by Johannes Scheffer

The History of Lapland (1674) is the first comprehensive scholarly study of the Sami people of northern Scandinavia. Johannes Scheffer (1621-1679), Professor of Law and Rhetoric at Uppsala, was commissioned by Magnus Gabriel De la Gardie, Chancellor of Sweden, to produce a systematic account of the Sami and their country. The result is a work of extraordinary detail: thirty-five chapters covering the name, situation, climate, and division of Lapland; the physical characteristics, temperament, and origins of its people; their heathen religion and magical ceremonies; their government, law, trade, language, houses, clothing, hunting, weapons, marriage, childbirth, diseases, and burial; and the natural history of the land itself — its cattle, wild beasts, birds, fish, trees, metals, stones, and mountains.

Scheffer drew on the testimony of Swedish administrators, missionaries, and the Sami themselves, as well as every classical and medieval author who had mentioned the northern peoples. His treatment of Sami religion and shamanic practice — the heathen gods, the magical drum, the ceremonies of divination — remains a primary source for the study of circumpolar religion. His descriptions of the noaide (shaman), the sacred drum, and the rituals of sacrifice and trance are among the earliest detailed accounts in any European language.

The English translation was published at Oxford in 1674, the same year as the Latin original. The translator's preface notes that the extensive Swedish-language quotations from Scheffer's sources have been omitted from this edition. The text presented here is from the Oxford English edition as digitised by McGill University Library (archive.org identifier: McGillLibrary-rbsc_history-lapland_DL971L2S4131674-15383). OCR errors have been corrected across twelve archival passes; the original Early Modern English spelling and syntax are preserved. All thirty-five chapters are present, from the Preface through to the final chapter on the mountains of Lapland. Residual OCR artifacts remain in some later chapters, particularly in the ornate typeface of the Royal Charter texts (Chapter VIII) and in the later chapters on customs and natural history (XXIV–XXVII); these await future correction against the original scans.

The Preface

THE Reader may please to take notice, that the diligent and learned Author of this History, (to the writing of which he was commanded and therein assisted by the Chancellor of Sweden) hath in the whole work taken care to justify what he relates, from the faith of authentic records, the testimony of Historians, and the Discourses of Laplanders themselves, with whom he had ready opportunities of converse. And this he hath don so precisely, that having in the contexture of his work given a full account of what he thought observable in the writings or narratives to which he refers, he afterwards constantly puts down at length the very words of his Authors, a great part of which are in the Swedish Tongue. Now in this Edition we have spared our selves the labor of such repetition, which we hope will not be regretted by the Reader, who we suppose would not have bin much edified by them: As to the subject here discours'd of, 'twill not be needfull to give a character of it. Military Action, and those public murders in which other Histories triumph, have no share here. Hunger, cold and solitude are enemies that engage all the fortitude of this People: and where so much passive valor is necessary, we may dispense with the want of Active. Amidst the barbarity and darkness which reign in Lapland, there appear tinctures of light, which will entertain the eye of the most knowing observer; as the Stars are no less remarkable then is the Sun it self. However the Reader will not fail to meet here with what may gratify his curiosity. Warmer Climates having all the comforts and necessaries of life plentifully bestowed upon them, are but a more distant home; where we have little else treated of then what we daily see among our selves; but here it is indeed, where rather then in America, we have a new World discovered: and those extravagant falsehoods, which have commonly past in the narratives of these Northern Countries, are not so inexcusable for their being lies, as that they were told without temptation, the real truth being equally entertaining, and incredible.

Chapter I. Of the Name of Lapland.

This Country doth not every where pass by the same name. By some 'tis called Lappia, as Johann. Magnus in the Preface of his history, and Saxo Grammat. in his 5th book; by others Lapponia, as Olaus Magnus in the explication of his Map of Scandinavia, and Ziegler in his description of the Northern Countries, and before these Ericus Versaliensis, and after them Andr. Bureus. The Swedes usually call the Country Lapmarkia, in whose language Mark signifies Land; the Danes and Norwegians, Laplandia, and also Findmarkia, as appears from Petr. Claudus description of Norway: for no one can gather any thing else but an account of this Country, from his whole 38th Chapt. which himself too seems to intimate, when he promises more about Findmarkia in his description of Lapland. Of its being call'd Findmark, I shall speak in another place; Now we will see why 'tis call'd Lapponia and Lappia, the Etymology of which words is not yet agreed upon by the Learned.

Ziegler thinks they were named so by the Germans, from the dulness and stupidity of the people, which the word Lappi signifies amongst them; but this seems improbable, since this Country is but of late known to the Germans, and none of their antient Writers make any mention of Lappia. Moreover, the Finlanders, Swedes and Russians, who differ much in their language from one another, as well as from the Germans, call it all by the same name; and the Germans, who are so remote from Lapland, could not transmit this name to these more Northern Countries, especially when they had little or no commerce with them. Neither are the people so very dull and stupid, as Ziegler himself afterwards acknowledges, when he confesses they are good at the needle, and make delicate embroidered clothes. Neither can I assent to Wexionius's opinion, that the Swedes gave them this name from their wearing of Skins; for Lapper and Skinlapper do not signify skins, but the same as the Greeks' rhake (in English Rags) from whence Ol. Petr. Nieuren, who writ of Lapland in Gustavus Adolphus's time, derives their name from their coming into Swedland every year with rags lapt about them, which is the signification of Lapp in that language. But they do not deserve that reproach more than the Finlanders and others, for they are generally clothed in comely garments, as we shall shew hereafter. Grotius thinks they are so named from running or leaping, but Lapa, which in the Swedish language signifies to run, is writ with a single P, and the name of this Country with a double one; and these People naturally are no great runners, tho by an art they have of sliding over the frozen snow, they are very swift in their motions. Some think the Inhabitants do not denominate the Country, but the Country the Inhabitants, as in the name of Norwegians and others, which seems to be strengthned by this, because Ol. Magnus calls them Lappomanni, after the manner of Nordmanni, Westmanni, and Sudermanni, in which words Manni signifying Men, they were call'd Lappomanni, i.e. Men of Lappia. Others fancy that the name of the Country is deriv'd from Lappu, which in the Finnoick language is furthermost, because it lies in the farthest part of Scandinavia. There is yet another opinion which may seem no less plausible then any of the former, which agrees as well with the signification of the word Lapp among the Laplanders themselves, as the credit given to what has been matter of fact, viz. that 'twas call'd Lappia, not from its situation, or other such like accident, but from the Lappi that inhabited it. So that I take Lappi to signify no other than banisht persons, which is the genuine signification of Lapp in the Lapland language; for the Laplanders were originally Finlanders, and from leaving their Country may be presum'd to have took their name; and that not of their own choosing, but the Finlanders imposition, with whom to Lapp signifies to run away: whence the compellation seeming something scandalous, no person of quality to this day will endure to be call'd by it, tho from the Finlanders other Nations, as the Germans, Swedes and Muscovites, have learnt to call them so. But they of Lappia Umensis stile themselves Sabmienladti, and those of Lappia Tornensis, Sameednan, from the word Sabmi or Same; the signification of which, and whence they had it, we shall see hereafter.

