to the
information they give, you may keep the same course for Otoque,
from thence to Tabago, and so to Panama: this is what offers as
to the course.
The letter is obscure: but the reader must make what he can of
it. The directions in the other letter were to this effect:
The surest course to be observed going forth from Malabrigo is
thus: you must sail west by south that you may avoid the sight of
the islands of Lobos; and if you should chance to see them, by
reason of the breezes, and should fall to leeward of the latitude
of Malabrigo, keep on a wind as near as you can and, if
necessary, go about and stand in for the shore; then tack and
stand off, and be sure keep your latitude; and when you are 40
leagues to the westward of the island Lobos keep that distance
till you come under the Line; and then, if the general wind
follow you farther, you must sail north-north-east till you come
into 3 degrees north. And if in this latitude you should find the
breezes, make it your business to keep the coast, and so sail for
Panama. If in your course you should come in sight of the land
before you are abreast of Cape San Francisco, be sure to stretch
off again out of sight of land, that you may not be discovered by
the enemy.
The last letter supposes the fleet's setting out from
Malabrigo in about 8 degrees South latitude (as the other does
its going immediately from Lima, 4 degrees further south) and
from hence is that caution given of avoiding Lobos, as near
Malabrigo, in their usual way to Panama, and hardly to be kept
out of sight, as the winds are thereabouts; yet to be avoided by
the Spanish fleet at this time, because, as they had twice before
heard of the privateers lying at Lobos de la Mar, they knew not
but at that time we might be there in expectation of them.
The 10th day we sailed from Tabago towards the King's Islands
again because our pilots told us that the king's ships did always
come this way. The 11th day we anchored at the place where we
careened. Here we found Captain Harris, who had gone a second
time into the river of Santa Maria, and fetched the body of men
that last came overland, as the Indians had informed us: but they
fell short of the number they told us of. The 29th day we sent
250 men in 15 canoes to the river Cheapo to take the town of
Cheapo. The 21st day all our ships but Captain Harris, who stayed
to clean his ships, followed after.
CHEPELIO, ONE OF THE SWEETEST ISLANDS IN THE WORLD.
The 22nd day we arrived at the island Chepelio.
Chepelio is the pleasantest island in the Bay of Panama: it is
but seven leagues from the city of Panama and a league from the
Main. This island is about a mile long and almost so broad; it is
low on the north side, and rises by a small ascent towards the
south side. The soil is yellow, a kind of clay. The high side is
stony; the low land is planted with all sorts of delicate fruits,
namely, sapadillos, avocado-pears, mammees, mammee-sapotas,
star-apples, etc. The midst of the island is planted with
plantain-trees, which are not very large, but the fruit
extraordinary sweet.
THE SAPADILLO, AVOCADO-PEAR, MAMMEE-SAPOTA.
The sapadillo-tree is as big as a large pear-tree, the fruit
much like a bergamot-pear both in colour, shape and size; but on
some trees the fruit is a little longer. When it is green or
first gathered, the juice is white and clammy, and it will stick
like glue; then the fruit is hard, but after it has been gathered
two or three days, it grows soft and juicy, and then the juice is
clear as spring-water and very sweet; in the midst of the fruit
are two or three black stones or seeds, about the bigness of a
pumpkin-seed: this is an excellent fruit.
The avocado-pear-tree is as big as most pear-trees, and is
commonly pretty high; the skin or bark black, and pretty smooth;
the leaves large, of an oval shape, and the fruit as big as a
large lemon. It is of a green colour till it is ripe, and then it
is a little yellowish. They are seldom fit to eat till they have
been gathered two or three days; then they become soft and the
skin or rind will peel off. The substance in the inside is green,
or a little yellowish, and as soft as butter. Within the
substance there is a stone as big as a horse-plum. This fruit has
no taste of itself, and therefore it is usually mixed with sugar
and lime-juice and beaten together in a plate; and this is an
excellent dish. The ordinary way is to eat it with a little salt
and a roasted plantain; and thus a man that's hungry may make a
good meal of it. It is very wholesome eaten any way. It is
reported that this fruit provokes to lust, and therefore is said
to be much esteemed by the Spaniards: and I do believe they are
much esteemed by them, for I have met with plenty of them in many
places in the North Seas where the Spaniards are settled, as in
the Bay of Campeachy, on the coast of Cartagena, and the coast of
Caracas; and there are some in Jamaica, which were planted by the
Spaniards when they possessed that island.
WILD MAMMEE AND STAR-APPLE.
The mammee-sapota-tree is different from the mammee described
at the island Tabago in this chapter. It is not so big or so
tall, neither is the fruit so big or so round. The rind of the
fruit is thin and brittle; the inside is a deep red, and it has a
rough flat long stone. This is accounted the principal fruit of
the West Indies. It is very pleasant and wholesome. I have not
seen any of these on Jamaica but in many places in the West
Indies among the Spaniards. There is another sort of mammee-tree
which is called the wild mammee: this bears a fruit which is of
no value, but the tree is straight, tall, and very tough, and
therefore principally used for making masts.
The star-apple-tree grows much like the quince-tree, but much
bigger. It is full of leaves, and the leaf is broad of an oval
shape, and of a very dark green colour. The fruit is as big as a
large apple, which is commonly so covered with leaves that a man
can hardly see it. They say this is a good fruit; I did never
taste any but have seen both of the trees and fruit in many
places on the Main, on the north side of the continent, and in
Jamaica. When the Spaniards possessed that island they planted
this and other sorts of fruit, as the sapadillo, avocado-pear,
and the like; and of these fruits there are still in Jamaica in
those plantations that were first settled by the Spaniards, as at
the Angels, at 7-mile Walk, and 16-mile Walk. There I have seen
these trees which were planted by the Spaniards, but I did never
see any improvement made by the English, who seem in that little
curious. The road for ships is on the north side, where there is
good anchoring half a mile from the shore. There is a well close
by the sea on the north side, and formerly there were three or
four houses close by it, but now they are destroyed. This island
stands right against the mouth of the river Cheapo.
CHEAPO RIVER AND TOWN.
The river Cheapo springs out of the mountains near the north
side of the country and, it being penned up on the south side by
other mountains, bends its course to the westward between both
till, finding a passage on the south-west, it makes a kind of a
half circle; and, being swelled to a considerable bigness, it
runs with a slow motion into the sea seven leagues from Panama.
This river is very deep, and about a quarter of a mile broad: but
the mouth of it is choked up with sands, so that no ships can
enter, but barks may. There is a small Spanish town of the same
name within six leagues of the sea: it stands on the left hand
going from the sea. This is it which I said Captain La Sound
attempted. The land about it is champion, with many small hills
clothed with woods; but the biggest part of the country is
savannah. On the south side of the river it is all woodland for
many leagues together. It was to this town that our 250 men were
sent. The 24th day they returned out of the river, having taken
the town without any opposition: but they found nothing in it. By
the way going thither they took a canoe, but most of the men
escaped ashore upon one of the King's Islands: she was sent out
well appointed with armed men to watch our motion. The 25th day
Captain Harris came to us, having cleaned his ship. The 26th day
we went again toward Tabago; our fleet now, upon Captain Harris
joining us again, consisted of ten sail. We arrived at Tabago the
28th day: there our prisoners were examined concerning the
strength of Panama; for now we thought ourselves strong enough
for such an enterprise, being near 1000 men. Out of these, on
occasion, we could have landed 900: but our prisoners gave us
small encouragement to it, for they assured us that all the
strength of the country was there, and that many men were come
from Portobello, besides its own inhabitants, who of themselves
were more in number than we. These reasons, together with the
strength of the place (which has a high wall) deterred us from
attempting it. While we lay there at Tabago some of our men burnt
the town on the island.
SOME TRAVERSINGS IN THE BAY OF PANAMA; AND AN ACCOUNT OF THE
STRENGTH OF THE SPANISH FLEET, AND OF THE PRIVATEERS, AND THE
ENGAGEMENT BETWEEN THEM.
The 4th of May we sailed hence again bound for the King's
Islands; and there we continued cruising from one end of these
islands to the other: till on the 22nd day, Captain Davis and
Captain Gronet went to Pacheca, leaving the rest of the fleet at
anchor at St. Paul's Island. From Pacheca we sent two canoes to
the island Chepelio, in hopes to get a prisoner there. The 25th
day our canoes returned from Chepelio with three prisoners which
they took there: they were seamen belonging to Panama, who said
that provision was so scarce and dear there that the poor were
almost starved, being hindered by us from those common and daily
supplies of plantains, which they did formerly enjoy from the
islands; especially from those two of Chepelio and Tabago that
the president of Panama had strictly ordered, that none should
adventure to any of the islands for plantains: but necessity had
obliged them to trespass against the president's order. They
farther reported that the fleet from Lima was expected every day;
for it was generally talked that they were come from Lima: and
that the report at Panama was that King Charles II of England was
dead, and that the Duke of York was crowned King. The 27th day
Captain Swan and Captain Townley also came to Pacheca, where we
lay, but Captain Swan's bark was gone in among the King's Islands
for plantains. The island Pacheca, as I have before related, is
the northermost of the King's Islands. It is a small low island
about a league round. On the south side of it there are two or
three small islands, neither of them half a mile round. Between
Pacheca and these islands is a small channel not above six or
seven paces wide. and about a mile long. Through this Captain
Townley made a bold run, being pressed hard by the Spaniards in
the fight I am going to speak of, though he was ignorant whether
there was a sufficient depth of water or not. On the east side of
this channel all our fleet lay waiting for the Lima fleet, which
we were in hopes would come this way.
The 28th day we had a very wet morning, for the rains were
come in, as they do usually in May, or June, sooner or later; so
that May is here a very uncertain month. Hitherto, till within a
few days, we had good fair weather and the wind at
north-north-east, but now the weather was altered and the wind at
south-south-west.
However about eleven o'clock it cleared up, and we saw the
Spanish fleet about three leagues west-north-west from the island
Pacheca, standing close on a wind to the eastward; but they could
not fetch the island by a league. We were riding a league
south-east from the island between it and the Main; only Captain
Gronet was about a mile to the northward of us near the island:
he weighed so soon as they came in sight and stood over for the
Main; and we lay still, expecting when he would tack and come to
us: but he took care to keep himself out of harm's way.
Captain Swan and Townley came aboard of Captain Davis to order
how to engage the enemy, who we saw came purposely to fight us,
they being in all 14 sail, besides periagos rowing with 12 and 14
oars apiece. Six sail of them were ships of good force: first the
admiral 48 guns, 450 men; the vice-admiral 40 guns, 400 men; the
rear-admiral 36 guns, 360 men; a ship of 24 guns, 300 men; one of
18 guns, 250 men; and one of eight guns, 200 men; two great
fire-ships, six ships only with small arms having 800 men on
board them all; besides 2 or 3 hundred men in periagos. This
account of their strength we had afterwards from Captain Knight
who, being to the windward on the coast of Peru, took prisoners,
of whom he had this information, being what they brought from
Lima. Besides these men they had also some hundreds of Old Spain
men that came from Portobello, and met them at Lavelia, from
whence they now came: and their strength of men from Lima was
3000 men, being all the strength they could make in that kingdom;
and for greater security they had first landed their treasure at
Lavelia.
Our fleet consisted of ten sail: first Captain Davis 36 guns,
156 men, most English; Captain Swan 16 guns, 140 men, all
English: these were the only ships of force that we had; the rest
having none but small arms. Captain Townley had 110 men, all
English. Captain Gronet 308 men, all French. Captain Harris 100
men, most English. Captain Branly 36 men, some English, some
French; Davis's tender eight men; Swan's tender eight men;
Townley's bark 80 men; and a small bark of 30 tuns made a
fire-ship, with a canoe's crew in her. We had in all 960 men. But
Captain Gronet came not to us till all was over, yet we were not
discouraged at it, but resolved to fight them, for, being to
windward of the enemy, we had it at our choice whether we would
fight or not. It was three o'clock in the afternoon when we
weighed, and being all under sail we bore down right afore the
wind on our enemies, who kept close on a wind to come to us; but
night came on without anything beside the exchanging of a few
shot on each side. When it grew dark the Spanish admiral put out
a light as a signal for his fleet to come to an anchor. We saw
the light in the admiral's top, which continued about half an
hour, and then it was taken down. In a short time after we saw
the light again and, being to windward, we kept under sail,
supposing the light had been in the admiral's top; but as it
proved this was only a stratagem of theirs; for this light was
put out the second time at one of their bark's topmast-head, and
then she was sent to leeward; which deceived us: for we thought
still the light was in the admiral's top, and by that means
thought ourselves to windward of them.
In the morning therefore, contrary to our expectation, we
found they had got the weather-gage of us, and were coming upon
us with full sail; so we ran for it and, after a running fight
all day, and having taken a turn almost round the Bay of Panama,
we came to an anchor again at the isle of Pacheca, in the very
same place from whence we set out in the morning.
Thus ended this day's work, and with it all that we had been
projecting for five or six months; when, instead of making
ourselves masters of the Spanish fleet and treasure, we were glad
to escape them; and owed that too, in a great measure, to their
want of courage to pursue their advantage.
The 30th day in the morning when we looked out we saw the
Spanish fleet all together three leagues to leeward of us at an
anchor. It was but little wind till 10 o'clock, and then sprung
up a small breeze at south, and the Spanish fleet went away to
Panama. What loss they had I know not; we lost but one man: and,
having held a consult, we resolved to go to the keys of Quibo or
Cobaya, to seek Captain Harris, who was forced away from us in
the fight; that being the place appointed for our rendezvous upon
any such accident. As for Gronet, he said his men would not
suffer him to join us in the fight: but we were not satisfied
with that excuse; so we suffered him to go with us to the isles
of Quibo, and there cashiered our cowardly companion. Some were
for taking from him the ship which we had given him: but at
length he was suffered to keep it with his men, and we sent them
away in it to some other place.
Chapter VIII
They Set out from Tabago.
According to the resolutions we had taken we set out June the
1st 1685, passing between Point Garachina and the King's Islands.
The wind was at south-south-west rainy weather, with tornadoes of
thunder and lightning.
ISLE OF CHUCHE.
The 3rd day we passed by the island Chuche, the last remainder
of the isles in the Bay of Panama. This is a small, low, round,
woody island, uninhabited; lying four leagues south-south-west
from Pacheca.
In our passage to Quibo Captain Branly lost his main-mast;
therefore he and all his men left his bark, and came aboard
Captain Davis's ship. Captain Swan also sprung his main-top-mast,
and got up another; but while he was doing it and we were making
the best of our way we lost sight of him, and were now on the
north side of the bay; for this way all ships must pass from
Panama whether bound towards the coast of Mexico or Peru.
THE MOUNTAIN CALLED MORO DE PORCOS.
The 10th day we passed by Moro de Porcos, or the mountain of
hogs. Why so called I know not: it is a high round hill on the
coast of Lavelia.
THE COAST TO THE WESTWARD OF THE BAY OF PANAMA.
This side of the Bay of Panama runs out westerly to the
islands of Quibo: there are on this coast many rivers and creeks
but none so large as those on the south side of the bay. It is a
coast that is partly mountainous, partly low land, and very thick
of woods bordering on the sea; but a few leagues within land it
consists mostly of savannahs which are stocked with bulls and
cows. The rivers on this side are not wholly destitute of gold
though not so rich as the rivers on the other side of the bay.
The coast is but thinly inhabited, for except the rivers that
lead up to the towns of Nata and Lavelia I know of no other
settlement between Panama and Puebla Nova. The Spaniards may
travel by land from Panama through all the kingdom of Mexico, as
being full of savannahs; but towards the coast of Peru they
cannot pass further than the river Cheapo; the land there being
so full of thick woods and watered with so many great rivers,
besides less rivers and creeks, that the Indians themselves who
inhabit there cannot travel far without much trouble.
ISLES OF QUIBO, QUICARO, RANCHERIA.
We met with very wet weather in our voyage to Quibo; and with
south-south-west and sometimes south-west winds which retarded
our course. It was the 15th day of June when we arrived at Quibo
and found there Captain Harris, whom we sought. The island Quibo
or Cabaya is in latitude 7 degrees 14 minutes north of the
Equator. It is about six or seven leagues long and three or four
broad. The land is low except only near the north-east end. It is
all over plentifully stored with great tall flourishing trees of
many sorts; and there is good water on the east and north-east
sides of the island. Here are some deer and plenty of pretty
large black monkeys whose flesh is sweet and wholesome: besides a
few iguanas, and some snakes. I know no other sort of land-animal
on the island. There is a shoal runs out from the south-east
point of the island, half a mile into the sea; and a league to
the north of this shoal point, on the east side, there is a rock
about a mile from the shore, which at the last quarter ebb
appears above water. Besides these two places there is no danger
on this side, but ships may run within a quarter of a mile of the
shore and anchor in 6, 8, 10, or 12 fathom, good clean sand and
oaze.
There are many other islands lying some on the south-west
side, others on the north and north-east sides of this island; as
the island Quicaro, which is a pretty large island south-west of
Quibo, and on the north of it is a small island called the
Rancheria; on which island are plenty of palma-maria-trees.
THE PALMA-MARIA-TREE.
The palma-maria is a tall straight-bodied tree, with a small
head, but very unlike the palm-tree, notwithstanding the name. It
is greatly esteemed for making masts, being very tough, as well
as of a good length; for the grain of the wood runs not straight
along it, but twisting gradually about it. These trees grow in
many places of the West Indies, and are frequently used both by
the English and Spaniards there for that use.
THE ISLES CANALES AND CANTARRAS.
The islands Canales and Cantarras are small islands lying on
the north-east of Rancheria. These have all channels to pass
between, and good anchoring about them; and they are as well
stored with trees and water as Quibo. Sailing without them all,
they appear to be part of the Main. The island Quibo is the
largest and most noted; for although the rest have names yet they
are seldom used only for distinction sake: these, and the rest of
this knot, passing all under the common name of the keys of
Quibo. Captain Swan gave to several of these islands the names of
those English merchants and gentlemen who were owners of his
ship.
June 16th Captain Swan came to an anchor by us: and then our
captains consulted about new methods to advance their fortunes:
and because they were now out of hopes to get anything at sea
they resolved to try what the land would afford. They demanded of
our pilots what towns on the coast of Mexico they could carry us
to. The city of Leon being the chiefest in the country (anything
near us) though a pretty way within land, was pitched on.
THEY BUILD CANOES FOR A NEW EXPEDITION; AND TAKE PUEBLA
NOVA.
But now we wanted canoes to land our men, and we had no other
way but to cut down trees and make as many as we had occasion
for, these islands affording plenty of large trees fit for our
purpose. While this was doing we sent 150 men to take Puebla Nova
(a town upon the Main near the innermost of these islands) to get
provision: it was in going to take this town that Captain Sawkins
was killed in the year 1680, who was succeeded by Sharp. Our men
took the town with much ease, although there was more strength of
men than when Captain Sawkins was killed. They returned again the
24th day, but got no provision there. They took an empty bark in
their way, and brought her to us.
CAPTAIN KNIGHT JOINS THEM.
The 5th day of July Captain Knight, mentioned in my last
chapter, came to us. He had been cruising a great way to the
westward but got nothing beside a good ship. At last he went to
the southward, as high as the Bay of Guayaquil, where he took a
bark-log, or pair of bark-logs as we call it, laden chiefly with
flour. She had other goods, as wine, oil, brandy, sugar, soap,
and leather of goats' skins: and he took out as much of each as
he had occasion for, and then turned her away again. The master
of the float told him that the king's ships were gone from Lima
towards Panama: that they carried but half the king's treasure
with them for fear of us, although they had all the strength that
the kingdom could afford: that all the merchant-ships which
should have gone with them were laden and lying at Payta, where
they were to wait for further orders. Captain Knight, having but
few men, did not dare to go to Payta, where, if he had been
better provided, he might have taken them all; but he made the
best of his way into the Bay of Panama, in hopes to find us there
enriched with the spoils of the Lima fleet; but, coming to the
King's Islands, he had advice by a prisoner that we had engaged
with their fleet, but were worsted, and since that made our way
to the westward; and therefore he came hither to seek us. He
presently consorted with us, and set his men to work to make
canoes. Every ship's company made for themselves, but we all
helped each other to launch them, for some were made a mile from
the sea.
CANOES HOW MADE.
The manner of making a canoe is, after cutting down a large
long tree, and squaring the uppermost side, and then turning it
upon the flat side, to shape the opposite side for the bottom.
Then again they turn her, and dig the inside; boring also three
holes in the bottom, one before, one in the middle, and one
abaft, thereby to gauge the thickness of the bottom; for
otherwise we might cut the bottom thinner than is convenient. We
left the bottoms commonly about three inches thick, and the sides
two inches thick below and one and a half at the top. One or both
of the ends we sharpen to a point.
Captain Davis made two very large canoes; one was 36 foot long
and five or six feet wide; the other 32 foot long and near as
wide as the other. In a month's time we finished our business and
were ready to sail. Here Captain Harris went to lay his ship
aground to clean her, but she being old and rotten fell in
pieces: and therefore he and all his men went aboard of Captain
Davis and Captain Swan. While we lay here we struck turtle every
day, for they were now very plentiful: but from August to March
here are not many. The 18th day of July John Rose, a Frenchman,
and 14 men more belonging to Captain Gronet, having made a new
canoe, came in her to Captain Davis, and desired to serve under
him; and Captain Davis accepted of them because they had a canoe
of their own.
THE COAST AND WINDS BETWEEN QUIBO AND NICOYA.
The 20th day of July we sailed from Quibo, bending our course
for Realejo, which is the port for Leon, the city that we now
designed to attempt. We were now 640 men in eight sail of ships,
commanded by Captain Davis, Captain Swan, Captain Townley, and
Captain Knight, with a fire-ship and three tenders, which last
had not a constant crew. We passed out between the river Quibo
and the Rancheria, leaving Quibo and Quicaro on our larboard
side, and the Rancheria, with the rest of the islands and the
Main on our starboard side. The wind at first was at
south-south-west: we coasted along shore, passing by the Gulf of
Nicoya, the Gulf of Dulce, and by the island Caneo. All this
coast is low land overgrown with thick woods, and there are but
few inhabitants near the shore. As we sailed to the westward we
had variable winds, sometimes south-west and at west-south-west,
and sometimes at east-north-east, but we had them most commonly
at south-west. We had a tornado or two every day, and in the
evening or in the night we had land-winds at
north-north-east.
VOLCAN VIEJO AGAIN.
The 8th day of August, being in the latitude of 11 degrees 20
minutes by observation, we saw a high hill in the country,
towering up like a sugar-loaf, which bore north-east by north. We
supposed it to be Volcan Viejo by the smoke which ascended from
its top; therefore we steered in north and made it plainer, and
then knew it to be that volcano, which is the sea-mark for the
harbour for Realejo; for, as I said before in Chapter 5, it is a
very remarkable mountain. When we had brought this mountain to
bear north-east we got out all our canoes and provided to embark
into them the next day.
The 9th day in the morning, being about eight leagues from the
shore, we left our ships under the charge of a few men, and 520
of us went away in 31 canoes, rowing towards the harbour of
Realejo.
TORNADOES, AND THE SEA ROUGH. REALEJO HARBOUR.
We had fair weather and little wind till two o'clock in the
afternoon, then we had a tornado from the shore, with much
thunder, lightning and rain, and such a gust of wind that we were
all like to be foundered. In this extremity we put right afore
the wind, every canoe's crew making what shift they could to
avoid the threatening danger. The small canoes, being most light
and buoyant, mounted nimbly over the surges, but the great heavy
canoes lay like logs in the sea, ready to be swallowed by every
foaming billow. Some of our canoes were half full of water yet
kept two men constantly heaving it out. The fierceness of the
wind continued about half an hour and abated by degrees; and as
the wind died away so the fury of the sea abated: for in all hot
countries, as I have observed, the sea is soon raised by the
wind, and as soon down again when the wind is gone, and therefore
it is a proverb among the seamen: Up wind, up sea, down wind,
down sea. At seven o'clock in the evening it was quite calm, and
the sea as smooth as a mill-pond. Then we tugged to get in to the
shore, but, finding we could not do it before day, we rowed off
again to keep ourselves out of sight. By that time it was day we
were five leagues from the land, which we thought was far enough
off shore. Here we intended to lie till the evening, but at three
o'clock in the afternoon we had another tornado, more fierce than
that which we had the day before. This put us in greater peril of
our lives, but did not last so long. As soon as the violence of
the tornado was over we rowed in for the shore and entered the
harbour in the night: the creek which leads towards Leon lies on
the south-east side of the harbour. Our pilot, being very well
acquainted here, carried us into the mouth of it, but could carry
us no farther till day because it is but a small creek, and there
are other creeks like it. The next morning as soon as it was
light we rowed into the creek, which is very narrow; the land on
both sides lying so low that every tide it is overflown with the
sea. This sort of land produces red mangrove-trees, which are
here so plentiful and thick that there is no passing through
them. Beyond these mangroves, on the firm land close by the side
of the river, the Spaniards have built a breast-work, purposely
to hinder an enemy from the landing. When we came in sight of the
breast-work we rowed as fast as we could to get ashore: the noise
of our oars alarmed the Indians who were set to watch, and
presently they ran away towards the city of Leon to give notice
of our approach. We landed as soon as we could and marched after
them: 470 men were drawn out to march to the town, and I was left
with 59 men more to stay and guard the canoes till their
return.
THE CITY OF LEON TAKEN AND BURNT.
The city of Leon is 20 mile up in the country: the way to it
plain and even through a champion country of long grassy
savannahs and spots of high woods. About five mile from the
landing-place there is a sugar-work, three mile farther there is
another, and two mile beyond that there is a fine river to ford,
which is not very deep, besides which there is no water in all
the way till you come to an Indian town which is two miles before
you come to the city, and from thence it is a pleasant straight
sandy way to Leon. This city stands in a plain not far from a
high peaked mountain which oftentimes casts forth fire and smoke
from its top. It may be seen at sea and it is called the volcano
of Leon. The houses of Leon are not high built but strong and
large, with gardens about them. The walls are stone and the
covering of pan-tile: there are three churches and a cathedral
which is the head church in these parts. Our countryman Mr. Gage,
who travelled in these parts, recommends it to the world as the
pleasantest place in all America, and calls it the Paradise of
the Indies. Indeed if we consider the advantage of its situation
we may find it surpassing most places for health and pleasure in
America, for the country about it is of a sandy soil which soon
drinks up all the rain that falls, to which these parts are much
subject. It is encompassed with savannahs; so that they have the
benefit of the breezes coming from any quarter; all which makes
it a very healthy place. It is a place of no great trade and
therefore not rich in money. Their wealth lies in their pastures,
and cattle, and plantations of sugar. It is said that they make
cordage here of hemp, but if they have any such manufactory it is
at some distance from the town, for here is no sign of any such
thing.
Thither our men were now marching; they went from the canoes
about eight o'clock. Captain Townley, with 80 of the briskest
men, marched before, Captain Swan with 100 men marched next, and
Captain Davis with 170 men marched next, and Captain Knight
brought up the rear. Captain Townley, who was near two mile ahead
of the rest, met about 70 horsemen four miles before he came to
the city, but they never stood him. About three o'clock Captain
Townley, only with his 80 men, entered the town, and was briskly
charged in a broad street with 170 or 200 Spanish horsemen, but,
two or three of their leaders being knocked down, the rest fled.
Their foot consisted of about 500 men, which were drawn up in the
parade; for the Spaniards in these parts make a large square in
every town, though the town itself be small. The square is called
the parade: commonly the church makes one side of it, and the
gentlemen's houses, with their galleries about them, the other.
But the foot also seeing their horse retire left an empty city to
Captain Townley; beginning to save themselves by flight. Captain
Swan came in about four o'clock, Captain Davis with his men about
five, and Captain Knight with as many men as he could encourage
to march came in about six, but he left many men tired on the
road; these, as is usual, came dropping in one or two at a time,
as they were able. The next morning the Spaniards killed one of
our tired men; he was a stout old grey-headed man, aged about 84,
who had served under Oliver in the time of the Irish rebellion;
after which he was at Jamaica, and had followed privateering ever
since. He would not accept of the offer our men made him to tarry
ashore but said he would venture as far as the best of them: and
when surrounded by the Spaniards he refused to take quarter, but
discharged his gun amongst them, keeping a pistol still charged,
so they shot him dead at a distance. His name was Swan; he was a
very merry hearty old man and always used to declare he would
never take quarter: but they took Mr. Smith who was tired also;
he was a merchant belonging to Captain Swan and, being carried
before the governor of Leon, was known by a Mulatta woman that
waited on him. Mr. Smith had lived many years in the Canaries and
could speak and write very good Spanish, and it was there this
Mulatta woman remembered him. He being examined how many men we
were said 1000 at the city, and 500 at the canoes, which made
well for us at the canoes, who straggling about every day might
easily have been destroyed. But this so daunted the governor that
he did never offer to molest our men, although he had with him
above 1000 men, as Mr. Smith guessed. He sent in a flag of truce
about noon, pretending to ransom the town rather than let it be
burnt, but our captains demanded 300,000 pieces-of-eight for its
ransom, and as much provision as would victual 1000 men four
months, and Mr. Smith to be ransomed for some of their prisoners;
but the Spaniards did not intend to ransom the town, but only
capitulated day after day to prolong time, till they had got more
men. Our captains therefore, considering the distance that they
were from the canoes, resolved to be marching down. The 14th day
in the morning they ordered the city to be set on fire, which was
presently done, and then they came away: but they took more time
in coming down than in going up. The 15th day in the morning the
Spaniards sent in Mr. Smith and had a gentlewoman in
exchange.
REALEJO CREEK; THE TOWN AND COMMODITIES; THE GUAVA-FRUIT, AND
PRICKLY-PEAR.
Then our captains sent a letter to the governor to acquaint
him that they intended next to visit Realejo, and desired to meet
him there: they also released a gentleman on his promise of
paying 150 beefs for his ransom, and to deliver them to us at
Realejo; and the same day our men came to their canoes: where,
having stayed all night, the next morning we all entered our
canoes and came to the harbour of Realejo, and in the afternoon
our ships came thither to an anchor.
The creek that leads to Realejo lies from the north-west part
of the harbour and it runs in northerly. It is about two leagues
from the island in the harbour's mouth to the town; two thirds of
the way it is broad, then you enter a narrow deep creek, bordered
on both sides with red mangrove trees whose limbs reach almost
from one side to the other. A mile from the mouth of the creek it
turns away west. There the Spaniards have made a very strong
breast-work fronting towards the mouth of the creek, in which
were placed 100 soldiers to hinder us from landing: and 20 yards
below that breast-work there was a chain of great trees placed
cross the creek so that 10 men could have kept off 500 or
1000.
When we came in sight of the breast-work we fired but two guns
and they all ran away: and we were afterwards near half an hour
cutting the boom or chain. Here we landed and marched to the town
of Realejo, or Rea Lejo, which is about a mile from hence. This
town stands on a plain by a small river. It is a pretty large
town with three churches and a hospital that has a fine garden
belonging to it: besides many large fair houses, they all stand
at a good distance one from another, with yards about them. This
is a very sickly place and I believe has need enough of a
hospital; for it is seated so nigh the creeks and swamps that it
is never free from a noisome smell. The land about it is a strong
yellow clay: yet where the town stands it seems to be sand. Here
are several sorts of fruits, as guavas, pineapples, melons, and
prickly-pears. The pineapple and melon are well known.
The guava fruit grows on a hard scrubbed shrub whose bark is
smooth and whitish, the branches pretty long and small, the leaf
somewhat like the leaf of a hazel, the fruit much like a pear,
with a thin rind; it is full of small hard seeds, and it may be
eaten while it is green, which is a thing very rare in the
Indies: for most fruit, both in the East or West Indies, is full
of clammy, white, unsavoury juice before it is ripe, though
pleasant enough afterwards. When this fruit is ripe it is yellow,
soft, and very pleasant. It bakes as well as a pear, and it may
be coddled, and it makes good pies. There are of divers sorts,
different in shape, taste, and colour. The inside of some is
yellow, of others red. When this fruit is eaten green, it is
binding, when ripe, it is loosening.
The prickly-pear, bush, or shrub, of about four or five foot
high, grows in many places of the West Indies, as at Jamaica and
most other islands there; and on the Main in several places. This
prickly shrub delights most in barren sandy grounds; and they
thrive best in places that are near the sea: especially where the
sand is saltish. The tree or shrub is three or four foot high,
spreading forth several branches; and on each branch two or three
leaves. These leaves (if I may call them so) are round, as broad
every way as the palm of a man's hand, and as thick; their
substance like house-leek: these leaves are fenced round with
strong prickles above an inch long. The fruit grows at the
farther edge of the leaf. it is as big as a large plum, growing
small near the leaf, and big towards the top, where it opens like
a medlar. This fruit at first is green like the leaf, from whence
it springs with small prickles about it; but when ripe it is of a
deep red colour. The inside is full of small black seeds mixed
with a certain red pulp, like thick syrup. It is very pleasant in
taste, cooling, and refreshing; but if a man eats 15 or 20 of
them they will colour his water, making it look like blood. This
I have often experienced, yet found no harm by it.
A RANSOM PAID HONOURABLY UPON PAROLE: THE TOWN BURNT.
There are many sugar-works in the country, and estancias or
beef farms: there is also a great deal of pitch, tar and cordage,
made in the country, which is the chief of their trade. This town
we approached without any opposition, and found nothing but empty
houses; besides such things as they could not, or would not carry
away, which were chiefly about 500 packs of flour, brought hither
in the great ship that we left at Amapalla, and some pitch, tar
and cordage. These things we wanted and therefore we sent them
all aboard. Here we received 150 beefs, promised by the gentleman
that was released coming from Leon; besides, we visited the
beef-farms every day, and the sugar-works, going in small
companies of 20 or 30 men, and brought away every man his load;
for we found no horses, which if we had, yet the ways were so wet
and dirty that they would not have been serviceable to us. We
stayed here from the 17th till the 24th day, and then some of our
destructive crew set fire to the houses: I know not by whose
order, but we marched away and left them burning; at the
breast-work we embarked into our canoes and returned aboard our
ships.
CAPTAIN DAVIS AND OTHERS GO OFF FOR THE SOUTH COAST.
The 25th day Captain Davis and Captain Swan broke off
consortship; for Captain Davis was minded to return again on the
coast of Peru but Captain Swan desired to go farther to the
westward. I had till this time been with Captain Davis, but now
left him, and went aboard of Captain Swan. It was not from any
dislike to my old Captain, but to get some knowledge of the
northern parts of this continent of Mexico: and I knew that
Captain Swan determined to coast it as far north as he thought
convenient, and then pass over for the East Indies; which was a
way very agreeable to my inclination. Captain Townley, with his
two barks, was resolved to keep us company; but Captain Knight
and Captain Harris followed Captain Davis. The 27th day in the
morning Captain Davis with his ships went out of the harbour,
having a fresh land wind. They were in company, Captain Davis's
ship with Captain Harris in her; Captain Davis's bark and
fire-ship, and Captain Knight in his own ship, in all four sail.
Captain Swan took his last farewell of him by firing fifteen
guns, and he fired eleven in return of the civility.
A CONTAGIOUS SICKNESS AT REALEJO.
We stayed here some time afterwards to fill our water and cut
firewood; but our men, who had been very healthy till now, began
to fall down apace in fevers. Whether it was the badness of the
water or the unhealthiness of the town was the cause of it we did
not know; but of the two I rather believe it was a distemper we
got at Realejo; for it was reported that they had been visited
with a malignant fever in that town, which had occasioned many
people to abandon it; and although this visitation was over with
them, yet their houses and goods might still retain somewhat of
the infection and communicate the same to us.
I the rather believe this because it afterwards raged very
much, not only among us, but also among Captain Davis and his
men, as he told me himself since when I met him in England:
himself had like to have died, as did several of his and our men.
The 3rd day of September we turned ashore all our prisoners and
pilots, they being unacquainted further to the west, which was
the coast that we designed to visit: for the Spaniards have a
very little trade by sea beyond the river Lempa, a little to the
north-west of this place.
About 10 o'clock in the morning the same day we went from
hence, steering westward, being in company four sail, as well as
they who left us, namely, Captain Swan and his bark, and Captain
Townley and his bark, and about 340 men.
TERRIBLE TORNADOES.
We met with very bad weather as we sailed along this coast:
seldom a day passed but we had one or two violent tornadoes and
with them very frightful flashes of lightning and claps of
thunder; I did never meet with the like before nor since. These
tornadoes commonly came out of the north-east. The wind did not
last long but blew very fierce for the time. When the tornadoes
were over we had the wind at west, sometimes at west-south-west
and south-west, and sometimes to the north of the west, as far as
the north-west.
THE VOLCANO OF GUATEMALA; THE RICH COMMODITIES OF THAT
COUNTRY, INDIGO, OTTA OR ANATTA, COCHINEEL, SILVESTER. DRIFTWOOD,
AND PUMICE-STONES.
We kept at a good distance off shore and saw no land till the
14th day; but then being in latitude 12 degrees 50 minutes the
volcano of Guatemala appeared in sight. This is a very high
mountain with two peaks or heads appearing like two sugar-loaves.
It often belches forth flames of fire and smoke from between the
two heads; and this, as the Spaniards do report, happens chiefly
in tempestuous weather. It is called so from the city Guatemala,
which stands near the foot of it about eight leagues from the
South Sea, and by report 40 or 50 leagues from the Gulf of
Matique in the Bay of Honduras, in the North Seas. This city is
famous for many rich commodities that are produced thereabouts
(some almost peculiar to this country) and yearly sent into
Europe, especially four rich dyes, indigo, otta or anatta,
silvester, and cochineel.
Indigo is made of an herb which grows a foot and a half or two
foot high, full of small branches; and the branches full of
leaves, resembling the leaves which grow on flax, but more thick
and substantial. They cut this herb or shrub and cast it into a
large cistern made in the ground for that purpose, which is half
full of water. The indigo stalk or herb remains in the water till
all the leaves and, I think, the skin, rind, or bark rot off, and
in a manner dissolve: but, if any of the leaves should stick
fast, they force them off by much labour, tossing and tumbling
the mass in the water till all the pulpy substance is dissolved.
Then the shrub, or woody part, is taken out, and the water, which
is like ink, being disturbed no more, settles, and the indigo
falls to the bottom of the cistern like mud. When it is thus
settled they draw off the water and take the mud and lay it in
the sun to dry: which there becomes hard, as you see it brought
home.
Otta, or anatta, is a red sort of dye. It is made of a red
flower that grows on shrubs 7 or 8 foot high. It is thrown into a
cistern of water as the indigo is, but with this difference that
there is no stalk, nor so much as the head of the flower, but
only the flower itself pulled off from the head, as you peel
rose-leaves from the bud. This remains in the water till it rots,
and by much jumbling it dissolves to a liquid substance like the
indigo; and, being settled and the water drawn off, the red mud
is made up into rolls or cakes, and laid in the sun to dry. I did
never see any made but at a place called the Angels in Jamaica,
at Sir Thomas Muddiford's plantations, about 20 years since; but
was grubbed up while I was there, and the ground otherwise
employed. I do believe there is none anywhere else on Jamaica:
and even this probably was owing to the Spaniards when they had
that island. Indigo is common enough in Jamaica. I observed they
planted it most in sandy ground: they sow great fields of it and
I think they sow it every year; but I did never see the seeds it
bears. Indigo is produced all over the West Indies, on most of
the Caribbean Islands as well as the Main; yet no part of the
Main yields such great quantities both of indigo and otta as this
country about Guatemala. I believe that otta is made now only by
the Spaniards; for since the destroying that at the Angels
Plantation in Jamaica I have not heard of any improvement made of
this commodity by our countrymen anywhere; and as to Jamaica, I
have since been informed that it is wholly left off there. I know
not what quantities either of indigo or otta are made at Cuba or
Hispaniola: but the place most used by our Jamaica sloops for
these things is the island Porto Rico, where our Jamaica traders
did use to buy indigo for three rials, and otta for four rials
the pound, which is but 2 shillings and 3 pence of our money: and
yet at the same time otta was worth in Jamaica 5 shillings the
pound, and indigo 3 shillings and 6 pence the pound; and even
this also paid in goods; by which means alone they got 50 or 60
per cent. Our traders had not then found the way of trading with
the Spaniards in the Bay of Honduras; but Captain Coxon went
thither (as I take it) at the beginning of the year 1679, under
pretence to cut log-wood, and went into the Gulf of Matique which
is in the bottom of that bay. There he landed with his canoes and
took a whole store-house full of indigo and otta in chests, piled
up in several parcels and marked with different marks ready to be
shipped aboard two ships that then lay in the road purposely to
take it in; but these ships could not come at him, it being
shoal-water. He opened some of the chests of indigo and,
supposing the other chests to be all of the same species, ordered
his men to carry them away. They immediately set to work, and
took the nearest at hand; and having carried out one heap of
chests, they seized on another great pile of a different mark
from the rest, intending to carry them away next. But a Spanish
gentleman, their prisoner, knowing that there was a great deal
more than they could carry away, desired them to take only such
as belonged to the merchants (whose marks he undertook to show
them) and to spare such as had the same mark with those in that
great pile they were then entering upon; because, he said, those
chests belonged to the ship-captains who, following the seas as
themselves did, he hoped they would, for that reason, rather
spare their goods than the merchants. They consented to his
request; but upon their opening their chests (which was not
before they came to Jamaica, where by connivance they were
permitted to sell them) they found that the Don had been too
sharp for them; the few chests which they had taken of the same
mark with the great pile proving to be otta, of greater value by
far than the other; whereas they might as well have loaded the
whole ship with otta, as with indigo.
The cochineel is an insect bred in a sort of fruit much like
the prickly-pear. The tree or shrub that bears it is like the
prickly-pear-tree, about five foot high, and so prickly; only the
leaves are not quite so big, but the fruit is bigger. On the top
of the fruit there grows a red flower: this flower, when the
fruit is ripe, falls down on the top of the fruit, which then
begins to open, and covers it so that no rain nor dew can wet the
inside. The next day, or two days after its falling down, the
flower being then scorched away by the heat of the sun, the fruit
opens as broad as the mouth of a pint-pot, and the inside of the
fruit is by this time full of small red insects with curious thin
wings. As they were bred here, so here they would die for want of
food, and rot in their husks (having by this time eaten up their
mother-fruit) did not the Indians, who plant large fields of
these trees, when once they perceive the fruit open, take care to
drive them out: for they spread under the branches of the tree a
large linen cloth, and then with sticks they shake the branches
and so disturb the poor insects that they take wing to be gone,
yet hovering still over the head of their native tree, but the
heat of the sun so disorders them that they presently fall down
dead on the cloth spread for that purpose, where the Indians let
them remain two or three days longer till they are thoroughly
dry. When they fly up they are red, when they fall down they are
black; and when first they are quite dry they are white as the
sheet wherein they lie, though the colour change a little after.
These yield the much esteemed scarlet. The cochineel-trees are
called by the Spaniard toonas: they are planted in the country
about Guatemala, and about Cheapo and Guaxaca, all three in the
kingdom of Mexico. The silvester is a red grain growing in a
fruit much resembling the cochineel-fruit; as does also the tree
that bears it. There first shoots forth a yellow flower, then
comes the fruit, which is longer than the cochineel-fruit. The
fruit being ripe opens also very wide. The inside being full of
these small seeds or grains they fall out with the least touch or
shake. The Indians that gather them hold a dish under to receive
the seed and then shake it down. These trees grow wild; and eight
or ten of these fruits will yield an ounce of seed: but of the
cochineel fruits three or four will yield an ounce of insects.
The silvester gives a colour almost as fair as the cochineel and
so like it as to be often mistaken for it, but it is not near so
valuable. I often made enquiry how the silvester grows, and of
the cochineel; but was never fully satisfied till I met a Spanish
gentleman that had lived 30 years in the West Indies, and some
years where these grow; and from him I had these relations. He
was a very intelligent person and pretended to be well acquainted
in the Bay of Campeachy; therefore I examined him in many
particulars concerning that bay, where I was well acquainted
myself, living there three years. He gave very true and pertinent
answers to all my demands, so that I could have no distrust of
what he related.
When we first saw the mountain of Guatemala we were by
judgment 25 leagues distance from it. As we came nearer the land
it appeared higher and plainer, yet we saw no fire but a little
smoke proceeding from it. The land by the sea was of a good
height yet but low in comparison with that in the country. The
sea for about eight or ten leagues from the shore was full of
floating trees, or driftwood, as it is called (of which I have
seen a great deal but nowhere so much as here) and pumice-stones
floating, which probably are thrown out of the burning mountains
and washed down to the shore by the rains, which are very violent
and frequent in this country; and on the side of Honduras it is
excessively wet.
THE COAST FURTHER ON THE NORTH-WEST. CAPTAIN TOWNLEY'S
FRUITLESS EXPEDITION TOWARDS TECOANTEPEQUE.
The 24th day we were in latitude 14 degrees 30 minutes north,
and the weather more settled. Then Captain Townley took with him
106 men in nine canoes and went away to the westward where he
intended to land and rummage in the country for some refreshment
for our sick men, we having at this time near half our men sick,
and many were dead since we left Realejo. We in the ships lay
still with our topsails furled and our corses or lower sails
hauled up this day and the next that Captain Townley might get
the start of us.
The 26th day we made sail again, coasting to the westward,
having the wind at north and fair weather. We ran along by a
tract of very high land which came from the eastward, more within
land than we could see; after we fell in with it it bore us
company for about 10 leagues, and ended with a pretty gentle
descent towards the west.
There we had a perfect view of a pleasant low country which
seemed to be rich in pasturage for cattle. It was plentifully
furnished with groves of green trees mixed among the grassy
savannahs: here the land was fenced from the sea with high sandy
hills, for the waves all along this coast run high, and beat
against the shore very boisterously, making the land wholly
unapproachable in boats or canoes: so we coasted still along by
this low land, eight or nine leagues farther, keeping close to
the shore for fear of missing Captain Townley. We lay by in the
night and in the day made an easy sail.
The 2nd day of October Captain Townley came aboard; he had
coasted along shore in his canoes, seeking for an entrance, but
found none. At last, being out of hopes to find any bay, creek,
or river, into which he might safely enter, he put ashore on a
sandy bay, but overset all his canoes: he had one man drowned,
and several lost their arms, and some of them that had not waxed
up their cartage or cartouche boxes wet all their powder. Captain
Townley with much ado got ashore and dragged the canoes up dry on
the bay; then every man searched his cartouche box and drew the
wet powder out of his gun, and provided to march into the country
but, finding it full of great creeks which they could not ford,
they were forced to return again to their canoes. In the night
they made good fires to keep themselves warm; the next morning
200 Spaniards and Indians fell on them but were immediately
repulsed, and made greater speed back than they had done forward.
Captain Townley followed them, but not far for fear of his
canoes. These men came from Tehuantapec, a town that Captain
Townley went chiefly to seek because the Spanish books make
mention of a large river there; but whether it was run away at
this time, or rather Captain Townley and his men were
short-sighted, I know not; but they could not find it.
Upon his return we presently made sail, coasting still
westward, having the wind at east-north-east fair weather and a
fresh gale. We kept within two mile of the shore, sounding all
the way; and found at six miles distance from land 19 fathom; at
eight miles distance 21 fathom, gross sand.
THE ISLAND TANGOLA, AND NEIGHBOURING CONTINENT.
We saw no opening nor sign of any place to land at, so we
sailed about 20 leagues farther and came to a small high island
called Tangola, where there is good anchoring. The island is
indifferently well furnished with wood and water, and lies about
a league from the shore. The Main against the island is pretty
high champion savannah land by the sea; but two or three leagues
within land it is higher and very woody.
GUATULCO PORT. THE BUFFADORE, OR WATER-SPOUT.
We coasted a league farther and came to Guatulco. This port is
in latitude 15 degrees 30 minutes. It is one of the best in all
this kingdom of Mexico. Near a mile from the mouth of the harbour
on the east side there is a little island close by the shore; and
on the west side of the mouth of the harbour there is a great
hollow rock, which by the continual working of the sea in and out
makes a great noise, which may be heard a great way. Every surge
that comes in forces the water out of a little hole on its top,
as out of a pipe, from whence it flies out just like the blowing
of a whale; to which the Spaniards also liken it. They call this
rock and spout the Buffadore: upon what account I know not. Even
in the calmest seasons the sea beats in there, making the water
spout at the hole: so that this is always a good mark to find the
harbour by. The harbour is about three mile deep and one mile
broad; it runs in north-west. But the west side of the harbour is
best to ride in for small ships; for there you may ride
land-locked: whereas anywhere else you are open to the south-west
winds which often blow here. There is good clean ground anywhere,
and good gradual soundings from 16 to 6 fathom; it is bounded
with a smooth sandy shore, very good to land at; and at the
bottom of the harbour there is a fine brook of fresh water
running into the sea.
RUINS OF GUATULCO VILLAGE. THE COAST ADJOINING.
Here formerly stood a small Spanish town or village which was
taken by Sir Francis Drake: but now there is nothing remaining of
it beside a little chapel standing among the trees about 200
paces from the sea. The land appears in small short ridges
parallel to the shore and to each other, the innermost still
gradually higher than that nearer the shore; and they are all
clothed with very high flourishing trees, that it is
extraordinary pleasant and delightful to behold at a distance: I
have nowhere seen anything like it.
CAPTAIN TOWNLEY MARCHES TO THE RIVER CAPALITA.
At this place Captain Swan, who had been very sick, came
ashore, and all the sick men with him, and the surgeon to tend
them. Captain Townley again took a company of men with him and
went into the country to seek for houses or inhabitants. He
marched away to the eastward and came to the river Capalita:
which is a swift river, yet deep near the mouth, and is about a
league from Guatulco. There two of his men swam over the river
and took three Indians that were placed there as sentinels to
watch for our coming. These could none of them speak Spanish; yet
our men by signs made them understand that they desired to know
if there was any town or village near; who by the signs which
they made gave our men to understand that they could guide them
to a settlement: but there was no understanding by them whether
it was a Spanish or Indian settlement, nor how far it was
thither. They brought these Indians aboard with them, and the
next day, which was the 6th day of October, Captain Townley with
140 men (of whom I was one) went ashore again, taking one of
these Indians with us for a guide to conduct us to this
settlement.
TURTLE AT GUATULCO. AN INDIAN SETTLEMENT.
Our men that stayed aboard filled our water, and cut wood, and
mended our sails: and our Moskito men struck three or four turtle
every day. They were a small sort of turtle, and not very sweet,
yet very well esteemed by us all because we had eaten no flesh a
great while. The 8th day we returned out of the country, having
been about 14 miles directly within land before we came to any
settlement. There we found a small Indian village, and in it a
great quantity of vinelloes drying in the sun.
THE VINELLO-PLANT AND FRUIT.
The vinello is a little cod full of small black seeds; it is
four or five inches long, about the bigness of the stem of a
tobacco leaf, and when dried much resembling it: so that our
privateers at first have often thrown them away when they took
any, wondering why the Spaniards should lay up tobacco stems.
This cod grows on a small vine which climbs about and supports
itself by the neighbouring trees: it first bears a yellow flower
from whence the cod afterwards proceeds. It is first green, but
when ripe it turns yellow; then the Indians (whose manufacture it
is, and who sell it cheap to the Spaniards) gather it, and lay it
in the sun, which makes it soft; then it changes to a
chestnut-colour. Then they frequently press it between their
fingers, which makes it flat. If the Indians do anything to them
beside I know not; but I have seen the Spaniards sleek them with
oil.
These vines grow plentifully at Boca Toro, where I have
gathered and tried to cure them, but could not: which makes me
think that the Indians have some secret that I know not of to
cure them. I have often asked the Spaniards how they were cured,
but I never could meet with any could tell me. One Mr. Cree also,
a very curious person who spoke Spanish well and had been a
privateer all his life, and seven years a prisoner among the
Spaniards at Portobello and Cartagena, yet upon all his enquiry
could not find any of them that understood it. Could we have
learnt the art of it several of us would have gone to Boca Toro
yearly at the dry season and cured them, and freighted our
vessel. We there might have had turtle enough for food, and store
of vinelloes. Mr. Cree first showed me those at Boca Toro. At or
near a town also, called Caihooca in the Bay of Campeachy, these
cods are found. They are commonly sold for three pence a cod
among the Spaniards in the West Indies, and are sold by the
druggist, for they are much used among chocolate to perfume it.
Some will use them among tobacco for it gives a delicate scent. I
never heard of any vinelloes but here in this country, about
Caihooca, and at Boca Toro.
The Indians of this village could speak but little Spanish.
They seemed to be a poor innocent people: and by them we
understood that there are very few Spaniards in these parts; yet
all the Indians hereabout are under them. The land from the sea
to their houses is black earth mixed with some stones and rocks;
all the way full of very high trees.
The 10th day we sent four canoes to the westward who were
ordered to lie for us at Port Angels; where we were in hopes that
by some means or other they might get prisoners that might give
us a better account of the country than at present we could have;
and we followed them with our ships, all our men being now pretty
well recovered of the fever which had raged amongst as ever since
we departed from Realejo.
Chapter IX
They Set out from Guatulco.
It was the 12th of October 1685 when we set out of the harbour
of Guatulco with our ships. The land here lies along west and a
little southerly for about 20 or 30 leagues, and the sea-winds
are commonly at west-south-west, sometimes at south-west, the
land-winds at north. We had now fair weather and but little
wind.
THE ISLE SACRIFICIO.
We coasted along to the westward, keeping as near the shore as
we could for the benefit of the land-winds, for the sea-winds
were right against us; and we found a current setting to the
eastward which kept us back and obliged us to anchor at the
island Sacrificio, which is a small green island about half a
mile long. It lies about a league to the west of Guatulco and
about half a mile from the Main. There seems to be a fine bay to
the west of the island; but it is full of rocks. The best riding
is between the island and the Main: there you will have five or
six fathom water. Here runs a pretty strong tide; the sea rises
and falls five or six foot up and down.
The 18th day we sailed from hence, coasting to the westward
after our canoes. We kept near the shore, which was all sandy
bays, the country pretty high and woody, and a great sea tumbling
in upon the shore. The 22nd day two of our canoes came aboard and
told us they had been a great way to the westward, but could not
find Port Angels. They had attempted to land the day before at a
place where they saw a great many bulls and cows feeding, in
hopes to get some of them; but the sea ran so high that they
overset both canoes, and wet all their arms, and lost four guns,
and had one man drowned, and with much ado got off again. They
could give no account of the other two canoes for they lost
company the first night that they went from Guatulco and had not
seen them since.
PORT ANGELS.
We were now abreast of Port Angels, though our men in the
canoes did not know it; therefore we went in and anchored there.
This is a broad open bay with two or three rocks at the west
side. Here is good anchoring all over the bay in 30 or 20 or 12
fathom water; but you must ride open to all winds except the
land-winds till you come into 12 or 13 fathom water; then you are
sheltered from the west-south-west which are the common trade
winds. The tide rises here about five foot; the flood sets to the
north-east and the ebb to the south-west. The landing in this bay
is bad; the place of landing is close by the west side behind a
few rocks; here always goes a great swell. The Spaniards compare
this harbour for goodness to Guatulco, but there is a great
difference between them. For Guatulco is almost landlocked and
this an open road, and no one would easily know it by their
character of it, but by its marks and its latitude, which is 15
degrees north. For this reason our canoes, which were sent from
Guatulco and ordered to tarry here for us, did not know it (not
thinking this to be that fine harbour) and therefore went
farther; two of them, as I said before, returned again, but the
other two were not yet come to us. The land that bounds this
harbour is pretty high, the earth sandy and yellow, in some
places red; it is partly woodland, partly savannahs. The trees in
the woods are large and tall and the savannahs are plentifully
stored with very kindly grass. Two leagues to the east of this
place is a beef farm belonging to Don Diego de la Rosa.
The 23rd day we landed about 100 men and marched thither where
we found plenty of fat bulls and cows feeding in the savannahs,
and in the house good store of salt and maize; and some hogs, and
cocks and hens: but the owners or overseers were gone. We lay
here two or three days feasting on fresh provision, but could not
contrive to carry any quantity aboard because the way was so long
and our men but weak, and a great wide river to ford. Therefore
we returned again from thence the 26th day and brought everyone a
little beef or pork for the men that stayed aboard.
JACKALS.
The two nights that we stayed ashore at this place we heard
great droves of jackals, as we supposed them to be, barking all
night long not far from us. None of us saw these; but I do verily
believe they were jackals; though I did never see these creatures
in America, nor hear any but at this time. We could not think
that there were less than 30 or 40 in a company. We got aboard in
the evening; but did not yet hear any news of our two canoes.
The 27th day in the morning we sailed from hence with the
land-wind at north by west. The sea-wind came about noon at
west-south-west, and in the evening we anchored in 16 fathom
water by a small rocky island which lies about half a mile from
the Main and six leagues westward from Port Angels. The Spaniards
give no account of this island in their pilot-book. The 28th day
we sailed again with the land-wind: in the afternoon the
sea-breeze blew hard and we sprung our main-top-mast. This coast
is full of small hills and valleys, and a great sea falls in upon
the shore. In the night we met with the other two of our canoes
that went from us at Guatulco. They had been as far as Acapulco
to seek Port Angels. Coming back from thence they went into a
river to get water and were encountered by 150 Spaniards, yet
they filled their water in spite of them, but had one man shot
through the thigh. Afterward they went into a lagoon, or lake of
salt water, where they found much dried fish and brought some
aboard. We being now abreast of that place sent in a canoe manned
with twelve men for more fish. The mouth of this lagoon is not
pistol-shot wide, and on both sides are pretty high rocks, so
conveniently placed by nature that many men may abscond behind;
and within the rocks and lagoon opens wide on both sides.
A NARROW ESCAPE.
The Spaniards, being alarmed by our two canoes that had been
there two or three days before, came armed to this place to
secure their fish; and seeing our canoe coming, they lay snug
behind the rocks, and suffered the canoe to pass in, then they
fired their volley and wounded five of our men. Our people were a
little surprised at this sudden adventure, yet fired their guns
and rowed farther into the lagoon, for they durst not adventure
to come out again through the narrow entrance which was near a
quarter of a mile in length. Therefore they rowed into the middle
of the lagoon where they lay out of gun-shot and looked about to
see if there was not another passage to get out at, broader than
that by which they entered, but could see none. So they lay still
two days and three nights, in hopes that we should come to seek
them; but we lay off at sea about three leagues distant, waiting
for their return, supposing by their long absence that they had
made some greater discovery and were gone farther than the
fish-range; because it is usual with privateers when they enter
upon such designs to search farther than they proposed if they
meet any encouragement. But Captain Townley and his bark being
nearer the shore heard some guns fired in the lagoon. So he
manned his canoe and went towards the shore, and, beating the
Spaniards away from the rocks, made a free passage for our men to
come out of their pound, where else they must have been starved
or knocked on the head by the Spaniards. They came aboard their
ships again the 31st of October. This lagoon is about the
latitude of 16 degrees 40 minutes north.
THE ROCK ALGATROSS, AND THE NEIGHBOURING COAST.
From hence we made sail again, coasting to the westward,
having fair weather and a current setting to the west. The second
day of November we passed by a rock called by the Spaniards the
Algatross. The land hereabout is of an indifferent height and
woody, and more within the country mountainous. Here are seven or
eight white cliffs by the sea, which are very remarkable because
there are none so white and so thick together on all the coast.
They are five or six mile to the west of the Algatross Rock.
There is a dangerous shoal lies south by west from these cliffs,
four or five mile off at sea. Two leagues to the west of these
cliffs there is a pretty large river which forms a small island
at its mouth. The channel on the east side is but shoal and
sandy, but the west channel is deep enough for canoes to enter.
On the banks of this channel the Spaniards have made a
breast-work to hinder an enemy from landing or filling water.
The 3rd day we anchored abreast of this river in 14 fathom
water about a mile and a half off shore. The next morning we
manned our canoes and went ashore to the breast-work with little
resistance, although there were about 200 men to keep us off.
They fired about twenty or thirty guns at us but seeing we were
resolved to land they quitted the place; one chief reason why the
Spaniards are so frequently routed by us, although many times
much our superiors in numbers, and in many places fortified with
breast-works, is their want of small firearms, for they have but
few on all the sea coasts unless near their larger garrisons.
Here we found a great deal of salt, brought hither, as I judge,
for to salt fish, which they take in the lagoons.
SNOOK, A SORT OF FISH.
The fish I observed here mostly were what we call snook,
neither a sea-fish nor fresh water-fish, but very numerous in
these salt lakes. This fish is about a foot long, and round, and
as thick as the small of a man's leg, with a pretty long head: it
has scales of a whitish colour and is good meat. How the
Spaniards take them I know not, for we never found any nets,
hooks or lines; neither yet any bark, boat, or canoe among them
on all this coast, except the ship I shall mention at
Acapulco.
THE TOWN OF ACAPULCO.
We marched two or three leagues into the country and met with
but one house, where we took a Mulatto prisoner who informed us
of a ship that was lately arrived at Acapulco; she came from
Lima. Captain Townley, wanting a good ship, thought now he had an
opportunity of getting one if he could persuade his men to
venture with him into the harbour of Acapulco and fetch this Lima
ship out. Therefore he immediately proposed it and found not only
all his own men willing to assist him but many of Captain Swan's
men also. Captain Swan opposed it because, provision being scarce
with us, he thought our time might be much better employed in
first providing ourselves with food, and here was plenty of maize
in the river where we now were, as we were informed by the same
prisoner who offered to conduct us to the place where it was.
OF THE TRADE IT DRIVES WITH THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS.
But neither the present necessity nor Captain Swan's
persuasion availed anything, no nor yet their own interest; for
the great design we had then in hand was to lie and wait for a
rich ship which comes to Acapulco every year richly laden from
the Philippine Islands. But it was necessary we should be well
stored with provisions to enable us to cruise about and wait the
time of her coming. However, Townley's party prevailing, we only
filled our water here and made ready to be gone. So the 5th day
in the afternoon we sailed again, coasting to the westward
towards Acapulco.
THE HAVEN OF ACAPULCO.
The 7th day in the afternoon, being about twelve leagues from
the shore, we saw the high land of Acapulco, which is very
remarkable: for there is a round hill standing between two other
hills; the westermost of which is the biggest and highest, and
has two hillocks like two paps on its top: the eastermost hill is
higher and sharper than the middlemost. From the middle hill the
land declines toward the sea, ending in a high round point. There
is no land shaped like this on all the coast. In the evening
Captain Townley went away from the ships with 140 men in twelve
canoes to try to get the Lima ship out of Acapulco Harbour.
Acapulco is a pretty large town, 17 degrees north of the
Equator. It is the sea-port for the city of Mexico on the west
side of the continent; as La Vera Cruz, or St. John d'Ulloa in
the Bay of Nova Hispania is on the north side. This town is the
only place of trade on all this coast; for there is little or no
traffic by sea on all the north-west part of this vast kingdom,
here being, as I have said, neither boats, barks, nor ships (that
I could ever see) unless only what come hither from other parts,
and some boats near the south-east end of California; as I guess,
by the intercourse between that and the Main, for
pearl-fishing.
The ships that trade hither are only three, two that
constantly go once a year between this and Manila in Luconia, one
of the Philippine Islands, and one ship more every year to and
from Lima. This from Lima commonly arrives a little before
Christmas; she brings them quicksilver, cocoa, and
pieces-of-eight. Here she stays till the Manila ships arrive, and
then takes in a cargo of spices, silks, calicoes, and muslins,
and other East India commodities, for the use of Peru, and then
returns to Lima. This is but a small vessel of twenty guns, but
the two Manila ships are each said to be above 1000 tun. These
make their voyages alternately so that one or other of them is
always at the Manilas. When either of them sets out from Acapulco
it is at the latter end of March or the beginning of April; she
always touches to refresh at Guam, one of the Ladrone Islands, in
about sixty days space after she sets out. There she stays but
two or three days and then prosecutes her voyage to Manila where
she commonly arrives some time in June. By that time the other is
ready to sail from thence laden with East India commodities. She
stretches away to the north as far as 36, or sometimes into 40
degrees of north latitude before she gets a wind to stand over to
the American shore. She falls in first with the coast of
California, and then coasts along the shore to the south again,
and never misses a wind to bring her away from thence quite to
Acapulco. When she gets the length of Cape San Lucas, which is
the southermost point of California, she stretches over to Cape
Corrientes, which is in about the 20th degree of north latitude.
From thence she coasts along till she comes to Sallagua, and
there she sets ashore passengers that are bound to the city of
Mexico: from thence she makes her best way, coasting still along
shore, till she arrives at Acapulco, which is commonly about
Christmas, never more than eight or ten days before or after.
Upon the return of this ship to the Manila the other which stays
there till her arrival takes her turn back to Acapulco. Sir John
Narborough therefore was imposed on by the Spaniards who told him
that there were eight sail, or more, that used this trade.
The Port of Acapulco is very commodious for the reception of
ships, and so large that some hundreds may safely ride there
without damnifying each other. There is a small low island
crossing the mouth of the harbour; it is about a mile and a half
long and half a mile broad, stretching east and west. It leaves a
good wide deep channel at each end where ships may safely go in
or come out, taking the advantage of the winds; they must enter
with the sea-wind, and go out with the land-wind, for these winds
seldom or never fail to succeed each other alternately in their
proper season of the day or night. The westermost channel is the
narrowest, but so deep there is no anchoring, and the Manila
ships pass in that way, but the ships from Lima enter on the
south-west channel. This harbour runs in north about three miles
then, growing very narrow, it turns short about to the west and
runs about a mile farther, where it ends. The town stands on the
north-west side at the mouth of this narrow passage, close by the
sea, and at the end of the town there is a platform with a great
many guns. Opposite to the town, on the east side, stands a high
strong castle, said to have forty guns of a very great bore.
Ships commonly ride near the bottom of the harbour, under the
command both of the castle and the platform.
A TORNADO.
Captain Townley, who, as I said before, with 140 men, left our
ships on a design to fetch the Lima ship out of the harbour, had
not rowed above three or four leagues before the voyage was like
to end with all their lives; for on a sudden they were
encountered with a violent tornado from the shore, which had like
to have foundered all the canoes: but they escaped that danger
and the second night got safe into Port Marquis.
PORT MARQUIS. CAPTAIN TOWNLEY MAKES A FRUITLESS ATTEMPT.
Port Marquis is a very good harbour a league to the east of
Acapulco Harbour. Here they stayed all the next day to dry
themselves, their clothes, their arms and ammunition, and the
next night they rowed softly into Acapulco Harbour; and because
they would not be heard they hauled in their oars, and paddled as
softly as if they had been seeking manatee. They paddled close to
the castle; then struck over to the town, and found the ship
riding between the breast-work and the fort, within about a
hundred yards of each. When they had well viewed her and
considered the danger of the design they thought it not possible
to accomplish it; therefore they paddled softly back again till
they were out of command of the forts, and then they went to
land, and fell in among a company of Spanish soldiers (for the
Spaniards, having seen them the day before, had set guards along
the coast) who immediately fired at them but did them no damage,
only made them retire farther from the shore. They lay afterwards
at the mouth of the harbour till it was day to take a view of the
town and castle, and then returned aboard again, being tired,
hungry, and sorry for their disappointment.
A LONG SANDY BAY, BUT VERY ROUGH SEAS.
The 11th day we made sail again further on to the westward
with the land-wind, which is commonly at north-east, but the
sea-winds are at south-west. We passed by a long sandy bay of
above twenty leagues. All the way along it the sea falls with
such force on the shore that it is impossible to come near it
with boat or canoe; yet it is good clean ground, and good
anchoring a mile or two from the shore. The land by the sea is
low and indifferent fertile, producing many sorts of trees,
especially the spreading palm, which grows in spots from one end
of the bay to the other.
THE PALM-TREE, GREAT AND SMALL.
The palm-tree is as big as an ordinary ash, growing about
twenty or thirty foot high. The body is clear from boughs or
branches till just at the head; there it spreads forth many large
green branches, not much unlike the cabbage-tree before
described. These branches also grow in many places (as in
Jamaica, Darien, the Bay of Campeachy, etc.) from a stump not
above a foot or two high; which is not the remains of a tree cut
down; for none of these sort of trees will ever grow again when
they have once lost their head; but these are a sort of
dwarf-palm, and the branches which grow from the stump are not so
large as those that grow on the great tree. These smaller
branches are used both in the East and West Indies for thatching
houses: they are very lasting and serviceable, much surpassing
the palmetto. For this thatch, if well laid on, will endure five
or six years; and this is called by the Spaniards the
palmetto-royal. The English at Jamaica give it the same name.
Whether this be the same which they in Guinea get the palm-wine
from I know not; but I know that it is like this.
THE HILL OF PETAPLAN.
The land in the country is full of small peaked barren hills,
making as many little valleys, which appear flourishing and
green. At the west end of this bay is the hill of Petaplan, in
latitude 17 degrees 30 minutes north. This is a round point
stretching out into the sea: at a distance it seems to be an
island. A little to the west of this hill are several round
rocks, which we left without us, steering in between them and the
round point, where we had eleven fathom water. We came to an
anchor on the north-west side of the hill and went ashore, about
170 men of us, and marched into the country twelve or fourteen
miles.
A POOR INDIAN VILLAGE.
There we came to a poor Indian village that did not afford us
a meal of victuals. The people all fled, only a Mulatta woman and
three or four small children, who were taken and brought aboard.
She told us that a carrier (one who drives a caravan of mules)
was going to Acapulco, laden with flour and other goods, but
stopped in the road for fear of us, a little to the west of this
village (for he had heard of our being on this coast) and she
thought he still remained there: and therefore it was we kept the
woman to be our guide to carry us to that place. At this place
where we now lay our Moskito men struck some small turtle and
many small jewfish.
JEW-FISH.
The jew-fish is a very good fish, and I judge so called by the
English because it has scales and fins, therefore a clean fish,
according to the Levitical law, and the Jews at Jamaica buy them
and eat them very freely. It is a very large fish, shaped much
like a cod but a great deal bigger; one will weigh three, or
four, or five hundredweight. It has a large head, with great fins
and scales, as big as an half-crown, answerable to the bigness of
his body. It is very sweet meat, and commonly fat. This fish
lives among the rocks; there are plenty of them in the West
Indies, about Jamaica and the coast of Caracas; but chiefly in
these seas, especially more westward.
CHEQUETAN, A GOOD HARBOUR.
We went from hence with our ships the 18th [sic] day, and
steered west about two leagues farther to a place called
Chequetan. A mile and a half from the shore there is a small key,
and within it is a very good harbour where ships may careen;
there is also a small river of fresh water, and wood enough.
ESTAPA; MUSSELS THERE.
The 14th day in the morning we went with 95 men in six canoes
to seek for the carrier, taking the Mulatto woman for our guide;
but Captain Townley would not go with us. Before day we landed at
a place called Estapa, a league to the west of Chequetan. The
woman was well acquainted here, having been often at this place
for mussels as she told us; for here are great plenty of them.
They seem in all respects like our English mussels.
A CARAVAN OF MULES TAKEN.
She carried us through the pathless wood by the side of a
river for about a league: then we came into a savannah full of
bulls and cows; and here the carrier before mentioned was lying
at the estancia-house with his mules, not having dared to advance
all this while, as not knowing where we lay; so his own fear made
him, his mules, and all his goods, become a prey to us. He had 40
packs of flour, some chocolate, a great many small cheeses, and
abundance of earthenware. The eatables we brought away, but the
earthen vessels we had no occasion for and therefore left them.
The mules were about 60: we brought our prize with them to the
shore, and so turned them away. Here we also killed some cows and
brought with us to our canoes. In the afternoon our ships came to
an anchor half a mile from the place where we landed; and then we
went aboard. Captain Townley, seeing our good success, went
ashore with his men to kill some cows; for here were no
inhabitants near to oppose us. The land is very woody, of a good
fertile soil watered with many small rivers; yet it has but few
inhabitants near the sea. Captain Townley killed 18 beefs, and
after he came aboard our men, contrary to Captain Swan's
inclination, gave Captain Townley part of the flour which we took
ashore. Afterwards we gave the woman some clothes for her and her
children, and put her and two of them ashore; but one of them, a
very pretty boy about seven or eight years old, Captain Swan
kept. The woman cried and begged hard to have him; but Captain
Swan would not, but promised to make much of him and was as good
as his word. He proved afterwards a very fine boy for wit,
courage, and dexterity; I have often wondered at his expressions
and actions.
The 21st day in the evening we sailed hence with the
land-wind. The land-winds on this part of the coast are at north
and the sea-winds at west-south-west. We had fair weather and
coasted along to the westward. The land is high and full of
ragged hills; and west from these ragged hills the land makes
many pleasant and fruitful valleys among the mountains. The 25th
day we were abreast of a very remarkable hill which, towering
above the rest of his fellows, is divided in the top and makes
two small parts. It is in latitude 18 degrees 8 minutes
north.
A HILL NEAR THELUPAN.
The Spaniards make mention of a town called Thelupan near this
hill, which we would have visited if we could have found the way
to it. The 26th day Captain Swan and Captain Townley with 200
men, of whom I was one, went in our canoes to seek for the city
of Colima, a rich place by report, but how far within land I
could never learn: for, as I said before, here is no trade by
sea, and therefore we could never get guides to inform us or
conduct us to any town but one or two on this coast: and there is
never a town that lies open to the sea but Acapulco; and
therefore our search was commonly fruitless, as now; for we rowed
above 20 leagues along shore and found it a very bad coast to
land. We saw no house nor sign of inhabitants, although we passed
by a fine valley called the valley of Maguella; only at two
places, the one at our first setting out on this expedition, and
the other at the end of it, we saw a horseman set, as we
supposed, as a sentinel to watch us. At both places we landed
with difficulty, and at each place we followed the track of the
horse on the sandy bay; but where they entered the woods we lost
the track and, although we diligently searched for it, yet we
could find it no more; so we were perfectly at a loss to find out
the houses or town they came from.
THE COAST HEREABOUTS.
The 28th day, being tired and hopeless to find any town, we
went aboard our ships, that were now come abreast of the place
where we were: for always when we leave our ships we either order
a certain place of meeting, or else leave them a sign to know
where we are by making one or more great smokes; yet we had all
like to have been ruined by such a signal as this in a former
voyage under Captain Sharp, when we made that unfortunate attempt
upon Arica, which is mentioned in the History of the Buccaneers.
For upon the routing our men, and taking several of them, some of
those so taken told the Spaniards that it was agreed between them
and their companions on board to make two great smokes at a
distance from each other as soon as the town should be taken, as
a signal to the ship that it might safely enter the harbour. The
Spaniards made these smokes presently: I was then among those who
stayed on board; and whether the signal was not so exactly made
or some other discouragement happened I remember not, but we
forbore going in till we saw our scattered crew coming off in
their canoes. Had we entered the port upon the false signal we
must have been taken or sunk; for we must have passed close by
the fort and could have had no wind to bring us out till the
land-wind should rise in the night.
THE VOLCANO, TOWN, VALLEY, AND BAY OF COLIMA.
But to our present voyage: after we came aboard we saw the
volcano of Colima. This is a very high mountain in about 18
degrees 36 minutes north, standing five or six leagues from the
sea in the midst of a pleasant valley. It appears with two sharp
peaks, from each of which there do always issue flames of fire or
smoke. The valley in which this volcano stands is called the
valley of Colima from the town itself which stands there not far
from the volcano. The town is said to be great and rich, the
chief of all its neighbourhood: and the valley in which it is
seated, by the relation which the Spaniards give of it, is the
most pleasant and fruitful valley in all the kingdom of Mexico.
This valley is about ten or twelve leagues wide by the sea, where
it makes a small bay: but how far the vale runs into the country
I know not. It is said to be full of cocoa-gardens, fields of
corn, wheat, and plantain-walks. The neighbouring sea is bounded
with a sandy shore; but there is no going ashore for the violence
of the waves. The land within it is low all along and woody for
about two leagues from the east side; at the end of the woods
there is a deep river runs out into the sea, but it has such a
great bar, or sandy shoal, that when we were here no boat or
canoe could possibly enter, the sea running so high upon the bar:
otherwise, I judge, we should have made some farther discovery
into this pleasant valley. On the west side of the river the
savannah-land begins and runs to the other side of the valley. We
had but little wind when we came aboard, therefore we lay off
this bay that afternoon and the night ensuing.
The 29th day our captains went away from our ships with 200
men, intending at the first convenient place to land and search
about for a path: for the Spanish books make mention of two or
three other towns hereabouts, especially one called Sallagua, to
the west of this bay. Our canoes rowed along as near the shore as
they could, but the sea went so high that they could not land.
About 10 or 11 o'clock two horsemen came near the shore, and one
of them took a bottle out of his pocket and drank to our men.
While he was drinking, one of our men snatched up his gun and let
drive at him and killed his horse: so his consort immediately set
spurs to his horse and rode away, leaving the other to come after
a-foot. But he being booted made but slow haste; therefore two of
our men stripped themselves and swam ashore to take him. But he
had a machete, or long knife, wherewith he kept them both from
seizing him, they having nothing in their hands wherewith to
defend themselves or offend him. The 30th day our men came all
aboard again, for they could not find any place to land in.
SALLAGUA PORT.
The first day of December we passed by the Port of Sallagua.
This port is in latitude 18 degrees 52 minutes. It is only a
pretty deep bay, divided in the middle with a rocky point, which
makes, as it were, two harbours. Ships may ride securely in
either but the west harbour is the best: there is good anchoring
anywhere in 10 or 12 fathom, and a brook of fresh water runs into
the sea. Here we saw a great new thatched house, and a great many
Spaniards both horse and foot, with drums beating and colours
flying in defiance of us, as we thought. We took no notice of
them till the next morning, and then we landed about 200 men to
try their courage; but they presently withdrew. The foot never
stayed to exchange one shot, but the horsemen stayed till two or
three were knocked down, and then they drew off, our men pursuing
them. At last two of our men took two horses that had lost their
riders and, mounting them, rode after the Spaniards full drive
till they came among them, thinking to have taken a prisoner for
intelligence, but had like to have been taken themselves: for
four Spaniards surrounded them, after they had discharged their
pistols, and unhorsed them; and if some of our best footmen had
not come to their rescue they must have yielded or have been
killed. They were both cut in two or three places but their
wounds were not mortal. The four Spaniards got away before our
men could hurt them and, mounting their horses, speeded after
their consorts, who were marched away into the country. Our men,
finding a broad road leading into the country, followed it about
four leagues in a dry stony country, full of short wood; but
finding no sign of inhabitants they returned again. In their way
back they took two Mulattos who were not able to march as fast as
their consorts; therefore they had skulked in the woods and by
that means thought to have escaped our men.
ORRHA.
These prisoners informed us that this great road did lead to a
great city called Oarrha, from whence many of those horsemen
before spoken of came: that this city was distant from hence as
far as a horse will go in four days; and that there is no place
of consequence nearer: that the country is very poor and thinly
inhabited.
They said also that these men came to assist the Philippine
ship that was every day expected here to put ashore passengers
for Mexico. The Spanish pilot-books mention a town also called
Sallagua hereabouts; but we could not find it, nor hear anything
of it by our prisoners.
We now intended to cruise off Cape Corrientes to wait for the
Philippine ship. So the 6th day of December we set sail, coasting
to the westward towards Cape Corrientes. We had fair weather and
but little wind; the sea-breezes at north-west and the land-wind
at north.
RAGGED HILLS.
The land is of an indifferent height, full of ragged points
which at a distance appear like islands: the country is very
woody, but the trees are not high, nor very big.
Here I was taken sick of a fever and ague that afterwards
turned to a dropsy which I laboured under a long time after; and
many of our men died of this distemper, though our surgeons used
their greatest skill to preserve their lives. The dropsy is a
general distemper on this coast, and the natives say that the
best remedy they can find for it is the stone or cod of an
alligator (of which they have four, one near each leg, within the
flesh) pulverized and drunk in water: this recipe we also found
mentioned in an almanac made at Mexico: I would have tried it but
we found no alligators here though there are several.
There are many good harbours between Sallagua and Cape
Corrientes but we passed by them all. As we drew near the Cape
the land by the sea appeared of an indifferent height, full of
white cliffs; but in the country the land is high and barren and
full of sharp peaked hills, unpleasant to the sight.
CORONADA, OR THE CROWN LAND.
To the west of this ragged land is a chain of mountains
running parallel with the shore; they end on the west with a
gentle descent; but on the east side they keep their height,
ending with a high steep mountain which has three small sharp
peaked tops, somewhat resembling a crown and therefore called by
the Spaniards Coronada, the Crown Land.
CAPE CORRIENTES.
The 11th day we were fair in sight of Cape Corrientes, it bore
north by west and the Crown Land bore north. The cape is of an
indifferent height with steep rocks to the sea. It is flat and
even on the top, clothed with woods: the land in the country is
high and doubled. This cape lies in 20 degrees 8 minutes north. I
find its longitude from Tenerife to be 230 degrees 56 minutes,
but I keep my longitude westward, according to our course; and
according to this reckoning I find it is from the Lizard in
England 121 degrees 41 minutes, so that the difference of time is
eight hours and almost six minutes.
Here we had resolved to cruise for the Philippine ship because
she always makes this cape in her voyage homeward. We were (as I
have said) four ships in company; Captain Swan and his tender;
Captain Townley and his tender. It was so ordered that Captain
Swan should lie eight or ten leagues off shore, and the rest
about a league distant each from other, between him and the cape,
that so we might not miss the Philippine ship; but we wanted
provision and therefore we sent Captain Townley's bark with 50 or
60 men to the west of the cape to search about for some town or
plantations where we might get provision of any sort. The rest of
us in the meantime cruising in our stations. The 17th day the
bark came to us again but had got nothing, for they could not get
about the cape because the wind on this coast is commonly between
the north-west and the south-west, which makes it very difficult
getting to the westward; but they left four canoes with 46 men at
the cape, who resolved to row to the westward. The 18th day we
sailed to the keys of Chametly to fill our water.
ISLES OF CHAMETLY. THE CITY PURIFICATION.
The keys or islands of Chametly are about 16 or 18 leagues to
the eastward of Cape Corrientes. They are small, low, and woody,
environed with rocks, there are five of them lying in the form of
a half moon, not a mile from the shore, and between them and the
Main is very good riding, secure from any wind. The Spaniards do
report that here live fishermen, to fish for the inhabitants of
the city of Purification. This is said to be a large town, the
best hereabouts; but is 14 leagues up in the country.
The 20th instant we entered within these islands, passing in
on the south-east side, and anchored between the islands and the
Main in five fathom clean sand. Here we found good fresh water
and wood, and caught plenty of rock-fish with hook and line, a
sort of fish I described at the isle of Juan Fernandez, but we
saw no sign of inhabitants besides three or four old huts;
therefore I do believe that the Spanish or Indian fishermen come
hither only at Lent, or some other such season, but that they do
not live here constantly. The 21st day Captain Townley went away
with about 60 men to take an Indian village seven or eight
leagues from hence to the westward more towards the cape, and the
next day we went to cruise off the cape, where Captain Townley
was to meet us. The 24th day, as we were cruising off the cape,
the four canoes before mentioned, which Captain Townley's bark
left at the cape, came off to us.
VALDERAS; OR THE VALLEY OF FLAGS.
They, after the bark left them, passed to the west of the cape
and rowed into the valley Valderas, or perhaps Val d'Iris; for it
signifies the valley of Flags.
This valley lies in the bottom of a pretty deep bay that runs
in between Cape Corrientes on the south-east and the point of
Pontique on the north-west, which two places are about 10 leagues
asunder. The valley is about three leagues wide; there is a level
sandy bay against the sea and good smooth landing. In the midst
of the bay is a fine river whereinto boats may enter; but it is
brackish at the latter end of the dry season, which is in
February, March, and part of April. I shall speak more of the
seasons in my Chapter of Winds in the Appendix. This valley is
bounded within land with a small green hill that makes a very
gentle descent into the valley and affords a very pleasant
prospect to seaward. It is enriched with fruitful savannahs,
mixed with groves of trees fit for any uses, beside fruit-trees
in abundance, as guavas, oranges and limes, which here grow wild
in such plenty as if nature had designed it only for a garden.
The savannahs are full of fat bulls and cows and some horses, but
no house in sight.
THEY MISS THEIR DESIGN ON THIS COAST.
When our canoes came to this pleasant valley they landed 37
men and marched into the country seeking for some houses. They
had not gone passed three mile before they were attacked by 150
Spaniards, horse and foot: there was a small thin wood close by
them, into which our men retreated to secure themselves from the
fury of the horse: yet the Spaniards rode in among them and
attacked them very furiously till the Spanish captain and 17 more
tumbled dead off their horses: then the rest retreated, being
many of them wounded. We lost four men and had two desperately
wounded. In this action the foot, who were armed with lances and
swords and were the greatest number, never made any attack; the
horsemen had each a brace of pistols and some short guns. If the
foot had come in they had certainly destroyed all our men. When
the skirmish was over our men placed the two wounded men on
horses and came to their canoes. There they killed one of the
horses and dressed it, being afraid to venture into the savannah
to kill a bullock, of which there was store. When they had eaten
and satisfied themselves they returned aboard. The 25th day,
being Christmas, we cruised in pretty near the cape and sent in
three canoes with the strikers to get fish, being desirous to
have a Christmas dinner. In the afternoon they returned aboard
with three great jew-fish which feasted us all; and the next day
we sent ashore our canoes again and got three or four more.
Captain Townley, who went from us at Chametly, came aboard the
28th day and brought about 40 bushels of maize. He had landed to
the eastward of Cape Corrientes and marched to an Indian village
that is four or five leagues in the country. The Indians, seeing
him coming, set two houses on fire that were full of maize and
ran away; yet he and his men got in other houses as much as they
could bring down on their backs, which he brought aboard.
We cruised off the cape till the first day of January 1686 and
then made towards the valley Valderas to hunt for beef, and
before night we anchored in the bottom of the bay in 60 fathom
water a mile from the shore. Here we stayed hunting till the 7th
day, and Captain Swan and Captain Townley went ashore every
morning with about 240 men and marched to a small hill; where
they remained with 50 or 60 men to watch the Spaniards, who
appeared in great companies on other hills not far distant but
did never attempt anything against our men. Here we killed and
salted above two months' meat besides what we spent fresh; and
might have killed as much more if we had been better stored with
salt. Our hopes of meeting the Philippine ship were now over; for
we did all conclude that while we were necessitated to hunt here
for provisions she was passed by to the eastward, as indeed she
was, as we did understand afterwards by prisoners. So this design
failed through Captain Townley's eagerness after the Lima ship
which he attempted in Acapulco Harbour, as I have related. For
though we took a little flour hard by, yet the same guide which
told us of that ship would have conducted us where we might have
had store of beef and maize: but instead thereof we lost both our
time and the opportunity of providing ourselves; and so we were
forced to be victualling when we should have been cruising off
Cape Corrientes in expectation of the Manila ship.
Hitherto we had coasted along here with two different designs;
the one was to get the Manila ship, which would have enriched us
beyond measure; and this Captain Townley was most for. Sir Thomas
Cavendish formerly took the Manila ship off Cape San Lucas in
California (where we also would have waited for her, had we been
early enough stored with provisions, to have met her there) and
threw much rich goods overboard. The other design, which Captain
Swan and our crew were most for, was to search along the coast
for rich towns and mines chiefly of gold and silver, which we
were assured were in this country, and we hoped near the shore:
not knowing (as we afterwards found) that it was in effect an
inland country, its wealth remote from the South Sea coast and
having little or no commerce with it, its trade being driven
eastward with Europe by La Vera Cruz. Yet we had still some
expectation of mines, and so resolved to steer on farther
northward; but Captain Townley, who had no other design in coming
on this coast but to meet this ship, resolved to return again
towards the coast of Peru.
CAPTAIN TOWNLEY LEAVES THEM WITH THE DARIEN INDIANS.
In all this voyage on the Mexican coast we had with us a
captain and two or three of his men of our friendly Indians of
the Isthmus of Darien; who, having conducted over some parties of
our privateers, and expressing a desire to go along with us, were
received and kindly entertained aboard our ships; and we were
pleased in having, by this means, guides ready provided should we
be for returning overland, as several of us thought to do, rather
than sail round about. But at this time, we of Captain Swan's
ship designing farther to the north-west and Captain Townley
going back, we committed these our Indian friends to his care to
carry them home. So here we parted; he to the eastward and we to
the westward, intending to search as far to the westward as the
Spaniards were settled.
It was the 7th day of January in the morning when we sailed
from this pleasant valley. The wind was at north-east and the
weather fair. At eleven o'clock the sea-wind came at north-west.
Before night we passed by Point Pontique; this is the west point
of the bay of the valley of Valderas and is distant from Cape
Corrientes 10 leagues. This point is in latitude 20 degrees 50
minutes north; it is high, round, rocky, and barren. At a
distance it appears like an island.
THE POINT AND ISLES OF PONTIQUE. OTHER ISLES OF CHAMETLY.
A league to the west of this point are two small barren
islands, called the islands of Pontique. There are several high,
sharp, white rocks that lie scattering about them: we passed
between these rocky islands on the left and the Main on the
right, for there is no danger. The sea-coast beyond this point
runs northward for about 18 leagues, making many ragged points
with small sandy bays between them. The land by the seaside is
low and pretty woody; but in the country full of high, sharp,
barren, rugged, unpleasant hills.
The 14th day we had sight of a small white rock, which appears
very much like a ship under sail. This rock is in latitude 21
degrees 15 minutes. It is three leagues from the Main. There is a
good channel between it and the Main where you will have 12 or 14
fathom water near the island; but running nearer the Main you
will have gradual soundings till you come in with the shore. At
night we anchored in six fathom water near a league from the Main
in good oazy ground. We caught a great many cat-fish here and at
several places on this coast, both before and after this.
From this island the land runs more northerly, making a fair
sandy bay; but the sea falls in with such violence on the shore
that there is no landing, but very good anchoring on all the
coast, and gradual soundings. About a league off shore you will
have six fathom, and four mile off shore you will have seven
fathom water. We came to an anchor every evening; and in the
mornings we sailed off with the land-wind, which we found at
north-east, and the sea-breezes at north-west.
The 20th day we anchored about three miles on the east side of
the islands Chametly, different from those of that name before
mentioned; for these are six small islands in latitude 23 degrees
11 minutes, a little to the south of the Tropic of Cancer, and
about 3 leagues from the Main, where a salt lake has its outlet
into the sea. These isles are of an indifferent height: some of
them have a few shrubby bushes; the rest are bare of any sort of
wood. They are rocky round by the sea, only one or two of them
have sandy bays on the north side. There is a sort of fruit
growing on these islands called penguins; and it is all the fruit
they have.
THE PENGUIN-FRUIT, THE YELLOW AND THE RED.
The penguin-fruit is of two sorts, the yellow and the red. The
yellow penguin grows on a green stem, as big as a man's arm,
above a foot high from the ground: the leaves of this stalk are
half a foot long and an inch broad; the edges full of sharp
prickles. The fruit grows at the head of the stalk in two or
three great clusters, 16 or 20 in a cluster. The fruit is as big
as a pullet's egg, of a round form, and in colour yellow. It has
a thick skin or rind, and the inside is full of small black seeds
mixed among the fruit. It is sharp pleasant fruit. The red
penguin is of the bigness and colour of a small dry onion, and is
in shape much like a ninepin; for it grows not on a stalk, or
stem, as the other, but one end on the ground, the other standing
upright. Sixty or seventy grow thus together as close as they can
stand one by another, and all from the same root or cluster of
roots. These penguins are encompassed or fenced with long leaves
about a foot and a half or two foot long, and prickly like the
former; and the fruit too is much alike. They are both wholesome
and never offend the stomach; but those that eat many will find a
heat or tickling in their fundament. They grow so plentifully in
the Bay of Campeachy that there is no passing for their high
prickly leaves.
SEALS HERE.
There are some iguanas on these islands but no other sort of
land-animal. The bays about the islands are sometimes visited
with seal; and this was the first place where I had seen any of
these animals on the north side of the Equator in these seas. For
the fish on this sandy coast lie most in the lagoons or salt
lakes, and mouths of rivers; but the seals come not so much
there, as I judge: for this being no rocky coast where fish
resort most there seems to be but little food for the seals,
unless they will venture upon cat-fish.
OF THE RIVER OF CULIACAN, AND THE TRADE OF A TOWN THERE WITH
CALIFORNIA.
Captain Swan went away from hence with 100 men in our canoes
to the northward to seek for the river Culiacan, possibly the
same with the river of Pastla, which some maps lay down in the
province or region of Culiacan. This river lies in about 24
degrees north latitude. We were informed that there is a fair
rich Spanish town seated on the east side of it, with savannahs
about it, full of bulls and cows; and that the inhabitants of
this town pass over in boats to the island California where they
fish for pearl.
I have been told since by a Spaniard that said he had been at
the island California, that there are great plenty of
pearl-oysters there, and that the native Indians of California
near the pearl-fishery are mortal enemies to the Spaniards. Our
canoes were absent three or four days and said they had been
above 30 leagues but found no river; that the land by the sea was
low, and all sandy bay; but such a great sea that there was no
landing. They met us in their return in the latitude 23 degrees
30 minutes coasting along shore after them towards Culiacan; so
we returned again to the eastward. This was the farthest that I
was to the north on this coast.
Six or seven leagues north-north-west from the isles of
Chametly there is a small narrow entrance into a lake which runs
about 12 leagues easterly, parallel with the shore, making many
small low mangrove islands. The mouth of this lake is in latitude
about 23 degrees 30 minutes. It is called by the Spaniards Rio de
Sal: for it is a salt lake. There is water enough for boats and
canoes to enter, and smooth landing after you are in. On the west
side of it there is an house and an estancia, or farm of large
cattle. Our men went into the lake and landed and, coming to the
house, found seven or eight bushels of maize: but the cattle were
driven away by the Spaniards, yet there our men took the owner of
the estancia and brought him aboard. He said that the beefs were
driven a great way in the country for fear we should kill them.
While we lay here Captain Swan went into this lake again and
landed 150 men on the north-east side and marched into the
country: about a mile from the landing-place, as they were
entering a dry salina, or salt-pond, they fired at two Indians
that crossed the way before them; one of them, being wounded in
the thigh, fell down and, being examined, he told our men that
there was an Indian town four or five leagues off, and that the
way which they were going would bring them thither. While they
were in discourse with the Indian they were attacked by 100
Spanish horsemen who came with a design to scare them back but
wanted both arms and hearts to do it.
Our men passed on from hence and in their way marched through
a savannah of long dry grass. This the Spaniards set on fire,
thinking to burn them, but that did not hinder our men from
marching forward, though it did trouble them a little. They
rambled for want of guides all this day and part of the next
before they came to the town the Indian spoke of. There they
found a company of Spaniards and Indians who made head against
them, but were driven out of the town after a short dispute. Here
our surgeon and one man more were wounded with arrows but none of
the rest were hurt.
MASSACLAN.
When they came into the town they found two or three Indians
wounded who told them that the name of the town was Massaclan;
that there were a few Spaniards living in it, and the rest were
Indians; that five leagues from this town there were two rich
gold-mines where the Spaniards of Compostella, which is the
chiefest town in these parts, kept many slaves and Indians at
work for gold. Here our men lay that night, and the next morning
packed up all the maize that they could find and brought it on
their backs to the canoes and came aboard.
We lay here till the 2nd of February, and then Captain Swan
went away with about 80 men to the river Rosario; where they
landed and marched to an Indian town of the same name. They found
it about nine mile from the sea; the way to it fair and even.
RIVER AND TOWN OF ROSARIO.
This was a fine little town of about 60 or 70 houses with a
fair church; and it was chiefly inhabited with Indians, they took
prisoners there, which told them that the river Rosario is rich
in gold and that the mines are not above two leagues from the
town. Captain Swan did not think it convenient to go to the mines
but made haste aboard with the maize which he took there, to the
quantity of about 80 or 90 bushels; and which to us, in the
scarcity we were in of provisions, was at that time more valuable
than all the gold in the world; and had he gone to the mines the
Spaniards would probably have destroyed the corn before his
return. The 3rd of February we went with our ships also towards
the river Rosario and anchored the next day against the river's
mouth, seven fathom, good oazy ground, a league from the shore.
This river is in latitude 22 degrees 51 minutes north.
CAPUT CAVALLI, AND ANOTHER HILL.
When you are at an anchor against this river you will see a
round hill, like a sugarloaf, a little way within land, right
over the river, and bearing north-east by north. To the westward
of that hill there is another pretty long hill, called by the
Spaniards Caput Cavalli, or the horse's head.
The 7th day Captain Swan came aboard with the maize which he
got. This was but a small quantity for so many men as we were,
especially considering the place we were in, being strangers, and
having no pilots to direct or guide us into any river; and we
being without all sort of provision, but what we were forced to
get in this manner from the shore.
THE DIFFICULTY OF INTELLIGENCE ON THIS COAST.
And though our pilot-book directed us well enough to find the
rivers, yet for want of guides to carry us to the settlements we
were forced to search two or three days before we could find a
place to land: for, as I have said before, besides the seas being
too rough for landing in many places they have neither boat,
bark, nor canoe that we could ever see or hear of: and therefore
as there are no such landing-places in these rivers as there are
in the North Seas so when we were landed we did not know which
way to go to any town except we accidentally met with a path.
Indeed the Spaniards and Indians whom we had aboard knew the
names of several rivers and towns near them, and knew the towns
when they saw them; but they knew not the way to go to them from
the sea.
THE RIVER OF OLETTA. RIVER OF ST. JAGO. MAXENTELBA ROCK, AND
ZELISCO HILL.
The 8th day Captain Swan sent about 40 men to seek for the
river Oletta which is to the eastward of the river Rosario. The
next day we followed after with the ships, having the wind at
west-north-west and fair weather. In the afternoon our canoes
came again to us for they could not find the river Oletta;
therefore we designed next for the river St. Jago, to the
eastward still. The 11th day in the evening we anchored against
the mouth of the river in seven fathom water, good soft oazy
ground, and about two mile from the shore. There was a high white
rock without us called Maxentelba. This rock at a distance
appears like a ship under sail; it bore from us west-north-west
distant about three leagues. The hill Zelisco bore south-east
which is a very high hill in the country, with a saddle or
bending on the top. The river St. Jago is in latitude 22 degrees
15 minutes. It is one of the principal rivers on this coast;
there is 10 foot water on the bar at low-water but how much it
flows here I know not. The mouth of this river is near half a
mile broad and very smooth entering. Within the mouth it is
broader for there are three or four rivers more meet there and
issue all out together, it is brackish a great way up; yet there
is fresh water to be had by digging or making wells in the sandy
bay, two or three foot deep, just at the mouth of the river.
The 11th day Captain Swan sent 70 men in four canoes into this
river to seek a town; for although we had no intelligence of any
yet the country appearing very promising we did not question but
they would find inhabitants before they returned. They spent two
days in rowing up and down the creeks and rivers; at last they
came to a large field of maize which was almost ripe: they
immediately fell to gathering as fast as they could and intended
to lade the canoes; but, seeing an Indian that was set to watch
the corn, they quitted that troublesome and tedious work, and
seized him and brought him aboard, in hopes by his information to
have some more easy and expedite way of a supply by finding corn
ready cut and dried. He being examined said that there was a town
called Santa Pecaque four leagues from the place where he was
taken; and that if we designed to go thither he would undertake
to be our guide. Captain Swan immediately ordered his men to make
ready and the same evening went away with eight canoes and 140
men, taking the Indian for their guide.
He rowed about five leagues up the river and landed the next
morning. The river at this place was not above pistol-shot wide,
and the banks pretty high on each side and the land plain and
even. He left 23 men to guard the canoes and marched with the
rest to the town. He set out from the canoes at six o'clock in
the morning and reached the town by 10. The way through which he
passed was very plain, part of it woodland, part savannahs. The
savannahs were full of horses, bulls, and cows. The Spaniards
seeing him coming ran all away; so he entered the town without
the least opposition.
SANTA PECAQUE TOWN IN THE RIVER OF ST. JAGO.
This town of Santa Pecaque stands on a plain in a savannah, by
the side of a wood, with many fruit-trees about it. It is but a
small town, but very regular, after the Spanish mode, with a
parade in the midst. The houses fronting the parade had all
balconies: there were two churches; one against the parade, the
other at the end of the town. It is inhabited most with
Spaniards. Their chiefest occupation is husbandry. There are also
some carriers who are employed by the merchants of Compostella to
trade for them to and from the mines.
OF COMPOSTELLA.
Compostella is a rich town about 21 leagues from hence. It is
the chiefest in all this part of the kingdom and is reported to
have 70 white families; which is a great matter in these parts;
for it may be that such a town has not less than 500 families of
copper-coloured people besides the white. The silver mines are
about five or six leagues from Santa Pecaque; where, as we were
told, the inhabitants of Compostella had some hundreds of slaves
at work. The silver here and all over the kingdom of Mexico is
said to be finer and richer in proportion than that of Potosi or
Peru, though the ore be not so abundant; and the carriers of this
town of Santa Pecaque carry the ore to Compostella where it is
refined. These carriers, or sutlers, also furnish the slaves at
the mines with maize, whereof here was great plenty now in the
town designed for that use: here was also sugar, salt, and
salt-fish.
Captain Swan's only business at Santa Pecaque was to get
provision; therefore he ordered his men to divide themselves into
two parts and by turns carry down the provision to the canoes;
one half remaining in the town to secure what they had taken
while the other half were going and coming. In the afternoon they
caught some horses, and the next morning, being the 17th day, 57
men and some horses went laden with maize to the canoes. They
found them and the men left to guard them in good order; though
the Spaniards had given them a small diversion and wounded one
man: but our men of the canoes landed and drove them away. These
that came loaded to the canoes left seven men more there, so that
now they were 30 men to guard the canoes. At night the other
returned; and the 18th day in the morning the half which stayed
the day before at the town took their turn of going with every
man his burden, and 24 horses laden. Before they returned Captain
Swan and his other men at the town caught a prisoner who said
that there were near a thousand men of all colours, Spaniards and
Indians, Negroes and Mulattos, in arms, at a place called St.
Jago, but three leagues off, the chief town on this river; that
the Spaniards were armed with guns and pistols, and the
copper-coloured with swords and lances. Captain Swan, fearing the
ill consequence of separating his small company, was resolved the
next day to march away with the whole party; and therefore he
ordered his men to catch as many horses as they could, that they
might carry the more provision with them.
MANY OF THEM CUT OFF AT SANTA PECAQUE.
Accordingly, the next day being the 19th day of February 1686,
Captain Swan called out his men betimes to be gone; but they
refused to go and said that they would not leave the town till
all the provision was in the canoes: therefore he was forced to
yield to them and suffered half the company to go as before: they
had now 54 horses laden, which Captain Swan ordered to be tied
one to another, and the men to go in two bodies, 25 before, and
as many behind; but the men would go at their own rate, every man
leading his horse. The Spaniards, observing their manner of
marching, had laid an ambush about a mile from the town, which
they managed with such success that, falling on our body of men
who were guarding the corn to the canoes, they killed them every
one. Captain Swan, hearing the report of their guns, ordered his
men, who were then in the town with him, to march out to their
assistance; but some opposed him, despising their enemies, till
two of the Spaniards' horses that had lost their riders came
galloping into the town in a great fright, both bridled and
saddled, with each a pair of holsters by their sides, and one had
a carbine newly discharged; which was an apparent token that our
men had been engaged, and that by men better armed than they
imagined they should meet with. Therefore Captain Swan
immediately marched out of the town and his men all followed him;
and when he came to the place where the engagement had been he
saw all his men that went out in the morning lying dead. They
were stripped and so cut and mangled that he scarce knew one man.
Captain Swan had not more men then with him than those were who
lay dead before him, yet the Spaniards never came to oppose him
but kept at a great distance; for it is probable the Spaniards
had not cut off so many men of ours, but with the loss of a great
many of their own. So he marched down to the canoes and came
aboard the ship with the maize that was already in the canoes. We
had about 50 men killed, and among the rest my ingenious friend
Mr. Ringrose was one, who wrote that part of the History of the
Buccaneers which relates to Captain Sharp. He was at this time
cape-merchant, or supercargo of Captain Swan's ship. He had no
mind to this voyage; but was necessitated to engage in it or
starve.
This loss discouraged us from attempting anything more
hereabouts. Therefore Captain Swan proposed to go to Cape San
Lucas on California to careen. He had two reasons for this:
first, that he thought he could lie there secure from the
Spaniards, and next, that if he could get a commerce with the
Indians there he might make a discovery in the Lake of
California, and by their assistance try for some of the plate of
New Mexico.
OF CALIFORNIA; WHETHER AN ISLAND OR NOT: AND OF THE NORTH-WEST
AND NORTH-EAST PASSAGE.
This Lake of California (for so the sea, channel or strait,
between that and the continent, is called) is but little known to
the Spaniards, by what I could ever learn; for their charts do
not agree about it. Some of them do make California an island,
but give no manner of account of the tides flowing in the lake,
or what depth of water there is, or of the harbours, rivers, or
creeks, that border on it: whereas on the west side of the island
towards the Asiatic coast their pilot-book gives an account of
the coast from Cape San Lucas to 40 degrees north. Some of their
charts newly made do make California to join to the Main. I do
believe that the Spaniards do not care to have this lake
discovered for fear lest other European nations should get
knowledge of it and by that means visit the mines of New Mexico.
We heard that not long before our arrival here the Indians in the
province of New Mexico made an insurrection and destroyed most of
the Spaniards there, but that some of them, flying towards the
Gulf or Lake of California, made canoes in that lake and got safe
away; though the Indians of the lake of California seem to be at
perfect enmity with the Spaniards. We had an old intelligent
Spaniard now aboard who said that he spoke with a friar that made
his escape among them.
New Mexico, by report of several English prisoners there and
Spaniards I have met with, lies north-west from Old Mexico
between 4 and 500 leagues, and the biggest part of the treasure
which is found in this kingdom is in that province; but without
doubt there are plenty of mines in other parts as well in this
part of the kingdom where we now were as in other places; and
probably on the Main bordering on the lake of California;
although not yet discovered by the Spaniards, who have mines
enough, and therefore, as yet, have no reason to discover
more.
A METHOD PROPOSED FOR DISCOVERY OF THE NORTH-WEST AND
NORTH-EAST PASSAGES.
In my opinion here might be very advantageous discoveries made
by any that would attempt it: for the Spaniards have more than
they can well manage. I know yet they would lie like the dog in
the manger; although not able to eat themselves yet they would
endeavour to hinder others. But the voyage thither being so far I
take that to be one reason that has hindered the discoveries of
these parts: yet it is possible that a man may find a nearer way
hither than we came; I mean by the north-west.
I know there have been divers attempts made about a north-west
passage, and all unsuccessful: yet I am of opinion that such a
passage may be found. All our countrymen that have gone to
discover the north-west passage have endeavoured to pass to the
westward, beginning their search along Davis's or Hudson's Bay.
But if I was to go on this discovery I would go first into the
South Seas, bend my course from thence along by California, and
that way seek a passage back into the West Seas. For as others
have spent the summer in first searching on this more known side
nearer home, and so, before they got through, the time of the
year obliged them to give over their search, and provide for a
long course back again for fear of being left in the winter; on
the contrary I would search first on the less known coast of the
South Sea side, and then as the year passed away I should need no
retreat, for I should come farther into my knowledge if I
succeeded in my attempt, and should be without that dread and
fear which the others must have in passing from the known to the
unknown: who, for aught I know, gave over their search just as
they were on the point of accomplishing their desires.
I would take the same method if I was to go to discover the
north-east passage. I would winter about Japan, Korea, or the
north-east part of China; and, taking the spring and summer
before me, I would make my first trial on the coast of Tartary,
wherein if I succeeded I should come into some known parts and
have a great deal of time before me to reach Archangel or some
other port. Captain Wood indeed says this north-east passage is
not to be found for ice: but how often do we see that sometimes
designs have been given over as impossible, and at another time,
and by other ways, those very things have been accomplished; but
enough of this.
ISLE OF SANTA MARIA.
The next day after that fatal skirmish near Santa Pecaque
Captain Swan ordered all our water to be filled and to get ready
to sail. The 21st day we sailed from hence, directing our course
towards California: we had the wind at north-west and
west-north-west a small gale with a great sea out of the west. We
passed by three islands called the Marias. After we passed these
islands we had much wind at north-north-west and north-west, and
at north with thick rainy weather. We beat till the 6th day of
February, but it was against a brisk wind and proved labour in
vain. For we were now within reach of the land trade-wind, which
was opposite to us: but would we go to California upon the
discovery or otherwise we should bear sixty or seventy leagues
off from the shore; where we should avoid the land-winds and have
the benefit of the true easterly trade-wind.
Finding therefore that we got nothing, but rather lost ground,
being then 21 degrees 5 minutes north, we steered away more to
the eastward again for the islands Marias, and the 7th day we
came to an anchor at the east end of the middle island in eight
fathom water, good clean sand.
The Marias are three uninhabited islands in latitude 21
degrees 40 minutes. They are distant from Cape San Lucas on
California forty leagues bearing east-south-east, and they are
distant from Cape Corrientes twenty leagues, bearing upon the
same points of the compass with Cape San Lucas. They stretch
north-west and south-east about fourteen leagues. There are two
or three small high rocks near them: the westermost of them is
the biggest island of the three; and they are all three of an
indifferent height. The soil is stony and dry; the land in most
places is covered with a shrubby sort of wood, very thick and
troublesome to pass through. In some places there is plenty of
straight large cedars, though, speaking of the places where I
have found cedars, Chapter 3, I forgot to mention this place. The
Spaniards make mention of them in other places but I speak of
those which I have seen.
A PRICKLY PLANT.
All round by the seaside it is sandy; and there is produced a
green prickly plant whose leaves are much like the penguin-leaf,
and the root like the root of a sempervive but much larger. This
root being baked in an oven is good to eat: and the Indians on
California, as I have been informed, have great part of their
subsistence from these roots. We made an oven in a sandy bank and
baked of these roots and I ate of them: but none of us greatly
cared for them. They taste exactly like the roots of our English
burdock boiled, of which I have eaten. Here are plenty of iguanas
and raccoons (a large sort of rat) and Indian conies, and
abundance of large pigeons and turtle-doves. The sea is also
pretty well stored with fish, and turtle or tortoise, and seal.
This is the second place on this coast where I did see any seal:
and this place helps to confirm what I have observed, that they
are seldom seen but where there is plenty of fish. Captain Swan
gave the middle island the name of Prince George's Island.
CAPTAIN SWAN PROPOSES A VOYAGE TO THE EAST INDIES.
The 8th day we ran near the island and anchored in five
fathom, and moored head and stern and unrigged both ship and bark
in order to careen. Here Captain Swan proposed to go into the
East Indies. Many were well pleased with the voyage; but some
thought, such was their ignorance, that he would carry them out
of the world; for about two-thirds of our men did not think there
was any such way to be found; but at last he gained their
consents.
At our first coming hither we did eat nothing but seal; but
after the first two or three days our strikers brought aboard
turtle every day; on which we fed all the time that we lay here,
and saved our maize for our voyage. Here also we measured all our
maize, and found we had about eighty bushels. This we divided
into three parts; one for the bark and two for the ship; our men
were divided also, a hundred men aboard the ship, and fifty
aboard the bark, besides three or four slaves in each.
I had been a long time sick of a dropsy, a distemper whereof,
as I said before, many of our men died; so here I was laid and
covered all but my head in the hot sand: I endured it near half
an hour, and then was taken out and laid to sweat in a tent. I
did sweat exceedingly while I was in the sand, and I do believe
it did me much good for I grew well soon after.
VALLEY OF VALDERAS AGAIN, AND CAPE CORRIENTES.
We stayed here till the 26th day, and then, both vessels being
clean, we sailed to the valley of Valderas to water, for we could
not do it here now. In the wet season indeed here is water
enough, for the brooks then run down plentifully; but now, though
there was water, yet it was bad filling, it being a great way to
fetch it from the holes where it lodged. The 28th day we anchored
in the bottom of the bay in the valley of Valderas, right against
the river, where we watered before; but this river was brackish
now in the dry season; and therefore we went two or three leagues
nearer Cape Corrientes and anchored by a small round island, not
half a mile from the shore. The island is about four leagues to
the northward of the cape; and the brook where we filled our
water is just within the island, upon the Main. Here our strikers
struck nine or ten jew-fish; some we did eat, and the rest we
salted; and the 29th day we filled thirty-two tuns of very good
water.
THE REASON OF THEIR ILL SUCCESS ON THE MEXICAN COAST, AND
DEPARTURE THENCE FOR THE EAST INDIES.
Having thus provided ourselves we had nothing more to do but
to put in execution our intended expedition to the East Indies,
in hopes of some better success there than we had met with on
this little-frequented coast. We came on it full of expectations;
for besides the richness of the country and the probability of
finding some sea ports worth visiting, we persuaded ourselves
that there must needs be shipping and trade here, and that
Acapulco and La Vera Cruz were to the kingdom of Mexico what
Panama and Portobello are to that of Peru, namely, marts for
carrying on a constant commerce between the South and North Seas,
as indeed they are. But whereas we expected that this commerce
should be managed by sea we found ourselves mistaken: that of
Mexico being almost wholly a land trade, and managed more by
mules than by ships: so that instead of profit we met with little
on this coast besides fatigues, hardships and losses, and so were
the more easily induced to try what better fortune we might have
in the East Indies. But to do right to Captain Swan he had no
intention to be as a privateer in the East Indies; but, as he has
often assured me with his own mouth, he resolved to take the
first opportunity of returning to England: so that he feigned a
compliance with some of his men who were bent upon going to
cruise at Manila, that he might have leisure to take some
favourable opportunity of quitting the privateer trade.
Chapter X
Their Departure from Cape Corrientes for the Ladrone Islands, and the East Indies.
I have given an account in the last chapter of the resolutions
we took of going over to the East Indies. But, having more calmly
considered on the length of our voyage from hence to Guam, one of
the Ladrone Islands, which is the first place that we could touch
at, and there also being not certain to find provisions, most of
our men were almost daunted at the thoughts of it; for we had not
sixty days' provision, at a little more than half a pint of maize
a day for each man, and no other provision except three meals of
salted jew-fish; and we had a great many rats aboard, which we
could not hinder from eating part of our maize. Beside, the great
distance between Cape Corrientes and Guam: which is variously set
down. The Spaniards, who have the greatest reason to know best,
make it to be between 2300 and 2400 leagues; our books also
reckon it differently, between 90 and 100 degrees, which all
comes short indeed of 2000 leagues; but even that was a voyage
enough to frighten us, considering our scanty provisions. Captain
Swan, to encourage his men to go with him, persuaded them that
the English books did give the best account of the distance; his
reasons were many, although but weak. He urged among the rest
that Sir Thomas Cavendish and Sir Francis Drake did run it in
less than fifty days, and that he did not question but that our
ships were better sailers than those which were built in that
age, and that he did not doubt to get there in little more than
forty days: this being the best time in the year for breezes,
which undoubtedly is the reason that the Spaniards set out from
Acapulco about this time; and that although they are sixty days
in their voyage it is because they are great ships deep laden,
and very heavy sailers; besides, they wanting nothing, are in no
great haste in their way, but sail with a great deal of their
usual caution. And when they come near the island Guam they lie
by in the night for a week before they make land. In prudence we
also should have contrived to lie by in the night when we came
near land, for otherwise we might have run ashore, or have
out-sailed the islands and lost sight of them before morning. But
our bold adventurers seldom proceed with such wariness when in
any straits.
But of all Captain Swan's arguments that which prevailed most
with them was his promising them, as I have said, to cruise off
the Manilas. So he and his men being now agreed, and they
encouraged with the hope of gain, which works its way through all
difficulties, we set out from Cape Corrientes March the 31st
1686. We were two ships in company, Captain Swan's ship and a
bark commanded under Captain Swan by Captain Teat, and we were
150 men, 100 aboard of the ship, and 50 aboard the bark, besides
slaves, as I said.
THEIR COURSE THITHER, AND ACCIDENTS BY THE WAY: WITH A TABLE
OF EACH DAY'S RUN, ETC.
We had a small land-wind at east-north-east which carried us
three or four leagues, then the sea-wind came at west-north-west
a fresh gale, so we steered away south-west. By six o'clock in
the evening we were about nine leagues south-west from the cape,
then we met a land-wind which blew fresh all night; and the next
morning about 10 o'clock we had the sea-breeze at
north-north-east so that at noon we were thirty leagues from the
cape. It blew a fresh gale of wind which carried us off into the
true trade-wind (of the difference of which trade-winds I shall
speak in the Chapter of Winds in the Appendix) for although the
constant sea-breeze near the shore is at west-north-west yet the
true trade off at sea, when you are clear of the land-winds, is
at east-north-east. At first we had it at north-north-east so it
came about northerly, and then to the east as we ran off. At 250
leagues distance from the shore we had it at east-north-east and
there it stood till we came within forty leagues of Guam. When we
had eaten up our three meals of salted jew-fish in so many days
time we had nothing but our small allowance of maize.
After the 31st day of March we made great runs every day,
having very fair clear weather and a fresh trade-wind, which we
made use of with all our sails, and we made many good
observations of the sun. At our first setting out we steered into
the latitude of 13 degrees which is near the latitude of Guam;
then we steered west, keeping in that latitude. By that time we
had sailed twenty days, our men seeing we had made such great
runs, and the wind like to continue, repined because they were
kept at such short allowance. Captain Swan endeavoured to
persuade them to have a little patience; yet nothing but an
augmentation of their daily allowance would appease them. Captain
Swan, though with much reluctance, gave way to a small
enlargement of our commons, for now we had about ten spoonfuls of
boiled maize a man, once a day, whereas before we had but eight:
I do believe that this short allowance did me a great deal of
good, though others were weakened by it; for I found that my
strength increased and my dropsy wore off. Yet I drank three
times every twenty-four hours; but many of our men did not drink
in nine or ten days' time and some not in twelve days; one of our
men did not drink in seventeen days' time, and said he was not
adry when he did drink; yet he made water every day more or less.
One of our men in the midst of these hardships was found guilty
of theft, and condemned for the same to have three blows from
each man in the ship, with a two inch and a half rope on his bare
back. Captain Swan began first, and struck with a good will;
whose example was followed by all of us.
MAP OF THE EAST INDIES.
It was very strange that in all this voyage we did not see one
fish, not so much as a flying-fish, nor any sort of fowl, but at
one time, when we were by my account 4975 miles west from Cape
Corrientes, then we saw a great number of boobies which we
supposed came from some rocks not far from us, which were
mentioned in some of our sea-charts, but we did not see them.
After we had run the 1900 leagues by our reckoning which made
the English account to Guam the men began to murmur against
Captain Swan for persuading them to come this voyage; but he gave
them fair words and told them that the Spanish account might
probably be the truest and, seeing the gale was likely to
continue, a short time longer would end our troubles.
As we drew nigh the island we met with some small rain, and
the clouds settling in the west were an apparent token that we
were not far from land; for in these climates, between or near
the tropics, where the trade-wind blows constantly, the clouds
which fly swift overhead, yet seem near the limb of the horizon
to hang without much motion or alteration, where the land is
near. I have often taken notice of it, especially if it is high
land, for you shall then have the clouds hang about it without
any visible motion.
The 20th day of May, our bark being about three leagues ahead
of our ship, sailed over a rocky shoal on which there was but
four fathom water and abundance of fish swimming about the rocks.
They imagined by this that the land was not far off; so they
clapped on a wind with the bark's head to the north and, being
past the shoal, lay by for us. When we came up with them Captain
Teat came aboard us and related what he had seen. We were then in
latitude 12 degrees 55 minutes steering west. The island Guam is
laid down in latitude 13 degrees north by the Spaniards, who are
masters of it, keeping it as a baiting-place as they go to the
Philippine Islands. Therefore we clapped on a wind and stood to
northward, being somewhat troubled and doubtful whether we were
right, because there is no shoal laid down in the Spanish charts
about the island Guam. At four o'clock, to our great joy, we saw
the island Guam at about eight leagues distance.
It was well for Captain Swan that we got sight of it before
our provision was spent, of which we had but enough for three
days more; for, as I was afterwards informed, the men had
contrived first to kill Captain Swan and eat him when the
victuals was gone, and after him all of us who were accessory in
promoting the undertaking this voyage. This made Captain Swan say
to me after our arrival at Guam, "Ah! Dampier, you would have
made them but a poor meal;" for I was as lean as the captain was
lusty and fleshy. The wind was at east-north-east and the land
bore at north-north-east. Therefore we stood to the northward
till we brought the island to bear east, and then we turned to
get in to an anchor.
The account I have given hitherto of our course from Cape
Corrientes in the kingdom of Mexico (for I have mentioned another
cape of that name in Peru, south of the Bay of Panama) to Guam,
one of the Ladrone Islands, has been in the gross. But for the
satisfaction of those who may think it serviceable to the fixing
the longitudes of these parts, or to any other use in geography
or navigation, I have here subjoined a particular Table of every
day's run, which was as follows:
Now the island Guam bore north-north-east eight leagues
distance. This gives 22 minutes to my latitude and takes 9 from
my meridian distance. So that the island is in latitude 13:21;
and the meridian distance from Corrientes 7302 miles; which,
reduced into degrees, makes 125 degrees 11 minutes.
The Table consists of seven columns. The first is of the days
of the month. The 2nd column contains each day's course, or the
point of the compass we ran upon. The 3rd gives the distance or
length of such course in Italian or geometrical miles (at the
rate of 60 to a degree) or the progress the ship makes every day;
and is reckoned always from noon to noon. But because the course
is not always made upon the same run in a direct line therefore
the 4th and 5th columns show how many miles we ran to the south
every day, and how many to the west; which last was our main run
in this voyage. By the 17th of April we were got pretty near into
the latitude Guam, and, our course then lying along that
parallel, our northing and southing consequently were but little
according as the ship deviated from its direct course; and such
deviation is thenceforward expressed by north or south in the 5th
column, and the ship's keeping straight on the west-rumb by 0,
that is to say, no northing or southing. The 6th column shows the
latitude we were in every day where R. signifies the dead
reckoning by the running of the logs, and Ob. shows the latitude
by observation. The 7th column shows the wind and weather.
To these I would have added an 8th column to show the
variation of the needle; but as it was very small in this course
so neither did we make any observation of it above once, after we
were set out from the Mexican coast. At our departure from Cape
Corrientes we found it to be 4 degrees 28 minutes easterly: and
the observation we made of it afterwards, when we had gone about
a third of the voyage, showed it to be so near the same, to be
decreasing: neither did we observe it at Guam, for Captain Swan,
who had the instruments in his cabin, did not seem much to regard
it: yet I am inclined to think that at Guam the variation might
be either none at all or even increasing to the westward.