At what time this Country and its inhabitants were first distinguish't by these names Lappia and Lappi, 'tis hard to prove: 'tis certain 'twas but of late, for the words are not found in any antient writer, neither in Tacitus, who mentions their neighbours and forefathers the Finlanders, nor in Ptolomy, Solinus, Anton. Augustus, Rutilius, or others, neither in Authors nearer home (not to name Jornandes, Paul Warnefrid, &c.) nor in those who have writ the actions of Heraud and Bosi, or Goetrichs and Rolfus, or King Olaus, in the Islandick, Norwegian or Gothick language: we find nothing of that in Adam Bremensis, whose diligence in writing of the Northern Countries, his Scandinavia sufficiently testifies; or in Sturlisonius, who writ very accuratly of these parts in his own language. Therefore I cannot be so easily persuaded with Grotius to believe Cluverius, who says they were mention'd in the Peutingerian Tables, the Author of which is thought to have liv'd at least before Theodosius's time, i.e. 600 years before Adam Bremensis: how then could he, that was none of the best Geographers, if we may beleive Welserus, and very far distant from these parts, give us any account of them, since Adam Bremensis, who was so near a neighbour, and had commerce with those that lived there, could give us none? Besides, in that Table the Sarmatians are called Lupiones, with whom the Lappi were nothing concerned; neither doth any antient Author say they were seated so far Northward: wherefore the Lupiones there described are any People rather then the Laplanders, for at that time, when the Author writ, they were not so much as known to any of their neighbours, the Gothick, Norwegian or Danish writers. The first that mentions Lapland is Saxo Gramat. Hist. Dan. l. 5. who lived and wrote about Ann. 1190, and therefore was after Adam Bremensis (who lived about 1077) near 130 years, in which interval this name must needs come first in use. For Saxo making mention of such a Country a great while before, in the time of Frotho the third contemporary to Alricus King of Swedland (who they say lived before Christ) doth not prove that 'twas called so then, but that that Country might afterwards have had this appellation; and I am fully persuaded, that Adam Bremensis would not have omitted this name if he had had any knowledge of it. Afterward Er. Upsaliensis speaks of it about 1470, i.e. almost 300 years after Saxo, and 200 before this present time. After them Jac. Ziegler made a large and learned description of it, by which it came to be known all over Europe. For however we may meet with the name Lappia in Saxo, none but the Swedes and Finlanders, before Zieglers time, knew any thing of it. And so much for the names of Lapland.

Chapter II. Of the Situation of Lapland.