To conclude, May 20th at noon (when we begin to call it 21st)
we were in latitude 12 degrees 50 minutes north by R. having run
since the noon before 134 miles directly west. We continued the
same course till two that afternoon, for which I allow 10 miles
more west still, and then, finding the parallel we ran upon to be
too much southerly, we clapped on a wind and sailed directly
north till five in the afternoon, having at that time run eight
mile, and increased our latitude so many minutes, making it 12
degrees 58 minutes. We then saw the island Guam bearing
north-north-east distant from us about eight leagues, which gives
the latitude of the island 13 degrees 20 minutes. And according
to the account foregoing its longitude is 125 degrees 11 minutes
west from the Cape Corrientes on the coast of Mexico, allowing 58
or 59 Italian miles to a degree in these latitudes, at the common
rate of 60 miles to a degree of the Equator, as before
computed.
OF THE DIFFERENT ACCOUNTS OF THE BREADTH OF THESE SEAS.
As a corollary from hence it will follow that, upon a supposal
of the truth of the general allowance seamen make of 60 Italian
miles to an equinoctial degree, that the South Sea must be of a
greater breadth by 25 degrees than it's commonly reckoned by
hydrographers, who make it only about 100, more or less. For
since we found (as I shall have occasion to say) the distance
from Guam to the eastern parts of Asia to be much the same with
the common reckoning it follows by way of necessary consequence
from hence that the 25 degrees of longitude, or thereabouts,
which are under-reckoned in the distance between America and the
East Indies westward are over-reckoned in the breadth of Asia and
Africa, the Atlantic Sea, or the American continent, or all
together; and so that tract of the terraqueous globe must be so
much shortened. And for a further confirmation of the fact I
shall add that, as to the Ethiopic or Indian Sea, its breadth
must be considerably less than it is generally calculated to be
if it be true what I have heard over and over from several able
seamen, whom I have conversed with in these parts, that ships
sailing from the Cape of Good Hope to New Holland (as many ships
bound to Java or thereabouts keep that latitude) find themselves
there (and sometimes to their cost) running aground when they
have thought themselves to be a great way off; and it is from
hence possibly that the Dutch call that part of this coast the
Land of Indraught (as if it magnetically drew ships too fast to
it) and give cautions to avoid it: but I rather think it is the
nearness of the land than any whirlpool or the like that
surprises them. As to the breadth of the Atlantic Sea I am from
good hands assured that it is over-reckoned by six, seven, eight,
or ten degrees; for besides the concurrent accounts of several
experienced men who have confirmed the same to me, Mr. Canby
particularly, who has sailed as a mate in a great many voyages,
from Cape Lopez on the coast of Guinea to Barbados, and is much
esteemed as a very sensible man, has often told me that he
constantly found the distance to be between 60 and 62 degrees;
whereas it is laid down in 68, 69, 70, and 72 degrees in the
common charts.
As to the supposition itself, which our seamen make, in the
allowing but 60 miles to a degree, I am not ignorant how much
this has been canvassed of late years especially, and that the
prevailing opinion has been that about 70 or upwards should be
allowed. But till I can see some better grounds for the exactness
of those trials that have been made on land by Mr. Norwood and
others considering the inequality of the Earth's surface as well
as the obliquity of the way; in their allowing for which I am
somewhat doubtful of their measures. Upon the whole matter I
cannot but adhere to the general sea-calculation, confirmed as to
the main by daily experience, till some more certain estimate
shall be made than those hitherto attempted. For we find
ourselves, when we sail north or south, to be brought to our
intended place in a time agreeable enough with what we expect
upon the usual supposition, making all reasonable allowance, for
the little unavoidable deviations east or west: and there seems
no reason why the same estimate should not serve us in crossing
the meridians which we find so true in sailing under them. As to
this course of ours to Guam particularly we should rather
increase than shorten our estimate of the length of it,
considering that the easterly wind and current being so strong,
and bearing therefore our log after us, as is usual in such
cases; should we therefore, in casting up the run of the log,
make allowance for so much space as the log itself drove after us
(which is commonly three or four miles in 100 in so brisk a gale
as this was) we must have reckoned more than 125 degrees; but in
this voyage we made no such allowance: (though it be usual to do
it) so that how much soever this computation of mine exceeds the
common charts, yet it is of the shortest, according to our
experiment and calculation.
GUAM, ONE OF THE LADRONE ISLANDS.
But to proceed with our voyage: the island Guam or Guabon (as
the native Indians pronounce it) is one of the Ladrone Islands,
belongs to the Spaniards, who have a small fort with six guns in
it, with a governor and 20 or 30 soldiers. They keep it for the
relief and refreshment of their Philippine ships that touch here
in their way from Acapulco to Manila, but the winds will not so
easily let them take this way back again. The Spaniards of late
have named Guam the island Maria; it is about 12 leagues long,
and four broad, lying north and south. It is pretty high champion
land.
The 21st day of May 1686 at 11 o'clock in the evening we
anchored near the middle of the island Guam, on the west side a
mile from the shore. At a distance it appears flat and even, but
coming near it you will find it stands shelving, and the east
side, which is much the highest, is fenced with steep rocks that
oppose the violence of the sea which continually rages against
it, being driven with the constant trade-wind, and on that side
there is no anchoring. The west side is pretty low, and full of
small sandy bays, divided with as many rocky points. The soil of
the island is reddish, dry and indifferent fruitful. The fruits
are chiefly rice, pineapples, watermelons, musk-melons, oranges
and limes, coconuts, and a sort of fruit called by us
bread-fruit.
THE COCONUT-TREE, FRUIT, ETC.
The coconut-trees grow by the sea on the western side in great
groves, three or four miles in length and a mile or two broad.
This tree is in shape like the cabbage-tree, and at a distance
they are not to be known each from other, only the coconut-tree
is fuller of branches; but the cabbage-tree generally is much
higher, though the coconut-trees in some places are very
high.
The nut or fruit grows at the head of the tree among the
branches and in clusters, 10 or 12 in a cluster. The branch to
which they grow is about the bigness of a man's arm and as long,
running small towards the end. It is of a yellow colour, full of
knots, and very tough. The nut is generally bigger than a man's
head. The outer rind is near two inches thick before you come to
the shell; the shell itself is black, thick, and very hard. The
kernel in some nuts is near an inch thick, sticking to the inside
of the shell clear round, leaving a hollow in the middle of it
which contains about a pint, more or less, according to the
bigness of the nut, for some are much bigger than others.
This cavity is full of sweet, delicate, wholesome and
refreshing water. While the nut is growing all the inside is full
of this water, without any kernel at all; but as the nut grows
towards its maturity the kernel begins to gather and settle round
on the inside of the shell and is soft like cream; and as the nut
ripens it increases in substance and becomes hard. The ripe
kernel is sweet enough but very hard to digest, therefore seldom
eaten, unless by strangers, who know not the effects of it; but
while it is young and soft like pap some men will eat it,
scraping it out with a spoon after they have drunk the water that
was within it. I like the water best when the nut is almost ripe
for it is then sweetest and briskest.
When these nuts are ripe and gathered the outside rind becomes
of a brown rusty colour so that one would think that they were
dead and dry; yet they will sprout out like onions after they
have been hanging in the sun three or four months or thrown about
in a house or ship, and if planted afterward in the earth they
will grow up to a tree. Before they thus sprout out there is a
small spongy round knob grows in the inside, which we call an
apple. This at first is no bigger than the top of one's finger,
but increases daily, sucking up the water till it is grown so big
as to fill up the cavity of the coconut, and then it begins to
sprout forth. By this time the nut that was hard begins to grow
oily and soft, thereby giving passage to the sprout that springs
from the apple, which nature has so contrived that it points to
the hole in the shell (of which there are three, till it grows
ripe, just where it's fastened by its stalk to the tree; but one
of these holes remains open, even when it is ripe) through which
it creeps and spreads forth its branches. You may let these
teeming nuts sprout out a foot and a half or two foot high before
you plant them, for they will grow a great while like an onion
out of their own substance.
THE TODDY, OR ARAK THAT DISTILS FROM IT; WITH OTHER USES THAT
ARE MADE OF IT.
Beside the liquor or water in the fruit there is also a sort
of wine drawn from the tree called toddy, which looks like whey.
It is sweet and very pleasant, but it is to be drunk within 24
hours after it is drawn, for afterwards it grows sour. Those that
have a great many trees draw a spirit from the sour wine called
arak. Arak is distilled also from rice and other things in the
East Indies; but none is so much esteemed for making punch as
this sort, made of toddy, or the sap of the coconut tree, for it
makes most delicate punch; but it must have a dash of Brandy to
hearten it because this arak is not strong enough to make good
punch of itself. This sort of liquor is chiefly used about Goa;
and therefore it has the name of Goa arak. The way of drawing the
toddy from the tree is by cutting the top of a branch that would
bear nuts but before it has any fruit; and from thence the liquor
which was to feed its fruit distils into the hole of a calabash
that is hung upon it.
This branch continues running almost as long as the fruit
would have been growing, and then it dries away. The tree has
usually three fruitful branches which, if they be all tapped
thus, then the tree bears no fruit that year; but if one or two
only be tapped the other will bear fruit all the while. The
liquor which is thus drawn is emptied out of the calabash duly
morning and evening so long as it continues running, and is sold
every morning and evening in most towns in the East Indies, and
great gain is produced from it even this way; but those that
distil it and make arak reap the greatest profit. There is also
great profit made of the fruit, both of the nut and the
shell.
The kernel is much used in making broth. When the nut is dry
they take off the husk and, giving two good blows on the middle
of the nut, it breaks in two equal parts, letting the water fall
on the ground; then with a small iron rasp made for the purpose
the kernel or nut is rasped out clean, which, being put into a
little fresh water, makes it become white as milk. In this milky
water they boil a fowl, or any other sort of flesh, and it makes
very savoury broth. English seamen put this water into boiled
rice, which they eat instead of rice-milk, carrying nuts
purposely to sea with them. This they learnt from the
natives.
But the greatest use of the kernel is to make oil, both for
burning and for frying. The way to make the oil is to grate or
rasp the kernel, and steep it in fresh water; then boil it, and
scum off the oil at top as it rises: but the nuts that make the
oil ought to be a long time gathered so as that the kernel may be
turning soft and oily.
The shell of this nut is used in the East Indies for cups,
dishes, ladles, spoons, and in a manner for all eating and
drinking vessels. Well-shaped nuts are often brought home to
Europe and much esteemed.
COIR CABLES.
The husk of the shell is of great use to make cables; for the
dry husk is full of small strings and threads which, being
beaten, become soft, and the other substance which was mixed
among it falls away like sawdust, leaving only the strings. These
are afterwards spun into long yarns, and twisted up into balls
for convenience: and many of these rope-yarns joined together
make good cables. This manufactory is chiefly used at the Maldive
Islands, and the threads sent in balls into all places that trade
thither purposely for to make cables. I made a cable at Achin
with some of it. These are called coir cables; they will last
very well. But there is another sort of coir cables (as they are
called) that are black, and more strong and lasting; and are made
of strings that grow like horse-hair at the heads of certain
trees almost like the coconut-tree. This sort comes most from the
island Timor. In the South Seas the Spaniards do make oakum to
caulk their ships with the husk of the coconut, which is more
serviceable than that made of hemp, and they say it will never
rot. I have been told by Captain Knox, who wrote the relation of
Ceylon, that in some places of India they make a sort of coarse
cloth of the husk of the coconut which is used for sails. I
myself have seen a sort of coarse sail-cloth made of such a kind
of substance but whether the same or no I know not.
I have been the longer on this subject to give the reader a
particular account of the use and profit of a vegetable which is
possibly of all others the most generally serviceable to the
conveniences as well as the necessities of human life. Yet this
tree that is of such great use, and esteemed so much in the East
Indies, is scarce regarded in the West Indies, for want of the
knowledge of the benefit which it may produce. And it is partly
for the sake of my countrymen in our American plantations that I
have spoken so largely of it. For the hot climates there are a
very proper soil for it: and indeed it is so hardy, both in the
raising it and when grown, that it will thrive as well in dry
sandy ground as in rich land. I have found them growing very well
in low sandy islands (on the west of Sumatra) that are
over-flowed with the sea every spring-tide; and though the nuts
there are not very big yet this is no loss for the kernel is
thick and sweet; and the milk, or water in the inside, is more
pleasant and sweet than of the nuts that grow in rich ground,
which are commonly large indeed, but not very sweet. These at
Guam grow in dry ground, are of a middle size, and I think the
sweetest that I did ever taste. Thus much for the coconut.
THE LIME, OR CRAB-LEMON.
The lime is a sort of bastard or crab-lemon. The tree or bush
that bears it is prickly like a thorn, growing full of small
boughs. In Jamaica and other places they make of the lime-bush
fences about gardens, or any other inclosure, by planting the
seeds close together, which, growing up thick, spread abroad and
make a very good hedge. The fruit is like a lemon but smaller;
the rind thin, and the enclosed substance full of juice. The
juice is very tart yet of a pleasant taste if sweetened with
sugar. It is chiefly used for making punch, both in the East and
West Indies, as well ashore as at sea, and much of it is for that
purpose yearly brought home to England from our West India
plantations. It is also used for a particular kind of sauce which
is called pepper-sauce and is made of cod-pepper, commonly called
guinea-pepper, boiled in water and then pickled with salt and
mixed with lime-juice to preserve it. Limes grow plentiful in the
East and West Indies within the tropics.
THE BREAD-FRUIT.
The bread-fruit (as we call it) grows on a large tree, as big
and high as our largest apple-trees. It has a spreading head full
of branches, and dark leaves. The fruit grows on the boughs like
apples: it is as big as a penny loaf when wheat is at five
shillings the bushel. It is of a round shape and has a thick
tough rind. When the fruit is ripe it is yellow and soft; and the
taste is sweet and pleasant. The natives of this island use it
for bread: they gather it when full grown while it is green and
hard; then they bake it in an oven, which scorches the rind and
makes it black: but they scrape off the outside black crust and
there remains a tender thin crust, and the inside is soft,
tender, and white, like the crumb of a penny loaf. There is
neither seed nor stone in the inside, but all is of a pure
substance like bread: it must be eaten new for if it is kept
above 24 hours it becomes dry and eats harsh and choky; but it is
very pleasant before it is too stale. This fruit lasts in season
eight months in the year during which time the natives eat no
other sort of food of bread kind. I did never see of this fruit
anywhere but here. The natives told us that there is plenty of
this fruit growing on the rest of the Ladrone Islands; and I did
never hear of any of it anywhere else.
They have here some rice also but, the island being of a dry
soil and therefore not very proper for it, they do not sow very
much. Fish is scarce about this island; yet on the shoal that our
bark came over there was great plenty and the natives commonly go
thither to fish.
THE NATIVE INDIANS OF GUAM.
The natives of this island are strong-bodied, large-limbed,
and well-shaped. They are copper-coloured like other Indians:
their hair is black and long, their eyes meanly proportioned;
they have pretty high noses; their lips are pretty full and their
teeth indifferent white. They are long-visaged and stern of
countenance; yet we found them to be affable and courteous. They
are many of them troubled with a kind of leprosy. This distemper
is very common at Mindanao: therefore I shall speak more of it in
my next chapter. They of Guam are otherwise very healthy,
especially in the dry season: but in the wet season, which comes
in in June and holds till October, the air is more thick and
unwholesome; which occasions fevers: but the rains are not
violent nor lasting. For the island lies so far westerly from the
Philippine Islands or any other land that the westerly winds do
seldom blow so far; and when they do they do not last long: but
the easterly winds do constantly blow here, which are dry and
healthy; and this island is found to be very healthful, as we
were informed while we lay by it.
THEIR PROAS, A REMARKABLE SORT OF BOATS: AND OF THOSE USED IN
THE EAST INDIES.
The natives are very ingenious beyond any people in making
boats, or proas, as they are called in the East Indies, and
therein they take great delight. These are built sharp at both
ends; the bottom is of one piece, made like the bottom of a
little canoe, very neatly dug, and left of a good substance. This
bottom part is instead of a keel. It is about 26 or 28 foot long;
the under-part of this keel is made round, but inclining to a
wedge, and smooth; and the upper-part is almost flat, having a
very gentle hollow, and is about a foot broad: from hence both
sides of the boat are carried up to about five foot high with
narrow plank, not above four or five inches broad, and each end
of the boat turns up round, very prettily. But, what is very
singular, one side of the boat is made perpendicular, like a
wall, while the other side is rounding, made as other vessels
are, with a pretty full belly. Just in the middle it is about
four or five foot broad aloft, or more, according to the length
of the boat. The mast stands exactly in the middle, with a long
yard that peeps up and down like a mizzen-yard. One end of it
reaches down to the end or head of the boat where it is placed in
a notch that is made there purposely to receive it and keep it
fast. The other end hangs over the stern: to this yard the sail
is fastened. At the foot of the sail there is another small yard
to keep the sail out square and to roll up the sail on when it
blows hard; for it serves instead of a reef to take up the sail
to what degree they please according to the strength of the wind.
Along the belly-side of the boat, parallel with it, at about six
or seven foot distance, lies another small boat, or canoe, being
a log of very light wood, almost as long as the great boat but
not so wide, being not above a foot and a half wide at the upper
part, and very sharp like a wedge at each end. And there are two
bamboos of about eight or 10 foot long and as big as one's leg
placed over the great boat's side, one near each end of it and
reaching about six or seven foot from the side of the boat: by
the help of which, the little boat is made firm and contiguous to
the other. These are generally called by the Dutch, and by the
English from them, outlayers. The use of them is to keep the
great boat upright from oversetting; because the wind here being
in a manner constantly east (or if it were at west it would be
the same thing) and the range of these islands, where their
business lies to and fro, being mostly north and south, they turn
the flat side of the boat against the wind, upon which they sail,
and the belly-side, consequently with its little boat, is upon
the lee: and the vessel having a head at each end so as to sail
with either of them foremost (indifferently) they need not tack
or go about, as all our vessels do, but each end of the boat
serves either for head or stern as they please. When they ply to
windward and are minded to go about he that steers bears away a
little from the wind, by which means the stern comes to the wind;
which is now become the head, only by shifting the end of the
yard. This boat is steered with a broad paddle instead of a
rudder. I have been the more particular in describing these boats
because I do believe they sail the best of any boats in the
world. I did here for my own satisfaction try the swiftness of
one of them; sailing by our log we had 12 knots on our reel, and
she run it all out before the half minute-glass was half out;
which, if it had been no more, is after the rate of 12 mile an
hour; but I do believe she would have run 24 mile an hour. It was
very pleasant to see the little boat running along so swift by
the other's side.
The native Indians are no less dextrous in managing than in
building these boats. By report they will go from hence to
another of the Ladrone Islands about 30 leagues off, and there do
their business and return again in less than 12 hours. I was told
that one of these boats was sent express to Manila, which is
above 400 leagues, and performed the voyage in four days' time.
There are of these proas or boats used in many places of the East
Indies but with a belly and a little boat on each side. Only at
Mindanao I saw one like these with the belly and a little boat
only on one side and the other flat, but not so neatly built.
THE STATE OF GUAM: AND THE PROVISIONS WITH WHICH THEY WERE
FURNISHED THERE.
The Indians of Guam have neat little houses, very handsomely
thatched with palmetto-thatch. They inhabit together in villages
built by the sea on the west side, and have Spanish priests to
instruct them in the Christian religion.
The Spaniards have a small fort on the west side near the
south end, with six guns in it. There is a governor, and 20 or 30
Spanish soldiers. There are no more Spaniards on this island
beside two or three priests. Not long before we arrived here the
natives rose on the Spaniards to destroy them and did kill many:
but the governor with his soldiers at length prevailed and drove
them out of the fort: so when they found themselves disappointed
of their intent they destroyed the plantations and stock and then
went away to other islands: there were then three or 400 Indians
on this island; but now there are not above 100; for all that
were in this conspiracy went away. As for these who yet remain,
if they were not actually concerned in that broil yet their
hearts also are bent against the Spaniards: for they offered to
carry us to the fort and assist us in the conquest of the island;
but Captain Swan was not for molesting the Spaniards here.
Before we came to an anchor here one of the priests came
aboard in the night with three Indians. They first hailed us to
know from whence we came and what we were: to whom answer was
made in Spanish that we were Spaniards and that we came from
Acapulco. It being dark they could not see the make of our ship
nor very well discern what we were: therefore we came aboard but,
perceiving the mistake they were in in taking us for a Spanish
ship they endeavoured to get from us again, but we held their
boat fast and made them come in. Captain Swan received the priest
with much civility and, conducting him into the great cabin,
declared that the reason of our coming to this island was want of
provision, and that he came not in any hostile manner but as a
friend to purchase with his money what he wanted: and therefore
desired the priest to write a letter to the governor to inform
him what we were and on what account we came. For, having him now
aboard, the captain was willing to detain him as an hostage till
we had provision. The padre told Captain Swan that provision was
now scarce on the island but he would engage that the governor
would do his utmost to furnish us.
In the morning the Indians in whose boat or proa the friar
came aboard were sent to the governor with two letters; one from
the friar, and another very obliging one from Captain Swan, and a
present of four yards of scarlet cloth and a piece of broad
silver and gold lace. The governor lives near the south end of
the island on the west side; which was about five leagues from
the place where we were; therefore we did not expect an answer
till the evening, not knowing then how nimble they were.
Therefore when the Indian canoe was dispatched away to the
governor we hoisted out two of our canoes, and sent one a-fishing
and the other ashore for coconuts. Our fishing canoe got nothing;
but the men that went ashore for coconuts came off laden.
About 11 o'clock that same morning the governor of the island
sent a letter to Captain Swan, complimenting him for his present
and promising to support us with as much provision as he could
possibly spare; and as a token of his gratitude he sent a present
of six hogs, of a small sort, most excellent meat, the best I
think, that ever I ate: they are fed with coconuts and their
flesh is as hard as brisket-beef. They were doubtless of that
breed in America which came originally from Spain. He sent also
12 musk-melons, larger than ours in England, and as many
watermelons, both sorts here being a very excellent fruit; and
sent an order to the Indians that lived in a village not far from
our ship to bake every day as much of the bread-fruit as we did
desire, and to assist us in getting as many dry coconuts as we
would have; which they accordingly did, and brought off the
bread-fruit every day hot, as much as we could eat. After this
the governor sent every day a canoe or two with hogs and fruit
and desired for the same powder, shot, and arms; which were sent
according to his request. We had a delicate large English dog
which the governor did desire and had it given him very freely by
the captain, though much against the grain of many of his men,
who had a great value for that dog. Captain Swan endeavoured to
get this governor's letter of recommendation to some merchants at
Manila, for he had then a design to go to Fort St. George, and
from thence intended to trade to Manila: but this his design was
concealed from the company. While we lay here the Acapulco ship
arrived in sight of the island but did not come in the sight of
us; for the governor sent an Indian proa with advice of our being
here. Therefore she stood off to the southward of the island and,
coming foul of the same shoal that our bark had run over before,
was in great danger of being lost there, for she struck off her
rudder and with much ado got clear; but not till after three
days' labour. For though the shoal be so near the island and the
Indians go off and fish there every day yet the master of the
Acapulco ship, who should (one would think) know these parts, was
utterly ignorant of it. This their striking on the shoal we heard
afterward when we were on the coast of Manila; but these Indians
of Guam did speak of her being in sight of the island while we
lay there, which put our men in a great heat to go out after her
but Captain Swan persuaded them out of that humour, for he was
now wholly averse to any hostile action.
The 30th day of May the governor sent his last present which
was some hogs, a jar of pickled mangoes, a jar of excellent
pickled fish, and a jar of fine rusk, or bread of fine
wheat-flour, baked like biscuit but not so hard. He sent besides
six or seven packs of rice, desiring to be excused from sending
any more provision to us, saying he had no more on the island
that he could spare. He sent word also that the west monsoon was
at hand, that therefore it behoved us to be jogging from hence
unless we were resolved to return back to America again. Captain
Swan returned him thanks for his kindness and advice and took his
leave; and the same day sent the friar ashore that was seized on
at our first arrival, and gave him a large brass clock, an
astrolabe, and a large telescope; for which present the friar
sent us aboard six hogs and a roasting-pig, three or four bushels
of potatoes, and 50 pound of Manila tobacco. Then we prepared to
be gone, being pretty well furnished with provision to carry us
to Mindanao, where we designed next to touch. We took aboard us
as many coconuts as we could well stow, and we had a good stock
of rice and about 50 hogs in salt.
Chapter XI
They Resolve to Go to Mindanao.
While we lay at Guam we took up a resolution of going to
Mindanao, one of the Philippine Islands, being told by the friar
and others that it was exceedingly well stored with provisions;
that the natives were Mohammedans, and that they had formerly a
commerce with the Spaniards, but that now they were at wars with
them. This island was therefore thought to be a convenient place
for us to go; for besides that it was in our way to the East
Indies, which we had resolved to visit; and that the westerly
monsoon was at hand, which would oblige us to shelter somewhere
in a short time, and that we could not expect good harbours in a
better place than in so large an island as Mindanao: besides all
this, I say, the inhabitants of Mindanao being then, as we were
told (though falsely) at wars with the Spaniards, our men, who it
should seem were very squeamish of plundering without licence,
derived hopes from thence of getting a commission there from the
prince of the island to plunder the Spanish ships about Manila,
and so to make Mindanao their common rendezvous. And if Captain
Swan was minded to go to an English port yet his men, who thought
he intended to leave them, hoped to get vessels and pilots at
Mindanao fit for their turn, to cruise on the coast of Manila. As
for Captain Swan he was willing enough to go thither as best
suiting his own design; and therefore this voyage was concluded
on by general consent.
THEIR DEPARTURE FROM GUAM.
Accordingly June 2nd 1686 we left Guam bound for Mindanao. We
had fair weather and a pretty smart gale of wind at east for 3 or
4 days, and then it shifted to the south-west being rainy, but it
soon came about again to the east and blew a gentle gale; yet it
often shuffled about to the south-east. For though in the East
Indies the winds shift in April, yet we found this to be the
shifting season for the winds here; the other shifting season
being in October, sooner or later, all over India. As to our
course from Guam to the Philippine Islands, we found it (as I
intimated before) agreeable enough with the account of our common
charts.
OF THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS.
The 21st day of June we arrived at the island St. John, which
is one of the Philippine Islands. The Philippines are a great
company of large islands, taking up about 13 degrees of latitude
in length, reaching near upon from 3 degrees of north latitude to
the 19th degree, and in breadth about 6 degrees of longitude.
They derive this name from Phillip II, King of Spain; and even
now do they most of them belong to that crown.
THE ISLE LUCONIA, AND ITS CHIEF TOWN AND PORT, MANILO, MANILA,
OR MANILBO.
The chiefest island in this range is Luconia, which lies on
the north of them all. At this island Magellan died on the voyage
that he was making round the world. For after he had passed those
straits between the south end of America and Tierra del Fuego
which now bear his name, and had ranged down in the South Seas on
the back of America; from thence stretching over to the East
Indies, he fell in with the Ladrone Islands and from thence,
steering east still, he fell in with these Philippine Islands and
anchored at Luconia; where he warred with the native Indians to
bring them in obedience to his master the king of Spain, and was
by them killed with a poisoned arrow. It is now wholly under the
Spaniards who have several towns there. The chief is Manila,
which is a large sea-port town near the south-east end, opposite
to the island Mindoro. It is a place of great strength and trade:
the two great Acapulco ships before mentioned fetching from hence
all sorts of East India commodities which are brought hither by
foreigners, especially by the Chinese and the Portuguese.
Sometimes the English merchants of Fort St. George send their
ships hither as it were by stealth under the charge of Portuguese
pilots and mariners: for as yet we cannot get the Spaniards there
to a commerce with us or the Dutch, although they have but few
ships of their own. This seems to arise from a jealousy or fear
of discovering the riches of these islands, for most if not all
the Philippine Islands are rich in gold: and the Spaniards have
no place of much strength in all these islands that I could ever
hear of besides Manila itself. Yet they have villages and towns
on several of the islands, and padres or priests to instruct the
native Indians from whom they get their gold.
OF THE RICH TRADE WE MIGHT ESTABLISH WITH THESE ISLANDS.
The Spanish inhabitants of the smaller islands especially
would willingly trade with us if the government was not so severe
against it: for they have no goods but what are brought from
Manila at an extraordinary dear rate. I am of the opinion that if
any of our nations will seek a trade with them they would not
lose their labour; for the Spaniards can and will smuggle (as our
seamen call trading by stealth) as well as any nation that I
know; and our Jamaicans are to their profit sensible enough of
it. And I have been informed that Captain Goodlud of London, in a
voyage which he made from Mindanao to China, touched at some of
these islands and was civilly treated by the Spaniards who bought
some of his commodities, giving him a very good price for the
same.
There are about 12 or 14 more large islands lying to the
southward of Luconia; most of which, as I said before, are
inhabited by the Spaniards. Besides these there are an infinite
number of small islands of no account, and even the great
islands, many of them, are without names; or at least so
variously set down that I find the same islands named by divers
names.
The island St. John and Mindanao are the southermost of all
these islands and are the only islands in all this range that are
not subject to the Spaniards.
ST. JOHN'S ISLAND.
St. John's Island is on the east side of the Mindanao and
distant from it 3 or 4 leagues. It is in latitude about 7 or 8
north. This island is in length about 38 leagues, stretching
north-north-west and south-south-east, and it is in breadth about
24 leagues in the middle of the island. The northermost end is
broader, and the southermost is narrower: this island is of a
good height and is full of many small hills. The land at the
south-east end (where I was ashore) is of a black fat mould; and
the whole island seems to partake of the same fatness by the vast
number of large trees that it produces; for it looks all over
like one great grove.
As we were passing by the south-east end we saw a canoe of the
natives under the shore; therefore one of our canoes went after
to have spoken with her; but she ran away from us, seeing
themselves chased, put their canoe ashore, leaving her, fled into
the woods; nor would be allured to come to us, although we did
what we could to entice them; besides these men we saw no more
here nor sign of any inhabitants at this end.
THEY ARRIVE AT MINDANAO.
When we came aboard our ship again we steered away for the
island Mindanao, which was now fair in sight of us: it being
about 10 leagues distant from this part of St. John's. The 22nd
day we came within a league of the east side of the island
Mindanao and having the wind at south-east we steered toward the
north end, keeping on the east side till we came into the
latitude of 7 degrees 40 minutes, and there we anchored in a
small bay, about a mile from the shore in 10 fathom water, rocky
foul ground.
THE ISLAND DESCRIBED.
Some of our books gave us an account that Mindanao City and
Isle lies in 7 degrees 40 minutes. We guessed that the middle of
the island might lie in this latitude but we were at a great loss
where to find the city, whether on the east or west side. Indeed,
had it been a small island lying open in the eastern wind we
might probably have searched first on the west side; for commonly
the islands within the tropics, or within the bounds of the
trade-winds, have their harbours on the west side, as best
sheltered; but the island Mindanao being guarded on the east side
by St. John's Island we might as reasonably expect to find the
harbour and city on this side as anywhere else: but, coming into
the latitude in which we judged the city might be, found no
canoes or people that might give us any umbrage of a city or
place of trade near at hand, though we coasted within a league of
the shore.
ITS FERTILITY.
The island Mindanao is the biggest of all the Philippine
Islands except Luconia. It is about 60 leagues long and 40 or 50
broad. The south end is in about 5 degrees north and the
north-west end reaches almost to 8 degrees north. It is a very
mountainous island, full of hills and valleys. The mould in
general is deep and black and extraordinary fat and fruitful. The
sides of the hills are stony yet productive enough of very large
tall trees. In the heart of the country there are some mountains
that yield good gold. The valleys are well moistened with
pleasant brooks and small rivers of delicate water; and have
trees of divers sorts flourishing and green all the year. The
trees in general are very large, and most of them are of kinds
unknown to us.
THE LIBBY-TREES, AND THE SAGO MADE OF THEM.
There is one sort which deserves particular notice; called by
the natives libby-trees. These grow wild in great groves of 5 or
6 miles long by the sides of the rivers. Of these trees sago is
made, which the poor country people eat instead of bread 3 or 4
months in the year. This tree for its body and shape is much like
the palmetto-tree or the cabbage-tree, but not so tall as the
latter. The bark and wood is hard and thin like a shell, and full
of white pith like the pith of an elder. This tree they cut down
and split it in the middle and scrape out all the pith; which
they beat lustily with a wooden pestle in a great mortar or
trough, and then put it into a cloth or strainer held over a
trough; and, pouring water in among the pith, they stir it about
in the cloth: so the water carries all the substance of the pith
through the cloth down into the trough, leaving nothing in the
cloth but a light sort of husk which they throw away; but that
which falls into the trough settles in a short time to the bottom
like mud; and then they draw off the water, and take up the muddy
substance, wherewith they make cakes; which being baked proves
very good bread.
The Mindanao people live 3 or 4 months of the year on this
food for their bread-kind. The native Indians of Ternate and
Tidore and all the Spice Islands have plenty of these trees, and
use them for food in the same manner; as I have been informed by
Mr. Caril Rofy who is now commander of one of the king's ships.
He was one of our company at this time; and, being left with
Captain Swan at Mindanao, went afterwards to Ternate and lived
there among the Dutch a year or two. The sago which is
transported into other parts of the East Indies is dried in small
pieces like little seeds or comfits and commonly eaten with milk
of almonds by those that are troubled with the flux; for it is a
great binder and very good in that distemper.
In some places of Mindanao there is plenty of rice; but in the
hilly land they plant yams, potatoes, and pumpkins; all which
thrive very well. The other fruits of this island are
watermelons, musk-melons, plantains, bananas, guavas, nutmegs,
cloves, betel-nuts, Durians, jacks, or jacas, coconuts, oranges,
etc.
THE PLANTAIN-TREE, FRUIT, LIQUOR, AND CLOTH.
The plantain I take to be the king of all fruit, not except
the coco itself. The tree that bears this fruit is about 3 foot
or 3 foot and a half round, and about 10 or 12 foot high. These
trees are not raised from seed (for they seem not to have any)
but from the roots of other old trees. If these young suckers are
taken out of the ground and planted in another place it will be
15 months before they bear, but if let stand in their own native
soil they will bear in 12 months. As soon as the fruit is ripe
the tree decays, but then there are many young ones growing up to
supply its place. When this tree first springs out of the ground
it comes up with two leaves; and by that time it is a foot high
two more spring up in the inside of them; and in a short time
after two more within them; and so on. By that time the tree is a
month old you may perceive a small body almost as big as one's
arm, and then there are eight or ten leaves, some of them four or
five foot high. The first leaves that it shoots forth are not
above a foot long and half a foot broad; and the stem that bears
them no bigger than one's finger; but as the tree grows higher
the leaves are larger. As the young leaves spring up in the
inside so the old leaves spread off, and their tops droop
downward, being of a greater length and breadth by how much they
are nearer the root, and at last decay and rot off, but still
there are young leaves spring up out of the top, which makes the
tree look always green and flourishing. When the tree is full
grown the leaves are 7 or 8 foot long and a foot and a half
broad; towards the end they are smaller and end with a round
point. The stem of the leaf is as big as a man's arm, almost
round, and about a foot in length between the leaf and the body
of the tree. That part of the stem which comes from the tree, if
it be the outside leaf, seems to enclose half the body as it were
with a thick hide; and right against it on the other side of the
tree is another such answering to it. The next two leaves in the
inside of these grow opposite to each other in the same manner,
but so that, if the two outward grow north and south, these grow
east and west, and those still within them keep the same order.
Thus the body of this tree seems to be made up of many thick
skins growing one over another, and when it is full grown there
springs out of the top a strong stem, harder in substance than
any other part of the body. This stem shoots forth at the heart
of the tree, is as big as a man's arm, and as long; and the fruit
grows in clusters round it, first blossoming and then shooting
forth the fruit. It is so excellent that the Spaniards give it
the preeminence of all other fruit, as most conducing to life. It
grows in a cod about 6 or 7 inches long and as big as a man's
arm. The shell, rind, or cod, is soft and of a yellow colour when
ripe. It resembles in shape a hog's-gut pudding. The enclosed
fruit is no harder than butter in winter, and is much of the
colour of the purest yellow butter. It is of a delicate taste and
melts in one's mouth like marmalet. It is all pure pulp, without
any seed, kernel or stone. This fruit is so much esteemed by all
Europeans that settle in America that when they make a new
plantation they commonly begin with a good plantain-walk, as they
call it, or a field of plantains; and as their family increases
so they augment the plantain-walk, keeping one man purposely to
prune the trees and gather the fruit as he sees convenient. For
the trees continue bearing, some or other, most part of the year;
and this is many times the whole food on which a whole family
subsists. They thrive only in rich fat ground, for poor sandy
will not bear them. The Spaniards in their towns in America, as
at Havana, Cartagena, Portobello, etc., have their markets full
of plantains, it being the common food for poor people: their
common price is half a rial, or 3 pence a dozen. When this fruit
is only used for bread it is roasted or boiled when it's just
full grown but not yet ripe, or turned yellow. Poor people, or
Negroes, that have neither fish nor flesh to eat with it, make
sauce with cod-pepper, salt and lime-juice, which makes it eat
very savoury; much better than a crust of bread alone. Sometimes
for a change they eat a roasted plantain and a ripe raw plaintain
together, which is instead of bread and butter. They eat very
pleasant so, and I have made many a good meal in this manner.
Sometimes our English take 5 or 7 ripe plantains and, mashing
them together, make them into a lump, and boil them instead of a
bag-pudding; which they call a buff-jacket: and this is a very
good way for a change. This fruit makes also very good tarts; and
the green plantains sliced thin and dried in the sun and grated
will make a sort of flour which is very good to make puddings. A
ripe plantain sliced and dried in the sun may be preserved a
great while; and then eat like figs, very sweet and pleasant. The
Darien Indians preserve them a long time by drying them gently
over the fire; mashing them first and moulding them into lumps.
The Moskito Indians will take a ripe plantain and roast it; then
take a pint and a half of water in a calabash and squeeze the
plantain in pieces with their hands, mixing it with the water;
then they drink it all off together: this they call mishlaw, and
it's pleasant and sweet and nourishing: somewhat like lamb's-wool
(as it is called) made with apples and ale: and of this fruit
alone many thousand of Indian families in the West Indies have
their whole subsistence. When they make drink with them they take
10 or 12 ripe plantains and mash them well in a trough: then they
put 2 gallons of water among them; and this in 2 hours' time will
ferment and froth like wort. In 4 hours it is fit to drink and
then they bottle it and drink it as they have occasion: but this
will not keep above 24 or 30 hours. Those therefore that use this
drink brew it in this manner every morning. When I went first to
Jamaica I could relish no other drink they had there. It drinks
brisk and cool and is very pleasant. This drink is windy, and so
is the fruit eaten raw; but boiled or roasted it is not so. If
this drink is kept above 30 hours it grows sharp: but if then it
be put out in the sun it will become very good vinegar. This
fruit grows all over the West Indies (in the proper climates) at
Guinea, and in the East Indies.
As the fruit of this tree is of great use for food so is the
body no less serviceable to make clothes; but this I never knew
till I came to this island. The ordinary people of Mindanao do
wear no other cloth. The tree never bearing but once, and so,
being felled when the fruit is ripe, they cut it down close by
the ground if they intend to make cloth with it. One blow with a
hatchet or long knife will strike it asunder; then they cut off
the top, leaving the trunk 8 or 10 foot long, stripping off the
outer rind, which is thickest towards the lower end, having
stripped 2 or 3 of these rinds, the trunk becomes in a manner all
of one bigness, and of a whitish colour: then they split the
trunk in the middle; which being done they split the two halves
again as near the middle as they can. This they leave in the sun
2 or 3 days, in which time part of the juicy substance of the
tree dries away, and then the ends will appear full of small
threads. The women, whose employment it is to make the cloth,
take hold of those threads one by one, which rend away easily
from one end of the trunk to the other, in bigness like
whited-brown thread; for the threads are naturally of a
determinate bigness, as I observed their cloth to be all of one
substance and equal fineness; but it is stubborn when new, wears
out soon, and when wet feels a little slimy. They make their
pieces 7 or 8 yards long, their warp and woof all one thickness
and substance.
A SMALLER PLANTAIN AT MINDANAO.
There is another sort of plantains in that island which are
shorter and less than the others, which I never saw anywhere but
here. These are full of black seeds mixed quite through the
fruit. They are binding and are much eaten by those that have
fluxes. The country people gave them us for that use and with
good success.
THE BANANA.
The banana-tree is exactly like the plantain for shape and
bigness, not easily distinguishable from it but by its fruit,
which is a great deal smaller and not above half so long as a
plantain, being also more mellow and soft, less luscious yet of a
more delicate taste. They use this for the making drink oftener
than plantains, and it is best when used for drink, or eaten as
fruit; but it is not so good for bread, nor does it eat well at
all when roasted or boiled; so it is only necessity that makes
any use it this way. They grow generally where plantains do,
being set intermixed with them purposely in their
plantain-walks.
OF THE CLOVE-BARK, CLOVES AND NUTMEGS, AND THE METHODS TAKEN
BY THE DUTCH TO MONOPOLIZE THE SPICES.
They have plenty of clove-bark, of which I saw a shipload; and
as for cloves, Raja Laut, whom I shall have occasion to mention,
told me that if the English would settle there they could order
matters so in a little time as to send a shipload of cloves from
thence every year. I have been informed that they grow on the
boughs of a tree about as big as a plum-tree but I never happened
to see any of them.
I have not seen the nutmeg-trees anywhere; but the nutmegs
this island produces are fair and large, yet they have no great
store of them, being unwilling to propagate them or the cloves,
for fear that should invite the Dutch to visit them and bring
them into subjection as they have done the rest of the
neighbouring islands where they grow. For the Dutch, being seated
among the Spice Islands, have monopolised all the trade into
their own hands and will not suffer any of the natives to dispose
of it but to themselves alone. Nay, they are so careful to
preserve it in their own hands that they will not suffer the
spice to grow in the uninhabited islands, but send soldiers to
cut the trees down. Captain Rofy told me that while he lived with
the Dutch he was sent with other men to cut down the spice-trees;
and that he himself did at several times cut down 7 or 800 trees.
Yet although the Dutch take such care to destroy them there are
many uninhabited islands that have great plenty of spice-trees,
as I have been informed by Dutchmen that have been there,
particularly by a captain of a Dutch ship that I met with at
Achin who told me that near the island Banda there is an island
where the cloves, falling from the trees, do lie and rot on the
ground, and they are at the time when the fruit falls 3 or 4
inches thick under the trees. He and some others told me that it
would not be a hard matter for an English vessel to purchase a
ship's cargo of spice of the natives of some of these Spice
Islands.
He was a free merchant that told me this. For by that name the
Dutch and English in the East Indies distinguish those merchants
who are not servants to the company. The free merchants are not
suffered to trade to the Spice Islands nor to many other places
where the Dutch have factories; but on the other hand they are
suffered to trade to some places where the Dutch Company
themselves may not trade, as to Achin particularly, for there are
some princes in the Indies who will not trade with the Company
for fear of them. The seamen that go to the Spice Islands are
obliged to bring no spice from thence for themselves except a
small matter for their own use, about a pound or two. Yet the
masters of those ships do commonly so order their business that
they often secure a good quantity and send it ashore to some
place near Batavia before they come into that harbour (for it is
always brought thither first before it's sent to Europe) and if
they meet any vessel at sea that will buy their cloves they will
sell 10 or 15 tuns out of 100, and yet seemingly carry their
complement to Batavia; for they will pour water among the
remaining part of their cargo, which will swell them to that
degree that the ship's hold will be as full again as it was
before any were sold. This trick they use whenever they dispose
of any clandestinely; for the cloves when they first take them in
are extraordinary dry, and so will imbibe a great deal of
moisture. This is but one instance of many hundreds of little
deceitful arts the Dutch seamen have in these parts among them,
of which I have both seen and heard several. I believe there are
nowhere greater thieves; and nothing will persuade them to
discover one another; for should any do it the rest would
certainly knock him on the head. But to return to the products of
Mindanao.
THE BETEL-NUT, AND AREK-TREE.
The betel-nut is much esteemed here, as it is in most places
of the East Indies. The betel-tree grows like the cabbage-tree,
but it is not so big nor so high. The body grows straight, about
12 or 14 foot high without leaf or branch except at the head.
There it spreads forth long branches like other trees of the like
nature, as the cabbage-tree, the coconut-tree, and the palm.
These branches are about 10 or 12 foot long, and their stems near
the head of the tree as big as a man's arm. On the top of the
tree among the branches the betel-nut grows on a tough stem as
big as a man's finger, in clusters much as the coconuts do, and
they grow 40 or 50 in a cluster. This fruit is bigger than a
nutmeg and is much like it but rounder. It is much used all over
the East Indies. Their way is to cut it in four pieces, and wrap
one of them up in an arek-leaf which they spread with a soft
paste made of lime or plaster, and then chew it altogether. Every
man in these parts carries his lime-box by his side and, dipping
his finger into it, spreads his betel and arek-leaf with it. The
arek is a small tree or shrub, of a green bark, and the leaf is
long and broader than a willow. They are packed up to sell into
parts that have them not, to chew with the betel. The betel-nut
is most esteemed when it is young and before it grows hard, and
then they cut it only in two pieces with the green husk or shell
on it. It is then exceeding juicy and therefore makes them spit
much. It tastes rough in the mouth and dyes the lips red, and
makes the teeth black, but it preserves them, and cleanses the
gums. It is also accounted very wholesome for the stomach; but
sometimes it will cause great giddiness in the head of those that
are not used to chew it. But this is the effect only of the old
nut for the young nuts will not do it. I speak of my own
experience.
THE DURIAN, AND THE JACA-TREE AND FRUIT.
This island produces also durians and jacks. The trees that
bear the durians are as big as apple-trees, full of boughs. The
rind is thick and rough; the fruit is so large that they grow
only about the bodies or on the limbs near the body, like the
cocoa. The fruit is about the bigness of a large pumpkin, covered
with a thick green rough rind. When it is ripe the rind begins to
turn yellow but it is not fit to eat till it opens at the top.
Then the fruit in the inside is ripe and sends forth an excellent
scent. When the rind is opened the fruit may be split into four
quarters; each quarter has several small cells that enclose a
certain quantity of the fruit according to the bigness of the
cell, for some are larger than others. The largest of the fruit
may be as big as a pullet's egg. It is as white as milk and as
soft as cream, and the taste very delicious as those that are
accustomed to them; but those who have not been used to eat them
will dislike them at first because they smell like roasted
onions. This fruit must be eaten in its prime (for there is no
eating of it before it is ripe) and even then it will not keep
above a day or two before it putrefies and turns black, or of a
dark colour, and then it is not good. Within the fruit there is a
stone as big as a small bean, which has a thin shell over it.
Those that are minded to eat the stones or nuts roast them, and
then a thin shell comes off, which encloses the nut; and it eats
like a chestnut.
The jack or jaca is much like the durian both in bigness and
shape. The trees that bear them also are much alike, and so is
their manner of the fruits growing. But the inside is different;
for the fruit of the durian is white, that of the jack is yellow,
and fuller of stones. The durian is most esteemed; yet the jack
is a very pleasant fruit and the stones or kernels are good
roasted.
There are many other sorts of grain, roots, and fruits in this
island, which to give a particular description of would fill up a
large volume.
THE BEASTS OF MINDANAO.
In this island are also many sorts of beasts, both wild and
tame; as horses, bulls, and cows, buffaloes, goats, wild hogs,
deer, monkeys, iguanas, lizards, snakes, etc. I never saw or
heard of any beasts of prey here, as in many other places. The
hogs are ugly creatures; they have all great knobs growing over
their eyes, and there are multitudes of them in the woods. They
are commonly very poor, yet sweet. Deer are here very plentiful
in some places where they are not disturbed.
CENTIPEDES OR FORTY-LEGS, A VENOMOUS INSECT, AND OTHERS.
Of the venomous kind of creatures here are scorpions, whose
sting is in their tail; and centipedes, called by the English
40-legs, both which are also common in the West Indies, in
Jamaica, and elsewhere. These centipedes are 4 or 5 inches long,
as big as a goose-quill but flattish; of a dun or reddish colour
on the back, but belly whitish, and full of legs on each side the
belly. Their sting or bite is more raging than the scorpion. They
lie in old houses and dry timber. There are several sorts of
snakes, some very poisonous. There is another sort of creature
like an iguana both in colour and shape but four times as big,
whose tongue is like a small harpoon, having two beards like the
beards of a fish-hook. They are said to be very venomous, but I
know not their names. I have seen them in other places also, as
at Pulo Condore, or the island Condore, and at Achin, and have
been told that they are in the Bay of Bengal.
THEIR FOWLS, FISH, ETC.
The fowls of this country are ducks and hens: other tame fowl
I have not seen nor heard of any. The wild fowl are pigeons,
parrots, parakeets, turtle-doves, and abundance of small fowls.
There are bats as big as a kite.
There are a great many harbours, creeks, and good bays for
ships to ride in; and rivers navigable for canoes, proas or
barks, which are all plentifully stored with fish of divers
sorts, so is also the adjacent sea. The chiefest fish are boneta,
snook, cavally, bream, mullet, 10-pounder, etc. Here are also
plenty of sea-turtle, and small manatee which are not near so big
as those in the West Indies. The biggest that I saw would not
weigh above 600 pound; but the flesh both of the turtle and
manatee are very sweet.
THE TEMPERATURE OF THE CLIMATE, WITH THE COURSE OF THE WINDS,
TORNADOES, RAIN, AND TEMPER OF THE AIR THROUGHOUT THE YEAR.
The weather at Mindanao is temperate enough as to heat for all
it lies so near the Equator; and especially on the borders near
the sea. There they commonly enjoy the breezes by day and cooling
land-winds at night. The winds are easterly one part of the year
and westerly the other. The easterly winds begin to blow in
October and it is the middle of November before they are settled.
These winds bring fair weather. The westerly winds begin to blow
in May but are not settled till a month afterwards. The west
winds always bring rain, tornadoes, and very tempestuous weather.
At the first coming in of these winds they blow but faintly; but
then the tornadoes rise one in a day, sometimes two. These are
thunder-showers which commonly come against the wind, bringing
with them a contrary wind to what did blow before. After the
tornadoes are over the wind shifts about again and the sky
becomes clear, yet then in the valleys and the sides of the
mountains there rises thick fog which covers the land. The
tornadoes continue thus for a week or more; then they come
thicker, two or three in a day, bringing violent gusts of wind
and terrible claps of thunder. At last they come so fast that the
wind remains in the quarter from whence these tornadoes do rise,
which is out of the west, and there it settles till October or
November. When these westward winds are thus settled the sky is
all in mourning, being covered with black clouds, pouring down
excessive rains sometimes mixed with thunder and lightning, that
nothing can be more dismal. The winds raging to that degree that
the biggest trees are torn up by the roots and the rivers swell
and overflow their banks and drown the low land, carrying great
trees into the sea. Thus it continues sometimes a week together
before the sun or stars appear. The fiercest of this weather is
in the latter end of July and in August, for then the towns seem
to stand in a great pond, and they go from one house to another
in canoes. At this time the water carries away all the filth and
nastiness from under their houses. Whilst this tempestuous season
lasts the weather is cold and chilly. In September the weather is
more moderate, and the winds are not so fierce, nor the rain so
violent. The air thenceforward begins to be more clear and
delightsome; but then in the morning there are thick fogs
continuing till 10 or 11 o'clock before the sun shines out,
especially when it has rained in the night. In October the
easterly winds begin to blow again and bring fair weather till
April. Thus much concerning the natural state of Mindanao.
Chapter XII
Of the Inhabitants, and Civil State of the Isle of Mindanao.
This island is not subject to one prince, neither is the
language one and the same; but the people are much alike in
colour, strength, and stature. They are all or most of them of
one religion, which is Mohammedanism, and their customs and
manner of living are alike. The Mindanao people, more
particularly so called, are the greatest nation in the island
and, trading by sea with other nations, they are therefore the
more civil. I shall say but little of the rest, being less known
to me but, so much as has come to my knowledge, take as
follows.
THE MINDANAYANS, HILLANOONES, SOLOGUES, AND ALFOORES.
There are besides the Mindanayans, the Hilanoones (as they
call them) or the Mountaineers, the Sologues and Alfoores.
The Hilanoones live in the heart of the country: they have
little or no commerce by sea, yet they have proas that row with
12 or 14 oars apiece. They enjoy the benefit of the gold-mines
and with their gold buy foreign commodities of the Mindanao
people. They have also plenty of beeswax which they exchange for
other commodities.
The Sologues inhabit the north-west end of the island. They
are the least nation of all; they trade to Manila in proas and to
some of the neighbouring islands but have no commerce with the
Mindanao people.
The Alfoores are the same with the Mindanayans and were
formerly under the subjection of the sultan of Mindanao, but were
divided between the sultan's children, and have of late had a
sultan of their own; but having by marriage contracted an
alliance with the sultan of Mindanao this has occasioned that
prince to claim them again as his subjects; and he made war with
them a little after we went away, as I afterwards understood.
OF THE MINDANAYANS, PROPERLY SO CALLED; THEIR MANNERS AND
HABITS.
The Mindanayans properly so-called are men of mean statures;
small limbs, straight bodies, and little heads. Their faces are
oval, their foreheads flat, with black small eyes, short low
noses, pretty large mouths; their lips thin and red, their teeth
black, yet very sound, their hair black and straight, the colour
of their skin tawny but inclining to a brighter yellow than some
other Indians, especially the women. They have a custom to wear
their thumb-nails very long, especially that on their left thumb,
for they do never cut it but scrape it often. They are endued
with good natural wits, are ingenious, nimble, and active, when
they are minded but generally very lazy and thievish, and will
not work except forced by hunger. This laziness is natural to
most Indians; but these people's laziness seems rather to proceed
and so much from their natural inclinations, as from the severity
of their prince of whom they stand in awe: for he, dealing with
them very arbitrarily, and taking from them what they get, this
damps their industry, so they never strive to have anything but
from hand to mouth. They are generally proud and walk very
stately. They are civil enough to strangers and will easily be
acquainted with them and entertain them with great freedom; but
they are implacable to their enemies and very revengeful if they
are injured, frequently poisoning secretly those that have
affronted them.
They wear but few clothes; their heads are circled with a
short turban, fringed or laced at both ends; it goes once about
the head, and is tied in a knot, the laced ends hanging down.
They wear frocks and breeches, but no stockings nor shoes.
THE HABITS AND MANNERS OF THEIR WOMEN.
The women are fairer than the men; and their hair is black and
long; which they tie in a knot that hangs back in their poles.
They are more round-visaged than the men and generally
well-featured; only their noses are very small and so low between
their eyes that in some of the female children the rising that
should be between the eyes is scarce discernible; neither is
there any sensible rising in their foreheads. At a distance they
appear very well; but being nigh these impediments are very
obvious. They have very small limbs. They wear but two garments;
a frock and a sort of petticoat; the petticoat is only a piece of
cloth, sowed both ends together: but it is made two foot too big
for their waists, so that they may wear either end uppermost:
that part that comes up to their waist, because it is so much too
big, they gather it in their hands and twist it till it fits
close to their waists, tucking in the twisted part between their
waist and the edge of the petticoat, which keeps it close. The
frock fits loose about them and reaches down a little below the
waist. The sleeves are a great deal longer than their arms and so
small at the end that their hands will scarce go through. Being
on, the sleeve fits in folds about the wrist, wherein they take
great pride.
The better sort of people have their garments made of long
cloth; but the ordinary sort wear cloth made of plantain-tree
which they call saggen, by which name they call the plantain.
They have neither stocking or shoe, and the women have very small
feet.
The women are very desirous of the company of strangers,
especially of white men; and doubtless would be very familiar if
the custom of the country did not debar them from that freedom,
which seems coveted by them. Yet from the highest to the lowest
they are allowed liberty to converse with or treat strangers in
the sight of their husbands.
A COMICAL CUSTOM AT MINDANAO.
There is a kind of begging custom at Mindanao that I have not
met elsewhere with in all my travels; and which I believe is
owing to the little trade they have; which is thus: when
strangers arrive here the Mindanao men will come aboard and
invite them to their houses and inquire who has a comrade (which
word I believe they have from the Spaniards) or a pagally, and
who has not. A comrade is a familiar male friend; a pagally is an
innocent platonic friend of the other sex. All strangers are in a
manner obliged to accept of this acquaintance and familiarity,
which must be first purchased with a small present and afterwards
confirmed with some gift or other to continue the acquaintance:
and as often as the stranger goes ashore he is welcome to his
comrade or pagally's house, where he may be entertained for his
money, to eat, drink, or sleep; and complimented as often as he
comes ashore with tobacco and betel-nut, which is all the
entertainment he must expect gratis. The richest men's wives are
allowed the freedom to converse with her pagally in public, and
may give or receive presents from him. Even the sultans and the
generals wives, who are always cooped up, will yet look out of
their cages when a stranger passes by and demand of him if he
wants a pagally: and, to invite him to their friendship, will
send a present of tobacco and betel-nut to him by their
servants.
THEIR HOUSES, THEIR DIET, AND WASHINGS.
The chiefest city on this island is called by the same name of
Mindanao. It is seated on the south side of the island, in
latitude 7 degrees 20 minutes north on the banks of a small
river, about two mile from the sea. The manner of building is
somewhat strange yet generally used in this part of the East
Indies. Their houses are all built on posts about 14, 16, 18, or
20 foot high. These posts are bigger or less according to the
intended magnificence of the superstructure. They have but one
floor but many partitions or rooms, and a ladder or stairs to go
up out of the streets. The roof is large and covered with
palmetto or palm-leaves. So there is a clear passage like a
piazza (but a filthy one) under the house. Some of the poorer
people that keep ducks or hens have a fence made round the posts
of their houses with a door to go in and out; and this under-room
serves for no other use. Some use this place for the common
draught of their houses but, building mostly close by the river
in all parts of the Indies, they make the river receive all the
filth of their house; and at the time of the land-floods all is
washed very clean.
The sultan's house is much bigger than any of the rest. It
stands on about 180 great posts or trees a great deal higher than
the common building, with great broad stairs made to go up. In
the first room he has about 20 iron guns, all Saker and Minion,
placed on field-carriages. The general and other great men have
some guns also in their houses. About 20 paces from the sultan's
house there is a small low house built purposely for the
reception of ambassadors or merchant strangers. This also stands
on posts but the floor is not raised above three or four foot
above the ground, and is neatly matted purposely for the sultan
and his council to sit on; for they use no chairs but sit
cross-legged like tailors on the floor.
The common food at Mindanao is rice or sago, and a small fish
or two. The better sort eat buffalo or fowls ill dressed, and
abundance of rice with it. They use no spoons to eat their rice
but every man takes a handful out of the platter and, by wetting
his hand in water, that it may not stick to his hand, squeezes it
into a lump as hard as possibly he can make it, and then crams it
into his mouth. They all strive to make these lumps as big as
their mouth can receive them and seem to vie with each other and
glory in taking in the biggest lump; so that sometimes they
almost choke themselves. They always wash after meals or if they
touch anything that is unclean; for which reason they spend
abundance of water in their houses. This water, with the washing
of their dishes and what other filth they make, they pour down
near their fireplace: for their chambers are not boarded but
floored with split bamboos like lath, so that the water presently
falls underneath their dwelling rooms where it breeds maggots and
makes a prodigious stink. Besides this filthiness the sick people
case themselves and make water in their chambers, there being a
small hole made purposely in the floor to let it drop through.
But healthy sound people commonly ease themselves and make water
in the river. For that reason you shall always see abundance of
people of both sexes in the river from morning till night; some
easing themselves, others washing their bodies or clothes. If
they come into the river purposely to wash their clothes they
strip and stand naked till they have done then put them on and
march out again: both men and women take great delight in
swimming and washing themselves, being bred to it from their
infancy. I do believe it is very wholesome to wash mornings and
evenings in these hot countries at least three or four days in
the week: for I did use myself to it when I lived afterwards at
Bencoolen, and found it very refreshing and comfortable. It is
very good for those that have fluxes to wash and stand in the
river mornings and evenings. I speak it experimentally for I was
brought very low with that distemper at Achin; but by washing
constantly mornings and evenings I found great benefit and was
quickly cured by it.
THE LANGUAGES SPOKEN THERE, AND TRANSACTIONS WITH THE
SPANIARDS.
In the city of Mindanao they speak two languages
indifferently; their own Mindanao language and the Malaya: but in
other parts of the island they speak only their proper language,
having little commerce abroad. They have schools and instruct
their children to read and write and bring them up in the
Mohammedan religion. Therefore many of the words, especially
their prayers, are in Arabic; and many of the words of civility
the same as in Turkey; and especially when they meet in the
morning or take leave of each other they express themselves in
that language.
Many of the old people both men and women can speak Spanish
for the Spaniards were formerly settled among them and had
several forts on this island; and then they sent two friars to
the city to convert the sultan of Mindanao and his people. At
that time these people began to learn Spanish, and the Spaniards
encroached on them and endeavoured to bring them into subjection;
and probably before this time had brought them all under their
yoke if they themselves had not been drawn off from this island
to Manila to resist the Chinese, who threatened to invade them
there. When the Spaniards were gone the old sultan of Mindanao,
father to the present, in whose time it was, razed and demolished
their forts, brought away their guns, and sent away the friars;
and since that time will not suffer the Spaniards to settle on
the islands.
THEIR FEAR OF THE DUTCH, AND SEEMING DESIRE OF THE
ENGLISH.
They are now most afraid of the Dutch, being sensible how they
have enslaved many of the neighbouring islands. For that reason
they have a long time desired the English to settle among them
and have offered them any convenient place to build a fort in, as
the general himself told us; giving this reason, that they do not
find the English so encroaching as the Dutch or Spanish. The
Dutch are no less jealous of their admitting the English for they
are sensible what detriment it would be to them if the English
should settle here.
THEIR HANDICRAFTS, AND PECULIAR SORT OF SMITH'S BELLOWS.
There are but few tradesmen at the city of Mindanao. The
chiefest trades are goldsmiths, blacksmiths, and carpenters.
There are but two or three goldsmiths; these will work in gold or
silver and make anything that you desire: but they have no shop
furnished with ware ready-made for sale. Here are several
blacksmiths who work very well, considering the tools that they
work with. Their bellows are much different from ours. They are
made of a wooden cylinder, the trunk of a tree, about three foot
long, bored hollow like a pump and set upright on the ground, on
which the fire itself is made. Near the lower end there is a
small hole, in the side of the trunk next the fire, made to
receive a pipe through which the wind is driven to the fire by a
great bunch of fine feathers fastened to one end of the stick
which, closing up the inside of the cylinder, drives the air out
of the cylinder through the pipe: two of these trunks or
cylinders are placed so nigh together that a man standing between
them may work them both at once alternately, one with each hand.
They have neither vice nor anvil but a great hard stone or a
piece of an old gun to hammer upon: yet they will perform their
work, making both common utensils and iron-works about ships to
admiration. They work altogether with charcoal. Every man almost
is a carpenter for they can work with the axe and adze. Their axe
is but small and so made that they can take it out of the helve,
and by turning it make an adze of it. They have no saws but when
they make plank they split the tree in two and make a plank of
each part, planing it with the axe and adze. This requires much
pains and takes up a great deal of time; but they work cheap, and
the goodness of the plank thus hewed, which has its grain
preserved entire, makes amends for their cost and pains.
THEIR SHIPPING, COMMODITIES, AND TRADE.
They build good and serviceable ships or barks for the sea,
some for trade, others for pleasure; and some ships of war. Their
trading vessels they send chiefly to Manila. Thither they
transport beeswax, which, I think, is the only commodity besides
gold that they vend there. The inhabitants of the city of
Mindanao get a great deal of beeswax themselves: but the greatest
quantity they purchase is of the Mountaineers, from whom they
also get the gold which they send to Manila; and with these they
buy their calicoes, muslins, and China silk. They send sometimes
their barks to Borneo and other islands; but what they transport
thither, or import from thence, I know not.
THE MINDANAO AND MANILA TOBACCO.
The Dutch come hither in sloops from Ternate and Tidore and
buy rice, beeswax, and tobacco: for here is a great deal of
tobacco grows on this island, more than in any island or country
in the East Indies that I know of, Manila only excepted. It is an
excellent sort of tobacco; but these people have not the art of
managing this trade to their best advantage as the Spaniards have
at Manila. I do believe the seeds were first brought hither from
Manila by the Spaniards, and even thither, in all probability,
from America: the difference between the Mindanao and Manila
tobacco is that the Mindanao tobacco is of a darker colour and
the leaf larger and grosser than the Manila tobacco, being
propagated or planted in a fatter soil. The Manila tobacco is of
a bright yellow colour, of an indifferent size, not strong, but
pleasant to smoke. The Spaniards at Manila are very curious about
this tobacco, having a peculiar way of making it up neatly in the
leaf. For they take two little sticks, each about a foot long and
flat and, placing the stalks of the tobacco leaves in a row, 40
or 50 of them between the two sticks, they bind them hard
together so that the leaves hang dangling down. One of these
bundles is sold for a rial at Fort St. George: but you may have
10 or 12 pound of tobacco at Mindanao for a rial; and the tobacco
is as good or rather better than the Manila tobacco, but they
have not that vent for it as the Spaniards have.
A SORT OF LEPROSY THERE, AND OTHER DISTEMPERS.
The Mindanao people are much troubled with a sort of leprosy,
the same as we observed at Guam. This distemper runs with a dry
scurf all over their bodies and causes great itching in those
that have it, making them frequently scratch and scrub
themselves, which raises the outer skin in small whitish flakes
like the scales of little fish when they are raised on end with a
knife. This makes their skin extraordinary rough, and in some you
shall see broad white spots in several parts of their body. I
judge such have had it but were cured; for their skins were
smooth and I did not perceive them to scrub themselves: yet I
have learnt from their own mouths that these spots were from this
distemper. Whether they use any means to cure themselves or
whether it goes away of itself, I know not: but I did not
perceive that they made any great matter of it, for they did
never refrain any company for it; none of our people caught it of
them, for we were afraid of it, and kept off. They are sometimes
troubled with the smallpox but their ordinary distempers are
fevers, agues, fluxes, with great pains and gripings in their
guts. The country affords a great many drugs and medicinal herbs
whose virtues are not unknown to some of them that pretend to
cure the sick.
THEIR MARRIAGES.
The Mindanao men have many wives: but what ceremonies are used
when they marry I know not. There is commonly a great feast made
by the bridegroom to entertain his friends, and the most part of
the night is spent in mirth.
THE SULTAN OF MINDANAO, HIS POVERTY, POWER, FAMILY, ETC.
The sultan is absolute in his power over all his subjects. He
is but a poor prince; for, as I mentioned before, they have but
little trade and therefore cannot be rich. If the sultan
understands that any man has money, if it be but 20 dollars,
which is a great matter among them, he will send to borrow so
much money, pretending urgent occasions for it; and they dare not
deny him. Sometimes he will send to sell one thing or another
that he has to dispose of to such whom he knows to have money,
and they must buy it and give him his price; and if afterwards he
has occasion for the same thing he must have it if he sends for
it. He is but a little man, between 50 or 60 years old, and by
relation very good-natured but overruled by those about him. He
has a queen and keeps about 29 women, or wives, more, in whose
company he spends most of his time. He has one daughter by his
sultaness or queen, and a great many sons and daughters by the
rest. These walk about the streets and would be always begging
things of us; but it is reported that the young princess is kept
in a room and never stirs out, and that she did never see any man
but her father and Raja Laut her uncle, being then about fourteen
years old.
When the sultan visits his friends he is carried in a small
couch on four men's shoulders, with eight or ten armed men to
guard him; but he never goes far this way for the country is very
woody and they have but little paths, which renders it the less
commodious.
THE PROAS OR BOATS HERE.
When he takes his pleasure by water he carries some of his
wives along with him. The proas that are built for this purpose
are large enough to entertain 50 or 60 persons or more. The hull
is neatly built, with a round head and stern, and over the hull
there is a small slight house built with bamboos; the sides are
made up with split bamboos about four foot high, with little
windows in them of the same to open and shut at their pleasure.
The roof is almost flat, neatly thatched with palmetto-leaves.
This house is divided into two or three small partitions or
chambers, one particularly for himself. This is neatly matted
underneath and round the sides; and there is a carpet and pillows
for him to sleep on. The second room is for his women, much like
the former. The third is for the servants, who tend them with
tobacco and betel-nut; for they are always chewing or smoking.
The fore and after-parts of the vessel are for the mariners to
sit and row. Besides this they have outlayers, such as those I
described at Guam; only the boats and outlayers here are larger.
These boats are more round, like a half moon almost; and the
bamboos or outlayers that reach from the boat are also crooked.
Besides, the boat is not flat on one side here, as at Guam; but
has a belly and outlayers on each side: and whereas at Guam there
is a little boat fastened to the outlayers that lies in the
water; the beams or bamboos here are fastened traverse-wise to
the outlayers on each side, and touch not the water like boats,
but 1, 3 or 4 foot above the water, and serve for the barge-men
to sit and row and paddle on; the inside of the vessel, except
only just afore and abaft, being taken up with the apartments for
the passengers. There run across the outlayers two tier of beams
for the paddlers to sit on, on each side the vessel. The lower
tier of these beams is not above a foot from the water: so that,
upon any the least reeling of the vessel, the beams are dipped in
the water and the men that sit are wet up to their waist, their
feet seldom escaping the water. And thus, as all our vessels are
rowed from within, these are paddled from without.
RAJA LAUT THE GENERAL, BROTHER TO THE SULTAN, AND HIS
FAMILY.
The sultan has a brother called Raja Laut, a brave man. He is
the second man in the kingdom. All strangers that come hither to
trade must make their address to him, for all sea-affairs belong
to him. He licenses strangers to import or export any commodity,
and it is by his permission that the natives themselves are
suffered to trade: nay, the very fishermen must take a permit
from him: so that there is no man can come into the river or go
out but by his leave. He is two or three years younger than the
sultan, and a little man like him. He has eight women, by some of
whom he has issue. He has only one son, about twelve or fourteen
years old, who was circumcised while we were there. His eldest
son died a little before we came hither, for whom he was still in
great heaviness. If he had lived a little longer he should have
married the young princess; but whether this second son must have
her I know not, for I did never hear any discourse about it. Raja
Laut is a very sharp man; he speaks and writes Spanish, which he
learned in his youth. He has by often conversing with strangers
got a great sight into the customs of other nations, and by
Spanish books has some knowledge of Europe. He is general of the
Mindanayans, and is accounted an expert soldier, and a very stout
man; and the women in their dances sing many songs in his
praise.
THEIR WAY OF FIGHTING.
The sultan of Mindanao sometimes makes war with his neighbours
the Mountaineers or Alfoores. Their weapons are swords, lances,
and some hand-cressets. The cresset is a small thing like a
baggonet, which they always wear in war or peace, at work or
play, from the greatest of them to the poorest, or the meanest
persons. They do never meet each other so as to have a pitched
battle but they build small works or forts of timber wherein they
plant little guns and lie in sight of each other two or three
months, skirmishing every day in small parties and sometimes
surprising a breast-work; and whatever side is like to be
worsted, if they have no probability to escape by flight, they
sell their lives as dear as they can; for there is seldom any
quarter given, but the conqueror cuts and hacks his enemies to
pieces.
THEIR RELIGION.
The religion of these people is Mohammedanism; Friday is their
sabbath; but I did never see any difference that they make
between this day and any other day; only the sultan himself goes
then to the mosque twice.
RAJA LAUT'S DEVOTION.
Raja Laut never goes to the mosque but prays at certain hours,
eight or ten times in a day, wherever he is, he is very punctual
to his canonical hours, and if he be aboard will go ashore on
purpose to pray. For no business nor company hinders him from
this duty. Whether he is at home or abroad, in a house or in the
field, he leaves all his company and goes about 100 yards off,
and there kneels down to his devotion. He first kisses the ground
then prays aloud, and divers time in his prayers he kisses the
ground and does the same when he leaves off. His servants and his
wives and children talk and sing, or play how they please all the
time, but himself is very serious. The meaner sort of people have
little devotion: I did never see any of them at their prayers or
go into a mosque.
A CLOCK OR DRUM IN THEIR MOSQUES.
In the sultan's mosque there is a great drum with but one head
called a gong; which is instead of o'clock. This gong is beaten
at 12 o'clock, at 3, 6, and 9; a man being appointed for that
service. He has a stick as big as a man's arm, with a great knob
at the end, bigger than a man's fist, made with cotton bound fast
with small cords: with this he strikes the gong as hard as he
can, about twenty strokes; beginning to strike leisurely the
first five or six strokes; then he strikes faster, and at last
strikes as fast as he can; and then he strikes again slower and
slower so many more strokes: thus he rises and falls three times,
and then leaves off till three hours after. This is done night
and day.
OF THEIR CIRCUMCISION, AND THE SOLEMNITY THEN USED.
They circumcise the males at 11 or 12 years of age, or older;
and many are circumcised at once. This ceremony is performed with
a great deal of solemnity. There had been no circumcision for
some years before our being here; and then there was one for Raja
Laut's son. They choose to have a general circumcision when the
sultan or general or some other great person has a son fit to be
circumcised; for with him a great many more are circumcised.
There is notice given about eight or ten days before for all men
to appear in arms. And great preparation is made against the
solemn day. In the morning before the boys are circumcised
presents are sent to the father of the child that keeps the
feast; which, as I said before, is either the sultan or some
great person: and about 10 or 11 o'clock the Mohammedan priest
does his office. He takes hold of the foreskin with two sticks
and with a pair of scissors snips it off.
OF THEIR OTHER RELIGIOUS OBSERVATIONS AND SUPERSTITIONS.
After this most of the men, both in city and country being in
arms before the house, begin to act as if they were engaged with
an enemy, having such arms as I described. Only one acts at a
time, the rest make a great ring of 2 or 300 yards round about
him. He that is to exercise comes into the ring with a great
shriek or two and a horrid look; then he fetches two or three
large stately strides and falls to work. He holds his broadsword
in one hand, and his lance in the other, and traverses his
ground, leaping from one side of the ring to the other; and, in a
menacing posture and look, bids defiance to the enemy whom his
fancy frames to him; for there is nothing but air to oppose him.
Then he stamps and shakes his head and, grinning with his teeth,
makes many rueful faces. Then he throws his lance and nimbly
snatches out his cresset, with which he hacks and hews the air
like a madman, often shrieking. At last, being almost tired with
motion, he flies to the middle of the ring, where he seems to
have his enemy at his mercy, and with two or three blows cuts on
the ground as if he was cutting off his enemy's head. By this
time he is all of a sweat, and withdraws triumphantly out of the
ring, and presently another enters with the like shrieks and
gestures. Thus they continue combating their imaginary enemy all
the rest of the day; towards the conclusion of which the richest
men act, and at last the general, and then the sultan concludes
this ceremony: he and the general, with some other great men, are
in armour, but the rest have none. After this the sultan returns
home, accompanied with abundance of people, who wait on him there
till they are dismissed. But at the time when we were there there
was an after-game to be played; for, the general's son being then
circumcised, the sultan intended to give him a second visit in
the night, so they all waited to attend him thither. The general
also provided to meet him in the best manner, and therefore
desired Captain Swan with his men to attend him. Accordingly
Captain Swan ordered us to get our guns and wait at the general's
house till further orders. So about 40 of us waited till eight
o'clock in the evening when the general with Captain Swan and
about 1000 men went to meet the sultan, with abundance of torches
that made it as light as day. The manner of the march was thus:
first of all there was a pageant, and upon it two dancing women
gorgeously apparelled, with coronets on their heads, full of
glittering spangles, and pendants of the same hanging down over
their breast and shoulders. These are women bred up purposely for
dancing: their feet and legs are but little employed except
sometimes to turn round very gently; but their hands, arms, head,
and body are in continual motion, especially their arms, which
they turn and twist so strangely that you would think them to be
made without bones. Besides the two dancing women there were two
old women in the pageant holding each a lighted torch in their
hands, close by the two dancing women, by which light the
glittering spangles appeared very gloriously. This pageant was
carried by six lusty men: then came six or seven torches lighting
the general and Captain Swan who marched side by side next, and
we that attended Captain Swan followed close after, marching in
order six and six abreast, with each man his gun on his shoulder,
and torches on each side. After us came twelve of the general's
men with old Spanish matchlocks, marching four in a row. After
them about forty lances, and behind them as many with great
swords, marching all in order. After them came abundance only
with cressets by their sides, who marched up close without any
order. When we came near the sultan's house the sultan and his
men met us, and we wheeled off to let them pass. The sultan had
three pageants went before him: in the first pageant were four of
his sons, who were about ten or eleven years old. They had gotten
abundance of small stones which they roguishly threw about on the
people's heads. In the next were four young maidens, nieces to
the sultan, being his sister's daughters; and in the third, there
was three of the sultan's children, not above six years old. The
sultan himself followed next, being carried in his couch, which
was not like your Indians' palanquins but open and very little
and ordinary. A multitude of people came after without any order:
but as soon as he was passed by the general and Captain Swan and
all our men closed in just behind the sultan, and so all marched
together to the general's house. We came thither between 10 and
11 o'clock, where the biggest part of the company were
immediately dismissed; but the sultan and his children and his
nieces and some other persons of quality entered the general's
house. They were met at the head of the stairs by the general's
women, who with a great deal of respect conducted them into the
house. Captain Swan and we that were with him followed after. It
was not long before the general caused his dancing women to enter
the room and divert the company with that pastime. I had forgot
to tell you that they have none but vocal music here, by what I
could learn, except only a row of a kind of bells without
clappers, 16 in number, and their weight increasing gradually
from about three to ten pound weight. These are set in a row on a
table in the general's house, where for seven or eight days
together before the circumcision day they were struck each with a
little stick, for the biggest part of the day making a great
noise, and they ceased that morning. So these dancing women sung
themselves and danced to their own music. After this the
general's women and the sultan's sons and his nieces danced. Two
of the sultan's nieces were about 18 or 19 years old, the other
two were three or four years younger. These young ladies were
very richly dressed with loose garments of silk, and small
coronets on their heads. They were much fairer than any women I
did ever see there, and very well featured; and their noses
though but small yet higher than the other women's, and very well
proportioned. When the ladies had very well diverted themselves
and the company with dancing the general caused us to fire some
sky-rockets that were made by his and Captain Swan's order,
purposely for this night's solemnity; and after that the sultan
and his retinue went away with a few attendants and we all broke
up, and thus ended this day's solemnity: but the boys being sore
with their amputation went straddling for a fortnight after.
They are not, as I said before, very curious, or strict in
observing any days or times of particular devotions except it be
Ramdam time, as we call it. The Ramdam time was then in August,
as I take it, for it was shortly after our arrival here. In this
time they fast all day, and about seven o'clock in the evening
they spend near an hour in prayer. Towards the latter end of
their prayer they loudly invoke their prophet for about a quarter
of an hour, both old and young bawling out very strangely, as if
they intended to fright him out of his sleepiness or neglect of
them. After their prayer is ended, they spend some time in
feasting before they take their repose. Thus they do every day
for a whole month at least; for sometimes it is two or three days
longer before the Ramdam ends: for it begins at the New Moon and
lasts till they see the next New Moon, which sometimes in thick
hazy weather is not till three or four days after the change, as
it happened while I was at Achin, where they continued the Ramdam
till the New Moon's appearance. The next day after they have seen
the New Moon the guns are all discharged about noon, and then the
time ends.
THEIR ABHORRENCE OF SWINES' FLESH, ETC.
A main part of their religion consists in washing often to
keep themselves from being defiled; or after they are defiled to
cleanse themselves again. They also take great care to keep
themselves from being polluted by tasting or touching anything
that is accounted unclean; therefore swine's flesh is very
abominable to them; nay, anyone that has either tasted of swine's
flesh or touched those creatures is not permitted to come into
their houses in many days after, and there is nothing will scare
them more than a swine. Yet there are wild hogs in the islands,
and those so plentiful that they will come in troops out of the
woods in the night into the very city, and come under their
houses to rummage up and down the filth that they find there. The
natives therefore would even desire us to lie in wait for the
hogs to destroy them, which we did frequently, by shooting them
and carrying them presently on board, but were prohibited their
houses afterwards.
And now I am on this subject I cannot omit a story concerning
the general. He once desired to have a pair of shoes made after
the English fashion, though he did very seldom wear any: so one
of our men made him a pair, which the general liked very well.
Afterwards somebody told him that the thread wherewith the shoes
were sowed were pointed with hogs' bristles. This put him into a
great passion; so he sent the shoes to the man that made them,
and sent him withal more leather to make another pair with
threads pointed with some other hair, which was immediately done,
and then he was well pleased.
Chapter XIII
Their Coasting Along the Isle of Mindanao, from a Bay on the East Side to Another at the South-east End.
Having in the two last chapters given some account of the
natural, civil, and religious state of Mindanao, I shall now go
on with the prosecution of our affairs during our stay here.
It was in a bay on the north-east side of the island that we
came to an anchor, as has been said. We lay in this bay but one
night and part of the next day. Yet there we got speech with some
of the natives, who by signs made us to understand that the City
Mindanao was on the west side of the island. We endeavoured to
persuade one of them to go with us to be our pilot but he would
not: therefore in the afternoon we loosed from hence, steering
again to the south-east, having the wind at south-west. When we
came to the south-east end of the island Mindanao we saw two
small islands about three leagues distant from it. We might have
passed between them and the main island, as we learnt since; but
not knowing them, nor what dangers we might encounter there, we
chose rather to sail to the eastward of them. But meeting very
strong westerly winds we got nothing forward in many days. In
this time we first saw the islands Meangis, which are about
sixteen leagues distant from the Mindanao, bearing south-east. I
shall have occasion to speak more of them hereafter.
TORNADOES AND BOISTEROUS WEATHER.
The 4th day of July we got into a deep bay four leagues
north-west from the two small islands before mentioned. But the
night before, in a violent tornado, our bark being unable to bear
any longer, bore away, which put us in some pain for fear she was
overset, as we had like to have been ourselves. We anchored on
the south-west side of the bay in fifteen fathom water, about a
cable's length from the shore. Here we were forced to shelter
ourselves from the violence of the weather, which was so
boisterous with rains and tornadoes and a strong westerly wind
that we were very glad to find this place to anchor in, being the
only shelter on this side from the west winds.
THE SOUTH-EAST COAST, AND ITS SAVANNAH AND PLENTY OF DEER.
This bay is not above two miles wide at the mouth, but farther
in it is three leagues wide and seven fathom deep; running in
north-north-west. There is a good depth of water about four or
five leagues in, but rocky foul ground for about two leagues in
from the mouth on both sides of the bay, except only in that
place where we lay. About three leagues in from the mouth, on the
eastern side, there are fair sandy bays and very good anchoring
in four, five, and six fathom. The land on the east side is high,
mountainous and woody, yet very well watered with small brooks,
and there is one river large enough for canoes to enter. On the
west side of the bay the land is of a mean height with a large
savannah bordering on the sea, and stretching from the mouth of
the bay a great way to the westward.
This savannah abounds with long grass and it is plentifully
stocked with deer. The adjacent woods are a covert for them in
the heat of the day; but mornings and evenings they feed in the
open plains, as thick as in our parks in England. I never saw
anywhere such plenty of wild deer, though I have met with them in
several parts of America, both in the North and South Seas.
The deer live here pretty peaceably and unmolested; for there
are no inhabitants on that side of the bay. We visited this
savannah every morning and killed as many deer as we pleased,
sometimes 16 or 18 in a day; and we did eat nothing but venison
all the time we stayed here.
We saw a great many plantations by the sides of the mountains
on the east side of the bay, and we went to one of them in hopes
to learn of the inhabitants whereabouts the city was, that we
might not over-sail it in the night, but they fled from us.
THEY COAST ALONG THE SOUTH SIDE TO THE RIVER OF MINDANAO CITY,
AND ANCHOR THERE.
We lay here till the 12th day before the winds abated of their
fury, and then we sailed from hence, directing our course to the
westward. In the morning we had a land-wind at north. At 11
o'clock the sea-breeze came at west, just in our teeth, but it
being fair weather we kept on our way, turning and taking the
advantage of the land-breezes by night and the sea-breezes by
day.
Being now past the south-east part of the island we coasted
down on the south side and we saw abundance of canoes a-fishing,
and now and then a small village. Neither were these inhabitants
afraid of us (as the former) but came aboard; yet we could not
understand them, nor they us, but by signs: and when we mentioned
the word Mindanao they would point towards it.
The 18th day of July we arrived before the river of Mindanao,
the mouth of which lies in latitude 6 degrees 22 minutes north
and is laid in 231 degrees 12 minutes longitude west, from the
Lizard in England. We anchored right against the river in 15
fathom water, clear hard sand, about two miles from the shore and
three or four miles from a small island that lay without us to
the southward. We fired seven or nine guns, I remember not well
which, and were answered again with three from the shore; for
which we gave one again.
THE SULTAN'S BROTHER AND SON COME ABOARD THEM, AND INVITE THEM
TO SETTLE THERE.
Immediately after our coming to an anchor Raja Laut and one of
the sultan's sons came off in a canoe, being rowed with ten oars,
and demanded in Spanish what we were? and from whence we came?
Mr. Smith (he who was taken prisoner at Leon in Mexico) answered
in the same language that we were English, and that we had been a
great while out of England. They told us that we were welcome and
asked us a great many questions about England; especially
concerning our East India merchants; and whether we were sent by
them to settle a factory here? Mr. Smith told them that we came
hither only to buy provision. They seemed a little discontented
when they understood that we were not come to settle among them:
for they had heard of our arrival on the east side of the island
a great while before, and entertained hopes that we were sent
purposely out of England hither to settle a trade with them;
which it should seem they are very desirous of. For Captain
Goodlud had been here not long before to treat with them about
it; and when he went away told them (as they said) that in a
short time they might expect an ambassador from England to make a
full bargain with them.
OF THE FEASIBLENESS AND PROBABLE ADVANTAGE OF SUCH A
SETTLEMENT FROM THE NEIGHBOURING GOLD AND SPICE ISLANDS.
Indeed upon mature thoughts I should think we could not have
done better than to have complied with the desire they seemed to
have of our settling here; and to have taken up our quarters
among them. For as thereby we might better have consulted our own
profit and satisfaction than by the other loose roving way of
life; so it might probably have proved of public benefit to our
nation and been a means of introducing an English settlement and
trade, not only here, but through several of the Spice Islands
which lie in its neighbourhood.
For the islands Meangis, which I mentioned in the beginning of
this chapter, lie within twenty leagues of Mindanao. These are
three small islands that abound with gold and cloves, if I may
credit my author Prince Jeoly, who was born on one of them and
was at that time a slave in the city of Mindanao. He might have
been purchased by us of his master for a small matter, as he was
afterwards by Mr. Moody (who came hither to trade and laded a
ship with clove-bark) and by transporting him home to his own
country we might have gotten a trade there. But of Prince Jeoly I
shall speak more hereafter. These islands are as yet probably
unknown to the Dutch who, as I said before, endeavour to engross
all the spice into their own hands.
There was another opportunity offered us here of settling on
another Spice Island that was very well inhabited: for the
inhabitants fearing the Dutch and understanding that the English
were settling at Mindanao, their sultan sent his nephew to
Mindanao while we were there to invite us thither: Captain Swan
conferred with him about it divers times, and I do believe he had
some inclination to accept the offer; and I am sure most of the
men were for it: but this never came to a head for want of a true
understanding between Captain Swan and his men, as may be
declared hereafter.
Beside the benefit which might accrue from this trade with
Meangis and other the Spice Islands the Philippine Islands
themselves, by a little care and industry, might have afforded us
a very beneficial trade, and all these trades might have been
managed from Mindanao by settling there first. For that island
lies very convenient for trading either to the Spice Islands or
to the rest of the Philippine Islands: since, as its soil is much
of the same nature with either of them, so it lies as it were in
the centre of the gold and spice-trade in these parts, the
islands north of Mindanao abounding most in gold, and those south
of Meangis in spice.
OF THE BEST WAY TO MINDANAO BY THE SOUTH SEA AND TERRA
AUSTRALIS; AND OF AN ACCIDENTAL DISCOVERY THERE BY CAPTAIN DAVIS,
AND A PROBABILITY OF A GREATER.
As the island Mindanao lies very convenient for trade, so,
considering its distance, the way thither may not be over-long
and tiresome. The course that I would choose should be to set out
of England about the latter end of August, and to pass round
Tierra del Fuego, and so, stretching over towards New Holland,
coast it along that shore till I came near to Mindanao; or first
I would coast down near the American shore as far as I found
convenient and then direct my course accordingly for the island.
By this I should avoid coming near any of the Dutch settlements
and be sure to meet always with a constant brisk easterly
trade-wind after I was once past Tierra del Fuego. Whereas in
passing about the Cape of Good Hope, after you are shot over the
East Indian Ocean and are come to the islands, you must pass
through the Straits of Malacca or Sunda, or else some other
straits east from Java, where you will be sure to meet with
country-winds, go on which side of the Equator you please; and
this would require ordinarily seven or eight months for the
voyage, but the other I should hope to perform in six or seven at
most. In your return from thence also you must observe the same
rule as the Spaniards do in going from Manila to Acapulco; only
as they run towards the North Pole for variable winds, so you
must run to the southward till you meet with a wind that will
carry you over to Tierra del Fuego. There are places enough to
touch at for refreshment, either going or coming. You may touch
going thither on either side of Terra Patagonia, or, if you
please, at the Galapagos Islands, where there is refreshment
enough; and returning you may probably touch somewhere on New
Holland, and so make some profitable discovery in these places
without going out of your way. And to speak my thoughts freely, I
believe it is owing to the neglect of this easy way that all that
vast tract of Terra Australis which bounds the South Sea is yet
undiscovered: those that cross that sea seeming to design some
business on the Peruvian or Mexican coast, and so leaving that at
a distance. To confirm which I shall add what Captain Davis told
me lately that, after his departure from us at the haven of
Realejo (as is mentioned in the 8th chapter) he went, after
several traverses, to the Galapagos, and that, standing thence
southward for wind to bring him about Tierra del Fuego in the
latitude of 27 south, about 500 leagues from Copayapo on the
coast of Chile, he saw a small sandy island just by him; and that
they saw to the westward of it a long tract of pretty high land
tending away toward the north-west out of sight. This might
probably be the coast of Terra Australis Incognita.
THE CAPACITY THEY WERE IN TO SETTLE HERE.
But to return to Mindanao; as to the capacity we were then in,
of settling ourselves at Mindanao, although we were not sent out
of any such design of settling, yet we were as well provided, or
better, considering all circumstances, than if we had. For there
was scarce any useful trade but some or other of us understood
it. We had sawyers, carpenters, joiners, brick-makers,
bricklayers, shoemakers, tailors, etc. We only wanted a good
smith for great work; which we might have had at Mindanao. We
were very well provided with iron, lead, and all sorts of tools,
as saws, axes, hammers, etc. We had powder and shot enough, and
very good small arms. If we had designed to build a fort we could
have spared 8 or 10 guns out of our ship and men enough to have
managed it, and any affair of trade beside. We had also a great
advantage above raw men that are sent out of England into these
places, who proceed usually too cautiously, coldly, and formally
to compass any considerable design, which experience better
teaches than any rules whatsoever; besides the danger of their
lives in so great and sudden a change of air: whereas we were all
inured to hot climates, hardened by many fatigues, and in
general, daring men, and such as would not be easily baffled. To
add one thing more, our men were almost tired and began to desire
a quietus est; and therefore they would gladly have seated
themselves anywhere. We had a good ship too, and enough of us
(beside what might have been spared to manage our new settlement)
to bring the news with the effects to the owners in England: for
Captain Swan had already five thousand pound in gold, which he
and his merchants received for goods sold mostly to Captain
Harris and his men: which if he had laid but part of it out in
spice, as probably he might have done, would have satisfied the
merchants to their hearts' content. So much by way of
digression.
To proceed therefore with our first reception at Mindanao,
Raja Laut and his nephew sat still in their canoe, and would not
come aboard us; because, as they said, they had no orders for it
from the sultan. After about half an hour's discourse they took
their leaves; first inviting Captain Swan ashore and promising to
assist him in getting provision; which they said at present was
scarce, but in three or four month's time the rice would be
gathered in and then he might have as much as he pleased: and
that in the meantime he might secure his ship in some convenient
place for fear of the westerly winds which they said would be
very violent at the latter end of this month and all the next, as
we found them.
THE MINDANAYANS MEASURE THEIR SHIP.
We did not know the quality of these two persons till after
they were gone; else we should have fired some guns at their
departure: when they were gone a certain officer under the sultan
came aboard and measured our ship. A custom derived from the
Chinese, who always measure the length and breadth, and the depth
of the hold of all ships that come to load there: by which means
they know how much each ship will carry. But what reason this
custom is used either by the Chinese or Mindanao men I could
never learn: unless the Mindanayans design by this means to
improve their skill in shipping, against they have a trade.
CAPTAIN SWAN'S PRESENT TO THE SULTAN: HIS RECEPTION OF IT, AND
AUDIENCE GIVEN TO CAPTAIN SWAN, WITH RAJA LAUT, THE SULTAN'S
BROTHER'S ENTERTAINMENT OF HIM.
Captain Swan, considering that the season of the year would
oblige us to spend some time at this island, thought it
convenient to make what interest he could with the sultan; who
might afterwards either obstruct or advance his designs. He
therefore immediately provided a present to send ashore to the
sultan, namely, three yards of scarlet cloth, three yards of
broad gold lace, a Turkish scimitar and a pair of pistols: and to
Raja Laut he sent three yards of scarlet cloth and three yards of
silver lace. This present was carried by Mr. Henry More in the
evening. He was first conducted to Raja Laut's house; where he
remained till report thereof was made to the sultan, who
immediately gave order for all things to be made ready to receive
him.
About nine o'clock at night a messenger came from the sultan
to bring the present away. Then Mr. More was conducted all the
way with torches and armed men till he came to the house where
the sultan was. The sultan with eight or ten men of his council
were seated on carpets, waiting his coming. The present that Mr.
More brought was laid down before them, and was very kindly
accepted by the sultan, who caused Mr. More to sit down by them
and asked a great many questions of him. The discourse was in
Spanish by an interpreter. This conference lasted about an hour
and then he was dismissed and returned again to Raja Laut's
house. There was a supper provided for him, and the boat's crew;
after which he returned aboard.
The next day the sultan sent for Captain Swan: he immediately
went ashore with a flag flying in the boat's head and two
trumpets sounding all the way. When he came ashore he was met at
his landing by two principal officers, guarded along with
soldiers and abundance of people gazing to see him. The sultan
waited for him in his chamber of audience, where Captain Swan was
treated with tobacco and betel, which was all his
entertainment.
THE CONTENTS OF TWO ENGLISH LETTERS SHOWN THEM BY THE SULTAN
OF MINDANAO.
The sultan sent for two English letters for Captain Swan to
read, purposely to let him know that our East India merchants did
design to settle here, and that they had already sent a ship
hither. One of these letters was sent to the sultan from England
by the East India merchants. The chiefest things contained in it,
as I remember, for I saw it afterwards in the secretary's hand,
who was very proud to show it to us, was to desire some
privileges in order to the building of a fort there. This letter
was written in a very fair hand; and between each line there was
a gold line drawn. The other letter was left by Captain Goodlud,
directed to any English-men who should happen to come thither.
This related wholly to trade, giving an account at what rate he
had agreed with them for goods of the island, and how European
goods should be sold to them with an account of their weights and
measures, and their difference from ours.
OF THE COMMODITIES AND THE PUNISHMENTS THERE.
The rate agreed on for Mindanao gold was 14 Spanish dollars
(which is a current coin all over India) the English ounce, and
18 dollars the Mindanao ounce. But for beeswax and clove-bark I
do not remember the rates, neither do I well remember the rates
of Europe commodities; but I think the rate of iron was not above
4 dollars a hundred. Captain Goodlud's letter concludes thus.
"Trust none of them, for they are all thieves, but tace is Latin
for a candle." We understood afterwards that Captain Goodlud was
robbed of some goods by one of the general's men, and that he
that robbed him was fled into the mountains and could not be
found while Captain Goodlud was here. But, the fellow returning
back to the city some time after our arrival here, Raja Laut
brought him bound to Captain Swan and told him what he had done,
desiring him to punish him for it as he pleased; but Captain Swan
excused himself and said it did not belong to him, therefore he
would have nothing to do with it. However the General Raja Laut
would not pardon him, but punished him according to their own
custom, which I did never see but at this time.
He was stripped stark naked in the morning at sun-rising, and
bound to a post, so that he could not stir hand nor foot but as
he was moved; and was placed with his face eastward against the
sun. In the afternoon they turned his face towards the west that
the sun might still be in his face; and thus he stood all day,
parched in the sun (which shines here excessively hot) and
tormented with the mosquitoes or gnats: after this the general
would have killed him if Captain Swan had consented to it. I did
never see any put to death; but I believe they are barbarous
enough in it. The general told us himself that he put two men to
death in a town where some of us were with him; but I heard not
the manner of it. Their common way of punishing is to strip them
in this manner and place them in the sun; but sometimes they lay
them flat on their backs on the sand, which is very hot; where
they remain a whole day in the scorching sun with the mosquitoes
biting them all the time.
This action of the general in offering Captain Swan the
punishment of the thief caused Captain Swan afterwards to make
him the same offer of his men when any had offended the Mindanao
men: but the general left such offenders to be punished by
Captain Swan as he thought convenient. So that for the least
offence Captain Swan punished his men, and that in the sight of
the Mindanayans; and I think sometimes only for revenge; as he
did once punish his chief mate Mr. Teat, he that came captain of
the bark to Mindanao. Indeed at that time Captain Swan had his
men as much under command as if he had been in a king's ship: and
had he known how to use his authority he might have led them to
any settlement, and have brought them to assist him in any design
he had pleased.
THE GENERAL'S CAUTION HOW TO DEMEAN THEMSELVES; AT HIS
PERSUASION THEY LAY UP THEIR SHIPS IN THE RIVER.
Captain Swan being dismissed from the sultan, with abundance
of civility, after about two hours' discourse with him, went
thence to Raja Laut's house. Raja Laut had then some difference
with the sultan, and therefore he was not present at the sultan's
reception of our captain but waited his return and treated him
and all his men with boiled rice and fowls. He then told Captain
Swan again, and urged it to him, that it would be best to get his
ship into the river as soon as he could because of the usual
tempestuous weather at this time of the year; and that he should
want no assistance to further him in anything. He told him also
that, as we must of necessity stay here some time, so our men
would often come ashore; and he therefore desired him to warn his
men to be careful to give no affront to the natives; who, he
said, were very revengeful. That their customs being different
from ours, he feared that Captain Swan's men might some time or
other offend them, though ignorantly; that therefore he gave him
this friendly warning to prevent it: that his house should always
be open to receive him or any of his men, and that he, knowing
our customs, would never be offended at anything. After a great
deal of such discourse he dismissed the Captain and his company,
who took their leave and came aboard.
Captain Swan, having seen the two letters, did not doubt but
that the English did design to settle a factory here: therefore
he did not much scruple the honesty of these people, but
immediately ordered us to get the ship into the river. The river
upon which the city of Mindanao stands is but small and has not
above 10 or 11 foot water on the bar at a spring-tide: therefore
we lightened our ship and, the spring coming on, we with much ado
got her into the river, being assisted by 50 or 60 Mindanayan
fishermen who lived at the mouth of the river; Raja Laut himself
being aboard our ship to direct them. We carried her about a
quarter of a mile up, within the mouth of the river, and there
moored her head and stern in a hole where we always rode
afloat.
THE MINDANAYANS' CARESSES.
After this the citizens of Mindanao came frequently aboard to
invite our men to their houses, and to offer us pagallies. It was
a long time since any of us had received such friendship, and
therefore we were the more easily drawn to accept of their
kindnesses; and in a very short time most of our men got a
comrade or two, and as many pagallies; especially such of us as
had good clothes and store of gold, as many had who were of the
number of those that accompanied Captain Harris over the Isthmus
of Darien, the rest of us being poor enough. Nay, the very
poorest and meanest of us could hardly pass the streets but we
were even hauled by force into their houses to be treated by
them: although their treats were but mean, namely, tobacco, or
betel-nut, or a little sweet spiced water; yet their seeming
sincerity, simplicity, and the manner of bestowing these gifts
made them very acceptable. When we came to their houses they
would always be praising the English, as declaring that the
English and Mindanayans were all one. This they expressed by
putting their two forefingers close together and saying that the
English and Mindanayans were "samo, samo," that is, all one. Then
they would draw their forefingers half a foot asunder and say the
Dutch and they were "bugeto," which signifies so, that they were
at such distance in point of friendship: and for the Spaniards
they would make a greater representation of distance than for the
Dutch: fearing these, but having felt and smarted from the
Spaniards who had once almost brought them under.
Captain Swan did seldom go into any house at first but into
Raja Laut's. There he dined commonly every day; and as many of
his men as were ashore and had no money to entertain themselves
resorted thither about 12 o'clock, where they had rice enough
boiled and well dressed, and some scraps of fowls, or bits of
buffalo, dressed very nastily. Captain Swan was served a little
better, and his two trumpeters sounded all the time that he was
at dinner. After dinner Raja Laut would sit and discourse with
him most part of the afternoon. It was now the Ramdam time,
therefore the general excused himself that he could not entertain
our captain with dances and other pastimes, as he intended to do
when this solemn time was past; besides, it was the very height
of the wet season, and therefore not so proper for pastimes.
THE GREAT RAINS AND FLOODS OF THE CITY.
We had now very tempestuous weather and excessive rains which
so swelled the river that it overflowed its banks; so that we had
much ado to keep our ship safe: for every now and then we should
have a great tree come floating down the river and sometimes
lodge against our bows, to the endangering the breaking our
cables, and either the driving us in over the banks or carrying
us out to sea; both which would have been very dangerous to us,
especially being without ballast.
The city is about a mile long (of no great breadth) winding
with the banks of the river on the right hand going up, though it
has many houses on the other side too. But at this time it seemed
to stand as in a pond, and there was no passing from one house to
another but in canoes. This tempestuous rainy weather happened
the latter end of July, and lasted most part of August.
When the bad weather was a little assuaged Captain Swan hired
a house to put our sails and goods in while we careened our ship.
We had a great deal of iron and lead, which was brought ashore
into this house. Of these commodities Captain Swan sold to the
sultan or general 8 or 10 tuns at the rates agreed on by Captain
Goodlud, to be paid in rice.
THE MINDANAYANS HAVE CHINESE ACCOUNTANTS.
The Mindanayans are no good accountants; therefore the Chinese
that live here do cast up their accounts for them. After this
Captain Swan bought timber-trees of the general, and set some of
our men to saw them into planks to sheath the ship's bottom. He
had two whip-saws on board which he brought out of England, and
four or five men that knew the use of them, for they had been
sawyers in Jamaica.
HOW THEIR WOMEN DANCE.
When the Ramdam time was over, and the dry time set in a
little, the general, to oblige Captain Swan, entertained him
every night with dances. The dancing women that are purposely
bred up to it and make it their trade I have already described.
But beside them all the women in general are much addicted to
dancing. They dance 40 or 50 at once; and that standing all round
in a ring, joined hand in hand and singing and keeping time. But
they never budge out of their places nor make any motion till the
chorus is sung; then all at once they throw out one leg and bawl
out aloud; and sometimes they only clap their hands when the
chorus is sung. Captain Swan, to retaliate the general's favours,
sent for his violins and some that could dance English dances;
wherewith the general was very well pleased. They commonly spent
the biggest part of the night in these sort of pastimes.
A STORY OF ONE JOHN THACKER.
Among the rest of our men that did use to dance thus before
the general there was one John Thacker who was a seaman bred, and
could neither write nor read but had formerly learnt to dance in
the music houses about Wapping: this man came into the South Seas
with Captain Harris and, getting with him a good quantity of
gold, and being a pretty good husband of his share, had still
some left besides what he laid out in a very good suit of
clothes. The general supposed by his garb and his dancing that he
had been of noble extraction; and to be satisfied of his quality
asked of one of our men if he did not guess aright of him? The
man of whom the general asked this question told him he was much
in the right; and that most of our ship's company were of the
like extraction; especially all those that had fine clothes; and
that they came aboard only to see the world, having money enough
to bear their expenses wherever they came; but that for the rest,
those that had but mean clothes, they were only common seamen.
After this the general showed a great deal of respect to all that
had good clothes, but especially to John Thacker, till Captain
Swan came to know the business, and marred all; undeceiving the
general and drubbing the nobleman: for he was so much incensed
against John Thacker that he could never endure him afterwards;
though the poor fellow knew nothing of the matter.
THEIR BARK EATEN UP, AND THEIR SHIP ENDANGERED BY THE
WORM.
About the middle of November we began to work on our ship's
bottom, which we found very much eaten with the worm: for this is
a horrid place for worms. We did not know this till after we had
been in the river a month, and then we found our canoes' bottoms
eaten like honeycombs; our bark, which was a single bottom, was
eaten through; so that she could not swim. But our ship was
sheathed, and the worm came no further than the hair between the
sheathing plank and the main plank.
RAJA LAUT, THE GENERAL'S DECEITFULNESS.
We did not mistrust the general's knavery till now: for when
he came down to our ship, and found us ripping off the sheathing
plank, and saw the firm bottom underneath, he shook his head, and
seemed to be discontented; saying he did never see a ship with
two bottoms before. We were told that in this place where we now
lay a Dutch ship was eaten up in 2 months' time, and the general
had all her guns; and it is probable he did expect to have had
ours: which I do believe was the main reason that made him so
forward in assisting us to get our ship into the river, for when
we came out again we had no assistance from him.
OF THE WORMS HERE AND ELSEWHERE.
We had no worms till we came to this place: for when we
careened at the Marias the worm had not touched us; nor at Guam,
for there we scrubbed; nor after we came to the island Mindanao;
for at the south-east end of the island we heeled and scrubbed
also. The Mindanayans are so sensible of these destructive
insects that whenever they come from sea they immediately haul
their ship into a dry dock, and burn her bottom, and there let
her lie dry till they are ready to go to sea again. The canoes or
proas they haul up dry and never suffer them to be long in the
water. It is reported that those worms which get into a ship's
bottom in the salt water will die in the fresh water; and that
the fresh-water worms will die in salt water; but in the brackish
water both sorts will increase prodigiously. Now this place where
we lay was sometimes brackish water, yet commonly fresh; but what
sort of worm this was I know not. Some men are of opinion that
these worms breed in the plank; but I am persuaded they breed in
the sea: for I have seen millions of them swimming in the water,
particularly in the Bay of Panama; for there Captain Davis,
Captain Swan, and myself and most of our men did take notice of
them divers times, which was the reason of our cleaning so often
while we were there: and these were the largest worms that I did
ever see. I have also seen them in Virginia and in the Bay of
Campeachy; in the latter of which places the worms eat
prodigiously. They are always in bays, creeks, mouths of rivers,
and such places as are near the shore; being never found far out
at sea that I could ever learn: yet a ship will bring them lodged
in its plank for a great way.
OF CAPTAIN SWAN.
Having thus ripped off all our worm-eaten plank and clapped on
new, by the beginning of December 1686, our ship's bottom was
sheathed and tallowed, and the 10th day we went over the bar and
took aboard the iron and lead that we could not sell, and began
to fill our water and fetch aboard rice for our voyage: but
Captain Swan remained ashore still and was not yet determined
when to sail or whither. But I am well assured that he did never
intend to cruise about Manila, as his crew designed; for I did
once ask him, and he told me that what he had already done of
that kind he was forced to; but now being at liberty he would
never more engage in any such design: for, said he, there is no
prince on Earth is able to wipe off the stain of such actions.
What other designs he had I know not, for he was commonly very
cross; yet he did never propose doing anything else, but only
ordered the provision to be got aboard in order to sail; and I am
confident if he had made a motion to go to any English factory
most of his men would have consented to it, though probably some
would have still opposed it. However his authority might soon
have over-swayed those that were refractory; for it was very
strange to see the awe that these men were in of him, for he
punished the most stubborn and daring of his men. Yet when we had
brought the ship out into the road they were not altogether so
submissive as while it lay in the river, though even then it was
that he punished Captain Teat.
HUNTING WILD KINE.
I was at that time a-hunting with the general for beef, which
he had a long time promised us. But now I saw that there was no
credit to be given to his word; for I was a week out with him and
saw but four cows which were so wild that we did not get one.
There were five or six more of our company with me; these who
were young men and had Delilahs there, which made them fond of
the place, all agreed with the general to tell Captain Swan that
there were beeves enough, only they were wild. But I told him the
truth, and advised him not to be too credulous of the general's
promises. He seemed to be very angry, and stormed behind the
general's back, but in his presence was very mute, being a man of
small courage.
It was about the 20th day of December when we returned from
hunting, and the general designed to go again to another place to
hunt for beef; but he stayed till after Christmas Day because
some of us designed to go with him; and Captain Swan had desired
all his men to be aboard that day that we might keep it solemnly
together: and accordingly he sent aboard a buffalo the day before
that we might have a good dinner. So the 25th day about 10
o'clock Captain Swan came aboard and all his men who were ashore:
for you must understand that near a third of our men lived
constantly ashore with their comrades and pagallies, and some
with women-servants whom they hired of their masters for
concubines.
THE PRODIGALITY OF SOME OF THE ENGLISH.
Some of our men also had houses which they hired or bought,
for houses are very cheap, for 5 or 6 dollars. For many of them,
having more money than they knew what to do with, eased
themselves here of the trouble of telling it, spending it very
lavishly, their prodigality making the people impose upon them,
to the making the rest of us pay the dearer for what we bought,
and to endangering the like impositions upon such Englishmen as
may come here hereafter. For the Mindanayans knew how to get our
squires gold from them (for we had no silver) and when our men
wanted silver they would change now and then an ounce of gold and
could get for it no more than ten or eleven dollars for a
Mindanao ounce, which they would not part with again under
eighteen dollars. Yet this and the great prices the Mindanayans
set on their goods were not the only way to lessen their stocks;
for their pagallies and comrades would often be begging somewhat
of them, and our men were generous enough and would bestow half
an ounce of gold at a time, in a ring for their pagallies, or in
a silver wrist-band, or hoop to come about their arms, in hopes
to get a night's lodging with them.
When we are all aboard on Christmas Day, Captain Swan and his
two merchants; I did expect that Captain Swan would have made
some proposals or have told us his designs; but he only dined and
went ashore again without speaking anything of his mind.
CAPTAIN SWAN TREATS WITH A YOUNG INDIAN OF A SPICE ISLAND.
Yet even then I do think that he was driving on a design of
going to one of the Spice Islands to load with Spice; for the
young man before mentioned, who I said was sent by his uncle, the
sultan of a Spice Island near Ternate, to invite the English to
their island, came aboard at this time, and after some private
discourse with Captain Swan they both went ashore together. This
young man did not care that the Mindanayans should be privy to
what he said. I have heard Captain Swan say that he offered to
load his ship with spice provided he would build a small fort and
leave some men to secure the island from the Dutch; but I am
since informed that the Dutch have now got possession of the
island.
A HUNTING-VOYAGE WITH THE GENERAL.
The next day after Christmas, the general went away again, and
5 or 6 Englishmen with him, of whom I was one, under pretence of
going a-hunting; and we all went together by water in his proa,
together with his women and servants, to the hunting-place. The
general always carried his wives and children, his servants, his
money and goods with him: so we all embarked in the morning and
arrived there before night. I have already described the fashion
of their proas and the rooms made in them. We were entertained in
the general's room or cabin. Our voyage was not so far but that
we reached our fort before night.
HIS PUNISHING A SERVANT OF HIS.
At this time one of the general's servants had offended, and
was punished in this manner: he was bound fast flat on his belly
on a bamboo belonging to the prow, which was so near the water
that by the vessel's motion it frequently delved under water, and
the man along with it; and sometimes when hoisted up he had
scarce time to blow before he would be carried under water
again.
When we had rowed about two leagues we entered a pretty large
deep river and rowed up a league further, the water salt all the
way. There was a pretty large village, the houses built after the
country fashion. We landed at this place, where there was a house
made ready immediately for us. The general and his women lay at
one end of the house and we at the other end, and in the evening
all the women in the village danced before the general.
OF HIS WIVES AND WOMEN.
While we stayed here the general with his men went out every
morning betimes and did not return till four or five o'clock in
the afternoon, and he would often compliment us by telling us
what good trust and confidence he had in us, saying that he left
his women and goods under our protection and that he thought them
as secure with us six (for we had all our arms with us) as if he
had left 109 of his own men to guard them. Yet for all this great
confidence he always left one of his principal men for fear some
of us should be too familiar with his women.
They did never stir out of their own room when the general was
at home, but as soon as he was gone out they would presently come
into our room and sit with us all day, and ask a thousand
questions of us concerning our Englishwomen and our customs. You
may imagine that before this time some of us had attained so much
of their language as to understand them and give them answers to
their demands. I remember that one day they asked how many wives
the King of England had? We told them but one, and that our
English laws did not allow of any more. They said it was a
strange custom that a man should be confined to one woman; some
of them said it was a very bad law, but others again said it was
a good law; so there was a great dispute among them about it. But
one of the general's women said positively that our law was
better than theirs, and made them all silent by the reason which
she gave for it. This was the War Queen, as we called her, for
she did always accompany the general whenever he was called out
to engage his enemies, but the rest did not. By this familiarity
among the women, and by often discoursing them, we came to be
acquainted with their customs and privileges. The general lies
with his wives by turns; but she by whom he had the first son has
a double portion of his company: for when it comes to her turn
she has him two nights, whereas the rest have him but one. She
with whom he is to lie at night seems to have a particular
respect shown her by the rest all the precedent day; and for a
mark of distinction wears a striped silk handkerchief about her
neck, by which we knew who was queen that day.
We lay here about 5 or 6 days but did never in all that time
see the least sign of any beef, which was the business we came
about, neither were we suffered to go out with the general to see
the wild kine, but we wanted for nothing else: however this did
not please us, and we often importuned him to let us go out among
the cattle. At last he told us that he had provided a jar of
rice-drink to be merry with us, and after that we should go with
him.
A SORT OF STRONG RICE-DRINK.
This rice-drink is made of rice boiled and put into a jar,
where it remains a long time steeping in water. I know not the
manner of making it but it is very strong pleasant drink. The
evening when the general designed to be merry he caused a jar of
this drink to be brought into our room, and he began to drink
first himself, then afterwards his men; so they took turns till
they were all as drunk as swine before they suffered us to drink.
After they had enough then we drank, and they drank no more, for
they will not drink after us. The general leapt about our room a
little while; but having his load soon went to sleep.
The next day we went out with the general into the savannah
where he had near 100 men making of a large pen to drive the
cattle into. For that is the manner of their hunting, having no
dogs, But I saw not above eight or ten cows; and those as wild as
deer, so that we got none this day: yet the next day some of his
men brought in three heifers which they killed in the savannah.
With these we returned aboard, they being all that we got
there.
THE GENERAL'S FOUL DEALING AND EXACTIONS.
Captain Swan was much vexed at the general's actions for he
promised to supply us with as much beef as we should want, but
now either could not or would not make good his promise. Besides,
he failed to perform his promise in a bargain of rice that we
were to have for the iron which we sold him, but he put us off
still from time to time and would not come to any account.
Neither were these all his tricks; for a little before his son
was circumcised (of which I spoke in the foregoing chapter) he
pretended a great strait for money to defray the charges of that
day; and therefore desired Captain Swan to lend him about twenty
ounces of gold; for he knew that Captain Swan had a considerable
quantity of gold in his possession, which the general thought was
his own, but indeed he had none but what belonged to the
merchants. However he lent it the general; but when he came to an
account with Captain Swan he told him that it was usual at such
solemn times to make presents, and that he received it as a gift.
He also demanded payment for the victuals that our captain and
his men did eat at his house.
CAPTAIN SWAN'S UNEASINESS AND INDISCREET MANAGEMENT.
These things startled Captain Swan, yet how to help himself he
knew not. But all this, with other inward troubles, lay hard on
our captain's spirits and put him very much out of humour; for
his own company were pressing him every day to be gone, because
now was the height of the easterly monsoon, the only wind to
carry us farther into the Indies.
About this time some of our men, who were weary and tired with
wandering, ran away into the country and absconded, they being
assisted, as was generally believed by Raja Laut. There were
others also who, fearing we should not go to an English port,
bought a canoe and designed to go in her to Borneo: for not long
before the Mindanao vessel came from thence and brought a letter
directed to the chief of the English factory at Mindanao. This
letter the general would have Captain Swan have opened, but he
thought it might come from some of the East India merchants whose
affairs he would not intermeddle with, and therefore did not open
it. I since met with Captain Bowry at Achin and, telling him this
story, he said that he sent that letter, supposing that the
English were settled there at Mindanao; and by this letter we
also thought that there was an English factory at Borneo: so here
was a mistake on both sides. But this canoe, wherewith some of
them thought to go to Borneo, Captain Swan took from them, and
threatened the undertakers very hardly. However this did not so
far discourage them, for they secretly bought another; but their
designs taking air they were again frustrated by Captain
Swan.
The whole crew were at this time under a general disaffection
and full of very different projects; and all for want of action.
The main division was between those that had money and those that
had none. There was a great difference in the humours of these;
for they that had money lived ashore and did not care for leaving
Mindanao; whilst those that were poor lived aboard and urged
Captain Swan to go to sea. These began to be unruly as well as
dissatisfied, and sent ashore the merchants' iron to sell for
rack and honey to make punch, wherewith they grew drunk and
quarrelsome: which disorderly actions deterred me from going
aboard; for I did ever abhor drunkenness, which now our men that
were aboard abandoned themselves wholly to.
Yet these disorders might have been crushed if Captain Swan
had used his authority to suppress them: but he with his
merchants living always ashore there was no command; and
therefore every man did what he pleased and encouraged each other
in his villainies. Now Mr. Harthop, who was one of Captain Swan's
merchants, did very much importune him to settle his resolutions
and declare his mind to his men; which at last he consented to
do. Therefore he gave warning to all his men to come aboard the
13th day of January 1687.
We did all earnestly expect to hear what Captain Swan would
propose and therefore were very willing to go aboard. But,
unluckily for him, two days before this meeting was to be Captain
Swan sent aboard his gunner to fetch something ashore out of his
cabin. The gunner, rummaging to find what he was sent for, among
other things took out the captain's journal from America to the
island Guam, and laid down by him. This journal was taken up by
one John Read, a Bristol man whom I have mentioned in my 4th
chapter. He was a pretty ingenious young man, and of a very civil
carriage and behaviour. He was also accounted a good artist, and
kept a journal, and was now prompted by his curiosity to peep
into Captain Swan's journal to see how it agreed with his own, a
thing very usual among the seamen that keep journals, when they
have an opportunity, and especially young men who have no great
experience. At the first opening of the book he lit on a place in
which Captain Swan had inveighed bitterly against most of his
men, especially against another John Reed a Jamaica man. This was
such stuff as he did not seek after: but, hitting so pat on this
subject, his curiosity led him to pry further; and therefore,
while the gunner was busy, he conveyed the book away to look over
it at his leisure. The gunner, having dispatched his business,
locked up the cabin-door, not missing the book, and went ashore.
Then John Reed showed it to his namesake and to the rest that
were aboard, who were by this time the biggest part of them ripe
for mischief; only wanting some fair pretence to set themselves
to work about it.
HIS MEN MUTINY.
Therefore looking on what was written in this journal to be
matter sufficient for them to accomplish their ends Captain Teat
who, as I said before, had been abused by Captain Swan, laid hold
on this opportunity to be revenged for his injuries and
aggravated the matter to the height; persuading the men to turn
out Captain Swan from being commander in hopes to have commanded
the ship himself. As for the seamen they were easily persuaded to
anything; for they were quite tired with this long and tedious
voyage, and most of them despaired of ever getting home and
therefore did not care what they did or whither they went. It was
only want of being busied in some action that made them so
uneasy; therefore they consented to what Teat proposed, and
immediately all that were aboard bound themselves by oath to turn
Captain Swan out and to conceal this design from those that were
ashore until the ship was under sail; which would have been
presently if the surgeon or his mate had been aboard; but they
were both ashore, and they thought it no prudence to go to sea
without a surgeon: therefore the next morning they sent ashore
one John Cookworthy to hasten off either the surgeon or his mate
by pretending that one of the men in the night broke his leg by
falling into the hold. The surgeon told him that he intended to
come aboard the next day with the captain and would not come
before; but sent his mate, Herman Coppinger.
OF A SNAKE TWISTING ABOUT ONE OF THEIR NECKS.
This man some time before this was sleeping at his pagallies
and a snake twisted himself about his neck; but afterwards went
away without hurting him. In this country it is usual to have the
snakes come into the houses and into the ships too; for we had
several came aboard our ship when we lay in the river. But to
proceed, Herman Coppinger provided to go aboard; and the next
day, being the time appointed for Captain Swan and all his men to
meet aboard, I went aboard with him, neither of us distrusted
what was designing by those aboard till we came thither. Then we
found it was only a trick to get the surgeon off; for now, having
obtained their desires, the canoe was sent ashore again
immediately to desire as many as they could meet to come aboard;
but not to tell the reason lest Captain Swan should come to hear
of it.
The 13th day in the morning they weighed and fired a gun:
Captain Swan immediately sent aboard Mr. Nelly, who was now his
chief mate, to see what the matter was: to him they told all
their grievances and showed him the journal. He persuaded them to
stay till the next day for an answer from Captain Swan and the
merchants. So they came to an anchor again and the next morning
Mr. Harthop came aboard: he persuaded them to be reconciled
again, or at least to stay and get more rice: but they were deaf
to it and weighed again while he was aboard. Yet at Mr. Harthop's
persuasion they promised to stay till two o'clock in the
afternoon for Captain Swan and the rest of the men, if they would
come aboard; but they suffered no man to go ashore except one
William Williams that had a wooden leg and another that was a
sawyer.
THE MAIN PART OF THE CREW GO AWAY WITH THE SHIP, LEAVING
CAPTAIN SWAN AND SOME OF HIS MEN: SEVERAL OTHERS POISONED
THERE.
If Captain Swan had yet come aboard he might have dashed all
their designs; but he neither came himself, as a captain of any
prudence and courage would have done, nor sent till the time was
expired. So we left Captain Swan and about 36 men ashore in the
city, and six or eight that ran away; and about 16 we had buried
there, the most of which died by poison. The natives are very
expert at poisoning and do it upon small occasions: nor did our
men want for giving offence through their general rogueries, and
sometimes by dallying too familiarly with their women, even
before their faces. Some of their poisons are slow and lingering;
for we had some now aboard who were poisoned there but died not
till some months after.
Chapter XIV
They Depart from the River of Mindanao.
The 14th day of January 1687 at three of the clock in the
afternoon we sailed from the river of Mindanao, designing to
cruise before Manila.