The true and exact situation of this Country the Antients seem not to have sufficiently discovered. Saxo makes it bordering upon Jamtia, extending its self as far, or rather lying as it were between Helsingia and Finland, when in these words he says the Provinces of the Helsingi, Jarnben, Jemti, with both the Lappia's, and likewise Finnia and Estia paid annual tribute to one Domarus. Ericus Upsaliensis seems to make it a part of Finland, mistaking it for a certain part of that Kingdome so called, on the one side adjoining to Swedland, on the other to Russia, giving it a place between Carelia and Nylandia. Ol. Magn. in his Table, and so his brother Johan. Magnus in the Preface of his History, place it higher then the western Bothnia, making neighbours to it Scritfinnia furthest towards the North, and Biarmia towards the East; though some think there is no such place as Scritfinnia, as it is certain there is none in those parts at this day called by that name. But yet we must not slightly pass over the unanimous opinion of so many learned men, especially Saxo, not a little knowing in the Northern affairs, who have all not barely named it but have described the humours of the Inhabitants, their manners, habits and fashion of their governments, with other matters belonging to them. Instead of the Scritfinnia or Scrifinia of Johan. and Ol. Magn. I would rather read it Scritofinnia; and as for Skidfinnia as Adr. Bureus would have it, all the Antients, what ever else they differ in, will agree in this, that there must be an R in the word. Jornandes calls them Scretefenni, Paul. Warnefrid. and Diacon. Scritofinni, changing the n; (of which and some other things of the like nature I will treat in due time and place) Adam Bremensis Scritefinni: and the Greeks agree in this writing, so that we ought not to doubt of the Latines. Procopius will have them sometimes Skrithiphinoi, other times Skrithiphinous. Besides 'tis manifest since the Scritefinni are the same with the Finni, whose Etymology in their own language is from leaping, by an art they have, by which with crooked pieces of wood under their feet like a bow they hunt wild beasts; they could not therefore take their name from Skidh, signifying the wooden shoes themselves, but from their leaping, i.e. swift running with them, which doubtless antiently was meant by Skrida, and which the Author cited by Warnius in the 46th page of his Lexicon confirms, where he relates the form of an oath made by Hasnr, that he would preserve the peace Qigamdut Finnur skriidar, i.e. as long as the Finlanders continued their manner of leaping. As for the Etymology that is there given, that it signifies their wandring up and down, 'tis altogether false, for Skridsko at this day denotes those wooden shoes which they run upon the ice with; neither doth Skrida signify any thing else among the Antients but to glide along the ground, for they do not take up one foot after the other, as in common running, but carrying themselves steady upon the frozen snow, they move forward stooping a little, as shall be shewn hereafter. And perhaps this is the onely cause that they are called Himantopodes, People creeping upon their knees; which agrees exactly with these Scritofinni: for they hearing that Skrida was to creep along, what could they fancy the Scritofinni to be, but People not going like other men, but crawling forward like creeping animals; but of this I shall speak more at large when I come to the Laplanders gliding upon the ice. That which I would chiefly evince here, is, that there are such a people rightly called Scritofinni, and the Country which they inhabit is Scritofinia or Scritfinnia, and that there is no reason we should think there was no such place since there are those who are called Scritfinni, i.e. Finlanders, who run upon the ice with wooden shoes, whose Country from thence may well be called Scritfinnia. And the same may be urged for Biarmia against those that will not allow there is any such place. For first the antient Writers making frequent mention of it, as that Author of the History thereof, calls it often Biarmaland in the old Gothick or Islandick language, who also calls the King of it Hereker in Ch. 7. and his two Sons, the one Reirik the other Siggeir. Saxo likewise in his 8th book, speaks of a certain King of this place, who reigned in the time of Renter King of the Danes, making it border upon Finland, when he says the King of Biarmia fled for refuge to Matullus, who then reigned in Finland. But now granting there were anciently such names as Biarmia and Scritfinnia, it remains doubtfull still whether they were distinct Countries or no. All Authors except Johan. and Ol. Magn. seem to make them the same; Procop. Jornand. Paul Warnefrid. and Adam Bremensis speak of Scritfinnia but none of Biarmia, and the Northern writers do just contrary. Saxo indeed mentions them both, but not at the same time: once in his Preface he names Scritfinnia, leaving out Biarmia; in other places he names Biarmia, omitting the other; from whence I am almost of opinion that 'tis the same Country called by native Writers Biarmia, by forreign Scritfinnia. We may add further that as Adam Bremensis makes Scritfinnia next to Helsingia, the Author of the History of Heraud and Bosi sets Biarmia in the same place, speaking of some Woods in it, and Rivers that empty themselves into the Sinus Bothnicus or bay of Ganduia next to Helsingia. As moreover the Scritfinni are a People of Finland, which not onely their name but an old Chorographick Table commended by Grotius doth intimate, distinguishing the Fenni into the Scritfenni and Redefenni, so 'tis probable of the Biarmians as well for their neighbourhood to Helsingia, of which before, as for their worshipping a God by the name of Jomala, which is a Finland word, denoting God amongst them to this day. Moreover the Biarmians have many other things like the Finlanders, as the Art of darting, of Magic, &c. So that Biarmia may be a Colony of Finland, whose People were called by Strangers, from their skirting along, or gliding upon the snow, Scritofinni. But now supposing all this true, and that the Biarmia of the Ancients, and Scritfinnia were the same, 'tis a question still whether Lapland be distinct from them or not. Joh. and Ol. Magnus in their Geographic Tables and descriptions, make them distinct Countries. But that cannot be; for if Scritfinnia and Biarmia reach one way to Helsingia and Jamtia, on the other to Finland; if they lye so near these Provinces, and extend to the Bay of Bothnia (both which have bin demonstrated before) I do not see where Lapland can have any place at all. And the same Authors are also mistaken in putting it South of Biarmia and Scritfinnia, whereas the Antients placed these beyond it. For that they mean't only by Biarmia that which the Swedes now call Trennes, appears to be false from what has bin said before: for where are any Rivers in Trennes that run into the Bay of Bothnia? and how is it bordering upon Finland? Wherefore contrary to Joh. and Ol. Magnus, I think rather that Lapland is the same that was first by the Inhabitants called Biarmia, by Strangers Scritfinnia, then changing the name for some of the reasons here produced, it came to be Lappia or Lapponia; which beginning from Jamtia and Angermannia, goes all about each Bothnia, and at length ends in the extremities of Carelia and Finland, so as to comprehend all the whole tract from the North even to the main Ocean, the white Sea, and the Lake Ladoga, which are the very bounds of old Biarmia and Scritfinnia. But that it went as far as the Ocean, the Antients seem not to have so well understood; nor indeed Johan. and Ol. Magnus, who in those parts have made Scritfinnia and Biarmia different Countries from Lapland. So also Damianus Goes, who, whatever he knew of Lapland, had it from them, says it extends it self to unknown Regions, because he knew not who lived further towards the North Sea. But the Antients have placed there, besides the Scritfinnia, the Cynocephali, Busii, Troglodytes, Pygmies, Cyclops's and some others; passing by the Himantopodes, of whom we have spoken before: tho in this age none doubts but the Laplanders inhabit it all, and those who have sailed along those Coasts have met with none others but Laplanders.

In fine Charles the 9th King of Swedland in the year 1600, being desirous to know the truth of that Country, sent two famous Mathematicians, M. Aron. Forsius a Swedish Professour, and Hieronymus Birckholten a German, with instruments, and all necessaries to make what discoveries they could of Lapland; who at their return, did certify, and make it out, that beyond the Elevation of the Pole 73 degrees there was no Continent towards the North but the great frozen Sea, and that the farthest point was Nordcap, not far from the Castle of Wardhouse. But of this distant Lapland those that are curious may enquire at their leisure; we purpose to treat here only of that which is subject to the Government of the Swedes, and this is a vast Country, thought by Paulinus in his history of the North, of equall extent almost with all Swedland properly so called. Andr. Bureus says it contains in length above 100 German miles, and in breadth 90. All this Country comes now under the name of Lapland, in which all agree that ever described it; and if we would take an account of the Climate of it by this vast compass of Earth, we must begin from the 64th degree of latitude, and so to the 71st; in longitude it must extend at least to the 27th Meridian, or more. Moreover if we will compute the longitude from journies that have bin made thither, all hitherto have unanimously put the beginning of it about the 38th degree, and the end in the 65th. And this may suffice partly for an account of the situation of Lapland in general; and partly of that which is subject to the Swedes.

Damianus Goes, a Knight of Portugall, sets its bounds thus in his description of Spain: Lapland is divided into the Eastern and Western part, the Bothnick Sea coming between. The extremity of it is Tornia. Eastward it reaches to the white Lake; towards the North comprehending diverse Provinces, and extends it self beyond all knowledge. On the West towards Island it joins to part of Norway, and on the other side of Norway 'tis bounded with Swedland, Finland, and both the Bothnia's. But Ol. Petr. Nieuren confutes this of the Bothnic Sea lying between; for so part of Lapland would lie in Finland or Ostrobothnia, part in Westrobothnia, which every one knows is false: and the very vulgar can tell so much, that the Bothnic Sea comes not anywhere within 18 or 20 miles of Lapland: tho this ought not to pass beyond Damianus's time, since Nieurenius himself confesses in another place, that the Laplanders had their seat about the Bothnic Sea, but that afterwards they were driven out, of which I shall speak hereafter. I will only add here a Table of the latitudes and longitudes of the chiefest Places, as they were taken by M. Arons Forsius and Hieronymus Birckholten, Ann. 1600. I proceed next to the disposition and nature of the Country, having first given you a Map of it.