OF THE TIME LOST OR GAINED IN SAILING ROUND THE WORLD: WITH A
CAUTION TO SEAMEN, ABOUT THE ALLOWANCE THEY ARE TO TAKE FOR THE
DIFFERENCE OF THE SUN'S DECLINATION.
It was during our stay at Mindanao that we were first made
sensible of the change of time in the course of our voyage. For,
having travelled so far westward, keeping the same course with
the sun, we must consequently have gained something insensibly in
the length of the particular days, but have lost in the tale the
bulk, or number of the days or hours. According to the different
longitudes of England and Mindanao this isle, being west from the
Lizard, by common computation, about 210 degrees, the difference
of time at our arrival at Mindanao ought to be about 14 hours:
and so much we should have anticipated our reckoning, having
gained it by bearing the sun company. Now the natural day in
every particular place must be consonant to itself: but this
going about with or against the sun's course will of necessity
make a difference in the calculation of the civil day between any
two places. Accordingly at Mindanao and all other places in the
East Indies we found them reckoning a day before us, both natives
and Europeans; for the Europeans, coming eastward by the Cape of
Good Hope in a course contrary to the sun and us, wherever we met
they were a full day before us in their accounts. So among the
Indian Mohammedans here their Friday, the day of their sultan's
going to their mosques, was Thursday with us; though it were
Friday also with those who came eastward from Europe. Yet at the
Ladrone Islands we found the Spaniards of Guam keeping the same
computation with ourselves; the reason of which I take to be that
they settled that colony by a course westward from Spain; the
Spaniards going first to America and thence to the Ladrones and
Philippines. But how the reckoning was at Manila and the rest of
the Spanish colonies in the Philippine Islands I know not;
whether they keep it as they brought it or corrected it by the
accounts of the natives and of the Portuguese, Dutch, and
English, coming the contrary way from Europe.
One great reason why seamen ought to keep the difference of
time as exact as they can is that they may be the more exact in
their latitudes. For our tables of the sun's declination, being
calculated for the meridians of the places in which they were
made, differ about 12 minutes from those parts of the world that
lie on their opposite meridians in the months of March and
September; and in proportion to the sun's declination at other
times of the year also. And should they run farther as we did the
difference would still increase upon them, and be an occasion of
great errors. Yet even able seamen in these voyages are hardly
made sensible of this, though so necessary to be observed, for
want of duly attending to the reason of it, as it happened among
those of our crew; who after we had passed 180 degrees began to
decrease the difference of declination, whereas they ought still
to have increased it, for it all the way increased upon us.
THE SOUTH COAST OF MINDANAO.
We had the wind at north-north-east, fair clear weather and a
brisk gale. We coasted to the westward, on the south side of the
island of Mindanao, keeping within four or five leagues of the
shore. The land from hence trends away west by south. It is off a
good height by the sea and very woody, and in the country we saw
high hills.
CHAMBONGO TOWN AND HARBOUR, WITH ITS NEIGHBOURING KEYS.
The next day we were abreast of Chambongo, a town in this
island and 30 leagues from the river of Mindanao. Here is said to
be a good harbour and a great settlement with plenty of beef and
buffalo. It is reported that the Spaniards were formerly
fortified here also: there are two shoals lie off this place, two
or three leagues from the shore. From hence the land is more low
and even; yet there are some hills in the country.
About six leagues before we came to the west end of the island
Mindanao we fell in with a great many small low islands or keys,
and about two or three leagues to the southward of these keys
there is a long island stretching north-east and south-west about
12 leagues. This island is low by the sea on the north side and
has a ridge of hills in the middle, running from one end to the
other. Between this isle and the small keys there is a good large
channel: among the keys also there is a good depth of water and a
violent tide; but on what point of the compass it flows I know
not, nor how much it rises and falls.
GREEN TURTLE.
The 17th day we anchored on the east side of all these keys in
eight fathom water, clean sand. Here are plenty of green turtle,
whose flesh is as sweet as any in the West Indies: but they are
very shy.
RUINS OF A SPANISH FORT.
A little to the westward of these keys, on the island
Mindanao, we saw abundance of coconut-trees: therefore we sent
our canoe ashore, thinking to find inhabitants, but found none
nor sign of any; but great tracts of hogs and great cattle; and
close by the sea there were ruins of an old fort; the walls
thereof were of a good height, built with stone and lime, and by
the workmanship seemed to be Spanish. From this place the land
trends west-north-west and it is of an indifferent height by the
sea. It runs on this point of the compass four or five leagues,
and then the land trends away north-north-west five or six
leagues farther, making with many bluff points.
THE WESTERMOST POINT OF MINDANAO.
We weighed again the 14th day and went through between the
keys; but met such uncertain tides that we were forced to anchor
again. The 22nd day we got about the westermost point of all
Mindanao and stood to the northward, plying under the shore and
having the wind at north-north-east a fresh gale. As we sailed
along further we found the land to trend north-north-east. On
this part of the island the land is high by the sea with full
bluff points and very woody. There are some small sandy bays
which afford streams of fresh water.
TWO PROAS OF THE SOLOGUES LADEN FROM MANILA.
Here we met with two proas belonging to the Sologues, one of
the Mindanayan nations before mentioned. They came from Manila
laden with silks and calicoes. We kept on this western part of
the island steering northerly till we came abreast of some other
of the Philippine Islands that lay to the northward of us, then
steered away towards them; but still keeping on the west side of
them, and we had the winds at north-north-east.
AN ISLE TO THE WEST OF SEBO.
The 3rd of February we anchored in a good bay on the west side
of the island in latitude 9 degrees 55 minutes, where we had 13
fathom water, good soft oaze. This island has no name that we
could find in any book but lies on the west side of the island
Sebo. It is about eight or ten leagues long, mountainous and
woody. At this place Captain Read, who was the same Captain Swan
had so much railed against in his journal and was now made
captain in his room (as Captain Teat was made master, and Mr.
Henry More quartermaster) ordered the carpenters to cut down our
quarter-deck to make the ship snug and the fitter for sailing.
When that was done we heeled her, scrubbed her bottom, and
tallowed it. Then we filled all our water, for here is a delicate
small run of water.
WALKING-CANES.
The land was pretty low in this bay, the mould black and fat,
and the trees of several kinds, very thick and tall. In some
places we found plenty of canes, such as we use in England for
walking-canes. These were short-jointed, not above two foot and a
half, or two foot 10 inches the longest, and most of them not
above two foot. They run along on the ground like a vine; or,
taking hold of their trees, they climb up to their very tops.
They are 15 or 20 fathom long, and much of a bigness from the
root till within five or six fathom of the end. They are of a
pale green colour, clothed over with a coat of short thick hairy
substance of a dun colour; but it comes off by only drawing the
cane through your hand. We did cut many of them and they proved
very tough heavy canes.
We saw no houses nor sign of inhabitants; but while we lay
here there was a canoe with six men came into this bay; but
whither they were bound or from whence they came I know not. They
were Indians, and we could not understand them.
ISLE OF BATS, VERY LARGE; AND NUMEROUS TURTLE AND MANATEE.
In the middle of this bay about a mile from the shore there is
a small low woody island, not above a mile in circumference; our
ship rode about a mile from it. This island was the habitation of
an incredible number of great bats, with bodies as big as ducks,
or large fowl, and with vast wings: for I saw at Mindanao one of
this sort, and I judge that the wings, stretched out in length,
could not be less asunder than 7 or 8 foot from tip to tip; for
it was much more than any of us could fathom with our arms
extended to the utmost. The wings are for substance like those of
other bats, of a dun or mouse colour. The skin or leather of them
has ribs running along it and draws up in 3 or 4 folds; and at
the joints of those ribs and the extremities of the wings there
are sharp and crooked claws by which they may hang on anything.
In the evening as soon as the sun was set, these creatures would
begin to take their flight from this island in swarms like bees,
directing their flight over to the main island; and whither
afterwards I know not. Thus we should see them rising up from the
island till night hindered our sight; and in the morning as soon
as it was light we should see them returning again like a cloud
to the small island till sun rising. This course they kept
constantly while we lay here, affording us every morning and
evening an hour's diversion in gazing at them and talking about
them; but our curiosity did not prevail with us to go ashore to
them, ourselves and canoes being all the daytime taken up in
business about our ship. At this isle also we found plenty of
turtle and manatee but no fish.
A DANGEROUS SHOAL.
We stayed here till the 10th of February 1687, and then,
having completed our business, we sailed hence with the wind at
north. But going out we struck on a rock, where we lay two hours:
it was very smooth water and the tide of flood, or else we should
there have lost our ship. We struck off a great piece of our
rudder, which was all the damage that we received, but we more
narrowly missed losing our ships this time than in any other in
the whole voyage. This is a very dangerous shoal because it does
not break, unless probably it may appear in foul weather. It lies
about two miles to the westward, without the small Bat Island.
Here we found the tide of flood setting to the southward, and the
ebb to the northward.
THEY SAIL BY PANAY BELONGING TO THE SPANIARDS, AND OTHERS OF
THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS.
After we were past this shoal we coasted along by the rest of
the Philippine Islands, keeping on the west side of them. Some of
them appeared to be very mountainous dry land. We saw many fires
in the night as we passed by Panay, a great island settled by
Spaniards, and by the fires up and down it seems to be well
settled by them; for this is a Spanish custom whereby they give
notice of any danger or the like from sea; and it is probable
they had seen our ship the day before. This is an unfrequented
coast and it is rare to have any ship seen there. We touched not
at Panay nor anywhere else though we saw a great many small
islands to the westward of us and some shoals, but none of them
laid down in our charts.
ISLE OF MINDORO.
The 18th day of February we anchored at the north-west end of
the island Mindoro, in 10 fathom water, about three quarters of a
mile from the shore. Mindoro is a large island; the middle of it
lying in latitude 13, about 40 leagues long, stretching
north-west and south-east. It is high and mountainous and not
very woody. At this place where we anchored the land was neither
very high nor low. There was a small brook of water, and the land
by the sea was very woody, and the trees high and tall, but a
league or two farther in the woods are very thin and small. Here
we saw great tracks of hog and beef, and we saw some of each and
hunted them; but they were wild and we could kill none.
While we were here there was a canoe with four Indians came
from Manila. They were very shy of us a while but at last,
hearing us speak Spanish, they came to us and told us that they
were going to a friar that lived at an Indian village towards the
south-east end of the island. They told us also that the harbour
of Manila is seldom or never without 20 or 30 sail of vessels,
most Chinese, some Portuguese, and some few the Spaniards have of
their own. They said that when they had done their business with
the friar they would return to Manila, and hope to be back again
at this place in four days' time. We told them that we came for a
trade with the Spaniards at Manila, and should be glad if they
would carry a letter to some merchant there, which they promised
to do. But this was only a pretence of ours to get out of them
what intelligence we could as to their shipping, strength, and
the like, under colour of seeking a trade; for our business was
to pillage. Now if we had really designed to have traded there
this was as fair an opportunity as men could have desired: for
these men could have brought us to the friar that they were going
to, and a small present to him would have engaged him to do any
kindness for us in the way of trade: for the Spanish governors do
not allow of it and we must trade by stealth.
The 21st day we went from hence with the wind at
east-north-east a small gale. The 23rd day in the morning we were
fair by the south-east end of the island Luconia, the place that
had been so long desired by us.
TWO BARKS TAKEN.
We presently saw a sail coming from the northward and making
after her we took her in two hours' time. She was a Spanish bark
that came from a place called Pangasanam, a small town on the
north end of Luconia, as they told us; probably the same with
Pongassiny, which lies on a bay at the north-west side of the
island. She was bound to Manila but had no goods aboard; and
therefore we turned her away.
The 23rd we took another Spanish vessel that came from the
same place as the other. She was laden with rice and cotton-cloth
and bound for Manila also. These goods were purposely for the
Acapulco ship: the rice was for the men to live on while they lay
there and in their return: and the cotton-cloth was to make sail.
The master of this prize was boatswain of the Acapulco ship which
escaped us at Guam and was now at Manila. It was this man that
gave us the relation of what strength it had, how they were
afraid of us there, and of the accident that happened to them, as
is before mentioned in the 10th chapter. We took these two
vessels within seven or eight leagues of Manila.
A FURTHER ACCOUNT OF THE ISLE LUCONIA, AND THE CITY AND
HARBOUR OF MANILA.
Luconia I have spoken of already but I shall now add this
further account of it. It is a great island, taking up between 6
and 7 degrees of latitude in length, and its breadth near the
middle is about 60 leagues, but the ends are narrow. The north
end lies in about 19 degrees north latitude and the south end is
about 12 degrees 30 minutes. This great island has abundance of
small keys or islands lying about it; especially at the north
end. The south side fronts towards the rest of the Philippine
Islands: of these that are its nearest neighbours Mindoro lately
mentioned is the chief, and gives name to the sea or strait that
parts it and the other islands from Luconia: being called the
Straits of Mindoro.
MAP OF THE BASHEE ISLANDS, PULO CONDORE, ETC.
The body of the island Luconia is composed of many spacious
plain savannahs and large mountains. The north end seems to be
more plain and even, I mean freer from hills, than the south end:
but the land is all along of a good height. It does not appear so
flourishing and green as some of the other islands in this range;
especially that of St. John, Mindanao, Bat Island, etc., yet in
some places it is very woody. Some of the mountains of this
island afford gold, and the savannahs are well stocked with herds
of cattle, especially Buffaloes. These cattle are in great plenty
all over the East Indies; and therefore it is very probable that
there were many of these here even before the Spaniards came
hither. But now there are also plenty of other cattle, as I have
been told, as bullocks, horses, sheep, goats, hogs, etc., brought
hither by the Spaniards.
It is pretty well inhabited with Indians, most of them if not
all under the Spaniards, who now are masters of it. The native
Indians do live together in towns; and they have priests among
them to instruct them in the Spanish religion.
Manila, the chief or perhaps the only city, lies at the foot
of a ridge of high hills, facing upon a spacious harbour near the
south-west point of the island, in about the latitude of 14
degrees north. It is environed with a high strong wall and very
well fortified with forts and breast-works. The houses are large,
strongly built, and covered with pan-tile. The streets are large
and pretty regular; with a parade in the midst, after the Spanish
fashion. There are a great many fair buildings besides churches
and other religious houses; of which there are not a few.
The harbour is so large that some hundreds of ships may ride
here; and is never without many, both of their own and strangers.
I have already given you an account of the two ships going and
coming between this place and Acapulco. Besides them they have
some small vessels of their own; and they do allow the Portuguese
to trade here, but the Chinese are the chiefest merchants and
they drive the greatest trade; for they have commonly twenty,
thirty, or forty junks in the harbour at a time, and a great many
merchants constantly residing in the city besides shopkeepers,
and handicrafts-men in abundance. Small vessels run up near the
town, but the Acapulco ships and others of greater burden lie a
league short of it, where there is a strong fort also, and
storehouses to put goods in.
I had the major part of this relation two or three years after
this time from Mr. Coppinger our surgeon; for he made a voyage
hither from Porto Nova, a town on the coast of Coromandel; in a
Portuguese ship, as I think. Here he found ten or twelve of
Captain Swan's men; some of those that we left at Mindanao. For
after we came from thence they bought a proa there, by the
instigation of an Irishman who went by the name of John
Fitz-Gerald, a person that spoke Spanish very well; and so in
this their proa they came hither. They had been here but eighteen
months when Mr. Coppinger arrived here, and Mr. Fitz-Gerald had
in this time gotten a Spanish Mestiza woman to wife, and a good
dowry with her. He then professed physic and surgery, and was
highly esteemed among the Spaniards for his supposed knowledge in
those arts; for, being always troubled with sore shins while he
was with us, he kept some plasters and salves by him; and with
these he set up upon his bare natural stock of knowledge and his
experience in kibes. But then he had a very great stock of
confidence withal to help out the other and, being an Irish Roman
Catholic, and having the Spanish language, he had a great
advantage of all his consorts; and he alone lived well there of
them all. We were not within sight of this town but I was shown
the hills that overlooked it, and drew a draft of them as we lay
off at sea; which I have caused to be engraven among a few others
that I took myself. See the Table.
THEY GO OFF PULO CONDORE TO LIE THERE.
The time of the year being now too far spent to do anything
here it was concluded to sail from hence to Pulo Condore, a
little parcel of islands on the coast of Cambodia, and carry this
prize with us and there careen if we could find any convenient
place for it, designing to return hither again by the latter end
of May and wait for the Acapulco ship that comes about that time.
By our charts (which we were guided by, being strangers to these
parts) this seemed to us then to be a place out of the way where
we might lie snug for a while, and wait the time of returning for
our prey. For we avoided as much as we could the going to lie by
at any great place of commerce lest we should become too much
exposed, and perhaps be assaulted by a force greater than our
own.
So, having set our prisoners ashore, we sailed from Luconia
the 26th day of February, with the wind east-north-east and fair
weather, and a brisk gale. We were in latitude 14 degrees north
when we began to steer away for Pulo Condore, and we steered
south by west.
THE SHOALS OF PRACEL, ETC.
In our way thither we went pretty near the shoals of Pracel
and other shoals which are very dangerous. We were very much
afraid of them but escaped them without so much as seeing them,
only at the very south end of the Pracel shoals we saw three
little sandy islands or spots of sand standing just above water
within a mile of us.
PULO CONDORE.
It was the 13th day of March before we came in sight of Pulo
Condore, or the island Condore, as Pulo signifies. The 14th day
about noon we anchored on the north side of the island against a
sandy bay two mile from the shore, in ten fathom clean hard sand,
with both ship and prize. Pulo Condore is the principal of a heap
of islands and the only inhabited one of them. They lie in
latitude 8 degrees 40 minutes north, and about twenty leagues
south and by east from the mouth of the river of Cambodia. These
islands lie so near together that at a distance they appear to be
but one island.
Two of these islands are pretty large and of a good height,
they may be seen fourteen or fifteen leagues at sea; the rest are
but little spots. The biggest of the two (which is the inhabited
one) is about four or five leagues long and lies east and west.
It is not above three mile broad at the broadest place, in most
places not above a mile wide. The other large island is about
three mile long and half a mile wide. This island stretches north
and south. It is so conveniently placed at the west end of the
biggest island that between both there is formed a very
commodious harbour. The entrance of this harbour is on the north
side where the two islands are near a mile asunder. There are
three or four small keys and a good deep channel between them and
the biggest island. Towards the south end of the harbour the two
islands do in a manner close up, leaving only a small passage for
boats and canoes. There are no more islands on the north side but
five or six on the south side of the great island. See the
Table.
The mould of these islands for the biggest part is blackish
and pretty deep, only the hills are somewhat stony. The eastern
part of the biggest island is sandy yet all clothed with trees of
divers sorts. The trees do not grow so thick as I have seen them
in some places, but they are generally large and tall and fit for
any use.
THE TAR-TREE.
There is one sort of tree much larger than any other on this
island and which I have not seen anywhere else. It is about three
or four foot diameter in the body, from whence is drawn a sort of
clammy juice, which being boiled a little becomes perfect tar;
and if you boil it much it will become hard as pitch. It may be
put to either use; we used it both ways, and found it to be very
serviceable. The way that they get this juice is by cutting a
great gap horizontally in the body of the tree half through, and
about a foot from the ground; and then cutting the upper part of
the body aslope inwardly downward, till in the middle of the tree
it meets with the traverse cutting or plain. In this plain
horizontal semicircular stump they make a hollow like a basin,
that may contain a quart or two. Into this hole the juice which
drains from the wounded upper part of the tree falls; from whence
you must empty it every day. It will run thus for some months and
then dry away, and the tree will recover again.
The fruit-trees that nature has bestowed on these isles are
mangoes; and trees bearing a sort of grape, and other trees
bearing a kind of wild or bastard nutmegs. These all grow wild in
the woods and in very great plenty.
THE MANGO.
The mangoes here grow on trees as big as apple-trees: those at
Fort St. George are not so large. The fruit of these is as big as
a small peach but long and smaller towards the top: it is of a
yellowish colour when ripe; it is very juicy, and of a pleasant
smell and delicate taste. When the mango is young they cut them
in two pieces and pickle them with salt and vinegar in which they
put some cloves of garlic. This is an excellent sauce and much
esteemed; it is called mango-achar. Achar I presume signifies
sauce. They make in the East Indies, especially at Siam and Pegu,
several sorts of achar, as of the young tops of bamboos, etc.,
bamboo-achar and mango-achar are most used. The mangoes were ripe
when we were there (as were also the rest of these fruits) and
they have then so delicate a fragrancy that we could smell them
out in the thick woods, if we had but the wind of them, while we
were a good way from them and could not see them; and we
generally found them out this way. Mangoes are common in many
places of the East Indies; but I did never know any grow wild
only at this place. These, though not so big as those I have seen
at Achin and at Madras or Fort St. George are yet every whit as
pleasant as the best sort of their garden mangoes.
GRAPE-TREE.
The grape-tree grows with a straight body of a diameter about
a foot or more, and has but few limbs or boughs. The fruit grows
in clusters all about the body of the tree, like the jack,
durian, and cocoa fruits. There are of them both red and white.
They are much like such grapes as grow on our vines both in shape
and colour; and they are of a very pleasant winy taste. I never
saw these but on the two biggest of these islands; the rest had
no tar-trees, mangoes, grape-trees, nor wild nutmegs.
THE WILD OR BASTARD-NUTMEG.
The wild nutmeg-tree is as big as a walnut-tree; but it does
not spread so much. The boughs are gross and the fruit grows
among the boughs as the walnut and other fruits. This nutmeg is
much smaller than the true nutmeg and longer also. It is enclosed
with a thin shell, and a sort of mace, encircling the nut within
the shell. This bastard nutmeg is so much like the true nutmeg in
shape that at our first arrival here we thought it to be the true
one; but it has no manner of smell nor taste.
THEIR ANIMALS.
The animals of these islands are some hogs, lizards and
iguanas; and some of those creatures mentioned in Chapter 11
which are like but much bigger than the iguanas.
Here are many sorts of birds, as parrots, parakeets, doves and
pigeons. Here are also a sort of wild cocks and hens: they are
much like our tame fowl of that kind; but a great deal less, for
they are about the bigness of a crow. The cocks do crow like ours
but much more small and shrill; and by their crowing we do first
find them out in the woods where we shoot them. Their flesh is
very white and sweet.
There are a great many limpets and mussels, and plenty of
green turtle.
OF THE MIGRATION OF THE TURTLE FROM PLACE TO PLACE.
And upon this mention of turtle again I think it not amiss to
add some reasons to strengthen the opinion that I have given
concerning these creatures removing from place to place. I have
said in Chapter 5 that they leave their common feeding-places and
go to places a great way from thence to lay, as particularly to
the island Ascension. Now I have discoursed with some since that
subject was printed who are of opinion that when the laying-time
is over they never go from thence, but lie somewhere in the sea
about the island, which I think is very improbable: for there can
be no food for them there, as I could soon make appear; as
particularly from hence, that the sea about the isle of Ascension
is so deep as to admit of no anchoring but at one place, where
there is no sign of grass: and we never bring up with our
sounding-lead any grass or weeds out of very deep seas, but sand
or the like only. But if this be granted, that there is food for
them, yet I have a great deal of reason to believe that the
turtle go from hence; for after the laying-time you shall never
see them, and wherever turtle are you will see them rise and hold
their head above water to breathe once in seven or eight minutes,
or at longest in ten or twelve. And if any man does but consider
how fish take their certain seasons of the year to go from one
sea to another this should not seem strange; even fowls also
having their seasons to remove from one place to another.
These islands are pretty well watered with small brooks of
fresh water that run flush into the sea for ten months in the
year. The latter end of March they begin to dry away, and in
April you shall have none in the brooks but what is lodged in
deep holes; but you may dig wells in some places. In May when the
rain comes the land is again replenished with water and the
brooks run out into the sea.
OF THE COMMODIOUS SITUATION OF PULO CONDORE; ITS WATER, AND
ITS COCHIN-CHINESE INHABITANTS.
These islands lie very commodiously in the way to and from
Japan, China, Manila, Tonquin, Cochin-china, and in general all
this most easterly coast of the Indian continent; whether you go
through the Straits of Malacca, or the Straits of Sunda between
Sumatra and Java: and one of them you must pass in the common way
from Europe or other parts of the East Indies unless you mean to
fetch a great compass round most of the East India Islands, as we
did. Any ship in distress may be refreshed and recruited here
very conveniently; and besides ordinary accommodations be
furnished with masts, yards, pitch and tar. It might also be a
convenient place to usher in a commerce with the neighbouring
country of Cochin-china, and forts might be built to secure a
factory; particularly at the harbour, which is capable of being
well fortified. This place therefore being upon all these
accounts so valuable, and withal so little known, I have here
inserted a draft of it, which I took during our stay there.
OF THE MALAYAN TONGUE.
The inhabitants of this island are by nation Cochin-chinese,
as they told us, for one of them spoke good Malayan: which
language we learnt a smattering of, and some of us so as to speak
it pretty well, while we lay at Mindanao; and this is the common
tongue of trade and commerce (though it be not in several of them
the native language) in most of the East India Islands, being the
Lingua Franca, as it were, of these parts. I believe it is the
vulgar tongue at Malacca, Sumatra, Java, and Borneo; but at
Celebes, the Philippine Islands, and the Spice Islands it seems
borrowed for the carrying on of trade.
The inhabitants of Pulo Condore are but a small people in
stature, well enough shaped, and of a darker colour than the
Mindanayans. They are pretty long-visaged; their hair is black
and straight, their eyes are but small and black, their noses of
a mean bigness, and pretty high, their lips thin, their teeth
white, and little mouths. They are very civil people but
extraordinary poor. Their chiefest employment is to draw the
juice of those trees that I have described to make tar. They
preserve it in wooden troughs; and when they have their cargo
they transport it to Cochin-china, their mother country. Some
others of them employ themselves to catch turtle, and boil up
their fat to oil, which they also transport home. These people
have great large nets with wide meshes to catch the turtle. The
Jamaica turtlers have such; and I did never see the like nets but
at Jamaica and here.
THE CUSTOM OF PROSTITUTING THEIR WOMEN IN THESE COUNTRIES, AND
IN GUINEA.
They are so free of their women that they would bring them
aboard and offer them to us; and many of our men hired them for a
small matter. This is a custom used by several nations in the
East Indies, as at Pegu, Siam, Cochin-china, and Cambodia, as I
have been told. It is used at Tonquin also to my knowledge; for I
did afterwards make a voyage thither, and most of our men had
women aboard all the time of our abode there. In Africa also, on
the coast of Guinea, our merchants, factors, and seamen that
reside there have their black misses. It is accounted a piece of
policy to do it; for the chief factors and captains of ships have
the great men's daughters offered them, the mandarins' or
noblemen's at Tonquin, and even the king's wives in Guinea; and
by this sort of alliance the country people are engaged to a
greater friendship: and if there should arise any difference
about trade or anything else which might provoke the natives to
seek some treacherous revenge (to which all these heathen nations
are very prone) then these Delilahs would certainly declare it to
their white friends, and so hinder their countrymen's design.
THE IDOLATRY HERE, AT TONQUIN, AND AMONG THE CHINESE SEAMEN,
AND OF A PROCESSION AT FORT ST. GEORGE.
These people are idolaters: but their manner of worship I know
not. There are a few scattering houses and plantations on the
great island, and a small village on the south side of it where
there is a little idol-temple, and an image of an elephant, about
five foot high and in bigness proportionable, placed on one side
of the temple; and a horse not so big, placed on the other side
of it; both standing with their heads towards the south. The
temple itself was low and ordinary, built of wood and thatched
like one of their houses; which are but very meanly.
The images of the horse and the elephant were the most general
idols that I observed in the temples of Tonquin when I travelled
there. There were other images also, of beasts, birds and fish. I
do not remember I saw any human shape there; nor any such
monstrous representations as I have seen among the Chinese.
Wherever the Chinese seamen or merchants come (and they are very
numerous all over these seas) they have always hideous idols on
board their junks or ships, with altars, and lamps burning before
them. These idols they bring ashore with them: and beside those
they have in common every man has one in his own house. Upon some
particular solemn days I have seen their bonzies, or priests,
bring whole armfuls of painted papers and burn them with a great
deal of ceremony, being very careful to let no piece escape them.
The same day they killed a goat which had been purposely fatting
a month before; this they offer or present before their idol, and
then dress it and feast themselves with it. I have seen them do
this in Tonquin, where I have at the same time been invited to
their feasts; and at Bencoolen in the isle of Sumatra they sent a
shoulder of the sacrificed goat to the English, who ate of it,
and asked me to do so too; but I refused.
When I was at Madras, or Fort St. George, I took notice of a
great ceremony used for several nights successively by the
idolaters inhabiting the suburbs: both men and women (these very
well clad) in a great multitude went in solemn procession with
lighted torches, carrying their idols about with them. I knew not
the meaning of it. I observed some went purposely carrying oil to
sprinkle into the lamps to make them burn the brighter. They
began their round about 11 o'clock at night and, having paced it
gravely about the streets till two or three o'clock in the
morning, their idols were carried with much ceremony into the
temple by the chief of the procession, and some of the women I
saw enter the temple, particularly. Their idols were different
from those of Tonquin, Cambodia, etc., being in human shape.
THEY REFIT THEIR SHIP.
I have said already that we arrived at these islands the 14th
day of March 1687. The next day we searched about for a place to
careen in; and the 16th day we entered the harbour and
immediately provided to careen. Some men were set to fell great
trees to saw into planks; others went to unrigging the ship; some
made a house to put our goods in and for the sail-maker to work
in. The country people resorted to us and brought us of the
fruits of the island, with hogs, and sometimes turtle; for which
they received rice in exchange, which we had a shipload of, taken
at Manila. We bought of them also a good quantity of their pitchy
liquor, which we boiled, and used about our ship's bottom. We
mixed it first with lime which we made here, and it made an
excellent coat and stuck on very well.
We stayed in this harbour from the 16th day of March till the
16th of April; in which time we made a new suit of sails of the
cloth that was taken in the prize. We cut a spare main-top-mast
and sawed plank to sheath the ship's bottom; for she was not
sheathed all over at Mindanao, and that old plank that was left
on then we now ripped off and clapped on new.
TWO OF THEM DIE OF POISON THEY TOOK AT MINDANAO.
While we lay here two of our men died, who were poisoned at
Mindanao, they told us of it when they found themselves poisoned
and had lingered ever since. They were opened by our doctor,
according to their own request before they died, and their livers
were black, light and dry, like pieces of cork.
THEY TAKE IN WATER, AND A PILOT FOR THE BAY OF SIAM.
Our business being finished here we left the Spanish prize
taken at Manila, and most of the rice, taking out enough for
ourselves, and on the 17th day we went from hence to the place
where we first anchored, on the north side of the great island,
purposely to water; for there was a great stream when we first
came to the island, and we thought it was so now. But we found it
dried up, only it stood in holes, two or three hogsheads or a tun
in a hole: therefore we did immediately cut bamboos and made
spouts through which we conveyed the water down to the seaside by
taking it up in bowls, and pouring it into these spouts or
troughs. We conveyed some of it thus near half a mile. While we
were filling our water Captain Read engaged an old man, one of
the inhabitants of this island, the same who I said could speak
the Malayan language, to be his pilot to the Bay of Siam; for he
had often been telling us that he was well acquainted there, and
that he knew some islands there where there were fishermen lived
who he thought could supply us with salt-fish to eat at sea; for
we had nothing but rice to eat. The easterly monsoon was not yet
done; therefore it was concluded to spend some time there and
then take the advantage of the beginning of the western monsoon
to return to Manila again.
The 21st day of April 1687 we sailed from Pulo Condore,
directing our course west by south for the Bay of Siam. We had
fair weather and a fine moderate gale of wind at
east-north-east.
PULO UBI; AND POINT OF CAMBODIA.
The 23rd day we arrived at Pulo Ubi, or the island Ubi. This
island is about 40 leagues to the westward of Pulo Condore; it
lies just at the entrance of the Bay of Siam, at the south-west
point of land that makes the bay; namely, the Point of Cambodia.
This island is about seven or eight leagues round, and it is
higher land than any of Pulo Condore isles. Against the
south-east part of it there is a small key, about a cable's
length from the main island. This Pulo Ubi is very woody and it
has good water on the north side, where you may anchor; but the
best anchoring is on the east side against a small bay; then you
will have the little island to the southward of you.
TWO CAMBODIAN VESSELS.
At Pulo Ubi we found two small barks laden with rice. They
belonged to Cambodia, from whence they came not above two or
three days before, and they touched here to fill water. Rice is
the general food of all these countries, therefore it is
transported by sea from one country to another, as corn in these
parts of the world. For in some countries they produce more than
enough for themselves and send what they can spare to those
places where there is but little.
The 24th day we went into the Bay of Siam: this is a large
deep bay, of which, and of this kingdom, I shall at present speak
but little, because I design a more particular account of all
this coast, to wit, of Tonquin, Cochin-china, Siam, Champa,
Cambodia, and Malacca, making all the most easterly part of the
continent of Asia, lying south of China: but to do it in the
course of this voyage would too much swell this volume; and I
shall choose therefore to give a separate relation of what I know
or have learnt of them, together with the neighbouring parts of
Sumatra, Java, etc., where I have spent some time.
ISLES IN THE BAY OF SIAM.
We ran down into the Bay of Siam till we came to the islands
that our Pulo Condore pilot told us of, which lie about the
middle of the bay: but, as good a pilot as he was, he run us
a-ground; yet we had no damage. Captain Read went ashore at these
islands, where he found a small town of fishermen; but they had
no fish to sell and so we returned empty.
THE TIGHT VESSELS AND SEAMEN OF THE KINGDOM OF CHAMPA.
We had yet fair weather and very little wind; so that, being
often becalmed, we were till the 13th day of May before we got to
Pulo Ubi again. There we found two small vessels at an anchor on
the east side: they were laden with rice and lacquer, which is
used in japanning of cabinets. One of these came from Champa,
bound to the town of Malacca, which belongs to the Dutch who took
it from the Portuguese; and this shows that they have a trade
with Champa. This was a very pretty neat vessel, her bottom very
clean and curiously coated, she had about forty men all armed
with cortans, or broadswords, lances, and some guns, that went
with a swivel upon their gunwale. They were of the idolaters,
natives of Champa, and some of the briskest, most sociable,
without fearfulness or shyness, and the most neat and dextrous
about their shipping, of any such I have met with in all my
travels. The other vessel came from the river of Cambodia and was
bound towards the Straits of Malacca. Both of them stopped here,
for the westerly-winds now began to blow, which were against
them, being somewhat bleated.
STORMS.
We anchored also on the east side, intending to fill water.
While we lay here we had very violent wind at south-west and a
strong current setting right to windward. The fiercer the wind
blew, the more strong the current set against it. This storm
lasted till the 20th day, and then it began to abate.
The 21st day of May we went back from hence towards Pulo
Condore.
A CHINESE JUNK FROM PALIMBAM IN SUMATRA. THEY COME AGAIN TO
PULO CONDORE.
In our way we overtook a great junk that came from Palimbam, a
town on the island Sumatra: she was full laden with pepper which
they bought there and was bound to Siam: but, it blowing so hard,
she was afraid to venture into that bay, and therefore came to
Pulo Condore with us, where we both anchored May the 24th. This
vessel was of the Chinese make, full of little rooms or
partitions, like our well-boats. I shall describe them in the
next chapter. The men of this junk told us that the English were
settled on the island Sumatra, at a place called Sillabar; and
the first knowledge we had that the English had any settlement on
Sumatra was from these.
A BLOODY FRAY WITH A MALAYAN VESSEL.
When we came to an anchor we saw a small bark at an anchor
near the shore; therefore Captain Read sent a canoe aboard her to
know from whence they came; and, supposing that it was a Malayan
vessel, he ordered the men not to go aboard for they are
accounted desperate fellows and their vessels are commonly full
of men who all wear cressets, or little daggers, by their sides.
The canoe's crew, not minding the captain's orders, went aboard,
all but one man that stayed in the canoe. The Malayans, who were
about 20 of them, seeing our men all armed, thought that they
came to take their vessel; therefore at once, on a signal given,
they drew out their cressets and stabbed five or six of our men
before they knew what the matter was. The rest of our men leapt
overboard, some into the canoe and some into the sea, and so got
away. Among the rest one Daniel Wallis leapt into the sea who
could never swim before nor since; yet now he swam very well a
good while before he was taken up. When the canoes came aboard
Captain Read manned two canoes and went to be revenged on the
Malayans; but they seeing him coming did cut a hole in the
vessel's bottom and went ashore in their boat. Captain Read
followed them but they ran into the woods and hid themselves.
Here we stayed ten or eleven days for it blew very hard all the
time.
THE SURGEON'S AND THE AUTHOR'S DESIRES OF LEAVING THEIR
CREW.
While we stayed here Herman Coppinger our surgeon went ashore,
intending to live here; but Captain Read sent some men to fetch
him again. I had the same thoughts, and would have gone ashore
too but waited for a more convenient place. For neither he nor I,
when we were last on board at Mindanao, had any knowledge of the
plot that was laid to leave Captain Swan and run away with the
ship; and, being sufficiently weary of this mad crew, we were
willing to give them the slip at any place from whence we might
hope to get a passage to an English factory. There was nothing
else of moment happened while we stayed here.
Chapter XV
They Leave Pulo Condore, Designing for Manila, but Are Driven off from Thence, and from the Isle of Pratas, by the Winds, and Brought upon the Coast of China.
Having filled our water, cut our wood, and got our ship in a
sailing posture while the blustering hard winds lasted, we took
the first opportunity of a settled gale to sail towards Manila.
Accordingly June the 4th 1687 we loosed from Pulo Condore with
the wind at south-west fair weather at a brisk gale. The
pepper-junk bound to Siam remained there, waiting for an easterly
wind; but one of his men, a kind of a bastard Portuguese, came
aboard our ship and was entertained for the sake of his knowledge
in the several languages of these countries. The wind continued
in the south-west but 24 hours or a little more, and then came
about to the north, and then to the north-east; and the sky
became exceeding clear. Then the wind came at east and lasted
betwixt east and south-east for eight or ten days. Yet we
continued plying to windward, expecting every day a shift of wind
because these winds were not according to the season of the
year.
We were now afraid lest the currents might deceive us and
carry us on the shoals of Pracel, which were near us a little to
the north-west, but we passed on to the eastward without seeing
any sign of them; yet we were kept much to the northward of our
intended course. And, the easterly winds still continuing, we
despaired of getting to Manila; and therefore began to project
some new design; and the result was to visit the island Pratas
about the latitude of 20 degrees 40 minutes north; and not far
from us at this time.
It is a small low island, environed with rocks clear round it,
by report. It lies so in the way between Manila and Canton, the
head of a province, and a town of great trade in China, that the
Chinese do dread the rocks about it more than the Spaniards did
formerly dread Bermuda; for many of their junks coming from
Manila have been lost there, and with abundance of treasure in
them; as we were informed by all the Spaniards that ever we
conversed with in these parts. They told us also that in these
wrecks most of the men were drowned, and that the Chinese did
never go thither to take up any of the treasure that was lost
there for fear of being lost themselves. But the danger of the
place did not daunt us; for we were resolved to try our fortunes
there if the winds would permit; and we did beat for it five or
six days; but at last were forced to leave that design also for
want of winds; for the south-east winds continuing forced us on
the coast of China.
ISLE OF ST. JOHN, ON THE COAST OF THE PROVINCE OF CANTON; ITS
SOIL AND PRODUCTIONS, CHINA HOGS, ETC.
It was the 25th day of June when we made the land; and running
in towards the shore we came to an anchor the same day on the
north-east end of St. John's island.
This island is in latitude about 22 degrees 30 minutes north,
lying on the south coast of the province of Quantung or Canton in
China. It is of an indifferent height and pretty plain, and the
soil fertile enough. It is partly woody, partly savannahs or
pasturage for cattle; and there is some moist arable land for
rice. The skirts or outer part of the island, especially that
part of it which borders on the main sea, is woody: the middle
part of it is good thick grassy pasture, with some groves of
trees; and that which is cultivated land is low wet land,
yielding plentiful crops of rice; the only grain that I did see
here. The tame cattle which this island affords are china-hogs,
goats, buffaloes, and some bullocks. The hogs of this island are
all black; they have but small heads, very short necks, great
bellies, commonly touching the ground, and short legs. They eat
but little food yet they are most of them very fat; probably
because they sleep much. The tame fowls are ducks and cocks and
hens. I saw no wild fowl but a few small birds.
THE INHABITANTS; AND OF THE TARTARS FORCING THE CHINESE TO CUT
OFF THEIR HAIR.
The natives of this island are Chinese. They are subject to
the crown of China, and consequently at this time to the tartars.
The Chinese in general are tall, straight-bodied, raw-boned men.
They are long-visaged, and their foreheads are high; but they
have little eyes. Their noses are pretty large with a rising in
the middle. Their mouths are of a mean size, pretty thin lips.
They are of an ashy complexion; their hair is black, and their
beards thin and long, for they pluck the hair out by the roots,
suffering only some few very long straggling hairs to grow about
their chin, in which they take great pride, often combing them
and sometimes tying them up in a knot, and they have such hairs
too growing down from each side of their upper lip like whiskers.
The ancient Chinese were very proud of the hair of their heads,
letting it grow very long and stroking it back with their hands
curiously, and then winding the plaits all together round a
bodkin thrust through it at the hinder part of the head; and both
men and women did thus. But when the Tartars conquered them they
broke them of this custom they were so fond of by main force;
insomuch that they resented this imposition worse than their
subjection and rebelled upon it but, being still worsted, were
forced to acquiesce; and to this day they follow the fashion of
their masters the tartars, and shave all their heads, only
reserving one lock, which some tie up, others let it hang down a
great or small length as they please. The Chinese in other
countries still keep their old custom, but if any of the Chinese
is found wearing long hair in China he forfeits his head; and
many of them have abandoned their country to preserve their
liberty of wearing their hair, as I have been told by
themselves.
The Chinese have no hats, caps, or turbans; but when they walk
abroad they carry a small umbrella in their hands wherewith they
fence their head from the sun or the rain by holding it over
their heads. If they walk but a little way they carry only a
large fan made of paper, or silk, of the same fashion as those
our ladies have, and many of them are brought over hither; one of
these every man carried in his hand if he do but cross the
street, screening his head with it if he has not an umbrella with
him.
THEIR HABITS, AND THE LITTLE FEET OF THEIR WOMEN, CHINA-WARE,
CHINA-ROOTS, TEA, ETC.
The common apparel of the men is a loose frock and breeches.
They seldom wear stockings but they have shoes, or a sort of
slippers rather. The men's shoes are made diversely. The women
have very small feet and consequently but little shoes; for from
their infancy their feet are kept swathed up with bands as hard
as they can possibly endure them; and from the time they can go
till they have done growing they bind them up every night. This
they do purposely to hinder them from growing, esteeming little
feet to be a great beauty. But by this unreasonable custom they
do in a manner lose the use of their feet, and instead of going
they only stumble about their houses, and presently squat down on
their breeches again, being as it were confined to sitting all
days of their lives. They seldom stir abroad and one would be apt
to think that, as some have conjectured, their keeping up their
fondness for this fashion were a stratagem of the men to keep
them from gadding and gossiping about and confine them at home.
They are kept constantly to their work, being fine needlewomen,
and making many curious embroideries, and they make their own
shoes; but if any stranger be desirous to bring away any for
novelty's sake he must be a great favourite to get a pair of
shoes of them, though he give twice their value. The poorer sort
of women trudge about streets and to the market without shoes or
stockings; and these cannot afford to have little feet, being to
get their living with them.
The Chinese both men and women are very ingenious; as may
appear by the many curious things that are brought from thence,
especially the porcelain or China earthenware. The Spaniards of
Manila that we took on the coast of Luconia told me that this
commodity is made of conch-shells, the inside of which looks like
mother-of-pearl. But the Portuguese lately mentioned, who had
lived in China and spoke that and the neighbouring languages very
well, said that it was made of a fine sort of clay that was dug
in the province of Canton. I have often made enquiry about it but
could never be well satisfied in it: but while I was on the coast
of Canton I forgot to enquire about it. They make very fine
lacquer-ware also, and good silks; and they are curious at
painting and carving.
China affords drugs in great abundance, especially China-root;
but this is not peculiar to that country alone; for there is much
of this root growing at Jamaica, particularly at 16-mile walk,
and in the Bay of Honduras it is very plentiful. There is a great
store of sugar made in this country; and tea in abundance is
brought from thence; being much used there, and in Tonquin and
Cochin-china as common drinking; women sitting in the streets and
selling dishes of tea hot and ready made; they call it chau and
even the poorest people sip it. But the tea at Tonquin of
Cochin-china seems not so good, or of so pleasant a bitter, or of
so fine a colour, or such virtue as this in China; for I have
drunk of it in these countries; unless the fault be in the way of
making it, for I made none there myself; and by the high red
colour it looks as if they made a decoction of it or kept it
stale. Yet at Japan I was told there is a great deal of pure tea,
very good.
The Chinese are very great gamesters and they will never be
tired with it, playing night and day till they have lost all
their estates; then it is usual with them to hang themselves.
This was frequently done by the Chinese factors at Manila, as I
was told by Spaniards that lived there. The Spaniards themselves
are much addicted to gaming and are very expert at it; but the
Chinese are too subtle for them, being in general a very cunning
people.
A VILLAGE AT ST. JOHN'S ISLAND, AND OF THEIR HUSBANDRY OF
THEIR RICE.
But a particular account of them and their country would fill
a volume; nor doth my short experience of them qualify me to say
much of them. Wherefore I confine myself chiefly to what I
observed at St. John's Island, where we lay some time and visited
the shore every day to buy provision, as hogs, fowls, and
buffalo. Here was a small town standing in a wet swampy ground,
with many filthy ponds amongst the houses, which were built on
the ground as ours are, not on posts as at Mindanao. In these
ponds were plenty of ducks; the houses were small and low and
covered with thatch, and the insides were but ill furnished, and
kept nastily: and I have been told by one who was there that most
of the houses in the city of Canton itself are but poor and
irregular.
The inhabitants of this village seem to be most husbandmen:
they were at this time very busy in sowing their rice, which is
their chiefest commodity. The land in which they choose to sow
the rice is low and wet, and when ploughed the earth was like a
mass of mud. They plough their land with a small plough, drawn by
one buffalo, and one man both holds the plough and drives the
beast. When the rice is ripe and gathered in they tread it out of
the ear with buffaloes in a large round place made with a hard
floor fit for that purpose, where they chain three or four of
these beasts, one at the tail of the other, and, driving them
round in a ring as in a horse-mill, they so order it that the
buffaloes may tread upon it all.
A STORY OF A CHINESE PAGODA, OR IDOL-TEMPLE, AND IMAGE.
I was once at this island with seven or eight Englishmen more
and, having occasion to stay some time, we killed a shote, or
young porker, and roasted it for our dinners. While we were busy
dressing of our pork one of the natives came and sat down by us;
and when the dinner was ready we cut a good piece and gave it
him, which he willingly received. But by signs he begged more,
and withal pointed into the woods; yet we did not understand his
meaning nor much mind him till our hunger was pretty well
assuaged; although he did still make signs and, walking a little
way from us, he beckoned to us to come to him; which at last I
did, and two or three more. He going before led the way in a
small blind path through a thicket into a small grove of trees,
in which there was an old idol-temple about ten foot square: the
walls of it were about six foot high and two foot thick, made of
bricks. The floor was paved with broad bricks, and in the middle
of the floor stood an old rusty iron bell on its brims. This bell
was about two foot high, standing flat on the ground; the brims
on which it stood were about sixteen inches diameter. From the
brims it did taper away a little towards the head, much like our
bells but that the brims did not turn out so much as ours do. On
the head of the bell there were three iron bars as big as a man's
arm and about ten inches long from the top of the bell, where the
ends joined as in a centre and seemed of one mass with the bell,
as if cast together. These bars stood all parallel to the ground,
and their farther ends, which stood triangularly and opening from
each other at equal distances, like the fliers of our
kitchen-jacks, were made exactly in the shape of the paw of some
monstrous beast, having sharp claws on it. This it seems was
their god; for as soon as our zealous guide came before the bell
he fell flat on his face and beckoned to us, seeming very
desirous to have us do the like. At the inner side of the temple
against the walls there was an altar of white hewn stone. The
table of the altar was about three foot long, sixteen inches
broad, and three inches thick. It was raised about two foot from
the ground and supported by three small pillars of the same white
stone. On this altar there were several small earthen vessels;
one of them was full of small sticks that had been burned at one
end. Our guide made a great many signs for us to fetch and to
leave some of our meat there, and seemed very importunate but we
refused. We left him there and went aboard; I did see no other
temple nor idol here.
OF THE CHINA-JUNKS, AND THEIR RIGGING.
While we lay at this place we saw several small China junks
sailing in the lagoon between the islands and the main, one came
and anchored by us. I and some more of our men went aboard to
view her: she was built with a square flat head as well as stern,
only the head or fore part was not so broad as the stern. On her
deck she had little thatched houses like hovels, covered with
palmetto-leaves and raised about three foot high, for the seamen
to creep into. She had a pretty large cabin wherein there was an
altar and a lamp burning. I did but just look in and saw not the
idol. The hold was divided into many small partitions, all of
them made so tight that if a leak should spring up in any one of
them it could go no farther, and so could do but little damage
but only to the goods in the bottom of that room where the leak
springs up. Each of these rooms belong to one or two merchants,
or more; and every man freights his goods in his own room; and
probably lodges there if he be on board himself. These junks have
only two masts, a main-mast and a fore-mast. The fore-mast has a
square yard and a square sail, but the main-mast has a sail
narrow aloft like a sloop's sail, and in fair weather they use a
topsail which is to haul down on the deck in foul weather, yard
and all; for they did not go up to furl it. The main-mast in
their biggest junks seem to me as big as any third-rate
man-of-war's mast in England, and yet not pieced as ours but made
of one grown tree; and in an all my travels I never saw any
single-tree-masts so big in the body, and so long and yet so well
tapered, as I have seen in the Chinese junks.
Some of our men went over to a pretty large town on the
continent of China where we might have furnished ourselves with
provision, which was a thing we were always in want of and was
our chief business here; but we were afraid to lie in this place
any longer for we had some signs of an approaching storm; this
being the time of the year in which storms are expected on this
coast; and here was no safe riding. It was now the time of the
year for the south-west monsoon but the wind had been whiffing
about from one part of the compass to another for two or three
days, and sometimes it would be quite calm. This caused us to put
to sea, that we might have sea-room at least; for such flattering
weather is commonly the forerunner of a tempest.
THEY LEAVE ST. JOHN'S AND THE COAST OF CHINA. A MOST
OUTRAGEOUS STORM.
Accordingly we weighed anchor and set out; yet we had very
little wind all the next night. But the day ensuing, which was
the 4th day of July, about four o'clock in the afternoon, the
wind came to the north-east and freshened upon us, and the sky
looked very black in that quarter, and the black clouds began to
rise apace and moved towards us; having hung all the morning in
the horizon. This made us take in our topsails and, the wind
still increasing, about nine o'clock we reefed our mainsail and
foresail; at ten we furled our foresail, keeping under a mainsail
and mizzen. At eleven o'clock we furled our mainsail and
ballasted our mizzen; at which time it began to rain, and by
twelve o'clock at night it blew exceeding hard and the rain
poured down as through a sieve. It thundered and lightened
prodigiously, and the sea seemed all of a fire about us; for
every sea that broke sparkled like lightning. The violent wind
raised the sea presently to a great height, and it ran very short
and began to break in on our deck. One sea struck away the rails
of our head, and our sheet-anchor, which was stowed with one
flook or bending of the iron over the ship's gunwale, and lashed
very well down to the side, was violently washed off, and had
like to have struck a hole in our bow as it lay beating against
it. Then we were forced to put right before the wind to stow our
anchor again; which we did with much ado; but afterwards we durst
not adventure to bring our ship to the wind again for fear of
foundering, for the turning the ship either to or fro from the
wind is dangerous in such violent storms. The fierceness of the
weather continued till four o'clock that morning; in which time
we did cut away two canoes that were towing astern.
CORPUS SANT, A LIGHT, OR METEOR APPEARING IN STORMS.
After four o'clock the thunder and the rain abated and then we
saw a corpus sant at our main-top-mast head, on the very top of
the truck of the spindle. This sight rejoiced our men
exceedingly; for the height of the storm is commonly over when
the corpus sant is seen aloft; but when they are seen lying on
the deck it is generally accounted a bad sign.
A corpus sant is a certain small glittering light; when it
appears as this did on the very top of the main-mast or at a
yard-arm it is like a star; but when it appears on the deck it
resembles a great glow-worm. The Spaniards have another name for
it (though I take even this to be a Spanish or Portuguese name,
and a corruption only of corpus sanctum) and I have been told
that when they see them they presently go to prayers and bless
themselves for the happy sight. I have heard some ignorant seamen
discoursing how they have seen them creep, or, as they say,
travel about in the scuppers, telling many dismal stories that
happened at such times: but I did never see anyone stir out of
the place where it was first fixed, except upon deck, where every
sea washes it about: neither did I ever see any but when we have
had hard rain as well as wind; and therefore do believe it is
some jelly: but enough of this.
We continued scudding right before wind and sea from two till
seven o'clock in the morning, and then the wind being much abated
we set our mizzen again, and brought our ship to the wind, and
lay under a mizzen till eleven. Then it fell flat calm, and it
continued so for about two hours: but the sky looked very black
and rueful, especially in the south-west, and the sea tossed us
about like an eggshell for want of wind. About one o'clock in the
afternoon the wind sprung up at south-west out of the quarter
from whence we did expect it: therefore we presently brailed up
our mizzen and wore our ship: but we had no sooner put our ship
before the wind but it blew a storm again and rained very hard,
though not so violently as the night before: but the wind was
altogether as boisterous and so continued till ten or eleven
o'clock at night. All which time we scudded and run before the
wind very swift, though only with our bare poles, that is,
without any sail abroad. Afterwards the wind died away by
degrees, and before day we had but little wind and fine clear
weather.
I was never in such a violent storm in all my life; so said
all the company. This was near the change of the moon: it was two
or three days before the change. The 6th day in the morning,
having fine handsome weather, we got up our yards again and began
to dry ourselves and our clothes for we were all well sopped.
This storm had deadened the hearts of our men so much that,
instead of going to buy more provision at the same place from
whence we came before the storm, or of seeking any more for the
island Prata, they thought of going somewhere to shelter before
the full moon, for fear of another storm at that time: for
commonly, if there is any very bad weather in the month, it is
about two or three days before or after the full or change of the
moon.
THE PISCADORES, OR FISHERS ISLANDS NEAR FORMOSA.
These thoughts, I say, put our men on thinking where to go,
and, the charts or sea-plats being first consulted, it was
concluded to go to certain islands lying in latitude 23 degrees
north called Piscadores. For there was not a man aboard that was
anything acquainted on these coasts; and therefore all our
dependence was on the charts, which only pointed out to us where
such and such places or islands were without giving us any
account what harbour, roads or bays there were, or the produce,
strength, or trade of them; these we were forced to seek after
ourselves.
The Piscadores are a great many inhabited islands lying near
the island Formosa, between it and China, in or near the latitude
of 23 degrees north latitude, almost as high as the Tropic of
Cancer. These Piscadore islands are moderately high and appear
much like our Dorsetshire and Wiltshire Downs in England. They
produce thick short grass and a few trees. They are pretty well
watered and they feed abundance of goats and some great cattle.
There are abundance of mounts and old fortifications on them: but
of no use now, whatever they have been.
A TARTARIAN GARRISON, AND CHINESE TOWN ON ONE OF THESE
ISLANDS.
Between the two easternmost islands there is a very good
harbour which is never without junks riding in it: and on the
west side of the easternmost island there is a large town and
fort commanding the harbour. The houses are but low, yet well
built, and the town makes a fine prospect. This is a garrison of
the Tartars, wherein are also three or four hundred soldiers who
live here three years and then they are moved to some other
place.
On the island, on the west side of the harbour close by the
sea, there is a small town of Chinese; and most of the other
islands have some Chinese living on them more or less.
THEY ANCHOR IN THE HARBOUR NEAR THE TARTARS' GARRISON, AND
TREAT WITH THE GOVERNOR. OF AMOY IN THE PROVINCE OF FOKIEN, AND
MACAO, A CHINESE AND PORTUGUESE TOWN NEAR CANTON IN CHINA.
Having, as I said before, concluded to go to these islands, we
steered away for them, having the wind at west-south-west a small
gale. The 20th day of July we had first sight of them and steered
in among them; finding no place to anchor in till we came into
the harbour before mentioned. We blundering in, knowing little of
our way, and we admired to see so many junks going and coming,
and some at an anchor, and so great a town as the neighbouring
easternmost town, the Tartarian garrison; for we did not expect
nor desire to have seen any people, being in care to lie
concealed in these seas; however seeing we were here, we boldly
ran into the harbour and presently sent ashore our canoe to the
town.
Our people were met by an officer at their landing; and our
quartermaster, who was the chiefest man in the boat, was
conducted before the governor and examined of what nation we
were, and what was our business here. He answered that we were
English and were bound to Amoy or Anhay, which is a city standing
on a navigable river in the province of Fokien in China, and is a
place of vast trade, there being a huge multitude of ships there,
and in general on all these coasts, as I have heard of several
that have been there. He said also that, having received some
damage by a storm, we therefore put in here to refit before we
could adventure to go farther; and that we did intend to lie here
till after the full moon, for fear of another storm. The governor
told him that we might better refit our ship at Amoy than here,
and that he heard that two English vessels were arrived there
already; and that he should be very ready to assist us in
anything; but we must not expect to trade there but must go to
the places allowed to entertain merchant-strangers, which were
Amoy and Macao. Macao is a town of great trade also, lying in an
island at the very mouth of the river of Canton. It is fortified
and garrisoned by a large Portuguese colony, but yet under the
Chinese government, whose people inhabit one moiety of the town
and lay on the Portuguese what tax they please; for they dare not
disoblige the Chinese for fear of losing their trade. However the
governor very kindly told our quartermaster that whatsoever we
wanted, if that place could furnish us, we should have it. Yet
that we must not come ashore on that island, but he would send
aboard some of his men to know what we wanted, and they should
also bring it off to us. That nevertheless we might go on shore
on other islands to buy refreshments of the Chinese. After the
discourse was ended the governor dismissed him with a small jar
of flour, and three or four large cakes of very fine bread, and
about a dozen pineapples and watermelons (all very good in their
kind) as a present to the captain.
THE HABITS OF A TARTARIAN OFFICER AND HIS RETINUE.
The next day an eminent officer came aboard with a great many
attendants. He wore a black silk cap of a particular make, with a
plume of black and white feathers standing up almost round his
head behind, and all his outside clothes were black silk: he had
a loose black coat which reached to his knees, and his breeches
were of the same; and underneath his coat he had two garments
more, of other coloured silk. His legs were covered with small
black limber boots. All his attendants were in a very handsome
garb of black silk, all wearing those small black boots and caps.
These caps were like the crown of a hat made of palmetto-leaves,
like our straw hats; but without brims, and coming down but to
their ears. These had no feathers, but had an oblong button on
the top, and from between the button and the cap there fell down
all round their head as low as the cap reached, a sort of coarse
hair like horse-hair, dyed (as I suppose) of a light red
colour.
THEIR PRESENTS, EXCELLENT BEEF. SAM SHU, A SORT OF CHINESE
ARAK, AND HOC SHU, A KIND OF CHINESE MUM, AND THE JARS IT IS
BOTTLED IN.
The officer brought aboard as a present from the governor a
young heifer, the fattest and kindliest beef that I did ever
taste in any foreign country; it was small yet full-grown; two
large hogs, four goats, two baskets of fine flour, 20 great flat
cakes of fine well-tasted bread, two great jars of arak (made of
rice as I judged) called by the Chinese sam shu; and 55 jars of
hoc shu, as they call it, and our Europeans from them. This is a
strong liquor, made of wheat, as I have been told. It looks like
mum and tastes much like it, and is very pleasant and hearty. Our
seamen love it mightily and will lick their lips with it: for
scarce a ship goes to China but the men come home fat with
soaking this liquor, and bring store of jars of it home with
them. It is put into small white thick jars that hold near a
quart: the double jars hold about two quarts. These jars are
small below and thence rise up with a pretty full belly, closing
in pretty short at top with a small thick mouth. Over the mouth
of the jar they put a thin chip cut round just so as to cover the
mouth, over that a piece of paper, and over that they put a great
lump of clay, almost as big as the bottle or jar itself, with a
hollow in it, to admit the neck of the bottle, made round and
about four inches long; this is to preserve the liquor. If the
liquor take any vent it will be sour presently, so that when we
buy any of it of the ships from China returning to Madras, or
Fort St. George, where it is then sold, or of the Chinese
themselves, of whom I have bought it at Achin and Bencoolen in
Sumatra, if the clay be cracked, or the liquor motherly, we make
them take it again. A quart jar there is worth sixpence. Besides
this present from the governor there was a captain of a junk sent
two jars of arak, and abundance of pineapples and watermelons.
Captain Read sent ashore as a present to the governor a curious
Spanish silver-hilted rapier, an English carbine, and a gold
chain, and when the officer went ashore three guns were fired. In
the afternoon the governor sent off the same officer again to
compliment the captain for his civility, and promised to
retaliate his kindness before we departed; but we had such
blustering weather afterward that no boat could come aboard.