Chapter III. Of the Temperature of the Air and Soil of Lapland.

We have seen how Lapland is situate; let us next proceed to other particularities of it. That 'tis very near the Pole appears from its latitude, insomuch that for some months in the Summer the Sun here never sets, and on the contrary in the Winter it never rises; which Herberstein says is but forty days, and tho three hours in the night the body of it is something darkned, so that his raies appear not, yet there is so much light, that they continue their work all the while. Indeed the same account is not to be taken of the whole Country, since part of it lies nearer, and part further distant from the Pole; and of these too some parts are more East, and some more to the West, from whence 'tis that with some of them the Sun is scarce above the Horizon for so many daies as he pretends. And altho in the Summer it never sets and goes below the Earth, yet neither does it rise much above it, but as it were kisses and gently glides along the Horizon for the most part; as likewise in the Winter when lowest it is not much beneath it: which is the reason that tho they have one continued night for some months, yet every day the Sun comes so near, that it makes a kind of twilight. Ol. Magnus saies that in the absence of the Sun there are two twilights, one in the morning, the other in the evening, in which those poor remainders of day provide that the night should not be utterly destructive. And by how much the Sun is farther absent, the light of the Moon is clearer. Hence Petr. Claud. saies that when the Moon shines they go a fishing, and dispatch all other necessaries that are to be done without doors; and when it does not, if the air be clear, even the light of the Stars so much abates the darkness, that the horrour of the night is much lessened, and there is light enough for the dispatch of severall businesses, which is farther assisted by the whiteness of the Snow.

The Air of Lapland is cold, but fresh and clear, and consequently very wholesome, being much purified by the winds which are here very frequent and violent. It has bin attested to me by eye-witnesses, that there rises a certain wind out of the Sea, which beginning to blow raises presently such thick and dark clouds even in the midst of Summer, that they utterly hinder the sight, and in the Winter drives the snow with such force and quantity, that if any person be surprized abroad, he hath no other remedy but to throw himself on the ground with some garment over him, suffering himself to be quite buried in snow till the storm is past: which don, he rises up, and betakes himself to the next Cottage he can meet, all paths and roads being hid in the snow. But the strongest and most irresistible winds are upon the Mountains, where they throw down all things they meet with, and carry them away by their violence into far distant places, where they are never seen or heard of afterwards. Their only help against these is to convey themselves into dens and caves. Here is rain as in other places, sometimes more, and sometimes less, but in the midst of Summer, this as likewise the neighbouring Countries have very seldom any at all. Snow they have more often, and so much that in the Winter it covers all the Country, of which they make this advantage, that they can travel the more securely in the night; for the light of the Moon reflected from the snow, enlightens all the fields, that they can discern and avoid any pits, precipices and wild Beasts, that would otherwise annoy them: so convenient are the wayes for any journy, that two rein deer will draw a greater load over the trodden snow, then a Cart and ten Horses can in the fields at other times. These snows in some places, as on the tops of their highest hills, remain perpetually, and are never melted by the strongest heat of the Sun. In the upper part of Lapland there are Mountains rising to such a vast hight, that the snow continues upon them Summer and Winter, and is never dissolved, but in other places the Land is every year overflown with floods of melted snow. They have also very great frosts and mists, and good store of them, which sometimes so thicken the air, that the sight is quite obstructed, and Passengers cann't distinguish one man from another to salute or avoid him, tho he be come close up to them. It is so extreme cold here in the Winter, that 'tis not to be endured but by those who have bin bred up in it. The swiftest Rivers are sometimes frozen so hard, that the ice is more than three or four cubits thick; and their greatest Lakes and deepest Seas bear any burdens whatever. Nor is the Summer, which to some may seem incredible, more moderately hot. For tho the Sun be very low, and his raies oblique, yet lying upon them so long together, their force is strangely increast; the only allay being from the vapors rising out of the neighbouring Sea, and from the snows, which as well in Summer as Winter continue undissolv'd in hollow places between the hills. As for Spring and Autumn they know neither, there being so very little space between the extremity of cold in the Winter, and heat in Summer, that by Strangers 'tis look't upon as a miracle to see every thing springing fresh and green, when but a week before all things were overwhelm'd with frost and snow. Ol. Petr. Nieuren has observed it as a memorable thing, and which he would not have believ'd from any one had he not seen it himself, that in the year 1616, June 24, going to the Church of Thor, he saw the trees budding and the grass coming up green out of the ground, and within a fortnight after he saw the Plants full blown, and the leaves of the trees at their perfection, as if they had known how short the Summer was to be, and therefore made such hast to enjoy it.

Their soil is generally neither very fertile nor barren, but between both, full of flints, stones and rocks, every where appearing high, by whose unevenness and roughness the rest of the ground about is useless. The ground is generally very soft and flabby, by reason of the many Lakes and Rivers overflowing; yet would it be fit either for tillage or pasture if any would be at the pains and charge of draining it. Ol. Petrus saies of the Southern part, lying under the same climate and influence of the Heavens with Bothnia, that 'tis as apt to bear any grain as the Western Bothnia it self; but this is not without a concurrence and assistance likewise of the soil: and he himself confesses in another Chapter, that the Land is stony, sandy, uneven, overrun in some places with briars and thornes, and in others nothing but hills, moores, fennes and standing waters, which are not the qualities that usually commend Lands for agriculture. Then as to his urging its verdant and rich pastures, it doth not follow that all Land which yields much grass should be equally capable of bearing good corn. Yet doth the Land afford plenty of grass, and that so good that their Cattel are fatned much cheaper and sooner with it than any other thing, as also divers hearbs, but particularly 'tis happy in all kind of pot-hearbs. There are many large Woods and Forests, especially towards Norway, but not very thick; likewise steep rocks and high mountaines called Dofrini; upon whose naked tops, by reason of the violence of the winds to which they are exposed, never yet grew tree. Below these hills lie most pleasant Vallies, in which are clear fountaines and rivulets innumerable, which emptying themselves into the rivers, at length are carried into the Bothnic Sea. Their water is clear, sweet and wholesome, only their Forests abound with stinking and standing Pools. This Country Winter and Summer hath an incredible number of all kinds of wild beasts, especially the lesser sorts, which suffice not only for their own use, but to drive a great trade with their neighbours. They have Birds also of all sorts very many, but Fish in such abundance that a great part of the Natives are entirely fed by them. But of all these we shall speak in their proper places. I will add no more here but this, that the Description of old Finland or Scritofinnia by the Ancients is the same which hath bin given here of Lapland; to confirm what I said before that these Countries differ only in name, and not in nature and situation. We come now to its Division.