We stayed here till the 29th day and then sailed from hence
with the wind at south-west and pretty fair weather. We now
directed our course for some islands we had chosen to go to that
lie between Formosa and Luconia. They are laid down in our plots
without any name, only with a figure of 5, denoting the number of
them. It was supposed by us that these islands had no
inhabitants, because they had not any name by our hydrographers.
Therefore we thought to lie there secure, and be pretty near the
island Luconia, which we did still intend to visit.
OF THE ISLE OF FORMOSA, AND THE FIVE ISLANDS; TO WHICH THEY
GAVE THE NAMES OF ORANGE, MONMOUTH, GRAFTON, BASHEE, AND GOAT
ISLANDS, IN GENERAL, THE BASHEE ISLANDS.
In going to them we sailed by the south-west end of Formosa,
leaving it on our larboard side. This is a large island; the
south end is in latitude 21 degrees 20 minutes and the north end
in the 25 degrees 10 minutes north latitude. The longitude of
this isle is laid down from 142 degrees 5 minutes to 143 degrees
16 minutes reckoning east from the Pike of Tenerife, so that it
is but narrow; and the Tropic of Cancer crosses it. It is a high
and woody island, and was formerly well inhabited by the Chinese,
and was then frequently visited by English merchants, there being
a very good harbour to secure their ships. But since the tartars
have conquered China they have spoiled the harbour (as I have
been informed) to hinder the Chinese that were then in rebellion
from fortifying themselves there; and ordered the foreign
merchants to come and trade on the main.
The sixth day of August we arrived at the five islands that we
were bound to and anchored on the east side of the northernmost
island in 15 fathom, a cable's length from the shore. Here,
contrary to our expectation, we found abundance of inhabitants in
sight; for there were three large towns all within a league of
the sea; and another larger town than any of the three, on the
back side of a small hill close by also, as we found afterwards.
These islands lie in latitude 20 degrees 20 minutes north
latitude by my observation, for I took it there, and I find their
longitude according to our charts to be 141 degrees 50 minutes.
These islands having no particular names in the charts some or
other of us made use of the seamen's privilege to give them what
names we please. Three of the islands were pretty large; the
westernmost is the biggest. This the Dutchmen who were among us
called the Prince of Orange's Island, in honour of his present
Majesty. It is about seven or eight leagues long and about two
leagues wide; and it lies almost north and south. The other two
great islands are about four or five leagues to the eastward of
this. The northernmost of them, where we first anchored, I called
the Duke of Grafton's Isle as soon as we landed on it; having
married my wife out of his duchess's family, and leaving her at
Arlington House at my going abroad. This isle is about 4 leagues
long and one league and a half wide, stretching north and south.
The other great island our seamen called the Duke of Monmouth's
Island. This is about a league to the southward of Grafton Isle.
It is about three leagues long and a league wide, lying as the
other. Between Monmouth and the south end of Orange Island there
are two small islands of a roundish form, lying east and west.
The easternmost island of the two our men unanimously called
Bashee Island, from a liquor which we drank there plentifully
every day after we came to an anchor at it. The other, which is
the smallest of all, we called Goat Island, from the great number
of goats there; and to the northward of them all are two high
rocks.
Orange Island, which is the biggest of them all, is not
inhabited. It is high land, flat and even on the top with steep
cliffs against the sea; for which reason we could not go ashore
there as we did on all the rest.
A DIGRESSION CONCERNING THE DIFFERENT DEPTHS OF THE SEA NEAR
HIGH OR LOW LANDS, SOIL, ETC., AS BEFORE.
I have made it my general observation that where the land is
fenced with steep rocks and cliffs against the sea there the sea
is very deep, and seldom affords anchor-ground; and on the other
side where the land falls away with a declivity into the sea
(although the land be extraordinary high within) yet there are
commonly good soundings, and consequently anchoring; and as the
visible declivity of the land appears near, or at the edge of the
water, whether pretty steep or more sloping, so we commonly find
our anchor-ground to be more or less deep or steep; therefore we
come nearer the shore or anchor farther off as we see convenient;
for there is no coast in the world that I know or have heard of
where the land is of a continual height without some small
valleys or declivities which lie intermixed with the high land.
They are the subsidings of valleys or low lands that make dents
in the shore and creeks, small bays, and harbours, or little
coves, etc., which afford good anchoring, the surface of the
earth being there lodged deep under water. Thus we find many good
harbours on such coasts where the land bounds the sea with steep
cliffs, by reason of the declivities or subsiding of the land
between these cliffs: but where the declension from the hills or
cliffs is not within land, between hill and hill, but, as on the
coast of Chile and Peru, the declivity is toward the main sea, or
into it, the coast being perpendicular, or very steep from the
neighbouring hills, as in those countries from the Andes that run
along the shore, there is a deep sea, and few or no harbours or
creeks. All that coast is too steep for anchoring, and has the
fewest roads fit for ships of any coast I know. The coasts of
Galicia, Portugal, Norway, and Newfoundland, etc., are coasts
like the Peruvian and the high islands of the archipelago; but
yet not so scanty of good harbours; for where there are short
ridges of land there are good bays at the extremities of those
ridges, where they plunge into the sea; as on the coast of
Caracas, etc. The island of Juan Fernandez and the island St.
Helena, etc., are such high land with deep shore: and in general
the plunging of any land under water seems to be in proportion to
the rising of its continuous part above water, more or less
steep; and it must be a bottom almost level, or very gently
declining, that affords good anchoring, ships being soon driven
from their moorings on a steep bank: therefore we never strive to
anchor where we see the land high and bounding the sea with steep
cliffs; and for this reason, when we came in sight of States
Island near Tierra del Fuego, before we entered into the South
Seas, we did not so much as think of anchoring after we saw what
land it was, because of the steep cliffs which appeared against
the sea: yet there might be little harbours or coves for shallops
or the like to anchor in, which we did not see or search
after.
As high steep cliffs bounding the sea have this ill
consequence that they seldom afford anchoring; so they have this
benefit that we can see them far off and sail close to them
without danger: for which reason we call them bold shores;
whereas low land on the contrary is seen but a little way and in
many places we dare not come near it for fear of running aground
before we see it. Besides there are in many places shoals thrown
out by the course of great rivers that from the low land fall
into the sea.
This which I have said, that there is usually good anchoring
near low lands, may be illustrated by several instances. Thus on
the south side of the bay of Campeachy there is mostly low land,
and there also is good anchoring all along shore; and in some
places to the eastward of the town of Campeachy we shall have so
many fathom as we are leagues off from land that is from nine or
ten leagues distance till you come within 4 leagues: and from
thence to land it grows but shallower. The bay of Honduras also
is low land, and continues mostly so as we passed along from
thence to the coasts of Portobello and Cartagena till we came as
high as Santa Marta; afterwards the land is low again till you
come towards the coast of Caracas, which is a high coast and bold
shore. The land about Surinam on the same coast is low and good
anchoring, and that over on the coast of Guinea is such also. And
such too is the Bay of Panama, where the pilot-book orders the
pilot always to sound and not to come within such a depth, be it
by night or day. In the same seas, from the high land of
Guatemala in Mexico to California, there is mostly low land and
good anchoring. In the main of Asia, the coast of China, the Bay
of Siam and Bengal, and all the coast of Coromandel, and the
coast about Malacca, and against it the island Sumatra, on that
side are mostly low anchoring shores. But on the west side of
Sumatra the shore is high and bold; so most of the islands lying
to the eastward of Sumatra, as the islands Borneo, Celebes,
Gilolo, and abundance of islands of less note, lying scattering
up and down those seas, are low land and have good anchoring
about them, with many shoals scattered to and fro among them; but
the islands lying against the East Indian Ocean, especially the
west sides of them, are high land and steep, particularly the
west parts, not only of Sumatra but also of Java, Timor, etc.
Particulars are endless; but in general it is seldom but high
shores and deep waters; and on the other side low land and
shallow seas are found together.
THE SOIL, FRUITS AND ANIMALS OF THESE ISLANDS.
But to return from this digression, to speak of the rest of
these islands. Monmouth and Grafton Isles are very hilly, with
many of those steep inhabited precipices on them that I shall
describe particularly. The two small islands are flat and even;
only the Bashee Island has one steep scraggy hill, but Goat
Island is all flat and very even.
The mould of these islands in the valley is blackish in some
places, but in most red. The hills are very rocky: the valleys
are well watered with brooks of fresh water which run into the
sea in many different places. The soil is indifferent fruitful,
especially in the valleys; producing pretty great plenty of trees
(though not very big) and thick grass. The sides of the mountains
have also short grass, and some of the mountains have mines
within them; for the natives told us that the yellow metal they
showed us (as I shall speak more particularly) came from these
mountains; for when they held it up they would point towards
them.
The fruit of these islands are a few plantains, bananas,
pineapples, pumpkins, sugarcane, etc., and there might be more if
the natives would, for the ground seems fertile enough. Here are
great plenty of potatoes, and yams, which is the common food for
the natives for bread kind: for those few plantains they have are
only used as fruit. They have some cotton growing here of the
small plants.
Here are plenty of goats and abundance of hogs; but few fowls,
either wild or tame. For this I have always observed in my
travels, both in the East and West Indies, that in those places
where there is plenty of grain, that is, of rice in one and maize
in the other, there are also found great abundance of fowls; but
on the contrary few fowls in those countries where the
inhabitants feed on fruits and roots only. The few wild fowls
that are here are parakeets and some other small birds. Their
tame fowl are only a few cocks and hens.
THE INHABITANTS AND THEIR CLOTHING.
Monmouth and Grafton Islands are very thick inhabited; and
Bashee Island has one town on it. The natives of these islands
are short squat people; they are generally round-visaged, with
low foreheads and thick eyebrows; their eyes of a hazel colour
and small, yet bigger than the Chinese; short low noses and their
lips and mouths middle proportioned; their teeth are white; their
hair is black, and thick, and lank, which they wear but short; it
will just cover their ears, and so it is cut round very even.
Their skins are of a very dark copper colour.
They wear no hat, cap, nor turban, nor anything to keep off
the sun. The men for the biggest part have only a small clout to
cover their nakedness; some of them have jackets made of plantain
leaves which were as rough as any bear's skin: I never saw such
rugged things. The women have a short petticoat made of cotton
which comes a little below their knees. It is a thick sort of
stubborn cloth which they make themselves of their cotton. RINGS
OF A YELLOW METAL LIKE GOLD. Both men and women do wear large
earrings made of that yellow metal before mentioned. Whether it
were gold or no I cannot positively say; I took it to be so, it
was heavy and of the colour of our paler gold. I would fain have
brought away some to have satisfied my curiosity; but I had
nothing where with to buy any. Captain Read bought two of these
rings with some iron, of which the people are very greedy; and he
would have bought more, thinking he was come to a very fair
market, but that the paleness of the metal made him and his crew
distrust its being right gold. For my part I should have ventured
on the purchase of some, but having no property in the iron, of
which we had great store on board sent from England by the
merchants along with Captain Swan, I durst not barter it
away.
These rings when first polished look very gloriously, but time
makes them fade and turn to a pale yellow. Then they make a soft
paste of red earth and, smearing it over their rings, they cast
them into a quick fire where they remain till they be red hot;
then they take them out and cool them in water and rub off the
paste; and they look again of a glorious colour and lustre.
THEIR HOUSES BUILT ON REMARKABLE PRECIPICES.
These people make but small low houses. The sides, which are
made of small posts wattled with boughs, are not above 4 foot and
a half high: the ridge-pole is about 7 or 8 foot high. They have
a fireplace at one end of their houses and boards placed on the
ground to lie on. They inhabit together in small villages built
on the sides and tops of rocky hills, 3 or 4 rows of houses, one
above another and on such steep precipices that they go up to the
first row with a wooden ladder, and so with a ladder still from
every storey up to that above it, there being no way to ascend.
The plain on the first precipice may be so wide as to have room
both for a row of houses that stand all along on the edge or
brink of it, and a very narrow street running along before their
doors, between the row of houses and the foot of the next
precipice; the plain of which is in a manner level to the tops of
the houses below, and so for the rest. The common ladder to each
row or street comes up at a narrow passage left purposely about
the middle of it; and the street, being bounded with a precipice
also at each end, it is but drawing up the ladder if they be
assaulted, and then there is no coming at them from below, but by
climbing up against a perpendicular wall: and, that they may not
be assaulted from above, they take care to build on the side of
such a hill whose back side hangs over the sea, or is some high,
steep, perpendicular precipice, altogether inaccessible. These
precipices are natural; for the rocks seem too hard to work on;
nor is there any sign that art has been employed about them. On
Bashee island there is one such, and built upon, with its back
next the sea. Grafton and Monmouth isles are very thick set with
these hills and towns; and the natives, whether for fear of
pirates, or foreign enemies, or factions among their own clans,
care not for building but in these fastnesses; which I take to be
the reason that Orange Isle, though the largest, and as fertile
as any, yet being level and exposed has no inhabitants. I never
saw the like precipices and towns.
THEIR BOATS AND EMPLOYMENTS.
These people are pretty ingenious also in building boats.
Their small boats are much like our deal yawls but not so big;
and they are built with very narrow plank pinned with wooden pins
and some nails. They have also some pretty large boats which will
carry 40 or 50 men. These they row with 12 or 14 oars of a side.
They are built much like the small ones and they row
doubled-banked; that is, two men setting on one bench, but one
rowing on one side, the other on the other side of the boat. They
understand the use of iron and work it themselves. Their bellows
are like those at Mindanao. The common employment for the men is
fishing; but I did never see them catch much: whether it is more
plenty at other times of the year I know not. The women do manage
their plantations.
THEIR FOOD, OF GOAT-SKINS, ENTRAILS, ETC.
I did never see them kill any of their goats or hogs for
themselves, yet they would beg the paunches of the goats that
they themselves did sell to us: and if any of our surly seamen
did heave them into the sea they would take them up again and the
skins of the goats also. They would not meddle with hogs' guts if
our men threw away any besides what they made chitterlings and
sausages of. The goat-skins these people would carry ashore, and
making a fire they would singe off all the hair, and afterwards
let the skin lie and parch on the coals till they thought it
eatable; and then they would gnaw it and tear it in pieces with
their teeth, and at last swallow it. The paunches of the goats
would make them an excellent dish; they dressed it in this
manner. They would turn out all the chopped grass and crudities
found in the maw into their pots, and set it over the fire and
stir it about often: this would smoke and puff, and heave up as
it was boiling; wind breaking out of the ferment and making a
very savoury stink. While this was doing, if they had any fish,
as commonly they had two or three small fish, these they would
make very clean (as hating nastiness belike) and cut the flesh
from the bone, and then mince the flesh as small as possibly they
could, and when that in the pot was well boiled they would take
it up and, strewing a little salt into it, they would eat it,
mixed with their raw minced flesh. The dung in the maw would look
like so much boiled herbs minced very small; and they took up
their mess with their fingers, as the Moors do their pillaw,
using no spoons.
PARCHED LOCUSTS.
They had another dish made of a sort of locusts, whose bodies
were about an inch and a half long and as thick as the top of
one's little finger; with large thin wings and long and small
legs. At this time of the year these creatures came in great
swarms to devour their potato leaves and other herbs; and the
natives would go out with small nets and take a quart at one
sweep. When they had enough they would carry them home and parch
them over the fire in an earthen pan; and then their wings and
legs would fall off and their heads and backs would turn red like
boiled shrimps, being before brownish. Their bodies being full
would eat very moist, their heads would crackle in one's teeth. I
did once eat of this dish and liked it well enough; but their
other dish my stomach would not take.
BASHEE, OR SUGAR-CANE DRINK.
Their common drink is water; as it is of all other Indians:
besides which they make a sort of drink with the juice of the
sugar-cane, which they boil, and put some small black sort of
berries among it. When it is well boiled they put it into great
jars and let it stand three or four days and work. Then it
settles and becomes clear, and is presently fit to drink. This is
an excellent liquor, and very much like English beer, both in
colour and taste. It is very strong, and I do believe very
wholesome: for our men, who drank briskly of it all day for
several weeks, were frequently drunk with it, and never sick
after it. The natives brought a vast deal of it every day to
those aboard and ashore: for some of our men were ashore at work
on Bashee Island; which island they gave that name to from their
drinking this liquor there; that being the name which the natives
called this liquor by: and as they sold it to our men very cheap
so they did not spare to drink it as freely. And indeed from the
plenty of this liquor and their plentiful use of it our men
called all these islands the Bashee Islands.
OF THEIR LANGUAGE AND ORIGIN.
What language these people do speak I know not: for it had no
affinity in sound to the Chinese, which is spoken much through
the teeth; nor yet to the Malayan language. They called the metal
that their earrings were made of bullawan, which is the Mindanao
word for gold; therefore probably they may be related to the
Philippine Indians; for that is the general name for gold among
all those Indians. I could not learn from whence they have their
iron; but it is most likely they go in their great boats to the
north end of Luconia and trade with the Indians of that island
for it. Neither did I see anything beside iron and pieces of
buffalo hides, which I could judge that they bought of strangers:
their clothes were of their own growth and manufacture.
LANCES AND BUFFALO COATS.
These men had wooden lances and a few lances headed with iron;
which are all the weapons that they have. Their armour is a piece
of buffalo hide, shaped like our carters' frocks, being without
sleeves and sewn both sides together with holes for the head and
the arms to come forth. This buff coat reaches down to their
knees: it is close about their shoulders, but below it is three
foot wide and as thick as a board.
NO IDOLS, NOR CIVIL FORM OF GOVERNMENT.
I could never perceive them to worship anything, neither had
they any idols; neither did they seem to observe any one day more
than other. I could never perceive that one man was of greater
power than another; but they seemed to be all equal; only every
man ruling in his own house, and the children respecting and
honouring their parents.
A YOUNG MAN BURIED ALIVE BY THEM; SUPPOSED TO BE FOR
THEFT.
Yet it is probable that they have some law or custom by which
they are governed; for while we lay here we saw a young man
buried alive in the earth; and it was for theft as far as we
could understand from them. There was a great deep hole dug and
abundance of people came to the place to take their last farewell
of him: among the rest there was one woman who made great
lamentation and took off the condemned person's earrings. We
supposed her to be his mother. After he had taken his leave of
her and some others he was put into the pit and covered over with
earth. He did not struggle but yielded very quietly to his
punishment; and they rammed the earth close upon him and stifled
him.
THEIR WIVES AND CHILDREN, AND HUSBANDRY.
They have but one wife, with whom they live and agree very
well; and their children live very obediently under them. The
boys go out a-fishing with their fathers; and the girls live at
home with their mothers: and when the girls are grown pretty
strong they send them to their plantations to dig yams and
potatoes, of which they bring home on their heads every day
enough to serve the whole family; for they have no rice nor
maize.
Their plantations are in the valleys, at a good distance from
their houses; where every man has a certain spot of land which is
properly his own. This he manages himself for his own use; and
provides enough that he may not be beholding to his
neighbour.
THEIR MANNERS, ENTERTAINMENTS, AND TRAFFIC.
Notwithstanding the seeming nastiness of their dish of goats'
maw they are in their persons a very neat cleanly people, both
men and women: and they are withal the quietest and civilest
people that I did ever meet with. I could never perceive them to
be angry with one another. I have admired to see 20 or 30 boats
aboard our ship at a time, and yet no different among them; but
all civil and quiet, endeavouring to help each other on occasion:
no noise, nor appearance of distaste and, although sometimes
cross accidents would happen which might have set other men
together by the ears, yet they were not moved by them. Sometimes
they will also drink freely and warm themselves with their drink;
yet neither then could I ever perceive them out of humour. They
are not only thus civil among themselves but very obliging and
kind to strangers; nor were their children rude to us, as is
usual. Indeed the women, when we came to their houses, would
modestly beg any rags or small pieces of cloth to swaddle their
young ones in, holding their children out to us; and begging is
usual among all these wild nations. Yet neither did they beg so
importunately as in other places; nor did the men ever beg
anything at all. Neither, except once at the first time that we
came to an anchor (as I shall relate) did they steal anything;
but dealt justly and with great sincerity with us; and make us
very welcome to their houses with bashee-drink. If they had none
of this liquor themselves they would buy a jar of drink of their
neighbours and sit down with us: for we could see them go and
give a piece or two of their gold for some jars of bashee. And
indeed among wild Indians, as these seem to be, I wondered to see
buying and selling, which is not so usual; nor to converse so
freely as to go aboard strangers' ships with so little caution:
yet their own small trading may have brought them to this. At
these entertainments they and their family, wife and children,
drank out of small calabashes: and when by themselves they drink
about from one to another; but when any of us came among them
then they would always drink to one of us.
They have no sort of coin; but they have small crumbs of the
metal before described which they bind up very safe in plantain
leaves or the like. This metal they exchange for what they want,
giving a small quantity of it, about two or three grains, for a
jar of drink that would hold five or six gallons. They have no
scales but give it by guess. Thus much in general.
OF THE SHIP'S FIRST INTERCOURSE WITH THESE PEOPLE, AND
BARTERING WITH THEM.
To proceed therefore with our affairs: I have said before that
we anchored here the 6th day of August. While we were furling our
sails there came near 100 boats of the natives aboard, with three
or four men in each; so that our deck was full of men. We were at
first afraid of them, and therefore got up 20 or 30 small arms on
our poop and kept three or four men as sentinels, with guns in
their hands, ready to fire on them if they had offered to molest
us. But they were pretty quiet, only they picked up such old iron
that they found on our deck, and they also took out our pump
bolts and linchpins out of the carriages of our guns before we
perceived them. At last one of our men perceived one of them very
busy getting out one of our linchpins; and took hold of the
fellow who immediately bawled out, and all the rest presently
leapt overboard, some into their boats, others into the sea; and
they all made away for the shore. But when we perceived their
fright we made much of him that was in hold, who stood trembling
all the while; and at last we gave him a small piece of iron,
with which he immediately leapt overboard and swam to his
consorts who hovered about our ship to see the issue. Then we
beckoned to them to come aboard again, being very loth to lose a
commerce with them. Some of the boats came aboard again, and they
were always very honest and civil afterward.
We presently after this sent a canoe ashore to see their
manner of living and what provision they had: the canoe's crew
were made very welcome with bashee-drink and saw abundance of
hogs, some of which they bought and returned aboard. After this
the natives brought aboard both hogs and goats to us in their own
boats; and every day we should have fifteen or twenty hogs and
goats in boats aboard by our side. These we bought for a small
matter; we could buy a good fat goat for an old iron hoop, and a
hog of seventy or eighty pounds weight for two or three pound of
iron. Their drink also they brought off in jars, which we bought
for old nails, spikes and leaden bullets. Beside the
fore-mentioned commodities they brought aboard great quantities
of yams and potatoes; which we purchased for nails, spikes or
bullets. It was one man's work to be all day cutting out bars of
iron into small pieces with a cold chisel: and these were for the
great purchases of hogs and goats, which they would not sell for
nails, as their drink and roots. We never let them know what
store we have, that they may value it the more. Every morning as
soon as it was light they would thus come aboard with their
commodities which we bought as we had occasion. We did commonly
furnish ourselves with as many goats and roots as served us all
the day; and their hogs we bought in large quantities as we
thought convenient; for we salted them. Their hogs were very
sweet; but I never saw so many measled ones.
THEIR COURSE AMONG THE ISLANDS; THEIR STAY THERE, AND
PROVISION TO DEPART.
We filled all our water at a curious brook close by us in
Grafton's Isle where we first anchored. We stayed there about
three or four days before we went to other islands. We sailed to
the southward, passing on the east side of Grafton Island, and
then passed through between that and Monmouth Island; but we
found no anchoring till we came to the north end of Monmouth
Island, and there we stopped during one tide. The tide runs very
strong here and sometimes makes a short chopping sea. Its course
among these islands is south by east and north by west. The flood
sets to the north, and ebb to the south, and it rises and falls
eight foot.
When we went from hence we coasted about two leagues to the
southward on the west side of Monmouth Island; and, finding no
anchor-ground we stood over to the Bashee Island and came to an
anchor on the north-east part of it, against a small sandy bay,
in seven fathom clean hard sand and about a quarter of a mile
from the shore. Here is a pretty wide channel between these two
islands and anchoring all over it. The depth of water is twelve,
fourteen, and sixteen fathom.
We presently built a tent ashore to mend our sails in, and
stayed all the rest of our time here, namely, from the 13th day
of August till the 26th day of September. In which time we mended
our sails and scrubbed our ship's bottom very well; and every day
some of us went to their towns and were kindly entertained by
them. Their boats also came aboard with their merchandise to
sell, and lay aboard all day; and if we did not take it off their
hands one day they would bring the same again the next.
We had yet the winds at south-west and south-south-west mostly
fair weather. In October we did expect the winds to shift to the
north-east and therefore we provided to sail (as soon as the
eastern monsoon was settled) to cruise off of Manila. Accordingly
we provided a stock of provision. We salted seventy or eighty
good fat hogs and bought yams and potatoes good store to eat at
sea.
THEY ARE DRIVEN OFF BY A VIOLENT STORM, AND RETURN.
About the 24th day of September the winds shifted about to the
east, and from thence to the north-east fine fair weather. The
25th it came at north and began to grow fresh, and the sky began
to be clouded, and the wind freshened on us.
At twelve o'clock at night it blew a very fierce storm. We
were then riding with our best bower ahead; and though our yards
and top-mast were down yet we drove. This obliged us to let go
our sheet-anchor, veering out a good scope of cable, which
stopped us till ten or eleven o'clock the next day. Then the wind
came on so fierce that she drove again, with both anchors ahead.
The wind was now at north by west and we kept driving till three
or four o'clock in the afternoon: and it was well for us that
there were no islands, rocks, or sands in our way, for if there
had we must have been driven upon them. We used our utmost
endeavours to stop here, being loth to go to sea because we had
six of our men ashore who could not get off now. At last we were
driven out into deep water, and then it was in vain to wait any
longer: therefore we hove in our sheet-cable, and got up our
sheet-anchor, and cut away our best bower (for to have heaved her
up then would have gone near to have foundered us) and so put to
sea. We had very violent weather the night ensuing, with very
hard rain, and we were forced to scud with our bare poles till
three o'clock in the morning. Then the wind slackened and we
brought our ship to under a mizzen, and lay with our head to the
westward. The 27th day the wind abated much, but it rained very
hard all day and the night ensuing. The 28th day the wind came
about to the north-east and it cleared up and blew a hard gale,
but it stood not there, for it shifted about to the eastward,
thence to the south-east, then to the south, and at last settled
at south-west, and then we had a moderate gale and fair
weather.
It was the 29th day when the wind came to the south-west. Then
we made all the sail we could for the island again. The 30th day
we had the wind at west and saw the islands but could not get in
before night. Therefore we stood off to the southward till two
o'clock in the morning; then we tacked and stood in all the
morning, and about twelve o'clock the 1st day of October we
anchored again at the place from whence we were driven.
THE NATIVES' KINDNESS TO SIX OF THEM LEFT BEHIND.
Then our six men were brought aboard by the natives, to whom
we gave three whole bars of iron for their kindness and civility,
which was an extraordinary present to them. Mr. Robert Hall was
one of the men that was left ashore. I shall speak more of him
hereafter. He and the rest of them told me that, after the ship
was out of sight, the natives began to be more kind to them than
they had been before, and persuaded them to cut their hair short,
as theirs was, offering to each of them if they would do it a
young woman to wife, and a small hatchet and other iron utensils
fit for a planter, in dowry; and withal showed them a piece of
land for them to manage. They were courted thus by several of the
town where they then were: but they took up their headquarters at
the house of him with whom they first went ashore. When the ship
appeared in sight again then they importuned them for some iron,
which is the chief thing that they covet, even above their
earrings. We might have bought all their earrings, or other gold
they had, with our iron bars, had we been assured of its
goodness; and yet when it was touched and compared with other
gold we could not discern any difference, though it looked so
pale in the lump; but the seeing them polish it so often was a
new discouragement.
THE CREW DISCOURAGED BY THOSE STORMS, QUIT THEIR DESIGN OF
CRUISING OFF MANILA FOR THE ACAPULCO SHIP; AND IT IS RESOLVED TO
FETCH A COMPASS TO CAPE COMORIN, AND SO FOR THE RED SEA.
This last storm put our men quite out of heart: for although
it was not altogether so fierce as that which we were in on the
coast of China, which was still fresh in memory, yet it wrought
more powerfully and frightened them from their design of cruising
before Manila, fearing another storm there. Now every man wished
himself at home, as they had done a hundred times before: but
Captain Read and Captain Teat the master persuaded them to go
towards Cape Comorin, and then they would tell them more of their
minds, intending doubtless to cruise in the Red Sea; and they
easily prevailed with the crew.
The eastern monsoon was now at hand, and the best way had been
to go through the Straits of Malacca: but Captain Teat said it
was dangerous by reason of many islands and shoals there with
which none of us were acquainted. Therefore he thought it best to
go round on the east side of the Philippine Islands and so,
keeping south toward the Spice Islands, to pass out into the East
Indian Ocean about the island Timor.
This seemed to be a very tedious way about, and as dangerous
altogether for shoals; but not for meeting with English or Dutch
ships, which was their greatest fear. I was well enough
satisfied, knowing that the farther we went the more knowledge
and experience I should get, which was the main thing that I
regarded; and should also have the more variety of places to
attempt an escape from them, being fully resolved to take the
first opportunity of giving them the slip.
Chapter XVI
They Depart from the Bashee Islands, and Passing by Some Others, and the North End of Luconia.
The third day of October 1687 we sailed from these islands,
standing to the southward, intending to sail through among the
Spice Islands. We had fair weather and the wind at west. We first
steered south-south-west and passed close by certain small
islands that lie just by the north end of the island Luconia. We
left them all on the west of us, and passed on the east side of
it and the rest of the Philippine islands, coasting to the
southward.
The north-east end of the island Luconia appears to be good
champion land, of an indifferent height, plain and even for many
leagues; only it has some pretty high hills standing upright by
themselves in these plains; but no ridges of hills or chains of
mountains joining one to another. The land on this side seems to
be most savannah, or pasture: the south-east part is more
mountainous and woody.
ST. JOHN'S ISLE, AND OTHER OF THE PHILIPPINES.
Leaving the isle Luconia, and with it our golden projects, we
sailed onto the southward, passing on the east side of the rest
of the Philippine Islands. These appear to be more mountainous
and less woody till we came in sight of the island St. John; the
first of that name I mentioned: the other I spoke of on the coast
of China. This I have already described to be a very woody
island. Here the wind coming southerly forced us to keep farther
from the islands.
THEY STOP AT THE TWO ISLES NEAR MINDANAO; WHERE THEY REFIT
THEIR SHIP, AND MAKE A PUMP AFTER THE SPANISH FASHION.
The 14th day of October we came close by a small low woody
island that lies east from the south-east end of Mindanao,
distant from it about 20 leagues. I do not find it set down in
any sea-chart.
The 15th day we had the wind at north-east and we steered west
for the island Mindanao, and arrived at the south-east end again
on the 16th day. There we went in and anchored between two small
islands which lie in about 5 degrees 10 minutes north latitude. I
mentioned them when we first came on this coast. Here we found a
fine small cove on the north-west end of the easternmost island,
fit to careen in or haul ashore; so we went in there and
presently unrigged our ship and provided to haul our ship ashore
to clean her bottom. These islands are about three or four
leagues from the island Mindanao; they are about four or five
leagues in circumference and of a pretty good height. The mould
is black and deep and there are two small brooks of fresh
water.
They are both plentifully stored with great high trees;
therefore our carpenters were sent ashore to cut down some of
them for our use; for here they made a new boltsprit, which we
did set here also, our old one being very faulty. They made a new
fore-yard too, and a fore-top-mast: and our pumps being faulty
and not serviceable they did cut a tree to make a pump. They
first squared it, then sawed it in the middle, and then hollowed
each side exactly. The two hollow sides were made big enough to
contain a pump box in the midst of them both when they were
joined together; and it required their utmost skill to close them
exactly to the making a tight cylinder for the pump-box; being
unaccustomed to such work. We learnt this way of pump-making from
the Spaniards, who make their pumps that they use in their ships
in the South Seas after this manner; and I am confident that
there are no better hand-pumps in the world than they have.
BY THE YOUNG PRINCE OF THE SPICE ISLAND THEY HAVE NEWS OF
CAPTAIN SWAN, AND HIS MEN, LEFT AT MINDANAO.
While we lay here the young prince that I mentioned in the
13th chapter came aboard. He understanding that we were bound
farther to the southward desired us to transport him and his men
to his own island. He showed it to us in our chart and told us
the name of it; which we put down in our chart, for it was not
named there; but I quite forgot to put it into my journal.
This man told us that not above six days before this he saw
Captain Swan and several of his men that we left there, and named
the names of some of them, who he said were all well, and that
now they were at the city of Mindanao; but that they had all of
them been out with Raja Laut, fighting under him in his wars
against his enemies the Alfoores; and that most of them fought
with undaunted courage; for which they were highly honoured and
esteemed, as well by the sultan as by the general Raja Laut; that
now Captain Swan intended to go with his men to Fort St. George
and that, in order thereto, he had proffered forty ounces of gold
for a ship; but the owner and he were not yet agreed; and that he
feared that the sultan would not let him go away till the wars
were ended.
All this the prince told us in the Malayan tongue, which many
of us had learnt; and when he went away he promised to return to
us again in three days' time, and so long Captain Read promised
to stay for him (for we had now almost finished our business) and
he seemed very glad of the opportunity of going with us.
THE AUTHOR PROPOSES TO THE CREW TO RETURN TO HIM; BUT IN
VAIN.
After this I endeavoured to persuade our men to return with
the ship to the river of Mindanao and offer their service again
to Captain Swan. I took an opportunity when they were filling of
water, there being then half the ship's company ashore; and I
found all these very willing to do it. I desired them to say
nothing till I had tried the minds of the other half, which I
intended to do the next day, it being their turn to fill water
then; but one of these men, who seemed most forward to invite
back Captain Swan, told Captain Read and Captain Teat of the
project, and they presently dissuaded the men from any such
designs. Yet fearing the worst they made all possible haste to be
gone.
THE STORY OF HIS MURDER AT MINDANAO.
I have since been informed that Captain Swan and his men
stayed there a great while afterward; and that many of the men
got passages from thence in Dutch sloops to Ternate, particularly
Mr. Rofy and Mr. Nelly. There they remained a great while and at
last got to Batavia (where the Dutch took their journals from
them) and so to Europe; and that some of Captain Swan's men died
at Mindanao; of which number Mr. Harthrop and Mr. Smith, Captain
Swan's merchants, were two. At last Captain Swan and his surgeon,
going in a small canoe aboard of a Dutch ship then in the road,
in order to get passage to Europe, were overset by the natives at
the mouth of the river; who waited their coming purposely to do
it, but unsuspected by them; where they both were killed in the
water. This was done by the general's order, as some think, to
get his gold, which he did immediately seize on. Others say it
was because the general's house was burnt a little before, and
Captain Swan was suspected to be the author of it; and others say
that it was Captain Swan's threats occasioned his own ruin; for
he would often say passionately that he had been abused by the
general, and that he would have satisfaction for it; saying also
that now he was well acquainted with their rivers, and knew how
to come in at any time; that he also knew their manner of
fighting and the weakness of their country; and therefore he
would go away and get a band of men to assist him, and returning
thither again he would spoil and take all that they had and their
country too. When the general had been informed of these
discourses he would say: "What, is Captain Swan made of iron and
able to resist a whole kingdom? Or does he think that we are
afraid of him that he speaks thus?" Yet did he never touch him
till now the Mindanayans killed him. It is very probable there
might be somewhat of truth in all this; for the captain was
passionate, and the general greedy of gold. But, whatever was the
occasion, so he was killed, as several have assured me, and his
gold seized on, and all his things; and his journal also, from
England as far as Cape Corrientes on the coast of Mexico. This
journal was afterwards sent away from thence by Mr. Moody (who
was there both a little before and a little after the murder) and
he sent it to England by Mr. Goddard, chief mate of the Defence.
THE CLOVE ISLANDS. TERNATE. TIDORE, ETC. But to our purpose:
seeing I could not persuade them to go to Captain Swan again I
had a great desire to have had the prince's company: but Captain
Read was afraid to let his fickle crew lie long. That very day
that the prince had promised to return to us, which was November
2 1687, we sailed hence, directing our course south-west and
having the wind at north-west.
THE ISLAND CELEBES, AND DUTCH TOWN OF MACASSAR.
This wind continued till we came in sight of the island
Celebes; then it veered about to the west and to the southward of
the west. We came up with the north-east end of the island
Celebes the 9th day, and there we found the current setting to
the westward so strongly that we could hardly get on the east
side of that island. The island Celebes is a very large island,
extended in length from north to south about 7 degrees of
latitude, and in breadth it is about 3 degrees. It lies under the
Equator, the north end being in latitude 1 degree 30 minutes
north, and the south end in latitude 5 degrees 30 minutes south,
and by common account the north point in the bulk of this island
lies nearest north and south, but at the north-east end there
runs out a long narrow point stretching north-east about thirty
leagues; and about thirty leagues to the eastward of this long
slip is the island Gilolo, on the west side of which are four
small islands close by it, which are very well stored with
cloves. The two chiefest are Ternate and Tidore; and as the isle
of Ceylon is reckoned the only place for cinnamon, and that of
Banda for nutmegs, so these are thought by some to be the only
clove islands in the world; but this is a great error, as I have
already shown.
At the south end of the island Celebes there is a sea or gulf
of about seven or eight leagues wide and forty or fifty long,
which runs up the country almost directly to the north; and this
gulf has several small islands along the middle of it. On the
west side of the island, almost at the south end of it, the town
of Macassar is seated. A town of great strength and trade,
belonging to the Dutch.
THEY COAST ALONG THE EAST SIDE OF CELEBES, AND BETWEEN IT AND
OTHER ISLANDS AND SHOALS, WITH GREAT DIFFICULTY.
There are great in lets and lakes on the east side of the
island; as also abundance of small islands and shoals lying
scattered about it. We saw a high peaked hill at the north end:
but the land on the east side is low all along; for we cruised
almost the length of it. The mould on this side is black and
deep, and extraordinary fat and rich and full of trees: and there
are many brooks of water run out into the sea. Indeed all this
east side of the island seems to be but one large grove of
extraordinary great high trees.
Having with much ado got on this east side, coasting along to
the southward, and yet having but little wind, and even that
little against us at south-south-west and sometimes calm, we were
a long time going about the island.
The 22nd day we were in latitude 1 degree 20 minutes south
and, being about three leagues from the island standing to the
southward, with a very gentle land-wind, about 2 or 3 o'clock in
the morning we heard a clashing in the water like boats rowing:
and fearing some sudden attack we got up all our arms and stood
ready to defend ourselves. As soon as it was day we saw a great
proa, built like the Mindanayan proas, with about 60 men in her;
and six smaller proas. They lay still about a mile to windward of
us to view us; and probably designed to make a prey of us when
they first came out; but they were now afraid to venture on
us.
At last we showed them Dutch colours, thinking thereby to
allure them to come to us: for we could not go to them; but they
presently rowed in toward the island and went into a large
opening; and we saw them no more; nor did we ever see any other
boats or men, but only one fishing canoe while we were about this
island; neither did we see any house on all the coast.
About five or six leagues to the south of this place there is
a great range of both large and small islands; and many shoals
also that are not laid down in our charts; which made it
extremely troublesome for us to get through. But we passed
between them all and the island Celebes, and anchored against a
sandy bay in eight fathom sandy ground, about half a mile from
the main island; being then in latitude 1 degree 50 minutes
south.
SHY TURTLE.
Here we stayed several days and sent out our canoes a-striking
of turtle every day; for here is great plenty of them; but they
were very shy, as they were generally wherever we found them in
the East India seas. I know not the reason of it unless the
natives go very much a-striking here: for even in the West Indies
they are shy in places that are much disturbed: and yet on New
Holland we found them shy, as I shall relate; though the natives
there do not molest them.
VAST COCKLES.
On the shoal without us we went and gathered shellfish at
low-water. There were a monstrous sort of cockles; the meat of
one of them would suffice seven or eight men. It was very good
wholesome meat. We did also beat about in the woods on the island
but found no game.
A WILD VINE OF GREAT VIRTUE FOR SORES.
One of our men, who was always troubled with sore legs, found
a certain vine that supported itself by clinging about other
trees. The leaves reach six or seven foot high, but the strings
or branches 11 or 12. It had a very green leaf, pretty broad and
roundish, and of a thick substance. These leaves pounded small
and boiled with hog's lard make an excellent salve. Our men
knowing the virtues of it stocked themselves here: there were
scarce a man in the ship but got a pound or two of it; especially
such as were troubled with old ulcers, who found great benefit by
it. This man that discovered these leaves here had his first
knowledge of them in the Isthmus of Darien, he having had his
recipe from one of the Indians there: and he had been ashore in
divers places since purposely to seek these leaves, but did never
find any but here.
GREAT TREES; ONE EXCESSIVELY BIG.
Among the many vast trees hereabouts there was one exceeded
all the rest. This Captain Read caused to be cut down, in order
to make a canoe, having lost our boats, all but one small one, in
the late storms; so six lusty men who had been log-wood cutters
in the Bays of Campeachy and Honduras (as Captain Read himself
and many more of us had) and so were very expert at this work,
undertook to fell it, taking their turn, three always cutting
together; and they were one whole day and half the next before
they got it down. This tree, though it grew in a wood, was yet 18
foot in circumference and 44 foot of clean body without knot or
branch: and even there it had no more than one or two branches,
and then ran clear again 10 foot higher; there it spread itself
into many great limbs and branches, like an oak, very green and
flourishing: yet it was perished at the heart, which marred it
for the service intended.
BEACONS INSTEAD OF BUOYS ON THE SHOALS.
So leaving it and having no more business here we weighed and
went from hence the next day, it being the 29th day of November.
While we lay here we had some tornadoes, one or two every day,
and pretty fresh land-winds which were at west. The sea-breezes
are small and uncertain, sometimes out of the north-east and so
veering about to the east and south-east. We had the wind at
north-east when we weighed, and we steered off south-south-west.
In the afternoon we saw a shoal ahead of us and altered our
course to the south-south-east. In the evening at 4 o'clock we
were close by another great shoal; therefore we tacked and stood
in for the island Celebes again, for fear of running on some of
the shoals in the night. By day a man might avoid them well
enough, for they had all beacons on them like huts built on tall
posts, above high-water mark, probably set up by the natives of
the island Celebes or those of some other neighbouring islands;
and I never saw any such elsewhere. In the night we had a violent
tornado out of the south-west which lasted about an hour.
A SPOUT: A DESCRIPTION OF THEM, WITH A STORY OF ONE.
The 30th day we had a fresh land-wind and steered away south,
passing between the two shoals which we saw the day before. These
shoals lie in latitude 3 degrees south and about ten leagues from
the island Celebes. Being past them the wind died away and we lay
becalmed till the afternoon: then we had a hard tornado out of
the south-west, and towards the evening we saw two or three
spouts, the first I had seen since I came into the East Indies;
in the West Indies I had often met with them. A spout is a small
ragged piece or part of a cloud hanging down about a yard,
seemingly from the blackest part thereof. Commonly it hangs down
sloping from thence, or sometimes appearing with a small bending,
or elbow in the middle. I never saw any hang perpendicularly
down. It is small at the lower end, seeming no bigger than one's
arm, but still fuller towards the cloud from whence it
proceeds.
When the surface of the sea begins to work you shall see the
water, for about 100 paces in circumference, foam and move gently
round till the whirling motion increases: and then it flies
upward in a pillar, about 100 paces in compass at the bottom, but
lessening gradually upwards to the smallness of the spout itself,
there where it reaches the lower end of the spout, through which
the rising seawater seems to be conveyed into the clouds. This
visibly appears by the clouds increasing in bulk and blackness.
Then you shall presently see the cloud drive along, although
before it seemed to be without any motion: the spout also keeping
the same course with the cloud, and still sucking up the water as
it goes along, and they make a wind as they go. Thus it continues
for the space of half an hour, more or less, until the sucking is
spent, and then, breaking off, all the water which was below the
spout, or pendulous piece of cloud, falls down again into the
sea, making a great noise with its fall and clashing motion in
the sea.
It is very dangerous for a ship to be under a spout when it
breaks, therefore we always endeavour to shun it by keeping at a
distance, if possibly we can. But, for want of wind to carry us
away, we are often in great fear and danger, for it is usually
calm when spouts are at work; except only just where they are.
Therefore men at sea, when they see a spout coming and know not
how to avoid it, do sometimes fire shot out of their great guns
into it, to give it air or vent, that so it may break; but I did
never hear that it proved to be of any benefit.
And now being on this subject I think it not amiss to give you
an account of an accident that happened to a ship once on the
coast of Guinea, some time in or about the year 1674. One Captain
Records of London, bound for the coast of Guinea, in a ship of
300 tuns and 16 guns called the Blessing: when he came into the
latitude 7 or 8 degrees north he saw several spouts, one of which
came directly towards the ship, and he, having no wind to get out
of the way of the spout, made ready to receive it by furling his
sails. It came on very swift and broke a little before it reached
the ship; making a great noise and raising the sea round it, as
if a great house or some such thing had been cast into the sea.
The fury of the wind still lasted and took the ship on the
starboard bow with such violence that it snapped off the
boltsprit and foremast both at once, and blew which ship all
along, ready to overset it, but the ship did presently right
again, and the wind whirling round took the ship a second time
with the like fury as before, but on the contrary side, and was
again like to overset her the other way. The mizzen-mast felt the
fury of this second blast and was snapped short off, as the
foremast and boltsprit had been before. The mainmast and
main-top-mast received no damage, for the fury of the wind (which
was presently over) did not reach them. Three men were in the
fore-top when the foremast broke and one on the boltsprit, and
fell with them into the sea, but all of them were saved. I had
this relation from Mr. John Canby, who was then quartermaster and
steward of her; one Abraham Wise was chief mate, and Leonard
Jefferies second mate.
We are usually very much afraid of them: yet this was the only
damage that ever I heard done by them. They seem terrible enough,
the rather because they come upon you while you lie becalmed,
like a log in the sea, and cannot get out of their way: but
though I have seen and been beset by them often, yet the fright
was always the greatest of the harm.
UNCERTAIN TORNADOES.
December the 1st we had a gentle gale at east-south-east. We
steered south; and at noon I was by observation in latitude 3
degrees 34 minutes south. Then we saw the island Bouton, bearing
south-west and about ten leagues distant. We had very uncertain
and inconstant winds: the tornadoes came out of the south-west,
which was against us; and what other winds we had were so faint
that they did us little kindness; but we took the advantage of
the smallest gale and got a little way every day. The 4th day at
noon I was by observation in latitude 4 degrees 30 minutes south.
TURTLE. The 5th day we got close by the north-west end of the
island Bouton, and in the evening, it being fair weather, we
hoisted out our canoe and sent the Moskito men, of whom we had
two or three, to strike turtle, for here are plenty of them; but
they being shy we chose to strike them in the night (which is
customary in the West Indies also) for every time they come up to
breathe, which is once in 8 or 10 minutes, they blow so hard that
one may hear them at 30 or 40 yards distance; by which means the
striker knows where they are, and may more easily approach them
than in the day; for the turtle sees better than he hears; but on
the contrary the manatee's hearing is quickest.
In the morning they returned with a very large turtle which
they took near the shore; and withal an Indian of the island came
aboard with them. He spoke the Malayan language; by which we did
understand him. He told us that two leagues farther to the
southward of us there was a good harbour in which we might
anchor: so, having a fair wind, we got thither by noon.
THE ISLAND BOUTON, AND ITS CHIEF TOWN AND HARBOUR
CALLASUSUNG.
This harbour is in latitude 4 degrees 54 minutes south; lying
on the east side of the island Bouton. Which island lies near the
south-east end of the island Celebes, distant from it about three
or four leagues. It is of a long form, stretching south-west and
north-east above 25 leagues long and 10 broad. It is pretty high
land, and appears pretty even and flat and very woody.
There is a large town within a league of the anchoring-place
called Callasusung, being the chief, if there were more; which we
knew not. It is about a mile from the sea, on the top of a small
hill, in a very fair plain, encompassed with coconut-trees.
Without the trees there is a strong stone wall clear round the
town. The houses are built like the houses at Mindanao; but more
neat: and the whole town was very clean and delightsome.
THE INHABITANTS.
The inhabitants are small and well shaped. They are much like
the Mindanayans in shape, colour, and habit; but more neat and
tight. They speak the Malayan language and are all Mohammedans.
They are very obedient to the sultan, who is a little man about
forty or fifty years old, and has a great many wives and
children.
VISITS GIVEN AND RECEIVED BY THE SULTAN.
About an hour after we came to an anchor the sultan sent a
messenger aboard to know what we were and what our business. We
gave him an account; and he returned ashore and in a short time
after he came aboard again and told us that the sultan was very
well pleased when he heard that we were English; and said that we
should have anything that the island afforded; and that he
himself would come aboard in the morning. Therefore the ship was
made clean, and everything put in the best order to receive
him.
HIS DEVICE IN THE FLAG OF HIS PROA.
The 6th day in the morning betimes a great many boats and
canoes came aboard with fowls, eggs, plantains, potatoes, etc.,
but they would dispose of none till they had orders for it from
the sultan at his coming. About 10 o'clock the sultan came aboard
in a very neat proa, built after the Mindanao fashion. There was
a large white silk flag at the head of the mast, edged round with
a deep red for about two or three inches broad, and in the middle
there was neatly drawn a green griffin trampling on a winged
serpent that seemed to struggle to get up and threatened his
adversary with open mouth and with a long sting that was ready to
be darted into his legs. Other east Indian princes have their
devices also.
HIS GUARDS, HABIT AND CHILDREN.
The sultan with three or four of his nobles and three of his
sons sat in the house of the proa. His guards were ten
musketeers, five standing on one side of the proa and five on the
other side; and before the door of the proa-house stood one with
a great broadsword and a target, and two more such at the
after-part of the house; and in the head and stern of the proa
stood four musketeers more, two at each end.
The sultan had a silk turban laced with narrow gold lace by
the sides and broad lace at the end: which hung down on one side
the head, after the Mindanayan fashion. He had a sky-coloured
silk pair of breeches, and a piece of red silk thrown across his
shoulders and hanging loose about him; the greatest part of his
back and waist appearing naked. He had neither stocking nor shoe.
One of his sons was about 15 or 16 years old, the other two were
young things; and they were always in the arms of one or other of
his attendants.
THEIR COMMERCE.
Captain Read met him at the side and led him into his small
cabin and fired five guns for his welcome. As soon as he came
aboard he gave leave to his subjects to traffic with us; and then
our people bought what they had a mind to.
THEIR DIFFERENT ESTEEM (AS THEY PRETEND) OF THE ENGLISH AND
DUTCH.
The sultan seemed very well pleased to be visited by the
English; and said he had coveted to have a sight of Englishmen,
having heard extraordinary characters of their just and
honourable dealing: but he exclaimed against the Dutch (as all
the Mindanayans and all the Indians we met with do) and wished
them at a greater distance.
MARITIME INDIANS SELL OTHERS FOR SLAVES.
For Macassar is not very far from hence, one of the chiefest
towns that the Dutch have in those parts. From thence the Dutch
come sometimes hither to purchase slaves. The slaves that these
people get here and sell to the Dutch are some of the idolatrous
natives of the island who, not being under the sultan, and having
no head, live straggling in the country, flying from one place to
another to preserve themselves from the prince and his subjects,
who hunt after them to make them slaves. For the civilised
Indians of the maritime places, who trade with foreigners, if
they cannot reduce the inland people to the obedience of their
prince, they catch all they can of them and sell them for slaves;
accounting them to be but as savages, just as the Spaniards do
the poor Americans.
THEIR RECEPTION IN THE TOWN.
After two or three hours' discourse the sultan went ashore
again, and five guns were fired at his departure also. The next
day he sent for Captain Read to come ashore, and he with seven or
eight men went to wait on the sultan. I could not slip an
opportunity of seeing the place and so accompanied them. We were
met at the landing-place by two of the chief men, and guided to a
pretty neat house where the sultan waited our coming. The house
stood at the further end of all the town before mentioned, which
we passed through; and abundance of people were gazing on us as
we passed by. When we came near the house there were forty poor
naked soldiers with muskets made a lane for us to pass through.
This house was not built on posts as the rest were, after the
Mindanayan way; but the room in which we were entertained was on
the ground, covered with mats to sit on. Our entertainment was
tobacco and betel-nut and young coconuts; and the house was beset
with men and women and children, who thronged to get near the
windows to look on us.
We did not tarry above an hour before we took our leaves and
departed. This town stands in a sandy soil; but what the rest of
the island is I know not, for none of us were ashore but at this
place.
A BOY WITH FOUR ROWS OF TEETH.
The next day the sultan came aboard again and presented
Captain Read with a little boy, but he was too small to be
serviceable on board; and so Captain Read returned thanks and
told him he was too little for him. Then the sultan sent for a
bigger boy, which the captain accepted. This boy was a very
pretty tractable boy; but what was wonderful in him, he had two
rows of teeth, one within another on each jaw. None of the other
people were so, nor did I ever see the like. The captain was
presented also with two he-goats, and was promised some buffalo,
but I do believe that they have but few of either on the island.
We did not see any buffalo nor many goats, neither have they much
rice, but their chiefest food is roots. We bought here about a
thousand pound weight of potatoes.
PARAKEETS. COCKATOOS, A SORT OF WHITE PARROTS.
Here our men bought also abundance of cockatoos and fine large
parakeets, curiously coloured and some of them the finest I ever
saw. The cockatoo is as big as a parrot and shaped much like it
with such a bill; but it is as white as milk, and has a bunch of
feathers on his head like a crown. At this place we bought a proa
also of the Mindanayan make, for our own use, which our
carpenters afterwards altered and made a delicate boat fit for
any service. She was sharp at both ends, but we sawed off one and
made that end flat, fastening a rudder to it and she rowed and
sailed incomparably.
THEY PASS AMONG OTHER INHABITED ISLANDS.
We stayed here but till the 12th day because it was a bad
harbour and foul ground, and a bad time of the year too, for the
tornadoes began to come in thick and strong. When we went to
weigh our anchor it was hooked in a rock, and we broke our cable,
and could not get our anchor though we strove hard for it; so we
went away and left it there. We had the wind at north-north-east
and we steered towards the south-east and fell in with four or
five small islands that lie in 5 degrees 40 minutes south
latitude and about five or six leagues from Callasusung harbour.
These islands appeared very green with coconut-trees, and we saw
two or three towns on them, and heard a drum all night, for we
were got in among shoals, and could not get out again till the
next day. We knew not whether the drum were for fear of us or
that they were making merry, as it is usual in these parts to do
all the night, singing and dancing till morning.
We found a pretty strong tide here, the flood setting to the
southward and the ebb to the northward. These shoals and many
other that are not laid down in our charts lie on the south-west
side of the islands where we heard the drum, about a league from
them. At last we passed between the islands and tried for a
passage on the east side. We met with divers shoals on this side
also, but found channels to pass through; so we steered away for
the island Timor, intending to pass out by it. We had the winds
commonly at west-south-west and south-west hard gales and rainy
weather.
The 16th day we got clear of the shoals and steered south by
east with the wind at west-south-west but veering every half
hour, sometimes at south-west and then again at west, and
sometimes at north-north-west, bringing much rain with thunder
and lightning.
OMBA, PENTARE, TIMOR, ETC.
The 20th day we passed by the island Omba which is a pretty
high island lying in latitude 8 degrees 20 minutes and not above
five or six leagues from the north-east part of the island Timor.
It is about 13 or 14 leagues long and five or six leagues
wide.
About seven or eight leagues to the west of Omba is another
pretty large island, but it had no name in our charts; yet by the
situation it should be that which in some maps is called Pentare.
We saw on it abundance of smokes by day and fires by night, and a
large town on the north side of it, not far from the sea; but it
was such bad weather that we did not go ashore.
SHOALS.
Between Omba and Pentare and in the mid-channel there is a
small low sandy island with great shoals on either side; but
there is a very good channel close by Pentare, between that and
the shoals about the small isle. We were three days beating off
and on, not having a wind, for it was at south-south-west.
The 23rd day in the evening, having a small gale at north, we
got through, keeping close by Pentare. The tide of ebb here set
out to the southward, by which we were helped through, for we had
but little wind. But this tide, which did us a kindness in
setting us through, had like to have ruined us afterwards; for
there are two small islands lying at the south end of the channel
we came through, and towards these islands the tide hurried us so
swiftly that we very narrowly escaped being driven ashore; for,
the little wind we had before at north dying away, we had not one
breath of wind when we came there, neither was there any
anchor-ground. But we got out our oars and rowed, yet all in
vain; for the tide set wholly on one of these small islands that
we were forced with might and main strength to bear off the ship
by thrusting with our oars against the shore, which was a steep
bank, and by this means we presently drove away clear of danger;
and, having a little wind in the night at north, we steered away
south-south-west. In the morning again we had the wind at
west-south-west and steered south, and the wind coming to the
west-north-west we steered south-west to get clear of the
south-west end of the island Timor. The 29th day we saw the
north-west point of Timor south-east by east distant about eight
leagues.
Timor is a long high mountainous island stretching north-east
and south-west. It is about 70 leagues long and 15 or 16 wide,
the middle of the island is in latitude about 9 degrees south. I
have been informed that the Portuguese do trade to this island;
but I know nothing of its produce besides coir for making cables,
of which there is mention Chapter 10.
The 27th day we saw two small islands which lie near the
south-west end of Timor. They bear from us south-east. We had
very hard gales of wind and still with a great deal of rain; the
wind at west and west-south-west.
NEW HOLLAND; LAID DOWN TOO MUCH NORTHWARD.
Being now clear of all the islands we stood off south,
intending to touch at New Holland, a part of Terra Australis
Incognita, to see what that country would afford us. Indeed as
the winds were we could not now keep our intended course (which
was first westerly and then northerly) without going to New
Holland unless we had gone back again among the islands: but this
was not a good time of the year to be among any islands to the
south of the Equator, unless in a good harbour.
The 31st day we were in latitude 13 degrees 20 minutes, still
standing to the southward, the wind bearing commonly very hard at
west, we keeping upon it under two courses, and our mizzen, and
sometimes a main-topsail reefed. About 10 o'clock at night we
tacked and stood to the northward for fear of running on a shoal
which is laid down in our charts in latitude 13 degrees 50
minutes or thereabouts: it bearing south by west from the east
end of Timor; and so the island bore from us by our judgments and
reckoning. At 3 o'clock we tacked again and stood south by west
and south-south-west.
In the morning as soon as it was day we saw the shoal right
ahead: it lies in 13 degrees 50 minutes by all our reckonings. It
is a small spit of sand, just appearing above the water's edge,
with several rocks about it, eight or ten foot high above water.
It lies in a triangular form; each side being about a league and
a half. We stemmed right with the middle of it, and stood within
half a mile of the rocks and sounded; but found no ground. Then
we went about and stood to the north two hours; and then tacked
and stood to the southward again, thinking to weather it, but
could not. So we bore away on the north side till we came to the
east point, giving the rocks a small berth: then we trimmed sharp
and stood to the southward, passing close by it, and sounded
again but found no ground.
This shoal is laid down in our charts not above 16 or 20
leagues from New Holland; but we did run afterwards 60 leagues
due south before we fell in with it; and I am very confident that
no part of New Holland hereabouts lies so far northerly by 40
leagues, as it is laid down in our charts. For if New Holland
were laid down true we must of necessity have been driven near 40
leagues to the westward of our course; but this is very
improbable that the current should set so strong to the westward,
seeing we had such a constant westerly wind. I grant that when
the monsoon shifts first the current does not presently shift,
but runs afterwards near a month; but the monsoon had been
shifted at least two months now. But of the monsoons and other
winds and of the currents elsewhere in their proper place. As to
these here I do rather believe that the land is not laid down
true, than that the current deceived us; for it was more probable
we should have been deceived before we met with a shoal than
afterwards; for on the coast of New Holland we found the tides
keeping their constant course; the flood running north by east
and the ebb south by east.
- The 4th day of January 1688 we fell in with the land of
New Holland in the latitude of 16 degrees 50 minutes, having, as
I said before, made our course due south from the shoal that we
passed by the 31st day of December. We ran in close by it and,
finding no convenient anchoring because it lies open to the
north-west, we ran along shore to the eastward, steering
north-east by east for so the land lies. We steered thus about 12
leagues; and then came to a point of land from whence the land
trends east and southerly for 10 or 12 leagues; but how
afterwards I know not. About 3 leagues to the eastward of this
point there is a pretty deep bay with abundance of islands in it,
and a very good place to anchor in or to haul ashore. About a
league to the eastward of that point we anchored January the 5th
1688, two mile from the shore in 29 fathom, good hard sand and
clean ground.
ITS SOIL, AND DRAGON-TREES.
New Holland is a very large tract of land. It is not yet
determined whether it is an island or a main continent; but I am
certain that it joins neither to Asia, Africa, nor America. This
part of it that we saw is all low even land, with sandy banks
against the sea, only the points are rocky, and so are some of
the islands in this bay.
The land is of a dry sandy soil, destitute of water except you
make wells; yet producing divers sorts of trees; but the woods
are not thick, nor the trees very big. Most of the trees that we
saw are dragon-trees as we supposed; and these too are the
largest trees of any there. They are about the bigness of our
large apple-trees, and about the same height; and the rind is
blackish and somewhat rough. The leaves are of a dark colour; the
gum distils out of the knots or cracks that are in the bodies of
the trees. We compared it with some gum-dragon or dragon's blood
that was aboard, and it was of the same colour and taste. The
other sort of trees were not known by any of us. There was pretty
long grass growing under the trees; but it was very thin. We saw
no trees that bore fruit or berries.
We saw no sort of animal nor any track of beast but once; and
that seemed to be the tread of a beast as big as a great
mastiff-dog. Here are a few small land-birds but none bigger than
a blackbird; and but few sea-fowls. Neither is the sea very
plentifully stored with fish unless you reckon the manatee and
turtle as such. Of these creatures there is plenty but they are
extraordinary shy; though the inhabitants cannot trouble them
much having neither boats nor iron.
THE POOR WINKING INHABITANTS: THEIR FEATHERS, HABIT, FOOD,
ARMS, ETC.
The inhabitants of this country are the miserablest people in
the world. The Hodmadods of Monomatapa, though a nasty people,
yet for wealth are gentlemen to these; who have no houses, and
skin garments, sheep, poultry, and fruits of the earth, ostrich
eggs, etc., as the Hodmadods have: and, setting aside their human
shape, they differ but little from brutes. They are tall,
straight-bodied, and thin, with small long limbs. They have great
heads, round foreheads, and great brows. Their eyelids are always
half closed to keep the flies out of their eyes; they being so
troublesome here that no fanning will keep them from coming to
one's face; and without the assistance of both hands to keep them
off they will creep into one's nostrils and mouth too if the lips
are not shut very close; so that, from their infancy being thus
annoyed with these insects, they do never open their eyes as
other people: and therefore they cannot see far, unless they hold
up their heads as if they were looking at somewhat over them.
They have great bottle-noses, pretty full lips, and wide
mouths. The two fore-teeth of their upper jaw are wanting in all
of them, men and women, old and young; whether they draw them out
I know not: neither have they any beards. They are long-visaged,
and of a very unpleasing aspect, having no one graceful feature
in their faces. Their hair is black, short, and curled like that
of the Negroes; and not long and lank like the common Indians.
The colour of their skins, both of their faces and the rest of
their body, is coal-black like that of the Negroes of Guinea.
They have no sort of clothes but a piece of the rind of a
tree, tied like a girdle about their waists, and a handful of
long grass, or three or four small green boughs full of leaves
thrust under their girdle to cover their nakedness.
They have no houses but lie in the open air without any
covering; the earth being their bed, and the heaven their canopy.
Whether they cohabit one man to one woman or promiscuously I know
not; but they do live in companies, 20 or 30 men, women, and
children together. Their only food is a small sort of fish which
they get by making weirs of stone across little coves or branches
of the sea; every tide bringing in the small fish and there
leaving them for a prey to these people who constantly attend
there to search for them at low water. This small-fry I take to
be the top of their fishery: they have no instruments to catch
great fish should they come; and such seldom stay to be left
behind at low water: nor could we catch any fish with our hooks
and lines all the while we lay there. In other places at
low-water they seek for cockles, mussels, and periwinkles: of
these shellfish there are fewer still; so that their chiefest
dependence is upon what the sea leaves in their weirs; which, be
it much or little, they gather up, and march to the places of
their abode. There the old people that are not able to stir
abroad by reason of their age and the tender infants wait their
return; and what providence has bestowed on them they presently
broil on the coals and eat it in common. Sometimes they get as
many fish as makes them a plentiful banquet; and at other times
they scarce get everyone a taste: but be it little or much that
they get, everyone has his part, as well the young and tender,
the old and feeble, who are not able to go abroad, as the strong
and lusty. When they have eaten they lie down till the next
low-water, and then all that are able march out, be it night or
day, rain or shine, it is all one; they must attend the weirs or
else they must fast: for the earth affords them no food at all.
There is neither herb, root, pulse, nor any sort of grain for
them to eat that we saw; nor any sort of bird or beast that they
can catch, having no instruments wherewithal to do so.
I did not perceive that they did worship anything. These poor
creatures have a sort of weapon to defend their weir or fight
with their enemies if they have any that will interfere with
their poor fishery. They did at first endeavour with their
weapons to frighten us, who lying ashore deterred them from one
of their fishing-places. Some of them had wooden swords, others
had a sort of lances. The sword is a piece of wood shaped
somewhat like a cutlass. The lance is a long straight pole sharp
at one end, and hardened afterwards by heat. I saw no iron nor
any other sort of metal; therefore it is probable they use
stone-hatchets, as some Indians in America do, described in
Chapter 4.
THE WAY OF FETCHING FIRE OUT OF WOOD.
How they get their fire I know not; but probably as Indians
do, out of wood. I have seen the Indians of Bonaire do it and
have myself tried the experiment: they take a flat piece of wood
that is pretty soft and make a small dent in one side of it, then
they take another hard round stick about the bigness of one's
little finger and, sharpening it at one end like a pencil, they
put that sharp end in the hole or dent of the flat soft piece,
and then rubbing or twirling the hard piece between the palms of
their hands they drill the soft piece till it smokes and at last
takes fire.
THE INHABITANTS ON THE ISLANDS.
These people speak somewhat through the throat; but we could
not understand one word that they said. We anchored, as I said
before, January the 5th and, seeing men walking on the shore, we
presently sent a canoe to get some acquaintance with them: for we
were in hopes to get some provision among them. But the
inhabitants, seeing our boat coming, ran away and hid themselves.
We searched afterwards three days in hopes to find their houses;
but found none: yet we saw many places where they had made fires.
At last, being out of hopes to find their habitations, we
searched no farther; but left a great many toys ashore in such
places where we thought that they would come. In all our search
we found no water but old wells on the sandy bays.
THEIR HABITATIONS, UNFITNESS FOR LABOUR, ETC.
At last we went over to the islands and there we found a great
many of the natives: I do believe there were 40 on one island,
men, women, and children. The men at our first coming ashore
threatened us with their lances and swords; but they were
frightened by firing one gun which we fired purposely to scare
them. The island was so small that they could not hide
themselves: but they were much disordered at our landing,
especially the women and children: for we went directly to their
camp. The lustiest of the women, snatching up their infants, ran
away howling, and the little children ran after squeaking and
bawling; but the men stood still. Some of the women and such
people as could not go from us lay still by a fire, making a
doleful noise as if we had been coming to devour them: but when
they saw we did not intend to harm them they were pretty quiet,
and the rest that fled from us at our first coming returned
again. This their place of dwelling was only a fire with a few
boughs before it, set up on that side the winds was of.
After we had been here a little while the men began to be
familiar and we clothed some of them, designing to have had some
service of them for it: for we found some wells of water here,
and intended to carry 2 or 3 barrels of it aboard. But it being
somewhat troublesome to carry to the canoes we thought to have
made these men to have carried it for us, and therefore we gave
them some old clothes; to one an old pair of breeches, to another
a ragged shirt, to the third a jacket that was scarce worth
owning; which yet would have been very acceptable at some places
where we had been, and so we thought they might have been with
these people. We put them on them, thinking that this finery
would have brought them to work heartily for us; and, our water
being filled in small long barrels, about six gallons in each,
which were made purposely to carry water in, we brought these our
new servants to the wells, and put a barrel on each of their
shoulders for them to carry to the canoe. But all the signs we
could make were to no purpose for they stood like statues without
motion but grinned like so many monkeys staring one upon another:
for these poor creatures seem not accustomed to carry burdens;
and I believe that one of our ship-boys of 10 years old would
carry as much as one of them. So we were forced to carry our
water ourselves, and they very fairly put the clothes off again
and laid them down, as if clothes were only to work in. I did not
perceive that they had any great liking to them at first, neither
did they seem to admire anything that we had.
At another time, our canoe being among these islands seeking
for game, espied a drove of these men swimming from one island to
another; for they have no boats, canoes, or bark-logs. They took
up four of them and brought them aboard; two of them were
middle-aged, the other two were young men about 18 or 20 years
old. To these we gave boiled rice and with it turtle and manatee
boiled. They did greedily devour what we gave them but took no
notice of the ship, or anything in it, and when they were set on
land again they ran away as fast as they could. At our first
coming, before we were acquainted with them or they with us, a
company of them who lived on the main came just against our ship,
and, standing on a pretty high bank, threatened us with their
swords and lances by shaking them at us: at last the captain
ordered the drum to be beaten, which was done of a sudden with
much vigour, purposely to scare the poor creatures. They hearing
the noise ran away as fast as they could drive; and when they ran
away in haste they would cry "Gurry, gurry," speaking deep in the
throat. Those inhabitants also that live on the main would always
run away from us; yet we took several of them. For, as I have
already observed, they had such bad eyes that they could not see
us till we came close to them. We did always give them victuals
and let them go again, but the islanders, after our first time of
being among them, did not stir for us.
THE GREAT TIDES HERE.
When we had been here about a week we hauled our ship into a
small sandy cove at a spring tide as far as she would float; and
at low-water she was left dry and the sand dry without us near
half a mile; for the sea rises and falls here about five fathom.
The flood runs north by east and the ebb south by west. All the
neap tides we lay wholly aground, for the sea did not come near
us by about a hundred yards. We had therefore time enough to
clean our ship's bottom which we did very well. Most of our men
lay ashore in a tent where our sails were mending; and our
strikers brought home turtle and manatee every day, which was our
constant food.
THEY DESIGN FOR THE ISLAND COCOS, AND CAPE COMORIN.
While we lay here I did endeavour to persuade our men to go to
some English factory; but was threatened to be turned ashore and
left here for it. This made me desist and patiently wait for some
more convenient place and opportunity to leave them than here:
which I did hope I should accomplish in a short time; because
they did intend, when they went from hence, to bear down towards
Cape Comorin. In their way thither they designed also to visit
the island Cocos which lies in latitude 12 degrees 12 minutes
north, by our charts; hoping there to find of that fruit; the
island having its name from thence.
Chapter XVII
Leaving New Holland They Pass by the Island Cocos, and Touch at Another Woody Island near It.
March the 12th 1688 we sailed from New Holland with the wind
at north-north-west and fair weather. We directed our course to
the northward, intending, as I said, to touch at the island
Cocos: but we met with the winds at north-west, west-north-west,
and north-north-west for several days; which obliged us to keep a
more easterly course than was convenient to find that island. We
had soon after our setting out very bad weather with much thunder
and lightning, rain and high blustering winds.
It was the 26th day of March before we were in the latitude of
the island Cocos which is in 12 degrees 12 minutes and then, by
judgment, we were 40 or 50 leagues to the east of it; and the
wind was now at south-west. Therefore we did rather choose to
bear away towards some islands on the west side of Sumatra than
to beat against the wind for the island Cocos. I was very glad of
this; being in hopes to make my escape from them to Sumatra or to
some other place. We met nothing of remark in this voyage beside
the catching two great sharks till the 28th day. Then we fell in
with a small woody island in latitude 10 degrees 20 minutes. Its
longitude from New Holland, from whence we came, was by my
account 12 degrees 6 minutes west. It was deep water about the
island, and therefore no anchoring; but we sent two canoes
ashore; one of them with the carpenters to cut a tree to make
another pump; the other canoe went to search for fresh water and
found a fine small brook near the south-west point of the island;
but there the sea fell in on the shore so high that they could
not get it off. At noon both our canoes returned aboard; and the
carpenters brought aboard a good tree which they afterwards made
a pump with, such a one as they made at Mindanao. The other canoe
brought aboard as many boobies and men-of-war birds as sufficed
all the ship's company when they were boiled.
A LAND-ANIMAL LIKE LARGE CRAWFISH.
They got also a sort of land animal somewhat resembling a
large crawfish without its great claws. These creatures lived in
holes in the dry sandy ground like rabbits. Sir Francis Drake in
his Voyage round the World makes mention of such that he found at
Ternate, or some other of the Spice Islands, or near them. They
were very good sweet meat and so large that two of them were more
than a man could eat; being almost as thick as one's leg. Their
shells were of a dark brown but red when boiled.
This island is of a good height, with steep cliffs against the
south and south-west, and a sandy bay on the north side; but very
deep water steep to the shore. The mould is blackish, the soil
fat, producing large trees of divers sorts.
About one o'clock in the afternoon we made sail from this
island with the wind at south-west and we steered north-west.
Afterwards the winds came about at north-west and continued
between the west-north-west and the north-north-west several
days. I observed that the winds blew for the most part out of the
west or north-west and then we had always rainy weather with
tornadoes, and much thunder and lightning; but when the wind came
any way to the southward it blew but faint and brought fair
weather.
COCONUTS, FLOATING IN THE SEA.
We met nothing of remark till the 7th day of April, and then,
being in latitude 7 degrees south, we saw the land of Sumatra at
a great distance, bearing north. The 8th day we saw the east end
of the island Sumatra very plainly; we being then in latitude 6
degrees south. The 10th day, being in latitude 5 degrees 11
minutes and about seven or eight leagues from the island Sumatra
on the west side of it, we saw abundance of coconuts swimming in
the sea; and we hoisted out our boat and took up some of them; as
also a small hatch, or scuttle rather, belonging to some bark.
The nuts were very sound, and the kernel sweet, and in some the
milk or water in them and was yet sweet and good.
THE ISLAND TRISTE BEARING COCONUTS, YET OVERFLOWN EVERY
SPRING-TIDE.
The 12th day we came to a small island called Triste in
latitude (by observation) 4 degrees south; it is about 14 or 15
leagues to the west of the island Sumatra. From hence to the
northward there are a great many small uninhabited islands lying
much at the same distance from Sumatra. This island Triste is not
a mile round and so low that the tide flows clear over it. It is
of a sandy soil and full of coconut-trees. The nuts are but
small; yet sweet enough, full, and more ponderous than I ever
felt any of that bigness; notwithstanding that every spring tide
the salt-water goes clear over the island.
We sent ashore our canoes for coconuts and they returned
aboard laden with them three times. Our strikers also went out
and struck some fish which was boiled for supper. They also
killed two young alligators which we salted for the next day.
I had no opportunity at this place to make any escape as I
would have done and gone over hence to Sumatra, could I have kept
a boat to me. But there was no compassing this; and so the 15th
day we went from hence, steering to the northward on the west
side of Sumatra. Our food now was rice and the meat of the
coconuts rasped and steeped in water; which made a sort of milk
into which we did put our rice, making a pleasant mess enough.
After we parted from Triste we saw other small islands that were
also full of coconut-trees.
THEY ANCHOR AT A SMALL ISLAND NEAR THAT OF NASSAU.
The 19th day, being in latitude 3 degrees 25 minutes south,
the south-west point of the island Nassau bore north about five
miles distant. This is a pretty large uninhabited island in
latitude 3 degrees 20 minutes south and is full of high trees.
About a mile from the island Nassau there is a small island full
of coconut-trees. There we anchored the 29th day to replenish our
stock of coconuts. A reef of rocks lies almost round this island
so that our boats could not go ashore nor come aboard at
low-water; yet we got aboard four boat-load of nuts. This island
is low like Triste and the anchoring is on the north side; where
you have 14 fathom a mile from shore, clean sand.
The 21st day we went from hence and kept to the northward,
coasting still on the west side of the island Sumatra; and having
the winds between the west and south-south-west with unsettled
weather; sometimes rains and tornadoes, and sometimes fair
weather.
HOG ISLAND, AND OTHERS.
The 25th day we crossed the Equator, still coasting to the
northward between the island Sumatra and a range of small islands
lying 14 or 15 leagues off it. Amongst all these islands Hog
Island is the most considerable. It lies in latitude 3 degrees 40
minutes north. It is pretty high even land, clothed with tall
flourishing trees; we passed it by the 28th day.
A PROA TAKEN BELONGING TO ACHIN.
The 29th we saw a sail to the north of us which we chased: but
it being little wind we did not come up with her till the 30th
day. Then, being within a league of her, Captain Read went into a
canoe and took her and brought her aboard. She was a proa with
four men in her, belonging to Achin, whither she was bound. She
came from one of these coconut islands that we passed by and was
laden with coconuts and coconut-oil. Captain Read ordered his men
to take aboard all the nuts and as much of the oil as he thought
convenient, and then cut a hole in the bottom of the proa and
turned her loose, keeping the men prisoners.
It was not for the lucre of the cargo that Captain Read took
this boat but to hinder me and some others from going ashore; for
he knew that we were ready to make our escapes if an opportunity
presented itself; and he thought that by abusing and robbing the
natives we should be afraid to trust ourselves among them. But
yet this proceeding of his turned to our great advantage, as
shall be declared hereafter.
May the 1st we ran down by the north-west end of the island
Sumatra, within seven or eight leagues of the shore. All this
west side of Sumatra which we thus coasted along our Englishmen
at Fort St. George call the West Coast simply, without adding the
name of Sumatra. The prisoners who were taken the day before
showed us the islands that lie off of Achin Harbour, and the
channels through with ships go in; and told us that there was an
English factory at Achin. I wished myself there but was forced to
wait with patience till my time was come.
NICOBAR ISLAND, AND THE REST CALLED BY THAT NAME.
We were now directing our course towards the Nicobar Islands,
intending there to clean the ship's bottom in order to make her
sail well.
The 14th day in the evening we had sight of one of the Nicobar
Islands. The southernmost of them lies about 40 leagues
north-north-west from the north-west end of the island Sumatra.
This most southerly of them is Nicobar itself, but all the
cluster of islands lying south of the Andaman Islands are called
by our seamen the Nicobar Islands.
AMBERGRIS, GOOD AND BAD.
The inhabitants of these islands have no certain converse with
any nation; but as ships pass by them they will come aboard in
their proas and offer their commodities to sale, never enquiring
of what nation they are; for all white people are alike to them.
Their chiefest commodities are ambergris and fruits.
Ambergris is often found by the native Indians of these
islands who know it very well; as also know how to cheat ignorant
strangers with a certain mixture like it. Several of our men
bought such of them for a small purchase. Captain Weldon also
about this time touched at some of these islands to the north of
the island where we lay; and I saw a great deal of such ambergris
that one of his men bought there; but it was not good, having no
smell at all. Yet I saw some there very good and fragrant.
THE MANNERS OF THE INHABITANTS OF THESE ISLANDS.
At that island where Captain Weldon was there were two friars
sent thither to convert the Indians. One of them came away with
Captain Weldon; the other remained there still. He that came away
with Captain Weldon gave a very good character of the inhabitants
of that island, namely, that they were very honest, civil,
harmless people; that they were not addicted to quarrelling,
theft, or murder; that they did marry or at least live as man and
wife, one man with one woman, never changing till death made the
separation; that they were punctual and honest in performing
their bargains; and that they were inclined to receive the
Christian religion. This relation I had afterwards from the mouth
of a priest at Tonquin who told me that he received this
information by a letter from the friar that Captain Weldon
brought away from thence. But to proceed.
THEY ANCHOR AT NICOBAR ISLE.
The 5th day of May we ran down on the west side of the island
Nicobar properly so-called and anchored at the north-west end of
it in a small bay in eight fathom water not half a mile from the
shore. The body of this island is in 7 degrees 30 minutes north
latitude. It is about 12 leagues long, and 3 or 4 broad.
ITS SITUATION, SOIL, AND PLEASANT MIXTURE OF ITS BAYS, TREES,
ETC.
The south end of it is pretty high with steep cliffs against
the sea; the rest of the island is low, flat, and even. The mould
of it is black and deep; and it is very well watered with small
running streams. It produces abundance of tall trees fit for any
uses; for the whole bulk of it seems to be but one entire grove.
But that which adds most to its beauty off at sea are the many
spots of coconut-trees which grow round it in every small bay.
The bays are half a mile or a mile long, more or less; and these
bays are intercepted or divided from each other with as many
little rocky points of woodland.
THE MELORY-TREE AND FRUIT, USED FOR BREAD.
As the coconut-trees do thus grow in groves fronting to the
sea in the bays, so there is another sort of fruit-trees in the
bays bordering on the back side of the coconut-trees, farther
from the sea. It is called by the natives a melory-tree. This
tree is as big as our large apple-trees and as high. It has a
blackish rind and a pretty broad leaf. The fruit is as big as the
breadfruit at Guam, described in Chapter 10, or a large penny
loaf. It is shaped like a pear and has a pretty tough smooth rind
of a light green colour. The inside of the fruit is in substance
much like an apple but full of small strings as big as a brown
thread. I did never see of these trees anywhere but here.
THE NATIVES OF NICOBAR ISLAND, THEIR FORM, HABIT, LANGUAGE,
HABITATIONS; NO FORM OF RELIGION OR GOVERNMENT: THEIR FOOD AND
CANOES.
The natives of this island are tall well-limbed men; pretty
long-visaged, with black eyes; their noses middle proportioned,
and the whole symmetry of their faces agreeing very well. Their
hair is black and lank, and their skins of a dark copper colour.
The women have no hair on their eyebrows. I do believe it is
plucked up by the roots; for the men had hair growing on their
eyebrows as other people.
The men go all naked save only a long narrow piece of cloth or
sash which, going round their waists and thence down between
their thighs, is brought up behind and tucked in at that part
which goes about the waist. The women have a kind of a short
petticoat reaching from their waist to their knees.
Their language was different from any that I had ever heard
before; yet they had some few Malayan words, and some of them had
a word or two of Portuguese; which probably they might learn
aboard of their ships, passing by this place: for when these men
see a sail they do presently go aboard of them in their canoes. I
did not perceive any form of religion that they had; they had
neither temple nor idol nor any manner of outward veneration to
any deity that I did see.
They inhabit all round the island by the seaside in the bays;
there being four or five houses more or less in each bay. Their
houses are built on posts as the Mindanayans are. They are small,
low, and of a square form. There is but one room in each house,
and this room is about eight foot from the ground; and from
thence the roof is raised about eight foot higher. But instead of
a sharp ridge the top is exceeding neatly arched with small
rafters about the bigness of a man's arm, bent round like a half
moon, and very curiously thatched with palmetto-leaves.
They live under no government that I could perceive; for they
seem to be equal without any distinction; every man ruling in his
own house. Their plantations are only those coconut-trees which
grow by the seaside; there being no cleared land farther in on
the island: for I observed that when past the fruit-trees there
were no paths to be seen going into the woods. The greatest use
which they make of their coconut-trees is to draw toddy from
them, of which they are very fond.
The melory-trees seem to grow wild; they have great earthen
pots to boil the melory fruit in which will hold 12 or 14
gallons. These pots they fill with the fruit; and, putting in a
little water, they cover the mouth of the pot with leaves to keep
the steam while it boils. When the fruit is soft they peel off
the rind and scrape the pulp from the strings with a flat stick
made like a knife; and then make it up in great lumps as big as a
Holland cheese; and then it will keep six or seven days. It looks
yellow, and tastes well, and is their chiefest food: for they
have no yams, potatoes, rice, nor plantains (except a very few)
yet they have a few small hogs and a very few cocks and hens like
ours. The men employ themselves in fishing; but I did not see
much fish that they got: every house has at least two or three
canoes belonging to it, which they draw up ashore.
The canoes that they go a-fishing in are sharp at both ends;
and both the sides and the bottom are very thin and smooth. They
are shaped somewhat like the proas at Guam with one side flattish
and the other with a pretty big belly; and they have small slight
outlayers on one side. Being thus thin and light they are better
managed with oars than with sails: yet they sail well enough and
steered with a paddle. There commonly go 20 or 30 men in one of
these canoes; and seldom fewer than 9 or 10. Their oars are short
and they do not paddle but row with them as we do. The benches
they sit on when they row are made of split bamboos, laid across
and so neat together that they look like a deck. The bamboos lie
movable so that when any go in to row they take up a bamboo in
the place where they would sit and lay it by to make room for
their legs. The canoes of those of the rest of these islands were
like those of Nicobar; and probably they were alike in other
things; for we saw no different at all in the natives of them who
came hither while we were here.
THEY CLEAN THE SHIP.
But to proceed with our affairs: it was, as I said before, the
5th day of May about 10 in the morning when we anchored at this
island: Captain Read immediately ordered his men to heel the ship
in order to clean her: which was done this day and the next. All
the water vessels were filled. They intended to go to sea at
night: for, the winds being yet at north-north-east, the captain
was in hopes to get over to Cape Comorin before the wind shifted.
Otherwise it would have been somewhat difficult for him to get
thither because the westerly monsoon was not at hand.
THE AUTHOR PROJECTS AND GETS LEAVE TO STAY ASHORE HERE, AND
WITH HIM TWO ENGLISHMEN MORE, THE PORTUGUESE, AND FOUR MALAYANS
OF ACHIN.
I thought now was my time to make my escape by getting leave
if possible to stay here: for it seemed not very feasible to do
it by stealth; and I had no reason to despair of getting leave:
this being a place where my stay could probably do our crew no
harm should I design it. Indeed one reason that put me on the
thoughts of staying at this particular place, besides the present
opportunity of leaving Captain Read, which I did always intend to
do as soon as I could, was that I had here also a prospect of
advancing a profitable trade for ambergris with these people, and
of gaining a considerable fortune to myself: for in a short time
I might have learned their language and, by accustoming myself to
row with them in the proas or canoes, especially by conforming
myself to their customs and manners of living, I should have seen
how they got their ambergris, and have known what quantities they
get, and the time of the year when most is found. And then
afterwards I thought it would be easy for me to have transported
myself from thence, either in some ship that passed this way,
whether English, Dutch, or Portuguese; or else to have gotten one
of the young men of the island to have gone with me in one of
their canoes to Achin; and there to have furnished myself with
such commodities as I found most coveted by them; and therewith
at my return to have bought their ambergris.
I had till this time made no open show of going ashore here:
but now, the water being filled and the ship in a readiness to
sail, I desired Captain Read to set me ashore on this island. He,
supposing that I could not go ashore in a place less frequented
by ships than this, gave me leave: which probably he would have
refused to have done if he thought I should have gotten from
hence in any short time; for fear of my giving an account of him
to the English or Dutch. I soon got up my chest and bedding and
immediately got some to row me ashore; for fear lest his mind
should change again.
THEIR FIRST RENCOUNTERS WITH THE NATIVES.
The canoe that brought me ashore landed me on a small sandy
bay where there were two houses but no person in them. For the
inhabitants were removed to some other house, probably for fear
of us because the ship was close by: and yet both men and women
came aboard the ship without any sign of fear. When our ship's
canoe was going aboard again they met the owner of the houses
coming ashore in his boat. He made a great many signs to them to
fetch me off again: but they would not understand him. Then he
came to me and offered his boat to carry me off; but I refused
it. Then he made signs for me to go up into the house and,
according as I did understand him by his signs and a few Malayan
words that he used, he intimated that somewhat would come out of
the woods in the night when I was a sleep and kill me, meaning
probably some wild beast. Then I carried my chest and clothes up
into the house.
I had not been ashore an hour before Captain Teat and one John
Damarel, with three or four armed men more, came to fetch me
aboard again. They need not have sent an armed posse for me; for
had they but sent the cabin-boy ashore for me I would not have
denied going aboard. For though I could have hid myself in the
woods yet then they would have abused or have killed some of the
natives, purposely to incense them against me. I told them
therefore that I was ready to go with them and went aboard with
all my things.
When I came aboard I found the ship in an uproar; for there
were three men more who, taking courage by my example, desired
leave also to accompany me. One of them was the surgeon Mr.
Coppinger, the other was Mr. Robert Hall, and one named Ambrose;
I have forgot his surname. These men had always harboured the
same designs as I had. The two last were not much opposed; but
Captain Read and his crew would not part with the surgeon. At
last the surgeon leapt into the canoe and, taking up my gun,
swore he would go ashore, and that if any man did oppose it he
would shoot him: but John Oliver, who was then quartermaster,
leapt into the canoe, taking hold of him took away the gun and,
with the help of two or three more, they dragged him again into
the ship.
Then Mr. Hall and Ambrose and I were again sent ashore; and
one of the men that rowed us ashore stole an axe and gave it to
us, knowing it was a good commodity with the Indians. It was now
dark, therefore we lighted a candle and I, being the oldest
stander in our new country, conducted them into one of the
houses, where we did presently hang up our hammocks. We had
scarce done this before the canoe came ashore again and brought
the four Malayan men belonging to Achin (which we took in the
proa we took off of Sumatra) and the Portuguese that came to our
ship out of the Siam junk at Pulo Condore: the crew having no
occasion for these, being leaving the Malayan parts, where the
Portuguese spark served as an interpreter; and not fearing now
that the Achinese could be serviceable to us in bringing us over
to their country, forty leagues off; nor imagining that we durst
make such an attempt, as indeed it was a bold one. Now we were
men enough to defend ourselves against the natives of this island
if they should prove our enemies: though if none of these men had
come ashore to me I should not have feared any danger: nay
perhaps less because I should have been cautious of giving any
offence to the natives. And I am of the opinion that there are no
people in the world so barbarous as to kill a single person that
falls accidentally into their hands or comes to live among them;
except they have before been injured by some outrage or violence
committed against them. Yet even then, or afterwards if a man
could but preserve his life from their first rage, and come to
treat with them (which is the hardest thing because their way is
usually to abscond and, rushing suddenly upon their enemy, to
kill him at unawares) one might by some slight insinuate one's
self into their favours again; especially by showing some toy or
knack that they did never see before: which any European that has
seen the world might soon contrive to amuse them withal: as might
be done generally, even with a lit fire struck with a flint and
steel.
OF THE COMMON TRADITIONS CONCERNING CANNIBALS, OR
MAN-EATERS.
As for the common opinion of anthropophagi, or man-eaters, I
did never meet any such people: all nations or families in the
world, that I have seen or heard of, having some sort of food to
live on either fruit, grain, pulse, or roots, which grow
naturally, or else planted by them; if not fish and land animals
besides (yea even the people of New Holland had fish amidst all
their penury) and would scarce kill a man purposely to eat him. I
know not what barbarous customs may formerly have been in the
world; and to sacrifice their enemies to their gods is a thing
has been much talked of with relation to the savages of America.
I am a stranger to that also if it be or have been customary in
any nation there; and yet, if they sacrifice their enemies it is
not necessary they should eat them too. After all I will not be
peremptory in the negative, but I speak as to the compass of my
own knowledge and know some of these cannibal stories to be
false, and many of them have been disproved since I first went to
the West Indies. At that time how barbarous were the poor Florida
Indians accounted which now we find to be civil enough? What
strange stories have we heard of the Indians whose islands were
called the Isles of Cannibals? Yet we find that they do trade
very civilly with the French and Spaniards; and have done so with
us. I do own that they have formerly endeavoured to destroy our
plantations at Barbados, and have since hindered us from settling
in the island Santa Loca by destroying two or three colonies
successively of those that were settled there; and even the
island Tobago has been often annoyed and ravaged by them when
settled by the Dutch, and still lies waste (though a delicate
fruitful island) as being too near the Caribbees on the
continent, who visit it every year. But this was to preserve
their own right by endeavouring to keep out any that would settle
themselves on those islands where they had planted themselves;
yet even these people would not hurt a single person, as I have
been told by some that have been prisoners among them. I could
instance also in the Indians of Boca Toro and Boca Drago, and
many other places where they do live, as the Spaniards call it,
wild and savage: yet there they have been familiar with
privateers, but by abuses have withdrawn their friendship again.
As for these Nicobar people I found them affable enough, and
therefore I did not fear them; but I did not much care whether I
had gotten any more company or no.
But however I was very well satisfied, and the rather because
we were now men enough to row ourselves over to the island
Sumatra; and accordingly we presently consulted how to purchase a
canoe of the natives.
It was a fine clear moonlight night in which we were left
ashore. Therefore we walked on the sandy bay to watch when the
ship would weigh and be gone, not thinking ourselves secure in
our new-gotten liberty till then. About eleven or twelve o'clock
we saw her under sail and then we returned to our chamber and so
to sleep. This was the 6th of May.
THEIR ENTERTAINMENT ASHORE.
The next morning be times our landlord with four or five of
his friends came to see his new guests, and was somewhat
surprised to see so many of us for he knew of no more but myself.
Yet he seemed to be very well pleased and entertained us with a
large calabash of toddy, which he brought with him.
THEY BUY A CANOE, TO TRANSPORT THEM OVER TO ACHIN; BUT OVERSET
HER AT FIRST GOING OUT.
Before he went away again (for wheresoever we came they left
their houses to us, but whether out of fear or superstition I
know not) we bought a canoe of him for an axe, and we did
presently put our chests and clothes in it, designing to go to
the south end of the island and lie there till the monsoon
shifted, which we expected every day.
When our things were stowed away we with the Achinese entered
with joy into our new frigate and launched off from the shore. We
were no sooner off but our canoe overset, bottom upwards. We
preserved our lives well enough by swimming and dragged also our
chests and clothes ashore; but all our things were wet. I had
nothing of value but my journal and some draughts of land of my
own taking which I much prized, and which I had hitherto
carefully preserved. Mr. Hall had also such another cargo of
books and draughts which were now like to perish. But we
presently opened our chests and took out our books which, with
much ado, we did afterwards dry; but some of our draughts that
lay loose in our chests were spoiled.
We lay here afterwards three days, making great fires to dry
our books. The Achinese in the meantime fixed our canoe with
outlayers on each side; and they also cut a good mast for her and
made a substantial sail with mats.
HAVING RECRUITED AND IMPROVED HER, THEY SET OUT AGAIN FOR THE
EAST SIDE OF THE ISLAND.
The canoe being now very well fixed, and our books and clothes
dry, we launched out a second time and rowed towards the east
side of the island, leaving many islands to the north of us. The
Indians of the island accompanied us with eight or ten canoes
against our desire; for we thought that these men would make
provision dearer at that side of the island we were going to by
giving an account what rates we gave for it at the place from
whence we came, which was owing to the ship's being there; for
the ship's crew were not so thrifty in bargaining (as they seldom
are) as single persons or a few men might be apt to be, who would
keep to one bargain. Therefore to hinder them from going with us
Mr. Hall scared one canoe's crew by firing a shot over them. They
all leapt overboard and cried out but, seeing us row away, they
got into their canoe again and came after us.
THEY HAVE A WAR WITH THE ISLANDERS; BUT PEACE BEING
REESTABLISHED, THEY LAY IN STORES, AND MAKE PREPARATIONS FOR
THEIR VOYAGE.
The firing of that gun made all the inhabitants of the island
to be our enemies. For presently after this we put ashore at a
bay where were four houses and a great many canoes: but they all
went away and came near us no more for several days. We had then
a great loaf of melory which was our constant food; and if we had
a mind to coconuts or toddy our Malayans of Achin would climb the
trees and fetch as many nuts as we would have, and a good pot of
toddy every morning. Thus we lived till our melory was almost
spent; being still in hopes that the natives would come to us and
sell it as they had formerly done. But they came not to us; nay
they opposed us wherever we came and, often shaking their lances
at us, made all the show of hatred that they could invent.
At last when we saw that they stood in opposition to us we
resolved to use force to get some of their food if we could not
get it other ways. With this resolution we went into our canoe to
a small bay on the north part of the island because it was smooth
water there and good landing; but on the other side, the wind
being yet on the quarter, we could not land without jeopardy of
oversetting our canoe and wetting our arms, and then we must have
lain at the mercy of our enemies who stood 2 or 300 men in every
bay where they saw us coming to keep us off.
When we set out we rowed directly to the north end and
presently were followed by seven or eight of their canoes. They
keeping at a distance rowed away faster than we did and got to
the bay before us; and there, with about 20 more canoes full of
men, they all landed and stood to hinder us from landing. But we
rowed in within a hundred yards of them. Then we lay still and I
took my gun and presented at them; at which they all fell down
flat on the ground. But I turned myself about and, to show that
we did not intend to harm them, I fired my gun off towards the
sea; so that they might see the shot graze on the water. As soon
as my gun was loaded again we rowed gently in; at which some of
them withdrew. The rest standing up did still cut and hew the
air, making signs of their hatred; till I once more frightened
them with my gun and discharged it as before. Then more of them
sneaked away, leaving only five or six men on the bay. Then we
rowed in again and Mr. Hall, taking his sword in his hand, leapt
ashore; and I stood ready with my gun to fire at the Indians if
they had injured him: but they did not stir till he came to them
and saluted them.
He shook them by the hand, and by such signs of friendship as
he made the peace was concluded, ratified, and confirmed by all
that were present: and others that were gone were again called
back, and they all very joyfully accepted of a peace. This became
universal over all the island to the great joy of the
inhabitants. There was no ringing of bells nor bonfires made, for
that it is not the custom here; but gladness appeared in their
countenances, for now they could go out and fish again without
fear of being taken. This peace was not more welcome to them than
to us; for now the inhabitants brought their melory again to us;
which we bought for old rags and small strips of cloth about as
broad as the palm of one's hand. I did not see above five or six
hens, for they have but few on the island. At some places we saw
some small hogs which we could have bought of them reasonably;
but we could not offend our Achinese friends who were
Mohammedans.
We stayed here two or three days and then rowed toward the
south end of the island, keeping on the east side, and we were
kindly received by the natives wherever we came. When we arrived
at the south end of the island we fitted ourselves with melory
and water. We bought three or four loaves of melory and about
twelve large coconut-shells that had all the kernel taken out,
yet were preserved whole, except only a small hole at one end;
and all these held for us about three gallons and a half of
water. We bought also two or three bamboos that held about four
or five gallons more: this was our sea-store.
We now designed to go for Achin, a town on the north-west end
of the island Sumatra, distant from hence about 40 leagues,
bearing south-south-west. We only waited for the western monsoon,
which we had expected a great while, and now it seemed to be at
hand; for the clouds began to hang their heads to the eastward,
and at last moved gently that way; and though the wind was still
at east, yet this was an infallible sign that the western monsoon
was nigh.
Chapter XVIII
The Author, with Some Others, Put to Sea in an Open Boat, Designing for Achin.
It was the 15th day of May 1688 about four o'clock in the
afternoon when we left Nicobar Island, directing our course
towards Achin, being eight men of us in company, namely, three
English, four Malayans, who were born at Achin, and the mongrel
Portuguese.
THEIR ACCOMMODATIONS FOR THEIR VOYAGE.
Our vessel, the Nicobar canoe, was not one of the biggest nor
of the least size: she was much about the burden of one of our
London wherries below bridge, and built sharp at both ends like
the fore part of a wherry. She was deeper than a wherry, but not
so broad, and was so thin and light that when empty four men
could launch her or haul her ashore on a sandy bay. We had a good
substantial mast and a mat sail, and good outlayers lashed very
fast and firm on each side the vessel, being made of strong
poles. So that while these continued firm the vessel could not
overset which she should easily have done without them, and with
them too had they not been made very strong; and we were
therefore much beholden to our Achinese companions for this
contrivance. These men were none of them so sensible of the
danger as Mr. Hall and myself, for they all confided so much in
us that they did not so much as scruple anything that we did
approve of. Neither was Mr. Hall so well provided as I was, for
before we left the ship I had purposely consulted our chart of
the East Indies (for we had but one in the ship) and out of that
I had written in my pocket-book an account of the bearing and
distance of all the Malacca coast and that of Sumatra, Pegu, and
Siam, and also brought away with me a pocket-compass for my
direction in any enterprise that I should undertake. The weather
at our setting out was very fair, clear and hot. The wind was
still at south-east, a very small breeze just fanning the air,
and the clouds were moving gently from west to east, which gave
us hopes that the winds were either at west already abroad at
sea, or would be so in a very short time. We took this
opportunity of fair weather, being in hopes to accomplish our
voyage to Achin before the western monsoon was set in strong,
knowing that we should have very blustering weather after this
fair weather, especially at the first coming of the western
monsoon.
We rowed therefore away to the southward, supposing that when
we were clear from the island we should have a true wind, as we
call it; for the land hauls the wind; and we often find the wind
at sea different from what it is near the shore. We rowed with
four oars taking our turns: Mr. Hall and I steered also by turns,
for none of the rest were capable of it. We rowed the first
afternoon and the night ensuing about twelve leagues by my
judgment. Our course was south-south-east; but the 16th day in
the morning, when the sun was an hour high, we saw the island
from whence we came bearing north-west by north. Therefore I
found we had gone a point more to the east than I intended for
which reason we steered south by east.
In the afternoon at 4 o'clock we had a gentle breeze at
west-south-west which continued so till nine, all which time we
laid down our oars and steered away south-south-east. I was then
at the helm and I found by the rippling of the sea that there was
a strong current against us. It made a great noise that might be
heard near half a mile. At 9 o'clock it fell calm, and so
continued till ten. Then the wind sprang up again and blew a
fresh breeze all night.
The 17th day in the morning we looked out for the island
Sumatra, supposing that we were now within 20 leagues of it; for
we had rowed and sailed by our reckoning 24 leagues from Nicobar
Island; and the distance from Nicobar to Achin is about 40
leagues. But we looked in vain for the island Sumatra; for,
turning ourselves about, we saw to our grief Nicobar Island lying
west-north-west and not above eight leagues distant. By this it
was visible that we had met a very strong current against us in
the night. But the wind freshened on us and we made the best use
of it while the weather continued fair. At noon we had an
observation of the sun, my latitude was 6 degrees 55 minutes and
Mr. Hall's was 7 degrees north.
CHANGE OF WEATHER; A HALO ABOUT THE SUN, AND A VIOLENT
STORM.
The 18th day the wind freshened on us again and the sky began
to be clouded. It was indifferent clear till noon and we thought
to have had an observation; but we were hindered by the clouds
that covered the face of the sun when it came on the meridian.
This often happens that we are disappointed of making
observations by the sun's being clouded at noon though it shines
clear both before and after, especially in places near the sun;
and this obscuring of the sun at noon is commonly sudden and
unexpected, and for about half an hour or more.
We had then also a very ill presage by a great circle about
the sun (five or six times the diameter of it) which seldom
appears but storms of wind or much rain ensue. Such circles about
the moon are more frequent but of less import. We do commonly
take great notice of these that are about the sun, observing if
there be any breach in the circle, and in what quarter the breach
is; for from thence we commonly find the greatest stress of the
wind will come. I must confess that I was a little anxious at the
sight of this circle and wished heartily that we were near some
land. Yet I showed no sign of it to discourage any consorts, but
made a virtue of necessity and put a good countenance on the
matter.
THEIR GREAT DANGER AND DISTRESS. CUDDA, A TOWN AND HARBOUR ON
THE COAST OF MALACCA.
I told Mr. Hall that if the wind became too strong and
violent, as I feared it would, it being even then very strong, we
must of necessity steer away before the wind and sea till better
weather presented; and that as the winds were now we should,
instead of about twenty leagues to Achin, be driven sixty or
seventy leagues to the coast of Cudda or Queda, a kingdom and
town and harbour of trade on the coast of Malacca. The winds
therefore bearing very hard we rolled up the foot of our sail on
a pole fastened to it, and settled our yard within three foot of
the canoe sides so that we had now but a small sail; yet it was
still too big considering the wind; for the wind being on our
broadside pressed her down very much, though supported by her
outlayers; insomuch that the poles of the outlayers going from
the sides of their vessel bent as if they would break; and should
they have broken our overturning and perishing had been
inevitable. Besides the sea increasing would soon have filled the
vessel this way. Yet thus we made a shift to bear up with the
side of the vessel against the wind for a while: but the wind
still increasing about one o'clock in the afternoon we put away
right before wind and sea, continuing to run thus all the
afternoon and part of the night ensuing. The wind continued
increasing all the afternoon, and the sea still swelled higher
and often broke, but did us no damage; for the ends of the vessel
being very narrow he that steered received and broke the sea on
his back, and so kept it from coming in so much as to endanger
the vessel: though much water would come in which we were forced
to keep heaving out continually. And by this time we saw it was
well that we had altered our course, every wave would else have
filled and sunk us, taking the side of the vessel: and though our
outlayers were well lashed down to the canoe's bottom with
rattans, yet they must probably have yielded to such a sea as
this; when even before they were plunged under water and bent
like twigs.
The evening of this 18th day was very dismal. The sky looked
very black, being covered with dark clouds, the wind blew hard
and the seas ran high. The sea was already roaring in a white
foam about us; a dark night coming on and no land in sight to
shelter us, and our little ark in danger to be swallowed by every
wave; and, what was worst of all, none of us thought ourselves
prepared for another world. The reader may better guess than I
can express the confusion that we were all in. I had been in many
imminent dangers before now, some of which I have already
related, but the worst of them all was but a play-game in
comparison with this. I must confess that I was in great
conflicts of mind at this time. Other dangers came not upon me
with such a leisurely and dreadful solemnity. A sudden skirmish
or engagement or so was nothing when one's blood was up and
pushed forwards with eager expectations. But here I had a
lingering view of approaching death and little or no hopes of
escaping it; and I must confess that my courage, which I had
hitherto kept up, failed me here; and I made very sad reflections
on my former life, and looked back with horror and detestation on
actions which before I disliked but now I trembled at the
remembrance of. I had long before this repented me of that roving
course of life but never with such concern as now. I did also
call to mind the many miraculous acts of God's providence towards
me in the whole course of my life, of which kind I believe few
men have met with the like. For all these I returned thanks in a
peculiar manner, and this once more desired God's assistance, and
composed my mind as well as I could in the hopes of it, and as
the event showed I was not disappointed of my hopes. Submitting
ourselves therefore to God's good providence and taking all the
care we could to preserve our lives, Mr. Hall and I took turns to
steer and the rest took turns to heave out the water, and thus we
provided to spend the most doleful night I ever was in. About ten
o'clock it began to thunder, lightning, and rain; but the rain
was very welcome to us, having drunk up all the water we brought
from the island.
The wind at first blew harder than before, but within half an
hour it abated and became more moderate; and the sea also
assuaged of its fury; and then by a lighted match, of which we
kept a piece burning on purpose, we looked on our compass to see
how we steered, and found our course to be still east. We had no
occasion to look on the compass before, for we steered right
before the wind, which if it shifted we had been obliged to have
altered our course accordingly. But now it being abated we found
our vessel lively enough with that small sail which was then
aboard to haul to our former course south-south-east, which
accordingly we did, being now in hopes again to get to the island
Sumatra. But about two o'clock in the morning of the 19th day we
had another gust of wind with much thunder, lightning, and rain,
which lasted till day, and obliged us to put before the wind
again, steering thus for several hours. It was very dark and the
hard rain soaked us so thoroughly that we had not one dry thread
about us. The rain chilled us extremely; for any fresh water is
much colder than that of the sea. For even in the coldest
climates the sea is warm, and in the hottest climates the rain is
cold and unwholesome for man's body. In this wet starveling
plight we spent the tedious night. Never did poor mariners on a
lee shore more earnestly long for the dawning light than we did
now. At length the day appeared; but with such dark black clouds
near the horizon that the first glimpse of the dawn appeared 30
or 40 degrees high; which was dreadful enough; for it is a common
saying among seamen, and true as I have experienced, that a high
dawn will have high winds, and a low dawn small winds. PULO WAY.
We continued our course still east before wind and sea till about
eight o'clock in the morning of this 19th day; and then one of
our Malayan friends cried out "Pulo Way." Mr. Hall and Ambrose
and I thought the fellow had said "pull away," an expression
usual among English seamen when they are rowing. And we wondered
what he meant by it till we saw him point to his consorts; and
then we looking that way saw land appearing like an island, and
all our Malayans said it was an island at the north-west end of
Sumatra called Way; for Pulo Way is the island Way. We, who were
dropping with wet, cold and hungry, were all overjoyed at the
sight of the land and presently marked its bearing. It bore south
and the wind was still at west, a strong gale; but the sea did
not run so high as in the night. Therefore we trimmed our small
sail no bigger than an apron and steered with it. Now our
outlayers did us a great kindness again, for although we had but
a small sail yet the wind was strong and pressed down our
vessel's side very much: but being supported by the outlayers we
could brook it well enough, which otherwise we could not have
done.
GOLDEN MOUNTAIN ON THE ISLE OF SUMATRA.
About noon we saw more land beneath the supposed Pulo Way;
and, steering towards it, before night we saw all the coast of
Sumatra, and found the errors of our Achinese; for the high land
that we first saw, which then appeared like an island, was not
Pulo Way but a great high mountain on the island Sumatra called
by the English the Golden Mountain. Our wind continued till about
seven o'clock at night; then it abated and at ten o'clock it died
away: and then we stuck to our oars again, though all of us quite
tired with our former fatigues and hardships.
RIVER AND TOWN OF PASSANGE JONCA ON SUMATRA, NEAR DIAMOND
POINT; WHERE THEY GO ASHORE VERY SICK, AND ARE KINDLY ENTERTAINED
BY THE OROMKAY, AND INHABITANTS.
The next morning, being the 20th day, we saw all the low land
plain, and judged ourselves not above eight leagues off. About
eight o'clock in the morning we had the wind again at west, a
fresh gale and, steering in still for a shore, at five o'clock in
the afternoon we ran to the mouth of a river on the island
Sumatra called Passange Jonca. It is 34 leagues to the eastward
of Achin and six leagues to the west of Diamond Point, which
makes with three angles of a rhombus and is low land.
Our Malayans were very well acquainted here and carried us to
a small fishing village within a mile of the river's mouth,
called also by the name of the river Passange Jonca. The
hardships of this voyage, with the scorching heat of the sun at
our first setting out, and the cold rain, and our continuing wet
for the last two days, cast us all into fevers, so that now we
were not able to help each other, nor so much as to get our canoe
up to the village; but our Malayans got some of the townsmen to
bring her up.
The news of our arrival being noised abroad, one of the
Oramkis, or noblemen, of the island came in the night to see us.
We were then lying in a small hut at the end of the town and, it
being late, this lord only viewed us and, having spoken with our
Malayans, went away again; but he returned to us again the next
day and provided a large house for us to live in till we should
be recovered of our sickness, ordering the towns-people to let us
want for nothing. The Achinese Malayans that came with us told
them all the circumstances of our voyage; how they were taken by
our ship, and where and how we that came with them were prisoners
aboard the ship and had been set ashore together at Nicobar as
they were. It was for this reason probably that the gentlemen of
Sumatra were thus extraordinary kind to us, to provide everything
that we had need of; nay they would force us to accept of
presents from them that we knew not what to do with; as young
buffaloes, goats, etc., for these we would turn loose at night
after the gentlemen that gave them to us were gone, for we were
prompted by our Achinese consorts to accept of them for fear of
disobliging by our refusal. But the coconuts, plantains, fowls,
eggs, fish, and rice we kept for our use. The Malayans that
accompanied us from Nicobar separated themselves from us now,
living at one end of the house by themselves, for they were
Mohammedans, as all those of the kingdom of Achin are and, though
during our passage by sea together we made them be contented to
drink their water out of the same coconut-shell with us; yet
being now no longer under that necessity they again took up their
accustomed nicety and reservedness. They all lay sick, and as
their sickness increased one of them threatened us that, if any
of them died, the rest would kill us for having brought them this
voyage; yet I question whether they would have attempted, or the
country people have suffered it. We made a shift to dress our own
food, for none of these people, though they were very kind in
giving us anything that we wanted, would yet come near us to
assist us in dressing our victuals: nay they would not touch
anything that we used. We had all fevers and therefore took turns
to dress victuals according as we had strength to do it, or
stomachs to eat it. I found my fever to increase and my head so
distempered that I could scarce stand, therefore I whetted and
sharpened my penknife in order to let myself blood; but I could
not for my knife was too blunt.
We stayed here ten or twelve days in hopes to recover our
health but, finding no amendment, we desired to go to Achin. But
we were delayed by the natives who had a desire to have kept Mr.
Hall and myself to sail in their vessels to Malacca, Cudda, or to
other places whither they trade. But, finding us more desirous to
be with our countrymen in our factory at Achin, they provided a
large proa to carry us thither, we not being able to manage our
own canoe. Besides, before this three of our Malayan comrades
were gone very sick into the country, and only one of them and
the Portuguese remained with us, accompanying us to Achin and
they both as sick as we.
THEY GO THENCE TO ACHIN.
It was the beginning of June 1686 [sic] when we left Passange
Jonca. We had four men to row, one to steer, and a gentleman of
the country that went purposely to give an information to the
government of our arrival. We were but three days and nights in
our passage, having sea-breezes by day and land-winds by night
and very fair weather.
THE AUTHOR IS EXAMINED BEFORE THE SHABANDER; AND TAKES PHYSICK
OF A MALAYAN DOCTOR. HIS LONG ILLNESS.
When we arrived at Achin I was carried before the shebander,
the chief magistrate in the city. One Mr. Dennis Driscal, an
Irishman and a resident there in the factory which our East India
Company had there then, was interpreter. I being weak was
suffered to stand in the shebander's presence: for it is their
custom to make men sit on the floor as they do, cross-legged like
tailors: but I had not strength then to pluck up my heels in that
manner. The shebander asked of me several questions, especially
how we durst adventure to come in a canoe from the Nicobar
Islands to Sumatra. I told him that I had been accustomed to
hardships and hazards therefore I did with much freedom undertake
it. He enquired also concerning our ship, whence she came, etc. I
told him from the South Seas; that she had ranged about the
Philippine islands, etc., and was now gone towards Arabia and the
Red Sea. The Malayans also and Portuguese were afterwards
examined and confirmed what I declared, and in less than half an
hour I was dismissed with Mr. Driscal, who then lived in the
English East India Company's factory. He provided a room for us
to lie in and some victuals. Three days after our arrival here
our Portuguese died of a fever. What became of our Malayans I
know not: Ambrose lived not long after, Mr. Hall also was so weak
that I did not think he would recover. I was the best; but still
very sick of a fever and little likely to live. Therefore Mr.
Driscal and some other Englishmen persuaded me to take some
purging physic of a Malayan doctor. I took their advice, being
willing to get ease: but after three doses, each a large calabash
of nasty stuff, finding no amendment, I thought to desist from
more physic; but was persuaded to take one dose more; which I
did, and it wrought so violently that I thought it would have
ended my days. I struggled till I had been about twenty or thirty
times at stool: but, it working so quick with me with little
intermission, and my strength being almost spent, I even threw
myself down once for all, and had above sixty stools in all
before it left off working. I thought my Malayan doctor, whom
they so much commended, would have killed me outright. I
continued extraordinary weak for some days after his drenching me
thus: but my fever left me for above a week: after which it
returned upon me again for a twelvemonth and a flux with it.
However when I was a little recovered from the effects of my
drench I made a shift to go abroad: and, having been kindly
invited to Captain Bowrey's house there, my first visit was to
him; who had a ship in the road but lived ashore. This gentleman
was extraordinary kind to us all, particularly to me, and
importuned me to go his boatswain to Persia; whither he was
bound, with a design to sell his ship there, as I was told,
though not by himself. From thence he intended to pass with the
caravan to Aleppo and so home for England. His business required
him to stay some time longer at Achin; I judge to sell some
commodities that he had not yet disposed of. Yet he chose rather
to leave the disposal of them to some merchant there and make a
short trip to the Nicobar Islands in the meantime, and on his
return to take in his effects, and so proceed towards Persia.
This was a sudden resolution of Captain Bowrey's, presently after
the arrival of a small frigate from Siam with an ambassador from
the king of Siam to the queen of Achin. The ambassador was a
Frenchman by nation. The vessel that he came in was but small yet
very well manned, and fitted for a fight. Therefore it was
generally supposed here that Captain Bowrey was afraid to lie in
Achin Road because the Siamers were now at wars with the English,
and he was not able to defend his ship if he should be attacked
by them.
HE SETS OUT TOWARDS NICOBAR AGAIN, BUT RETURNS SUDDENLY TO
ACHIN ROAD.
But whatever made him think of going to the Nicobar Islands he
provided to sail; and took me, Mr. Hall, and Ambrose with him,
though all of us so sick and weak that we could do him no
service. It was some time about the beginning of June when we
sailed out of Achin road: but we met with the winds at north-west
with turbulent weather which forced us back again in two days'
time. Yet he gave us each 12 mess apiece, a gold coin, each of
which is about the value of 15 pence English. So he gave over
that design: and, some English ships coming into Achin Road, he
was not afraid of the Siamers who lay there.
After this he again invited me to his house at Achin, and
treated me always with wine and good cheer, and still importuned
me to go with him to Persia: but I being very weak, and fearing
the westerly winds would create a great deal of trouble, did not
give him a positive answer; especially because I thought I might
get a better voyage in the English ships newly arrived, or some
others now expected here. It was this Captain Bowrey who sent the
letter from Borneo directed to the chief of the English factory
at Mindanao, of which mention is made in Chapter 13.
HE MAKES SEVERAL VOYAGES THENCE, TO TONQUIN, TO MALACCA, TO
FORT ST. GEORGE, AND TO BENCOOLEN, AN ENGLISH FACTORY ON
SUMATRA.
A short time after this Captain Welden arrived here from Fort
St. George in a ship called the Curtana bound to Tonquin. This
being a more agreeable voyage than to Persia at this time of the
year; besides that the ship was better accommodated, especially
with a surgeon, and I being still sick; I therefore chose rather
to serve Captain Welden than Captain Bowrey. But to go on with a
particular account of that expedition were to carry my reader
back again: whom, having brought thus far towards England in my
circumnavigation of the globe, I shall not weary him with new
rambles, nor so much swell this volume, as I must describe the
tour I made in those remote parts of the East Indies from and to
Sumatra. So that my voyage to Tonquin at this time, as also
another to Malacca afterwards, with my observations in them and
the descriptions of those and the neighbouring countries; as well
as the description of the island Sumatra itself, and therein the
kingdom and city of Achin, Bencoolen, etc., I shall refer to
another place where I may give a particular relation of them.
In short it may suffice that I set out to Tonquin with Captain
Welden about July 1688 and returned to Achin in the April
following. I stayed here till the latter end of September 1689,
and, making a short voyage to Malacca, came thither again about
Christmas. Soon after that I went to Fort St. George and, staying
there about five months, I returned once more to Sumatra; not to
Achin but Bencoolen, an English factory on the west coast; of
which I was gunner about five months more.
AN ACCOUNT OF THE SHIP'S CREW WHO SET THE AUTHOR ASHORE AT
NICOBAR.
So that, having brought my reader to Sumatra without carrying
him back, I shall bring him on next way from thence to England:
and of all that occurred between my first setting out from this
island in 1688 and my final departure from it at the beginning of
the year 1691, I shall only take notice at present of two
passages which I think I ought not to omit.
The first is that, at my return from Malacca a little before
Christmas 1689, I found at Achin one Mr. Morgan who was one of
our ship's crew that left me ashore at Nicobar, now mate of a
Danish ship of Trangambar; which is a town on the coast of
Coromandel, near Cape Comorin, belonging to the Danes: and,
receiving an account of our crew from him and others, I thought
it might not be amiss to gratify the reader's curiosity
therewith; who would probably be desirous to know the success of
those ramblers in their new-intended expedition towards the Red
Sea. And withal I thought it might not be unlikely that these
papers might fall into the hands of some of our London merchants
who were concerned in fitting out that ship; which I said
formerly was called the Cygnet of London, sent on a trading
voyage into the South Seas under the command of Captain Swan: and
that they might be willing to have a particular information of
the fate of their ship. And by the way, even before this meeting
with Mr. Morgan while I was at Tonquin, January 1689, I met with
an English ship in the river of Tonquin called the Rainbow of
London, Captain Poole commander; by whose mate, Mr. Barlow, who
was returning in that ship to England, I sent a packet which he
undertook to deliver to the merchants, owners of the Cygnet, some
of which he said he knew: wherein I gave a particular account of
all the course and transactions of their ship, from the time of
my first meeting it in the South Seas and going aboard it there,
to its leaving me ashore at Nicobar. But I never could hear that
either that or other letters which I sent at the same time were
received.
SOME GO TO TRANGAMBAR, A DANISH FORT ON COROMANDEL; OTHERS TO
FORT ST. GEORGE; MANY TO THE MOGUL'S CAMP.
To proceed therefore with Mr. Morgan's relation: he told me
that, when they in the Cygnet went away from Nicobar in pursuit
of their intended voyage to Persia, they directed their course
towards Ceylon. But, not being able to weather it, the westerly
monsoon being hard against them, they were obliged to seek
refreshment on the coast of Coromandel. Here this mad fickle crew
were upon new projects again. Their designs meeting with such
delays and obstructions that many of them grew weary of it and
about half of them went ashore. Of this number Mr. Morgan, who
told me this, and Mr. Herman Coppinger the surgeon went to the
Danes at Trangambar, who kindly received them. There they lived
very well; and Mr. Morgan was employed as a mate in a ship of
theirs at this time to Achin: and Captain Knox tells me that he
since commanded the Curtana; the ship that I went in to Tonquin,
which Captain Welden, having sold to the Mogul's subjects, they
employed Mr. Morgan as captain to trade in her for them; and it
is a usual thing for the trading Indians to hire Europeans to go
officers on board their ships; especially captains and gunners.
About two or three more of these that were set ashore went to
Fort St. George; but the main body of them were for going into
the Mogul's service. Our seamen are apt to have great notions of
I know not what profit and advantages to be had in serving the
Mogul; nor do they want for fine stories to encourage one another
to it. It was what these men had long been thinking and talking
of as a fine thing; but now they went upon it in good earnest.
The place where they went ashore was at a town of the Moors:
which name our seamen give to all the subjects of the great
Mogul, but especially his Mohammedan subjects; calling the
idolaters gentous or rashbouts. At this Moors town they got a
peun to be their guide to the Mogul's nearest camp; for he has
always several armies in his vast empire.
OF THE PEUNS; AND HOW JOHN OLIVER MADE HIMSELF A CAPTAIN.