Chapter IV. Of the Division of Lapland.

Those who have writ of Lapland, mention different divisions of it. Saxo in his 5th Book, and elsewhere, speaks of two Laplands, and after him Johannes Magnus tells us, that both the Laplands are joined together Southward. I suppose in that division they had respect to their situation, and meant the Eastern and the Western Lapland: for so Damianus Goes, who seems to borrow from Joh. Magnus, expresses it. Lapland, saith he, is divided into the Eastern and the Western, separated from each other by the Bothnic Sea. From whence we may gather that that part of the Country which lies on one side of the Bothnia, was called the Eastern Lapland, and that which lies on the other, the Western.

Besides this division of Lapland, there is another taken from the places most frequented by the Inhabitants. For one part thereof, lying along the Coasts of the Ocean, is from thence called Sieefindmarken, that is the maritime Lapland; the other lying higher on the Continent, Fieldmarken, that is, inland Lapland: tho by some they are called simply Findmarken and Lappmarken. This last division Pet. Claud. gives us in his 27th Chapter. All the Sea Coasts, saith he, Northward and Eastward as far as Findmarkia reaches, are possest by the Siaefinni, or maritime Finlanders, but the mountainous and champaign Country, by the Lapfinni, from thence named Lapmarkia or Wildfindlandia, that is wild or savage Findland. Where he calls one part of the Country Lapmarckia, the other Findmarckia, the one lying along the shore, and bordering on the Sea, the other mountainous, woody, and savage, upon the Terra firma. And this too may be worth our notice, that Wildfinland with him is that which others call Lappmarkia: I suppose, because the Natives live by hunting, as those of the other do by fishing. For he presently adds, There are many thousands in that place that feed on nothing but the flesh of wild Beasts. And indeed some there are with whom those only pass for the true Laplanders: as Samuel Rheen, who in his 2d Chapter of his forementioned Book, tells us, that besides the Scrickfinni (so he calls them that with Pet. Claud. are Sieefinnes) there are other true Laplanders, that live on nothing but rain deer. And so from the Natives feeding on wild Beasts, Lapland properly so called, is also stiled Wildfindland, in opposition to Findmarkia, whose Inhabitants live both on Fish and Cattel. And yet there may be given another reason for the imposition of this name, from the many woods of that Country. Olaus Magnus in more places then one calls the natives, men that dwell in woods, or Savages: as in the title of his 3d Chapt. of his 4th Book, which is, Concerning the fierceness of the Savages, or those that dwell in woods, in which Chapter he describes the Laplanders. And in the following Chapter he says, that the wild Laplanders are clothed with rich skins of several Beasts. The Baron Herberstein also in his History of Muscovy, calls them Savage Laplanders, who tho they dwell, says he, on the Sea Coast in little Cottages, and lead a brutish kind of life, are yet more civilized then the Savages of Lapland: whence 'tis plain, that by the Findlanders living near the Sea, he means those that others call Siaefinnes, and by the Savage Laplanders those that possess the inland Country, who he thinks were so called from their wildness and barbarity. And by and by he adds, that by converse with Strangers, who come thither to trade, they begin to lay aside their Savage nature, and become a little more civilized. Afterwards he calls them Dikj Loppi, which name the Muscovites give them at this time, as hath been shewed elsewhere.

There is also a 3d Division of Lapland, that respects the several Princes to whom the Country is in subjection. And this Andr. Bureus intends, when he tells us, The greatest part of Lapland, viz. the Southern and inland Country, belongs all to the Kingdom of Sweden: The maritime tract, that lies on the Ocean and is called Findmark (whose Inhabitants the Sioefinni, or maritime Findlanders, are so named from their living by fishing) to Norway: The rest of them that dwell from the Castle of Warhuus to the mouth of the white Sea, are subject to the Russians, which part the Swedes call Trennes, the Natives Pyhinienni, and the Russians Tarchana Voloch. Of their subjection to these severall Princes we shall speak when we come to treat of their Government; and also of those parts that belong to Norway or Denmark, and Russia. At present we shall only mention the division of that part which is under the Swedes, and is named by Bureus, the Southern and inland Lapland, and by Petr. Claud. Lappmarkia properly so called. This is divided into six lesser parts called marker, or lands, tho Bureus chuses to render them Territories or Provinces. Each of these have their distinct names, and are called Angermandlandslapmark, Umalapmark, Pithalapmark, Lulalapmark, Tornalapmark, Kiemilapmark. So Samuel Rheen in his first Chapter, That part of Lapland which belongs to Sweden is divided into the Kiemensian, Tornesnsian, Lulensian, Pithensian, Umensian, and Angermanlandsensian Lapmark. Bureus mentions but five of these Provinces, viz. Umalapmark, Pithalapmark, Lulalapmark, Tornelapmark, and Kiemilapmark; comprehending Angermandlandslapmark under Umalapmark, not that they are one and the same Province, but because they are both governed by one Lieutenant. Each of these Provinces take their name from Rivers that run thro the midst of them, as Wexionius in his description of Swedland assures us.

As for their situation, Angermanlandslapmark borders upon Angermannia and Jemtia, to this joins Umalapmark, next to that is Pithalapmark, and then Lulelapmark, all of them lying Westward, reaching on one side to that ridg of Hills that divides Swedland from Norway, and on the other side to the Western Bothnia. Northward of them lies Tornelapmark, and extends it self from the farthest corner of the Bay of Bothnia all along the North Sea, called by Seamen Cape Noort. Next to this lies Kiemilapmark, winding from the North toward the East, and bounded on one side by the Eastern Bothnia, on another side by that part of Lapland that belongs to Russia, and on a third side by Cajania and Carelia.