These peuns are some of the gentous or rashbouts who in all
places along the coast, especially in sea-port towns, make it
their business to hire themselves to wait upon strangers, be they
merchants, seamen, or what they will. To qualify them for such
attendance they learn the European languages, English, Dutch,
French, Portuguese, etc., according as they have any of the
factories of these nations in their neighbourhood, or are visited
by their ships. No sooner does any such ship come to an anchor
and the men come ashore but a great many of these peuns are ready
to proffer their service. It is usual for the strangers to hire
their attendance during their stay there, giving them about a
crown a month of our money, more or less. The richest sort of men
will ordinarily hire two or three peuns to wait upon them; and
even the common seamen, if able, will hire one apiece to attend
them, either for convenience or ostentation; or sometimes one
peun between two of them. These peuns serve them in many
capacities, as interpreters, brokers, servants to attend at meals
and go to market and on errands, etc. Nor do they give any
trouble, eating at their own homes and lodging there; when they
have done their masters' business for them, expecting nothing but
their wages, except that they have a certain allowance of about a
fanam, or three pence in a dollar, which is an 18th part profit,
by way of brokerage for every bargain they drive; they being
generally employed in buying and selling. When the strangers go
away their peuns desire them to give them their names in writing,
with a certificate of their honest and diligent serving them: and
these they show to the next comers to get into business; some
being able to produce a large scroll of such certificates.
But to proceed: the Moors town where these men landed was not
far from Cunnimere, a small English factory on the Coromandel
Coast. The governor whereof, having intelligence by the Moors of
the landing of these men and their intended march to the Mogul's
camp, sent out a captain with his company to oppose it. He came
up with them and gave them hard words: but they being thirty or
forty resolute fellows, not easily daunted, he durst not attack
them, but returned to the governor, and the news of it was soon
carried to Fort St. George. During their march John Oliver, who
was one of them, privately told the peun who guided them that
himself was their captain. So when they came to the camp, the
peun told this to the general: and when their stations and pay
were assigned them John Oliver had a greater respect paid him
than the rest; and whereas their pay was ten pagodas a month each
man (a pagoda is two dollars or 9 shillings English) his pay was
twenty pagodas: which stratagem and usurpation of his occasioned
him no small envy and indignation from his comrades.
Soon after this two or three of them went to Agra to be of the
Mogul's guard. A while after the governor of Fort St. George sent
a message to the main body of them and a pardon to withdraw them
from thence; which most of them accepted and came away. John
Oliver and the small remainder continued in the country; but,
leaving the camp, went up and down, plundering the villages and
fleeing when they were pursued; and this was the last news I
heard of them. This account I had partly by Mr. Morgan, from some
of those deserters he met with at Trangambar; partly from others
of them whom I met myself afterwards at Fort St. George. And
these were the adventures of those who went up into the
country.
CAPTAIN READ, WITH THE REST, HAVING PLUNDERED A RICH
PORTUGUESE SHIP NEAR CEYLON, GOES TO MADAGASCAR, AND SHIPS
HIMSELF OFF THENCE IN A NEW YORK SHIP.
Captain Read having thus lost the best half of his men sailed
away with the rest of them after having filled his water and got
rice, still intending for the Red Sea. When they were near Ceylon
they met with a Portuguese ship richly laden, out of which they
took what they pleased and then turned her away again. From
thence they pursued their voyage: but, the westerly winds bearing
hard against them, and making it hardly feasible for them to
reach the Red Sea, they stood away for Madagascar. There they
entered into the service of one of the petty princes of that
island to assist him against his neighbours with whom he was at
wars. During this interval a small vessel from New York came
hither to purchase slaves: which trade is driven here, as it is
upon the coast of Guinea; one nation or clan selling others that
are their enemies. Captain Read, with about five or six more,
stole away from their crew and went aboard this New York ship,
and Captain Teat was made commander of the residue.
THE TRAVERSES OF THE REST TO JOHANNA, ETC.
Soon after which a brigantine from the West Indies, Captain
Knight commander, coming thither with a design to go to the Red
Sea also, these of the Cygnet consorted with them and they went
together to the island Johanna. Thence, going together towards
the Red Sea, the Cygnet proving leaky and sailing heavily, as
being much out of repair, Captain Knight grew weary of her
company and, giving her the slip in the night, went away for
Achin: for, having heard that there was plenty of gold there, he
went thither with a design to cruise: and it was from one Mr.
Humes, belonging to the Ann of London, Captain Freke commander,
who had gone aboard Captain Knight, and whom I saw afterwards at
Achin, that I had this relation. Some of Captain Freke's men,
their own ship being lost, had gone aboard the Cygnet at Johanna:
and after Captain Knight had left her she still pursued her
voyage towards the Red Sea: but, the winds being against them,
and the ship in so ill a condition, they were forced to bear away
for Coromandel, where Captain Teat and his own men went ashore to
serve the Mogul.
THEIR SHIP, THE CYGNET OF LONDON, NOW LIES SUNK IN AUGUSTIN
BAY AT MADAGASCAR.
But the strangers of Captain Freke's ship, who kept still
aboard the Cygnet, undertook to carry her for England: and the
last news I heard of the Cygnet was from Captain Knox who tells
me that she now lies sunk in St. Augustin Bay in Madagascar. This
digression I have made to give an account of our ship.
- OF PRINCE JEOLY THE PAINTED MAN, WHOM THE AUTHOR BROUGHT
WITH HIM TO ENGLAND, AND WHO DIED AT OXFORD.
The other passage I shall speak of that occurred during this
interval of the tour I made from Achin is with relation to the
painted prince whom I brought with me into England and who died
at Oxford. For while I was at Fort St. George, about April 1690,
there arrived a ship called the Mindanao Merchant, laden with
clove-bark from Mindanao. Three of Captain Swan's men that
remained there when we went from thence came in her: from whence
I had the account of Captain Swan's death, as is before related.
There was also one Mr. Moody, who was supercargo of the ship.
This gentleman bought at Mindanao the painted prince Jeoly
(mentioned in Chapter 13) and his mother; and brought them to
Fort St. George where they were much admired by all that saw
them. Some time after this Mr. Moody, who spoke the Malayan
language very well and was a person very capable to manage the
company's affairs, was ordered by the governor of Fort St. George
to prepare to go to Indrapore, an English factory on the west
coast of Sumatra, in order to succeed Mr. Gibbons, who was the
chief of that place.
By this time I was very intimately acquainted with Mr. Moody
and was importuned by him to go with him and to be gunner of the
fort there. I always told him I had a great desire to go to the
Bay of Bengal, and that I had now an offer to go thither with
Captain Metcalf, who wanted a mate and had already spoke to me.
Mr. Moody, to encourage me to go with him, told me that if I
would go with him to Indrapore he would buy a small vessel there
and send me to the island Meangis, commander of her; and that I
should carry Prince Jeoly and his mother with me (that being
their country) by which means I might gain a commerce with his
people for cloves.
This was a design that I liked very well, and therefore I
consented to go thither. It was some time in July 1690 when we
went from Fort St. George in a small ship called the Diamond,
Captain Howel commander. We were about fifty or sixty passengers
in all; some ordered to be left at Indrapore, and some at
Bencoolen: five or six of us were officers, the rest soldiers to
the company. We met nothing in our voyage that deserves notice
till we came abreast of Indrapore. And then the wind came at
north-west, and blew so hard that we could not get in but were
forced to bear away to Bencoolen, another English factory on the
same coast, lying fifty or sixty leagues to the southward of
Indrapore.
Upon our arrival at Bencoolen we saluted the fort and were
welcomed by them. The same day we came to an anchor, and Captain
Howel and Mr. Moody with the other merchants went ashore and were
all kindly received by the governor of the fort. It was two days
before I went ashore and then I was importuned by the governor to
stay there to be gunner of this fort; because the gunner was
lately dead: and this being a place of greater import than
Indrapore I should do the company more service here than there. I
told the governor if he would augment my salary which, by
agreement with the governor of Fort St. George I was to have had
at Indrapore, I was willing to serve him provided Mr. Moody would
consent to it. As to my salary he told me I should have 24
dollars per month which was as much as he gave to the old
gunner.
Mr. Moody gave no answer till a week after and then, being
ready to be gone to Indrapore, he told me I might use my own
liberty either to stay here or go with him to Indrapore. He added
that if I went with him he was not certain as yet to perform his
promise in getting a vessel for me to go to Meangis with Jeoly
and his mother: but he would be so fair to me that, because I
left Madras on his account, he would give me the half share of
the two painted people, and leave them in my possession and at my
disposal. I accepted of the offer and writings were immediately
drawn between us.
OF HIS COUNTRY THE ISLE OF MEANGIS; THE CLOVES THERE, ETC.
Thus it was that I came to have this painted prince, whose
name was Jeoly, and his mother. They were born on a small island
called Meangis, which is once or twice mentioned in Chapter 13. I
saw the island twice, and two more close by it: each of the three
seemed to be about four or five leagues round and of a good
height. Jeoly himself told me that they all three abounded with
gold, cloves and nutmegs: for I showed him some of each sort
several times and he told me in the Malayan language which he
spoke indifferent well: "Meangis hadda madochala se bullawan":
that is, "There is abundance of gold at Meangis." Bullawan I have
observed to be the common word for gold at Mindanao; but whether
the proper Malayan word I know not, for I found much difference
between the Malayan language as it was spoken at Mindanao and the
language on the coast of Malacca and Achin. When I showed him
spice he would not only tell me that there was madochala, that
is, abundance; but to make it appear more plain he would also
show me the hair of his head, a thing frequent among all the
Indians that I have met with to show their hair when they would
express more than they can number. That there were not above
thirty men on the island and about one hundred women: that he
himself had five wives and eight children, and that one of his
wives painted him.
He was painted all down the breast, between his shoulders
behind; on his thighs (mostly) before; and in the form of several
broad rings or bracelets round his arms and legs. I cannot liken
the drawings to any figure of animals or the like; but they were
very curious, full of great variety of lines, flourishes,
chequered work, etc., keeping a very graceful proportion and
appearing very artificial, even to wonder, especially that upon
and between his shoulder-blades. By the account he gave me of the
manner of doing it I understood that the painting was done in the
same manner as the Jerusalem cross is made in men's arms, by
pricking the skin and rubbing in a pigment. But whereas powder is
used in making the Jerusalem cross, they at Meangis use the gum
of a tree beaten to powder called by the English dammer, which is
used instead of pitch in many parts of India. He told me that
most of the men and women on the island were thus painted: and
also that they had all earrings made of gold, and gold shackles
about their legs and arms: that their common food of the produce
of the land was potatoes and yams: that they had plenty of cocks
and hens but no other tame fowl. He said that fish (of which he
was a great lover, as wild Indians generally are) was very
plentiful about the island; and that they had canoes and went
a-fishing frequently in them; and that they often visited the
other two small islands whose inhabitants spoke the same language
as they did; which was so unlike the Malayan, which he had learnt
while he was a slave at Mindanao, that when his mother and he
were talking together in their Meangian tongue I could not
understand one word they said. And indeed all the Indians who
spoke Malayan, who are the trading and politer sort, looked on
these Meangians as a kind of barbarians; and upon any occasion of
dislike would call them bobby, that is hogs; the greatest
expression of contempt that can be, especially from the mouth of
Malayans who are generally Mohammedans; and yet the Malayans
everywhere call a woman babby, by a name not much different, and
mamma signifies a man; though these two last words properly
denote male and female: and as ejam signifies a fowl, so ejam
mamma is a cock, and ejam babbi is a hen. But this by the
way.
He said also that the customs of those other isles and their
manner of living was like theirs, and that they were the only
people with whom they had any converse: and that one time as he,
with his father, mother and brother, with two or three men more,
were going to one of these other islands they were driven by a
strong wind on the coast of Mindanao, where they were taken by
the fishermen of that island and carried ashore and sold as
slaves; they being first stripped of their gold ornaments. I did
not see any of the gold that they wore, but there were great
holes in their ears, by which it was manifest that they had worn
some ornaments in them. Jeoly was sold to one Michael, a
Mindanayan that spoke good Spanish, and commonly waited on Raja
Laut, serving him as our interpreter where the Raja was at a loss
in any word, for Michael understood it better. He did often beat
and abuse his painted servant to make him work, but all in vain,
for neither fair means, threats, nor blows would make him work as
he would have him. Yet he was very timorous and could not endure
to see any sort of weapons; and he often told me that they had no
arms at Meangis, they having no enemies to fight with.
I knew this Michael very well while we were at Mindanao: I
suppose that name was given him by the Spaniards who baptised
many of them at the time when they had footing at that island:
but at the departure of the Spaniards they were Mohammedans again
as before. Some of our people lay at this Michael's house, whose
wife and daughter were pagallies to some of them. I often saw
Jeoly at his master Michael's house, and when I came to have him
so long after he remembered me again. I did never see his father
nor brother, nor any of the others that were taken with them; but
Jeoly came several times aboard our ship when we lay at Mindanao,
and gladly accepted of such victuals as we gave him; for his
master kept him at very short commons.
Prince Jeoly lived thus a slave at Mindanao four or five
years, till at last Mr. Moody bought him and his mother for 60
dollars, and as is before related, carried him to Fort St.
George, and from thence along with me to Bencoolen. Mr. Moody
stayed at Bencoolen about three weeks and then went back with
Captain Howel to Indrapore, leaving Jeoly and his mother with me.
They lived in a house by themselves without the fort. I had no
employment for them; but they both employed themselves. She used
to make and mend their own clothes, at which she was not very
expert, for they wear no clothes at Meangis but only a cloth
about their waists: and he busied himself in making a chest with
four boards and a few nails that he begged of me. It was but an
ill-shaped odd thing, yet he was as proud of it as if it had been
the rarest piece in the world. After some time they were both
taken sick and, though I took as much care of them as if they had
been my brother and sister, yet she died. I did what I could to
comfort Jeoly; but he took on extremely, insomuch that I feared
him also. Therefore I caused a grave to be made presently to hide
her out of his sight. I had her shrouded decently in a piece of
new calico; but Jeoly was not so satisfied, for he wrapped all
her clothes about her and two new pieces of chintz that Mr. Moody
gave her, saying that they were his mother's and she must have
them. I would not disoblige him for fear of endangering his life;
and I used all possible means to recover his health; but I found
little amendment while we stayed here.
In the little printed relation that was made of him when he
was shown for a sight in England there was a romantic story of a
beautiful sister of his, a slave with them at Mindanao; and of
the sultan's falling in love with her; but these were stories
indeed. They reported also that this paint was of such virtue
that serpents and venomous creatures would flee from him, for
which reason I suppose, they represented so many serpents
scampering about in the printed picture that was made of him. But
I never knew any paint of such virtue: and as for Jeoly I have
seen him as much afraid of snakes, scorpions, or centipedes as
myself.
THE AUTHOR IS MADE GUNNER OF BENCOOLEN, BUT IS FORCED TO SLIP
AWAY FROM THENCE TO COME FOR ENGLAND.
Having given this account of the ship that left me at Nicobar,
and of my painted prince whom I brought with me to Bencoolen, I
shall now proceed on with the relation of my voyage thence to
England, after I have given this short account of the occasion of
it and the manner of my getting away.
To say nothing therefore now of that place, and my employment
there as gunner of the fort, the year 1690 drew towards an end
and, not finding the governor keep to his agreement with me, nor
seeing by his carriage towards others any great reason I had to
expect he would, I began to wish myself away again. I saw so much
ignorance in him with respect to his charge, being much fitter to
be a bookkeeper than governor of a fort; and yet so much
insolence and cruelty with respect to those under him, and
rashness in his management of the Malayan neighbourhood, that I
soon grew weary of him, not thinking myself very safe indeed
under a man whose humours were so brutish and barbarous. I
forbear to mention his name after such a character; nor do I care
to fill these papers with particular stories of him: but
therefore give this intimation because, as it is the interest of
the nation in general, so is it especially of the honourable East
India Company to be informed of abuses in their factories. And I
think the company might receive great advantage by strictly
enquiring into the behaviour of those whom they entrust with any
command. For beside the odium which reflects back upon the
superiors from the misdoings of their servants, how undeservedly
soever, there are great and lasting mischiefs proceed from the
tyranny or ignorant rashness of some petty governors. Those under
them are discouraged from their service by it and often go away
to the Dutch, the Mogul, or the Malayan princes, to the great
detriment of our trade; and even the trade and the forts
themselves are many times in danger by indiscreet provocations
given to the neighbouring nations who are best managed, as all
mankind are, by justice and fair dealings; nor any more
implacably revengeful than those Malayans who live in the
neighbourhood of Bencoolen, which fort has been more than once in
danger of being surprised by them. I speak not this out of
disgust to this particular governor; much less would I seem to
reflect on any others of whom I know nothing amiss: but as it is
not to be wondered at if some should not know how to demean
themselves in places of power, for which neither their education
nor their business possibly have sufficiently qualified them, so
it will be the more necessary for the honourable Company to have
the closer eye over them, and as much as may be to prevent or
reform any abuses they may be guilty of; and it is purely out of
my zeal for theirs and the nation's interest that I have given
this caution, having seen too much occasion for it.
I had other motives also for my going away. I began to long
after my native country after so tedious a ramble from it: and I
proposed no small advantage to myself from my painted prince,
whom Mr. Moody had left entirely to my disposal, only reserving
to himself his right to one half share in him. For beside what
might be gained by showing him in England I was in hopes that
when I had got some money I might there obtain what I had in vain
sought for in the Indies, namely, a ship from the merchants
wherewith to carry him back to Meangis and reinstate him there in
his own country, and by his favour and negotiation to establish a
traffic for the spices and other products of those islands.
- Upon these projects I went to the governor and council
and desired that I might have my discharge to go for England with
the next ship that came. The council thought it reasonable and
they consented to it; he also gave me his word that I should go.
Upon the 2nd of January 1691 there came to anchor in Bencoolen
Road the Defence, Captain Heath commander, bound for England in
the service of the Company. They had been at Indrapore where Mr.
Moody then was, and he had made over his share in Prince Jeoly to
Mr. Goddard, chief mate of the ship. Upon his coming on shore he
showed me Mr. Moody's writings and looked upon Jeoly, who had
been sick for three months: in all which time I tended him as
carefully as if he had been my brother. I agreed matters with Mr.
Goddard and sent Jeoly on board, intending to follow him as I
could, and desiring Mr. Goddard's assistance to fetch me off and
conceal me aboard the ship if there should be occasion; which he
promised to do, and the captain promised to entertain me. For it
proved, as I had foreseen, that upon Captain Heath's arrival the
governor repented him of his promise and would not suffer me to
depart. I importuned him all I could; but in vain: so did Captain
Heath also but to no purpose. In short, after several essays I
slipped away at midnight (understanding the ship was to sail away
the next morning and that they had taken leave of the fort) and,
creeping through one of the portholes of the fort, I got to the
shore where the ship's boat waited for me and carried me on
board. I brought with me my journal and most of my written
papers; but some papers and books of value I left in haste and
all my furniture; being glad I was myself at liberty, and had
hopes of seeing England again.
Chapter XIX
The Author'S Departure from Bencoolen, on Board the Defence, under Captain Heath.
Being thus got on board the Defence I was concealed there till
a boat which came from the fort laden with pepper was gone off
again. And then we set sail for the Cape of Good Hope January 25
1691, and made the best of our way as wind and weather would
permit; expecting there to meet three English ships more bound
home from the Indies: for, the war with the French having been
proclaimed at Fort St. George a little before Captain Heath came
from thence, he was willing to have company home if he could.
OF A FIGHT BETWEEN SOME FRENCH MEN-OF-WAR FROM PONDICHERRY,
AND SOME DUTCH SHIPS FROM PALLACAT, JOINED WITH SOME ENGLISH, IN
SIGHT OF FORT ST. GEORGE.
A little before this war was proclaimed there was an
engagement in the road of Fort St. George between some French
men-of-war and some Dutch and English ships at anchor in the
road: which, because there is such a plausible story made of it
in Monsieur Duquesne's late voyage to the East Indies, I shall
give a short account of, as I had it particularly related to me
by the gunner's mate of Captain Heath's ship, a very sensible
man, and several others of his men who were in the action. The
Dutch have a fort on the coast of Coromandel, called Pallacat,
about 20 leagues to the northward of Fort St. George. Upon some
occasion or other the Dutch sent some ships thither to fetch away
their effects and transport them to Batavia. Acts of hostility
were already begun between the French and Dutch; and the French
had at this time a squadron newly arrived in India and lying at
Pondicherry, a French fort on the same coast southward of Fort
St. George. The Dutch in returning to Batavia were obliged to
coast it along by Fort St. George and Pondicherry for the sake of
the wind; but when they came near this last they saw the French
men-of-war lying at anchor there; and, should they have proceeded
along the shore, or stood out to sea, expected to be pursued by
them. They therefore turned back again; for though their ships
were of a pretty good force yet were they unfit for fight, as
having great loads of goods and many passengers, women and
children, on board; so they put in at Fort St. George and,
desiring the governor's protection, had leave to anchor in the
road, and to send their goods and useless people ashore. There
were then in the road a few small English ships; and Captain
Heath, whose ship was a very stout merchant-man, and which the
French relater calls the English Admiral, was just come from
China; but very deep laden with goods, and the deck full of
canisters of sugar which he was preparing to send ashore. But
before he could do it the French appeared; coming into the road
with their lower sails and topsails, and had with them a
fire-ship. With this they thought to have burnt the Dutch
commodore, and might probably enough have done it as she lay at
anchor if they had had the courage to have come boldly on; but
they fired their ship at a distance and the Dutch sent and towed
her away, where she spent herself without any execution. Had the
French men-of-war also come boldly up and grappled with their
enemies they might have done something considerable, for the fort
could not have played on them without damaging our ships as well
as theirs. But instead of this the French dropped anchor out of
reach of the shot of the fort, and there lay exchanging shot with
their enemies' ships with so little advantage to themselves that
after about four hours fighting they cut their cables and went
away in haste and disorder, with all their sails loose, even
their top-gallant sails, which is not usual but when ships are
just next to running away. Captain Heath, notwithstanding his
ship was so heavy and encumbered, behaved himself very bravely in
the fight; and, upon the going off of the French, went aboard the
Dutch commodore and told him that if he would pursue them he
would stand out with them to sea though he had very little water
aboard; but the Dutch commander excused himself, saying he had
orders to defend himself from the French but none to chase them
or go out of his way to seek them. And this was the exploit which
the French have thought fit to brag of. I hear that the Dutch
have taken from them since their fort of Pondicherry.
OF THE BAD WATER TAKEN IN AT BENCOOLEN; AND THE STRANGE
SICKNESS AND DEATH OF THE SEAMEN, SUPPOSED TO BE OCCASIONED
THEREBY.
But to proceed with our voyage: we had not been at sea long
before our men began to droop in a sort of distemper that stole
insensibly on them and proved fatal to above thirty, who died
before we arrived at the Cape. We had sometimes two, and once
three men thrown overboard in a morning. This distemper might
probably arise from the badness of the water which we took in at
Bencoolen: for I did observe while I was there that the
river-water wherewith our ships were watered was very
unwholesome, it being mixed with the water of many small creeks
that proceeded from low land, and whose streams were always very
black, they being nourished by the water that drained out of the
low swampy unwholesome ground.
A SPRING AT BENCOOLEN RECOMMENDED.
I have observed not only there but in other hot countries
also, both in the East and West Indies, that the land-floods
which pour into the channels of the rivers about the season of
the rains are very unwholesome. For when I lived in the Bay of
Campeachy the fish were found dead in heaps on the shores of the
rivers and creeks at such a season; and many we took up half
dead; of which sudden mortality there appeared no cause but only
the malignity of the waters draining off the land. This happens
chiefly as I take it, where the water drains through thick woods
and savannahs of long grass and swampy grounds, with which some
hot countries abound: and I believe it receives a strong tincture
from the roots of several kinds of trees, herbs, etc., and
especially where there is any stagnancy of the water it soon
corrupts; and possibly the serpents and other poisonous vermin
and insects may not a little contribute to its bad qualities: at
such times it will look very deep-coloured, yellow, red, or
black, etc. The season of the rains was over and the land-floods
were abating upon the taking up this water in the river of
Bencoolen: but would the seamen have given themselves the trouble
they might have filled their vessels with excellent good water at
a spring on the back side of the fort, not above 2 or 300 paces
from the landing-place; and with which the fort is served. And I
mention this as a caution to any ships that shall go to Bencoolen
for the future; and withal I think it worth the care of the
owners or governors of the factory, and that it would tend much
to the preservation of their seamen's lives to lay pipes to
convey the fountain water to the shore, which might easily be
done with a small charge: and had I stayed longer there I would
have undertaken it. I had a design also of bringing into the
fort, though much higher: for it would be a great convenience and
security to it in case of a siege.
THE GREAT EXIGENCIES ON BOARD.
Besides the badness of the water it was stowed among the
pepper in the hold which made it very hot. Every morning when we
came to take our allowance it was so hot that a man could hardly
suffer his hands in it or hold a bottle full of it in his hands.
I never anywhere felt the like nor could have thought it possible
that water should heat to that degree in a ship's hold. It was
exceeding black too, and looked more like ink than water. Whether
it grew so black with standing or was tinged with the pepper I
know not, for this water was not so black when it was first taken
up. Our food also was very bad; for the ship had been out of
England upon this voyage above three years; and the salt
provision brought from thence and which we fed on, having been so
long in salt was but ordinary food for sickly men to feed on.
Captain Heath, when he saw the misery of his company, ordered
his own tamarinds, of which he had some jars aboard, to be given
some to each mess to eat with their rice. This was a great
refreshment to the men and I do believe it contributed much to
keep us on our legs.
This distemper was so universal that I do believe there was
scarce a man in the ship but languished under it; yet it stole so
insensibly on us that we could not say we were sick, feeling
little or no pain, only a weakness and but little stomach. Nay
most of those that died in this voyage would hardly be persuaded
to keep their cabins or hammocks, till they could not stir about;
and when they were forced to lie down they made their wills and
piked off in two or three days.
The loss of these men and the weak languishing condition that
the rest of us were in rendered us incapable to govern our ship
but the wind blew more than ordinary. This often happened when we
drew near the Cape and as oft put us to our trumps to manage the
ship. Captain Heath, to encourage his men to their labour, kept
his watch as constantly as any man though sickly himself, and
lent a helping hand on all occasions.
A CONSULT HELD AND A PROPOSAL MADE TO GO TO JOHANNA.
But at last, almost despairing of gaining his passage to the
Cape by reason of the winds coming southerly, and we having now
been sailing eight or nine weeks, he called all our men to
consult about our safety and desired every man from the highest
to the lowest freely to give his real opinion and advice what to
do in this dangerous juncture; for we were not in a condition to
keep out long; and could we not get to land quickly must have
perished at sea. He consulted therefore whether it were best to
beat for the Cape or bear away for Johanna, where we might expect
relief, that being a place where our outward-bound East India
ships usually touch and whose natives are very familiar: but
other places, especially St. Lawrence, or Madagascar, which was
nearer, was unknown to us. We were now so nigh the Cape that with
a fair wind we might expect to be there in four or five days; but
as the wind was now we could not hope to get thither. On the
other side this wind was fair to carry us to Johanna; but then
Johanna was a great way off, and if the wind should continue as
it was to bring us into a true tradewind, yet we could not get
thither under a fortnight; and if we should meet calms, as we
might probably expect, it might be much longer.
A RESOLUTION TAKEN TO PROSECUTE THEIR VOYAGE TO THE CAPE OF
GOOD HOPE.
Besides, we should lose our passage about the Cape till
October or November, this being about the latter end of March,
for after the 10th of May it is not usual to beat about the Cape
to come home. All circumstances therefore being weighed and
considered, we at last unanimously agreed to prosecute our voyage
towards the Cape and with patience wait for a shift of wind.
THE WIND FAVOURS THEM. THE CAPTAIN'S CONDUCT.
But Captain Heath, having thus far sounded the inclination of
his weak men, told them that it was not enough that they all
consented to beat for the Cape, for our desires were not
sufficient to bring us thither; but that there would need a more
than ordinary labour and management from those that were able.
And withal for their encouragement he promised a month's pay
gratis to every man that would engage to assist on all occasions
and be ready upon call, whether it were his turn to watch or not;
and this money he promised to pay at the Cape. This offer was
first embraced by some of the officers, and then as many of the
men as found themselves in a capacity listed themselves in a roll
to serve their commander. This was wisely contrived of the
captain for he could not have compelled them in their weak
condition, neither would fair words alone without some hopes of a
reward have engaged them to so much extraordinary work; for the
ship, sail, and rigging were much out of repair. For my part I
was too weak to enter myself into that list for else our common
safety, which I plainly saw lay at stake, would have prompted me
to do more than any such reward would do. In a short time after
this it pleased God to favour us with a fine wind, which, being
improved to the best advantage by the incessant labour of these
new-listed men, brought us in a short time to the Cape.
THEY ARRIVE AT THE CAPE, AND ARE HELPED INTO HARBOUR BY THE
DUTCH.
The night before we entered the harbour, which was about the
beginning of April, being near the land, we fired a gun every
hour to give notice that we were in distress. The next day a
Dutch captain came aboard in his boat, who seeing us so weak as
not to be able to trim our sails to turn into the harbour; though
we did tolerably well at sea before the wind, and, being
requested by our captain to assist him, sent ashore for a hundred
lusty men who immediately came aboard and brought our ship in to
an anchor. They also unbent our sails and did everything for us
that they were required to do, for which Captain Heath gratified
them to the full.
These men had better stomachs than we, and ate freely of such
food as the ship afforded; and they having the freedom of our
ship to go to and fro between decks made prize of what they could
lay their hands on, especially salt beef, which our men for want
of stomachs in the voyage had hung up 6, 8, or 10 pieces in a
place. This was conveyed away before we knew it or thought of it:
besides in the night there was a bale of muslins broke open and a
great deal conveyed away: but whether the muslins were stolen by
our own men or the Dutch I cannot say; for we had some very
dexterous thieves in our ship.
Being thus got safe to an anchor the sick were presently sen
ashore to quarters provided for them, and those that were able
remained aboard and had good fat mutton or fresh beef sent aboard
every day. I went ashore also with my painted prince where I
remained with him till the time of sailing again, which was about
six weeks. In which time I took the opportunity to inform myself
what I could concerning this country, which I shall in the next
place give you a brief account of and so make what haste I can
home.
A DESCRIPTION OF THE CAPE, ITS PROSPECT, SOUNDINGS, TABLE
MOUNTAIN, HARBOUR, SOIL, ETC., LARGE POMEGRANATES, AND GOOD
WINES.
The Cape of Good Hope is the utmost bounds of the continent of
Africa towards the south, lying in 34 degrees 30 minutes south
latitude in a very temperate climate. I look upon this latitude
to be one of the mildest and sweetest for its temperature of any
whatsoever; and I cannot here but take notice of a common
prejudice our European seamen have as to this country, that they
look upon it as much colder than places in the same latitude to
the north of the Line. I am not of their opinion as to that: and
their thinking so I believe may easily be accounted for from
hence, that whatever way they come to the Cape, whether going to
the East Indies or returning back, they pass through a hot
climate; and, coming to it thus out of an extremity of heat, it
is no wonder if it appear the colder to them. Some impute the
coldness of the south wind here to its blowing off from sea. On
the contrary I have always observed the sea winds to be warmer
than land-winds, unless it be when a bloom, as we call it, or hot
blast blow from thence. Such a one we felt in this very voyage as
we went from Cape Verde Islands towards the South Seas; which I
forgot to mention in its proper place, Chapter 4. For one
afternoon about the 19th of January 1683 in the latitude of 37
south we felt a brisk gale coming from off the coast of America,
but so violent hot that we thought it came from some burning
mountain on the shore, and was like the heat from the mouth of an
oven. Just such another gleam I felt one afternoon also, as I lay
at anchor at the Groin in July 1694, it came with a southerly
wind, both these were followed by a thunder shower. These were
the only great blooms I ever met with in my travels. But setting
these aside, which are exceptions, I have made it my general
observation that the sea-winds are a great deal warmer than those
which blow from land unless where the wind blows from the Poles,
which I take to be the true cause of the coldness of the south
wind at the Cape, for it is cold at sea also. And as for the
coldness of land-winds, as the south-west parts of Europe are
very sensible of it from the northern and eastern winds; so on
the opposite coast of Virginia they are as much pinched with the
north-west winds blowing excessively cold from over the
continent; though its latitude be not much greater than this of
the Cape.
But to proceed: this large promontory consists of high and
very remarkable land and off at sea it affords a very pleasant
and agreeable prospect. And without doubt the prospect of it was
very agreeable to those Portuguese who first found out this way
by sea to the East Indies; when after coasting along the vast
continent of Africa towards the South Pole they had the comfort
of seeing the land and their course end in this promontory: which
therefore they called the Cape de Bon Esperance, or of Good Hope,
finding that they might now proceed easterly.
There is good sounding off this Cape 50 are 60 leagues at sea
to the southward, and therefore our English seamen, standing over
as they usually do, from the coast of Brazil, content themselves
with their soundings, concluding thereby that they are abreast of
the Cape, they often pass by without seeing it, and begin to
shape their course northward. They have several other signs
whereby to know when they are near it, as by the seafowl they
meet at sea, especially the albatrosses, a very large long-winged
bird, and the mangovolucres, a smaller fowl. But the greatest
dependence of our English seamen now is upon their observing the
variation of the compass, which is very carefully minded when
they come near the Cape by taking the sun's amplitude mornings
and evenings. This they are so exact in that, by the help of the
azimuth compass, an instrument more peculiar to the seamen of our
nation, they know when they are abreast of the Cape or are either
to the east or the west of it: and for that reason, though they
should be to southward of all the soundings or fathomable ground,
they can shape their course right without being obliged to make
the land. But the Dutch on the contrary, having settled
themselves on this promontory, do always touch here in their East
India voyages both going and coming.
The most remarkable land at sea is a high mountain, steep to
the sea, with a flat even top, which is called the Table Land. On
the west side of the Cape, a little to the northward of it, there
is a spacious harbour with a low flat island lying off it, which
you may leave on either hand and pass in or out securely at
either end. Ships that anchor here ride near the mainland,
leaving the island at a farther distance without them. The land
by the sea against the harbour is low; but back with high
mountains a little way in to the southward of it.
The soil of this country is of a brown colour; not deep yet
indifferently productive of grass, herbs, and trees. The grass is
short, like that which grows on our Wiltshire or Dorsetshire
downs. The trees hereabouts are but small and few; the country
also farther from the sea does not much abound in trees, as I
have been informed. The mould or soil also is much like this near
the harbour, which, though it cannot be said to be very fat or
rich land, yet it is very fit for cultivation, and yields good
crops to the industrious husbandman, and the country is pretty
well settled with farms, Dutch families, and French refugees for
twenty or thirty leagues up the country; but there are but few
farms near the harbour.
Here grows plenty of wheat, barley, peas, etc. Here are also
fruits of many kinds, as apples, pears, quinces, and the largest
pomegranates that I did ever see.
The chief fruits are grapes. These thrive very well and the
country is of late years so well stocked with vineyards that they
make abundance of wine, of which they have enough and to spare;
and do sell great quantities to ships that touch here. This wine
is like a French high-country white wine, but of a pale yellowish
colour; it is sweet, very pleasant and strong.
THE LAND-ANIMALS.
The tame animals of this country are sheep, goats, hogs, cows,
horses, etc. The sheep are very large and fat, for they thrive
very well here: this being a dry country and the short pasturage
very agreeable to these creatures, but it is not so proper for
great cattle; neither is the beef in its kind so sweet as the
mutton. Of wild beasts it is said here are several sorts, but I
saw none. However it is very likely there are some wild beasts
that prey on the sheep because they are commonly brought into the
houses in the night and penned up.
A VERY BEAUTIFUL KIND OF ONAGER, OR WILD ASS, STRIPED
REGULARLY BLACK AND WHITE.
There is a very beautiful sort of wild ass in this country
whose body is curiously striped with equal lists of white and
black; the stripes coming from the ridge of his back and ending
under the belly, which is white. These stripes are two or three
fingers broad, running parallel with each other, and curiously
intermixed, one white and one black, over from the shoulder to
the rump. I saw two of the skins of these beasts dried and
preserved to be sent to Holland as a rarity. They seemed big
enough to enclose the body of a beast as big as a large colt of a
twelvemonth old.
OSTRICHES.
Here are a great many ducks, dunghill fowls, etc., and
ostriches are plentifully found in the dry mountains and plains.
I ate of their eggs here, and those of whom I bought them told me
that these creatures lay their eggs in the sand or at least on
dry ground, and so leave them to be hatched by the sun. The meat
of one of their eggs will suffice two men very well. The
inhabitants do preserve the eggs that they find to sell to
strangers. They were pretty scarce when I was here, it being the
beginning of their winter; whereas I was told they lay their eggs
about Christmas which is their summer.
FISH.
The sea hereabouts affords plenty of fish of divers sorts;
especially a small sort of fish, not so big as a herring; whereof
they have such great plenty that they pickle great quantities
yearly and send them to Europe.
SEALS.
Seals are also in great numbers about the Cape; which, as I
have still observed, is a good sign of the plentifulness of fish,
which is their food.
THE DUTCH FORT AND FACTORY.
The Dutch have a strong fort by the seaside against the
harbour, where the governor lives. At about two or three hundred
paces distance from thence, on the west side of the fort, there
is a small Dutch town in which I told about fifty or sixty
houses; low, but well built, with stone walls; there being plenty
of stone drawn out of a quarry close by.
THEIR FINE GARDEN.
On the back side of the town, as you go towards the mountains,
the Dutch East India Company have a large house and a stately
garden walled in with a high stone wall.
This garden is full of divers sorts of herbs, flowers, roots,
and fruits, with curious spacious gravel walks and arbours; and
is watered with a brook that descends out of the mountains; which
being cut into many channels is conveyed into all parts of the
garden. The hedges which make the walks are very thick, and nine
or ten foot high: they are kept exceeding neat and even by
continual pruning. There are lower hedges within these again,
which serve to separate the fruit-trees from each other, but
without shading them: and they keep each sort of fruit by
themselves, as apples, pears, abundance of quinces, pomegranates,
etc. These all prosper very well and bear good fruit, especially
the pomegranate. The roots and garden herbs have also their
distinct places, hedged in apart by themselves; and all in such
order that it is exceeding pleasant and beautiful. There are a
great number of Negro slaves brought from other parts of the
world; some of which are continually weeding, pruning, trimming,
and looking after it. All strangers are allowed the liberty to
walk there; and by the servants' leave you may be admitted to
taste of the fruit: but if you think to do it clandestinely you
may be mistaken, as I knew one was when I was in the garden, who
took five or six pomegranates and was espied by one of the slaves
and threatened to be carried before the governor: I believe it
cost him some money to make his peace, for I heard no more of it.
Further up from the sea, beyond the garden, towards the
mountains, there are several other small gardens and vineyards
belonging to private men: but the mountains are so nigh that the
number of them are but small.
THE TRAFFIC HERE.
The Dutch that live in the town get considerably by the ships
that frequently touch here, chiefly by entertaining strangers
that come ashore to refresh themselves; for you must give 3
shillings or a dollar a day for your entertainment; the bread and
flesh is as cheap here as in England; besides they buy good
penny-worths of the seamen, both outward and homeward bound,
which the farmers up the country buy of them again at a dear
rate; for they have not an opportunity of buying things at the
best hand, but must buy of those that live at the harbour; the
nearest settlements, as I was informed, being twenty miles
off.
Notwithstanding the great plenty of corn and wine yet the
extraordinary high taxes which the Company lays on liquors makes
it very dear; and you can buy none but at the tavern except it be
by stealth. There are but three houses in the town that sell
strong liquor, one of which is this wine-house or tavern; there
they sell only wine; another sells beer and mum; and the third
sells brandy and tobacco, all extraordinary dear. A flask of wine
which holds three quarts will cost eighteen stivers, for so much
I paid for it; yet I bought as much for eight stivers in another
place, but it was privately at an unlicensed house, and the
personage sold would have been ruined had it been known. And thus
much for the country and the European inhabitants.
Chapter XX
Of the Natural Inhabitants of the Cape of Good Hope, the Hodmadods or Hottentots.
The natural inhabitants of the Cape are the Hodmadods, as they
are commonly called, which is a corruption of the word Hottentot;
for this is the name by which they call to one another, either in
their dances or on any occasion; as if every one of them had this
for his name. The word probably has some signification or other
in their language, whatever it is.
THEIR PERSONAGE, GARB, BESMEARING THEMSELVES; THEIR CLOTHING,
HOUSES, FOOD, WAY OF LIVING, AND DANCING AT THE FULL OF THE MOON:
COMPARED IN THOSE RESPECTS WITH OTHER NEGROES AND WILD
INDIANS.
These Hottentots are people of a middle stature with small
limbs and thin bodies, full of activity. Their faces are of a
flat oval figure, of the Negro make, with great eyebrows, black
eyes, but neither are their noses so flat, nor their lips so
thick, as the Negroes of Guinea. Their complexion is darker than
the common Indians; though not so black as the Negroes or New
Hollanders; neither is their hair so much frizzled.
They besmear themselves all over with grease as well to keep
their joints supple as to fence their half-naked bodies from the
air by stopping up their pores. To do this the more effectually
they rub soot over the greased parts, especially their faces,
which adds to their natural beauty, as painting does in Europe;
but withal sends from them a strong smell which though
sufficiently pleasing to themselves is very unpleasant to others.
They are glad of the worst of kitchen-stuff for this purpose and
use it as often as they can get it.
This custom of anointing the body is very common in other
parts of Africa, especially on the coast of Guinea, where they
generally use palm-oil, anointing themselves from head to foot;
but when they want oil they make use of kitchen-stuff, which they
buy of the Europeans that trade with them. In the East Indies
also, especially on the coast of Cudda and Malacca, and in
general on almost all the easterly islands, as well on Sumatra,
Java, etc., as on the Philippine and Spice Islands, the Indian
inhabitants anoint themselves with coconut oil two or three times
a day, especially mornings and evenings. They spend sometimes
half an hour in chafing the oil and rubbing it into their hair
and skin, leaving no place unsmeared with oil but their face,
which they daub not like these Hottentots. The Americans also in
some places do use this custom, but not so frequently, perhaps
for want of oil and grease to do it. Yet some American Indians in
the North Seas frequently daub themselves with a pigment made
with leaves, roots, or herbs, or with a sort of red earth, giving
their skins a yellow, red, or green colour, according as the
pigment is. And these smell unsavourly enough to people not
accustomed to them; though not so rank as those who use oil or
grease.
The Hottentots do wear no covering on their heads but deck
their hair with small shells. Their garments are sheep-skins
wrapped about their shoulders like a mantle, with the woolly
sides next their bodies. The men have besides this mantle a piece
of skin like a small apron hanging before them. The women have
another skin tucked about their waists, which comes down to their
knees like a petticoat; and their legs are wrapped round with
sheep's guts two or three inches thick, some up as high as to
their calves, others even from their feet to their knees, which
at a small distance seems to be a sort of boots. These are put on
when they are green; and so they grow hard and stiff on their
legs, for they never pull them off again till they have occasion
to eat them; which is when they journey from home and have no
other food; then these guts which have been worn, it may be six,
eight, ten or twelve months, make them a good banquet: this I was
informed of by the Dutch. They never pull off their sheep-skin
garments but to louse themselves, for by continual wearing them
they are full of vermin, which obliges them often to strip and
sit in the sun two or three hours together in the heat of the day
to destroy them. Indeed most Indians that live remote from the
equator are molested with lice, though their garments afford less
shelter for lice than these Hottentots' sheep-skins do. For all
those Indians who live in cold countries as in the north and
south parts of America, have some sort of skin or other to cover
their bodies; as deer, otter, beaver, or seal-skins, all which
they as constantly wear without shifting themselves as these
Hottentots do their sheep-skins. And hence they are lousy too and
strong scented, though they do not daub themselves at all or but
very little; or even by reason of their skins they smell
strong.
The Hottentots' houses are the meanest that I did ever see.
They are about nine or ten foot high and ten or twelve from side
to side. They are in a manner round, made with small poles stuck
into the ground and brought together at the top where they are
fastened. The sides and top of the house are filled up with
boughs coarsely wattled between the poles, and all is covered
over with long grass, rushes, and pieces of hides; and the house
at a distance appears just like a haycock. They leave only a
small hole on one side about three or four foot high for a door
to creep in and out at; but when the wind comes in at this door
they stop it up and make another hole in the opposite side. They
make the fire in the middle of the house and the smoke ascends
out of the crannies from all parts of the house. They have no
beds to lie on but tumble down at night round the fire.
Their household furniture is commonly an earthen pot or two to
boil victuals, and they live very miserably and hard; it is
reported that they will fast two or three days together when they
travel about the country.
Their common food is either herbs, flesh, or shellfish, which
they get among the rocks or other places at low water: for they
have no boats, bark-logs, nor canoes to go a-fishing in; so that
their chief subsistence is on land-animals, or on such herbs as
the land naturally produces. I was told by my Dutch landlord that
they kept sheep and bullocks here before the Dutch settled among
them; and that the inland Hottentots have still great stocks of
cattle and sell them to the Dutch for rolls of tobacco: and that
the price for which they sell a cow or sheep was as much twisted
tobacco as would reach from the horns or head to the tail; for
they are great lovers of tobacco and will do anything for it.
This their way of trucking was confirmed to me by many others who
yet said that they could not buy their beef this cheap way, for
they had not the liberty to deal with the Hottentots, that being
a privilege which the Dutch East India Company reserved to
themselves. My landlord having a great many lodgers fed us most
with mutton, some of which he bought of the butcher, and there is
but one in the town; but most of it he killed in the night, the
sheep being brought privately by the Hottentots who assisted in
skinning and dressing, and had the skin and guts for their pains.
I judge these sheep were fetched out of the country a good way
off, for he himself would be absent a day or two to procure them,
and two or three Hottentots with him. These of the Hottentots
that live by the Dutch town have their greatest subsistence from
the Dutch, for there is one or more of them belonging to every
house. These do all sorts of servile work and there take their
food and grease. Three or four more of the nearest relations sit
at the doors or near the Dutch house, waiting for the scraps and
fragments that come from the table; and if between meals the
Dutch people have any occasion for them to go on errands or the
like they are ready at command; expecting little for their pains;
but for a stranger they will not budge under a stiver.
Their religion, if they have any, is wholly unknown to me; for
they have no temple nor idol, nor any place of worship that I did
see or hear of. Yet their mirth and nocturnal pastimes at the new
and full of the moon looked as if they had some superstition
about it. For at the full especially they sing and dance all
night, making a great noise: I walked out to their huts twice at
these times in the evening when the moon arose above the horizon,
and viewed them for an hour or more. They seem all very busy,
both men, women and children, dancing very oddly on the green
grass by their houses. They traced to and fro promiscuously,
often clapping their hands and singing aloud. Their faces were
sometimes to the east, sometimes to the west: neither did I see
any motion or gesture that they used when their faces were
towards the moon, more than when their backs were toward it.
After I had thus observed them for a while I returned to my
lodging, which was not above 2 or 300 paces from their huts; and
I heard them singing in the same manner all night. In the grey of
the morning I walked out again and found many of the men and
women still singing and dancing; who continued their mirth till
the moon went down, and then they left off. Some of them going
into their huts to sleep and others to their attendance in their
Dutch houses. Other Negroes are less circumspect in their night
dances as to the precise time of the full moon, they being more
general in these nocturnal pastimes and use them oftener; as do
many people also in the East and West Indies: yet there is a
difference between colder and warmer countries as to their
divertissements. The warmer climates being generally very
productive of delicate fruits, etc., and these uncivilised people
caring for little else than what is barely necessary, they spend
the greatest part of their time in diverting themselves after
their several fashions; but the Indians of colder climates are
not so much at leisure, the fruits of the earth being scarce with
them, and they necessitated to be continually fishing, hunting,
or fowling for their subsistence; not as with us for
recreation.
As for these Hottentots they are a very lazy sort of people,
and though they live in a delicate country, very fit to be
manured, and where there is land enough for them, yet they choose
rather to live as their forefathers, poor and miserable, than be
at pains for plenty. And so much for the Hottentots: I shall now
return to our own affairs.
CAPTAIN HEATH REFRESHES HIS MEN AT THE CAPE, AND GETTING SOME
MORE HANDS, DEPARTS IN COMPANY WITH THE JAMES AND MARY, AND THE
JOSIAH.
Upon our arrival at the Cape Captain Heath took a house to
live in in order to recover his health. Such of his men as were
able did so too, for the rest he provided lodgings and paid their
expenses. Three or four of our men who came ashore very sick
died, but the rest, by the assistance of the doctors of the fort,
a fine air, and good kitchen and cellar physic, soon recovered
their healths. Those that subscribed to be at all calls and
assisted to bring in the ship received Captain Heath's bounty, by
which they furnished themselves with liquor for their homeward
voyage. But we were now so few that we could not sail the ship;
therefore Captain Heath desired the governor to spare him some
men; and, as I was informed, had a promise to be supplied out of
the homeward-bound Dutch East India ships that were now expected
every day, and we waited for them. In the meantime in came the
James and Mary, and the Josiah of London, bound home. Out of
these we thought to have been furnished with men; but they had
only enough for themselves; therefore we waited yet longer for
the Dutch fleet, which at last arrived; but we could get no men
from them.
Captain Heath was therefore forced to get men by stealth such
as he could pick up whether soldiers or seamen. The Dutch knew
our want of men, therefore near forty of them, those that had a
design to return to Europe, came privately and offered
themselves, and waited in the night at places appointed, where
our boats went and fetched three or four aboard at a time and hid
them, especially when any Dutch boat came aboard our ship. Here
at the Cape I met my friend Daniel Wallis, the same who leapt
into the sea and swam at Pulo Condore. After several traverses to
Madagascar, Don Mascarin, Pondicherry, Pegu, Cunnimere, Madras,
and the river of Hooghly he was now got hither in a
homeward-bound Dutch ship. I soon persuaded him to come over to
us and found means to get him aboard our ship.
A GREAT SWELLING SEA FROM SOUTH-WEST.
About the 23rd of May we sailed from the Cape in the company
of the James and Mary and the Josiah, directing our course
towards the island St. Helena. We met nothing of remark in this
voyage except a great swelling sea out of the south-west which,
taking us on the broadside, made us roll sufficiently. Such of
our water-casks as were between decks running from side to side
were in a short time all staved, and the deck well washed with
the fresh water. The shot tumbled out the lockers and garlands;
and rung a loud peal, rumbling from side to side every roll that
the ship made; neither was it an easy matter to reduce them again
within bounds. The guns, being carefully looked after and lashed
fast, never budged, but the tackles or pulleys and lashings made
great music too. The sudden and violent motion of the ship made
us fearful lest some of the guns should have broken loose, which
must have been very detrimental to the ship's sides. The masts
were also in great danger to be rolled by the board; but no harm
happened to any of us besides the loss of three or four buts of
water, and a barrel or two of good Cape wine, which was staved in
the great cabin.
This great tumbling sea took us shortly after we came from the
Cape. The violence of it lasted but one night; yet we had a
continual swelling came out of the south-west almost during all
the passage to St. Helena; which was an eminent token that the
south-west winds were now violent in the higher latitudes towards
the South Pole; for this was the time of the year for those
winds.
THEY ARRIVE AT ST. HELENA AND THERE MEET WITH THE PRINCESS
ANN, HOMEWARD BOUND.
Notwithstanding this boisterous sea coming thus obliquely upon
us we had fine clear weather and a moderate gale at south-east,
or between that and the east, till we came to the island St.
Helena, where we arrived the 20th day of June. There we found the
Princess Ann at an anchor waiting for us.
THE AIR, SITUATION, AND SOIL OF THAT ISLAND.
The island St. Helena lies in about 16 degrees south latitude.
The air is commonly serene and clear except in the months that
yield rain; yet we had one or two very rainy days even while we
were here. Here are moist seasons to plant and sow and the
weather is temperate enough as to heat, though so near the
equator, and very healthy.
The island is but small, not above nine or ten leagues in
length, and stands 3 or 400 leagues from the mainland. It is
bounded against the sea with steep rocks so that there is no
landing but at two or three places. The land is high and
mountainous and seems to be very dry and poor; yet they are fine
valleys, proper for cultivation. The mountains appear bare, only
in some places you may see a few low shrubs, but the valleys
afford some trees fit for building, as I was informed.
ITS FIRST DISCOVERY, AND CHANGE OF MASTERS SINCE.
This island is said to have been first discovered and settled
by the Portuguese, who stocked it with goats and hogs. But it
being afterwards deserted by them it lay waste till the Dutch,
finding it convenient to relieve their east India ships, settled
it again; but they afterwards relinquished it for a more
convenient place; I mean the Cape of Good Hope. Then the English
East India Company settled their servants there and began to
fortify it, but they being yet weak the Dutch about the year 1672
came hither and re-took it and kept it in their possession.
HOW THE ENGLISH GOT IT.
This news being reported in England, Captain Monday was sent
to re-take it who, by the advice and conduct of one that had
formerly lived there, landed a party of armed men in the night in
a small cove, unknown to the Dutch then in garrison, and,
climbing the rocks, got up into the island, and so came in the
morning to the hills hanging over the fort, which stands by the
sea in a small valley. From thence firing into the fort they soon
made them surrender. There were at this time two or three Dutch
East India ships either at anchor or coming thither when our
ships were there. These, when they saw that the English were
masters of the island again, made sail to be gone; but being
chased by the English frigates two of them became rich prizes to
Captain Monday and his men.
ITS STRENGTH, TOWN, INHABITANTS, AND THE PRODUCT OF THEIR
PLANTATIONS.
The island has continued ever since in the hands of the
English East India Company, and has been greatly strengthened
both with men and guns; so that at this day it is secure enough
from the invasion of any enemy. For common landing-place is a
small bay like a half moon, scarce 500 paces wide between the two
points. Close by the seaside are good guns planted at equal
distances lying along from one end of the bay to the other;
besides a small fort a little further in from the sea, near the
midst of the bay. All which makes the bay so strong that it is
impossible to force it. The small cove where Captain Monday
landed his men when he took the island from the Dutch is scarce
fit for a boat to land at; and yet that is now also
fortified.
There is a small English town within the great bay standing in
a little valley between two high steep mountains. There may be
about twenty or thirty small houses whose walls are built with
rough stones: the inside furniture is very mean. The governor has
a pretty tolerable handsome low house by the fort; where he
commonly lives, having a few soldiers to attend him and to guard
the fort. But the houses in the town before mentioned stand empty
save only when ships arrive here; for their owners have all
plantations farther in the island where they constantly employ
themselves. But when ships arrive they all flock to the town
where they live all the time that the ships lie here; for then is
their fair or market to buy such necessaries as they want and to
sell off the product of their plantations.
Their plantations afford potatoes, yams, and some plantains
and bananas. Their stock consists chiefly of hogs, bullocks,
cocks and hens, ducks, geese, and turkeys, of which they have
great plenty, and sell them at a lower rate to the sailors,
taking in exchange shirts, drawers, or any light clothes; pieces
of calico, silks, or muslins: arak, sugar, and lime-juice is also
much esteemed and coveted by them. But now they are in hopes to
produce wine and brandy in a short time; for they do already
begin to plant vines for that end, there being a few Frenchmen
there to manage that affair. This I was told but I saw nothing of
it, for it rained so hard when I was ashore that I had not the
opportunity of seeing their plantations.
THE ST. HELENA MANATEE NO OTHER THAN THE SEA-LION.
I was also informed that they get manatee or sea-cows here,
which seemed very strange to me. Therefore enquiring more
strictly into the matter I found the St. Helena manatee to be, by
their shapes and manner of lying ashore on the rocks, those
creatures called sea-lions; for the manatee never come ashore,
neither are they found near any rocky shores as this island is,
there being no feeding for them in such places. Besides in this
island there is no river for them to drink at, though there is a
small brook runs into the sea out of the valley by the fort.
OF THE ENGLISH WOMEN AT THIS ISLE. THE ENGLISH SHIPS REFRESH
THEIR MEN HERE; AND DEPART ALL TOGETHER.
We stayed here five or six days; all which time the islanders
lived at the town to entertain the seamen; who constantly flock
ashore to enjoy themselves among their country people. Our
touching at the Cape had greatly drained the seamen of their
loose coins, at which these islanders as greatly repined; and
some of the poorer sort openly complained against such doings,
saying it was fit that the East India Company should be
acquainted with it, that they might hinder their ships from
touching at the Cape. Yet they were extremely kind, in hopes to
get what was remaining. They are most of them very poor: but such
as could get a little liquor to sell to the seamen at this time
got what the seamen could spare; for the punch-houses were never
empty. But, had we all come directly hither and not touched at
the Cape, even the poorest people among them would have gotten
something by entertaining sick men. For commonly the seamen
coming home are troubled more or less with scorbutic distempers:
and their only hopes are to get refreshment and health at this
island; and these hopes seldom or never fail them if once they
get footing here. For the islands afford abundance of delicate
herbs, wherewith the sick are first bathed to supple their
joints, and then the fruits and herbs and fresh food soon after
cure them of their scorbutic humours. So that in a week's time
men that have been carried ashore in hammocks and they who were
wholly unable to go have soon been able to leap and dance.
Doubtless the serenity and wholesomeness of the air contributes
much to the carrying off of these distempers; for here is
constantly a fresh breeze. While we stayed here many of the
seamen got sweethearts. One young man belonging to the James and
Mary was married and brought his wife to England with him.
Another brought his sweetheart to England, they being each
engaged by bonds to marry at their arrival in England; and
several other of our men were over head and ears in love with the
St. Helena maids who, though they were born there, yet very
earnestly desired to be released from that prison, which they
have no other way to compass but by marrying seamen or passengers
that touch here. The young women born here are but one remove
from English, being the daughters of such. They are well-shaped,
proper and comely, were they in a dress to set them off.
My stay ashore here was but two days to get refreshments for
myself and Jeoly, whom I carried ashore with me: and he was very
diligent to pick up such things as the islands afforded, carrying
ashore with him a bag which the people of the isle filled with
roots for him. They flocked about him and seemed to admire him
much. This was the last place where I had him at my own disposal,
for the mate of the ship who had Mr. Moody's share in him left
him entirely to my management, I being to bring him to England.
But I was no sooner arrived in the Thames but he was sent ashore
to be seen by some eminent persons; and I, being in want of
money, was prevailed upon to sell first part of my share in him,
and by degrees all of it. After this I heard he was carried about
to be shown as a sight and that he died of the smallpox at
Oxford.
OF THE DIFFERENT COURSES FROM HENCE TO ENGLAND.
But to proceed, our water being filled and the ship all
stocked with fresh provision, we sailed from hence in company of
the Princess Ann, the James and Mary, and the Josiah, July the
2nd 1691, directing our course towards England, and designing to
touch nowhere by the way. We were now in the way of the
tradewinds, which we commonly find at east-south-east or
south-east by east or south-east till we draw near the Line, and
sometimes till we are eight or ten degrees to the north of the
Line. For which reason ships might shape their course so as to
keep on the African shore and pass between Cape Verde and Cape
Verde Islands; for that seems to be the directest course to
England. But experience often shows us that the farthest way
about is the nearest way home, and so it is here. For by striving
to keep near the African shore you meet with the winds more
uncertain and subject to calms; whereas in keeping the midway
between Africa and America, or rather nearer the American
continent, till you are north of the Line you have a brisk
constant gale.
THEIR COURSE AND ARRIVAL IN THE ENGLISH CHANNEL AND THE
DOWNS.
This was the way we took, and in our passage before we got to
the Line we saw three ships and, making towards them we found two
of them to be Portuguese, bound to Brazil. The third kept on a
wind so that we could not speak with her; but we found by the
Portuguese it was an English ship called the Dorothy, Captain
Thwart commander, bound to the East Indies. After this we kept
company still with our three consorts till we came near England,
and then were separated by bad weather; but before we came within
sight of land we got together again, all but the James and Mary.
She got into the Channel before us and went to Plymouth, and
there gave an account of the rest of us; whereupon our men-of-war
who lay there came out to join us and, meeting us, brought us off
of Plymouth. There our consort the James and Mary came to us
again, and from thence we all sailed in company of several
men-of-war towards Portsmouth. There our first convoy left us and
went in thither. But we did not want convoys, for our fleets were
then repairing to their winter harbours to be laid up; so that we
had the company of several English ships to the Downs, and a
squadron also of Dutch sailed up the Channel, but kept off
farther from our English coast, they being bound home to Holland.
When we came as high as the south foreland we left them standing
on their course, keeping on the back of the Goodwin Sands; and we
luffed in for the Downs where we anchored September the 16th
1691.
Colophon
Archival Note. William Dampier's A New Voyage Round the World was first published in London by James Knapton in 1697. It is the complete account of Dampier's circumnavigation from 1679 to 1691 — twelve years of piracy, exploration, and natural observation that made him the most widely-travelled Englishman of his age and inspired Defoe, Swift, and Darwin.
Edition. The text follows the seventh edition (London, 1729), as reprinted in the Argonaut Press edition (London, 1927), edited by N. M. Penzer, M.A., F.R.G.S., with introduction by Sir Albert Gray, K.C.B., K.C. This is the standard corrected text of Dampier's Voyage.
Source. Digitised text from Project Gutenberg Australia (0500461h.html). Public domain in Australia, the United States, and all jurisdictions where the text has entered the public domain.
Scribal Credit. Chapters I–II archived by Wulfstan, Early English Archivist (life 74), March 2026. Chapters III–XX archived by Aldhelm, Early English Archivist (life 75), March 2026. QC and publication by Shiage, WIP Finisher (pass 133), March 2026. New Tianmu Anglican Church.
Related: The Discovery of Guiana (Raleigh, 1596) · The Strange and Dangerous Voyage of Captaine Thomas James — companion English exploration narratives in this archive.
Compiled and formatted for the Good Work Library by the New Tianmu Anglican Church, 2026.
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