Moreover these Provinces we are speaking of, are subdivided into lesser parts, called by the Swedes Byar, as Samuel Rheen tells us, and are equivalent to our Shires, and the Pagi of the Ancients. So in Caesar we meet with Pagus Tigurinus, and Pagi Suevorum, which were not Villages or Country Towns, but large parts of a Country, such as the Greeks called Nomoi. There are several of these Pagi or Shires in each Province, except Angermanlandslapmark, which makes but one Pagus, vulgarly called Aosahla. Umalapmark hath four: Uma, Lais or Raanby, Granby, and Vapsten. Pithalapmark eight: Graotreskby, Arfwejerfshy, Lochteby, Arrieplogsby, Wistersby, Norrwesterby, Westerby. Lulalapmark five: Jochmoch, Sochjoch, Torpinjattr, Zerkislockt, and Rautomjaur. Tornelapmark eight: Lingawaara, Siggewaara, Sondewaara, Ronolaby, Pellejerf, Xiedkajerf, Manstalka, Saodankyla, Kithilaby. So that all the Territories or Provinces are divided into 33 Byars. In each of these there are several Clans or Families, which the Swedes call Rakar, each of which have a certain allotment of ground assign'd them for the maintenance of themselves and their Cattel; not in the nature of a Country Farm with us, but of a very great length and bredth, so as to include Rivers, Lakes, Woods, and the like, which all belong to one Clan or family. In every Byar there are as many allotments as there are families that can live of themselves, and are not forced by poverty to serve others. In the Byar called Aosahla there are about 30 of these Clans, or families, in others more or less according as they are in bigness; which all have their several names, tho 'tis not worth while to repeat them. And thus much shall suffice of the third division of Lapland, not lately made (except that under Charles IX some Clans had certain allotments assign'd them) but derived from very ancient time; as appears from hence that neither the Laplanders have known, nor the Swedes given them any other, since the Country hath bin under their subjection. Nor are the words modern, or taken from any thing that may give any cause to suspect them of novelty: which I the rather observe, that from hence the native simplicity, agreable to the antiquity of the Nation, may appear.

Chapter V. Of the Laplanders in Reference to the Inclinations, Temper and Habit of their Minds and Bodies.

It is almost peculiar to this People to be all of them of low stature, which is attested by the general suffrage of those Writers who have described this Country. Hence the learned Isaac Vossius observes, that Pygmies are said to inhabit here; and adds that they are a deformed People: but in truth their feature and proportion is good enough, and that they are not distorted sufficiently appears from their great agility of body, and fitness for active emploiment. Nor need we dispute of this, since in Sweden we see them every day among us, and can observe no defect in any kind, or deformity, by Lomenius unjustly ascribed to them. Ol. Magn. and Torneus esteem their young women indifferently handsome, and of a clear skin, which I have often seen my self; for they take great care to preserve their natural beauty, which the men neglect to do: and therefore if they are less amiable then the other Sex, it is to be imputed to their choice, not nature. To which we may add the length of their frosts, and the bitterness of the Air, against which they neither arm themselves sufficiently with clothes, nor know how to do so: besides the smoak which continually fills their cottages empairs very much their natural complexion, which is the reason why most of the men also are so swarthy. And as they are generally short, they are also very lean, and 'tis rare to see a fat man amongst them, for the cold that prevents their growing tall, dries up likewise their moisture, and makes them apt to be slender. They are also very light in respect of their bulk and stature, which comes from their not eating any Salt, if we will believe Ol. Petr. And thus much may be said in general of the frame and condition of their bodies.

As for their particular parts, they have thick heads, prominent foreheads, hollow and blear eyes, short flat noses, and wide mouths. Their hair is thin, short and shaggy, their beard stragling and scarce covers their chins. The hair of both Sexes is generally black and hard, very seldom yellow; their breasts broad, slender waists, spindle shanks, and swift of foot. They are very strong in their limbs, so that in a bow which a Norwegian can scarce half bend, they will draw an arrow up to the head. Their strength is accompanied with such activity withall, that with their bows and quivers at their backs they will throw themselves thro a hoop of but a cubit in diameter. But this seems to be spoken only of some Tumblers, for the People are generally ignorant of such sports; their usual exercises being running races, climbing inaccessible rocks and high trees. Tho they are thus nimble and strong, yet they never go upright, but stooping, which habit they get by frequent sitting in their cottages on the ground.

We come now to the habits of their mind, in which 'tis first observable that they are much given to superstition, which is no wonder while they live in Woods among wild Beasts, and maintain little correspondence one with another: but of their superstition we shall treat elsewhere. Furthermore they are beyond all imagination fearfull and mean spirited, being frighted at the very sight of a strange man, or ship; above all things dreading War: the reason of all this being the cold to which they are condemn'd, and the meanness of their diet, which cannot supply good blood and spirits; wherefore they are useless in war, and the Swedes who raise men in all the other Provinces, find none in this, as it appears from the ancient Records and Catalogues of all the Souldiers that ever were listed by former Kings. So that 'tis fictitious, and rather an abuse than history, which some have reported, that Gust. Adolphus had several Companies of Laplanders in his Armies; but they were forc't to find out some excuse for those many defeats, which to the wonder of the World that most victorious Prince gave his powerfull and numerous Enemies; and pretend that those Victories were obtained by the help of the Laplanders and Magick. Wherefore I conclude as I said before, that this opinion is absurd and contradictory, not only to the nature of the People, but to public testimonies and writings. To which we may add that they cannot well live out of their own Country, but fall into diseases and die, being no more able to endure a milder air, or feed upon salt, bread, and boiled meats, than we could upon their raw flesh and fish dried by the Sun: for it has bin often found by experience that they are hardly temted by any reward to come even into these parts, or if they do they die suddenly afterwards, much less would they be induced to march into any more remote Countries. Olaus Magnus gives us an instance of six Rain-deers sent to Frederick Duke of Holstein by Sten Sture junior Prince of Swedland, with two Laplanders, man and woman to be their keepers, and that both they and the beasts wanting their accustom'd manner of living, died all together in a short time.

Ziegler indeed on the other side saies they are a valiant People, and that they were a long time free, resisting the Arms both of Norway and Swedland; and Scaliger after him saies that against their enemies they were couragious: and Petr. Claud. reports they had a King of their own called Motle, and that Haraldus Pulcricomus, tho he had conquered the Countries round about, could not subdue them; but all this doth not evince their courage, for whatsoever is said of this Prince Motle is nothing at all to the purpose, being all taken out of the history of Snorro, which speaking of Motle, and something of his skill in Magick, has not a word of his or his Peoples courage. And 'tis manifest that Ziegler could have no ground for what he said, unless from such histories as that of Snorro, which therefore only seem'd true because there were none extant more likely; for in his time the Laplanders were subject to the Swedes: unless we had rather believe that he took the Laplanders and the Biarmians to be the same, ascribing to the one People, what was said of the other. There is indeed mention in Saxo, of severall Wars of the Biarmians, but those not managed by courage, but Magick and Enchantments: so that it no way follows, that because they continued for many Ages a free People, that therefore they were valiant. But whatever becomes of the Biarmians, 'tis sure enough that the Laplanders are far from being stout or warlike, who must first fight against their nature, before they can resist an enemy.

Besides their innate cowardice, they are strangely prone to suspicion and jealousy, being conscious of their own weakness, and so exposed to all attemts upon them; a consequent whereof is that they are also revengefull, endeavouring to prevent those mischiefs which upon the slightest occasions seem to threaten them, by the death and ruine of the Persons that caused their suspicion, helping themselves herein by conjuration and magick. Of this Pet. Claud. gives us a memorable instance, in one, that having attemted to mischief his enemy, who was secured by countercharms, after long attendance surpriz'd him asleep under a great stone, which by a spell he made break to pieces, and kill him. The women, especially when grown old, cannot brook any suddain provocation, but upon the least indignity offered fly out into passion, and are hurried to the most wild transports that madness can dictate. The Laplanders besides are very notorious cheats, and industrious to over-reach each other in bargaining: tho heretofore they had the reputation of plain dealing and honesty. So that 'tis probable that they took up their present practice, having bin first cheated by those Strangers with whom they dealt, and now think it best to be before hand with one another. It is farther observable that they take great plesure, if they happen to outwit any one; imagining that tho they are hopeless to overcome by manhood and courage, they have a nobler triumph over the minds of those whom they circumvent. They are also noted to be of a censorious and detracting humor, so as to make it a chief ingredient of their familiar converse, to reproch and despise others: and this they do especially to Strangers, of what Country soever. So fond admirers are all men of themselves, that even the Laplanders will not exchange their interests with the Inhabitants of the most happy Climate, and however barbarous they are, doubt not to prefer themselves in point of wisdom, to those that are most ingenuously educated in Arts and Letters. They are likewise exceedingly covetous, it being a part of their cowardice to dread poverty; yet are they very lazy withall: and hereupon Olaus Petrus observes, that tho their Country in several parts of it be capable of improvement by husbandry, yet 'tis suffer'd to lye waste: nay so unwilling are they to take pains, that till they are compelled by necessity, they hardly persuade themselves to hunt or fish. From this their covetousness and sloth arises an ill consequent, their undutifulness to their Parents when grown old; not only to contemn and neglect, but even hate and abhor them; thinking it either long before they possess what they have, or thinking it grievous to provide for those from whom they can hope for no advantage.

Their last good quality is their immoderate lust, which Herberstein takes to be the more strange, considering their diet, that they have neither bread nor salt, nor any other incentive of gluttony: but their promiscuous and continuall lying together in the same Hut, without any difference of age, sex, or condition, seems to occasion this effect. Torneus indeed saies of his Country-men, the Lappi Tornenses, who possibly are reclaimed by more civill education, that they are very chaste, insomuch that among them scarce one bastard is Christned in a whole year, which is the less to be Wonder'd at, the women being naturally barren.

Having given this account of the Laplanders ill qualities, it will now be justice to recount their vertues, as first their veneration and due esteem of Marriage, which they more seldom violate, then many who pretend to be much better Christians. They also abhor theft; so that the Merchants only cover their goods so as to secure them against the weather, when they have occasion to leave them, and at their return are sure to find them safe and untoucht; which is the more commendable, for that in Lapland there are no Towns, or store-houses, and no man could be sure of any thing if the People were inclined to thievery. They are likewise (those I mean of the better sort) charitable to the poor, not only by receiving those that are destitute into their Huts; but supplying them with stock whereon to live. In proof of this Torneus and Sam. Rheen say that 'tis usual with them to lend gratis, for a considerable time, ten or twenty Rain-deers. Farther they are civil and hospitable to Strangers, whom they with much kindness invite to their Huts, and there treat with the best provisions they have. And of this there are severall instances, when any have happened to be cast upon their Coast by shipwrack, or else in the snow, or on the mountains have lost their way. Moreover they are thus far cleanly as often to wash their hands and face; tho notwithstanding Torneus tells us, they are nasty and scabby, and use not to comb their heads. Lastly they are sufficiently ingenious, making for themselves all sorts of tools and implements for their fishing and hunting; and also for severall manufactures, some of which they do very artificially, as shall be shewn hereafter in its proper place.

Chapter VI. Of the Originall of the Laplanders.

WE have intimated our conjecture concerning the originall of the Laplanders, and more then that it will be hard to produce, there being no sober history which gives testimony in this affair. Negatively we may pass sentence, and conclude they were not Swedes, no People differing more both in constitution of body and mind, in language and habit, or whatever else is taken for a character of likeness, or having the same originall. Neither can any one think that they were ever Russians or Muscovites; seeing they differ as much from them, as from the Swedes. The Russians are generally tall, the Laplanders on the contrary very short; those are fat and corpulent, these lean and slender; those have thick hair, long beards, and good complexions, these wear their hair short and thin, and are dark and swarthy. But most of all the language is different, in which the Laps and Russes have in a manner no kind of agreement. They must then come from their Neighbours, either the Norwegians on the one side, or the Finlanders upon the other. But they could not well be derived from Norway, who are known to have drawn their originall from the Swedes.

It remains therefore that they came from the Finlanders, who have a certain division or allotment called Lappio. But tho we have shewed that the name and originall of this Nation is not taken thence, it is not to be doubted that they are of the race of the Finlanders and Samojedes, and this is the opinion of most learned men, which may be farther proved by many arguments. First the name of both Nations is the same, the Laplanders in their own language being called Sabmi or Same, and the Finlanders Suoni, which two differ only in the Dialect; and there is a tradition that they had both the same Founder Jumi, who could not well have bin the Author of diverse Nations. We may also observe that their languages have much affinity, tho they be not the very same, as shall be proved at large in a particular Chapter. The Finlanders call God Jumala, the Laplanders Ibmel; the Finlanders fire, Tuli, the Laplanders Tollet; they call a hill Wuori, these Warra, and so they agree in many other words. Besides they have bodies and habits alike, both their limbs well set, black hair, broad faces, and stern countenances, and whatever else they have different is very small, or may easily proceed from their diet or Clime, in which they live. Their clothes too are not much unlike; for if we compare the Picture of an ancient Finlander, as it still remains in the Church of Storekyr in Ostrobothnia, where the daughter of Bishop Henry was drawn at large, with that of a Laplander in Chapt. XVII, it will appear there is no great difference between them. Lastly they agree in disposition and humor: they are both much given to laziness at home, unless when necessity urges them to work; both unmoveable from their purpose, both superstitious and lovers of Magick. And therefore Ol. Magn. saies of them both, that they were so skilfull Magicians in the time of their Paganism as if they had had Zoroaster himself for their teacher. In a word whatever Tacitus saies of the Finlanders, now holds true of the Laplanders, that they have neither weapons, horses, nor houshold gods, they live upon herbs, are cloth'd with skins, lie upon the ground, putting all their confidence in arrows, which they head with bones for want of iron. Both the men and women support themselves by hunting, and they have no other defence for their Children against the violence of wild beasts or weather, but Huts or hurdles, which are the security of the old men as well as young. And the same Description which Saxo gives of these, belongs as well to the Laplanders, that they are the farthest People towards the North, living in a Clime almost inhabitable, good archers and hunters, wanderers, and of an uncertain habitation; where ever they kill a beast making that their mansion, and they slide upon the snow in broad wooden shoes. Besides all this, the Norwegians and Danes call the Laplanders Fenni, as may be seen in Petr. Claud, where he divides the Finlanders into Siofinnar, i. e. maritime Finlanders, and Lappefinner, i. e. Lappfinlanders, the same with the Laplanders. This may be collected too from the Russians calling them not only Loppifi but Kajenni, the original of which name can be no other but that they esteem them to be the Cajani, of which name there is a Province now in Finland called Cajania the great.

But here some imagine that the Laplanders came not in probability from the Finlanders, because the one are very warlike, the other cowards, these fat and corpulent, those lean and meager. But this doth not at all invalidate our arguments; for every one knows that diet will much alter the habit of the body, and the Finlanders have plenty of good nourishing meat, of which the Laplanders are quite destitute. And for the Finlanders courage in war, heretofore they were not so notable for it, for Tacitus saies they had neither arms nor horses, by which he implies they knew not at all what belonged to war. Neither are they very expert at it yet, for by daily experience 'tis found when they are likely to be prest for Soldiers they hide themselves, and by all means decline employment, therefore they are not warlike from their nature, but from their discipline and arts, and in their natural temper they differ not much from the Laplanders. But what need we go about to prove this by so many arguments, when they confess themselves they are originally sprung from the Finlanders, and still keep a list of the Captains that first led them forth into Lapland, of whom Mieschogieschc is the chief. The same is confirm'd by Andr. Andresonius who lived there, and learn't it from them, only he said Thinns-Kagreh was the chief Captain, and so doth Zachr. Plantin. But whatever is said of either of these two Captains, we are not to imagine that they brought the first Plantation of Laplanders into this Country, for 'tis not probable they should so long remember their names, who must have lived before Saxo, for he mentions this Country, and lived about 480 years before us, at which time the Finlanders themselves scarce know what was done, much less the Laplanders. And this the name Thinns doth some thing prove, which none shall perswade me to be an old Finland word, for it is the same with the Swedes Thinnius, and the Dutch Thinius, i. e. Antonius, and that the word Antonius was known to the Finlanders before Christ no man will suspect. The same may be said concerning the pretended occasion of the Colony of Finlanders setling in Lapland; for they themselves say, that they left Brokarla and Rengoarvis, because they were opprest with taxes and pitcht first in a wood in Ostrobothnia called Tavastia near the Sadie bay. But all this as hath bin shew'd the very name of Lappi, which signifies banish't persons, sufficiently confutes. Plantin and Peter Nieuren pretend that though the Laplanders voluntarily removed to Tavastia, they were forc't to their present habitation: for the Natives of Tavastia, griev'd to see them in a flourishing condition, wearing rich clothes, faring deliciously, and abounding in all manner of wealth, chose them a Captain called Matthias Turk, and with a great number invaded their quarters, killing and plundering all they met with, not desisting till they had quite drove them as far as the Rivers Kim and Torne: and not long after perceiving they lived too happily there, they set upon them the second time, dealing so cruelly with them, that leaving their Cattel they were forc't to fly into those barren Countries they now inhabit, carrying with them only their nets. Plantin adds further that Andr. Andresonius affirms he saw some ancient letters, in which mention was made of Kurk, a Governour of the Laplanders: but as for his other name of Matthias, it is plain it was posterior to Christianity, since which time if we should imagine the Laplanders first to have come into these parts, we must also suppose the Country to have bin till then uninhabited, whereas we have all reason to believe that the Biarmi and Scridfinni lived here before Christ, the latter of which seem by their name to have bin only a Colony sent out of Finland; and mention is made of Finlanders in these parts in the time of Harald the fair, or Harfager King of Norway, and his Son Ericus Bodfexe, who lived long before the times of Christianity, and went down into Finmark and Biarmia, and obtained a great victory over them. Now if he went by Sea Northwards of Norway to come to Finmark, Finmark then must have bin near Norway, as lying North of it near the Sea, that is the same Country that is now named Finmark, which because then inhabited by Finlanders, as appears by the name, it is not to be believed that it was first possess'd by the Laplanders that were drove out of South-Bothnia by Matthias Turk. Neither are they called Lappi from being driven out then, for they were so called in Saxo's time, and there is little reason to believe that Matthias Turk's expedition was before him, especially from that inscription which mentions Turk, since that in those times they knew not so much of writing as to record any thing in it.

Wherefore we must find out some better authority to confirm to us the originall of the Lapps, for we may believe that the Finlanders more then once march't out into Lapland, which is evident from the several names of their leaders, whom some called Thinns-Fogre, others Mieschogieschc. The first and most ancient is that from whence the Biarmi took their originall, whom I conclude to have descended from the Finlanders, from calling their Gods by Finlandish names. Besides in their nature and manners they agree with the ancient Finlanders: and lastly are called by all Strangers Scridfinni, i. e. Finlanders going upon frozen snow, which, the ancient knowing none else to go so, took to be the Biarmi. But the name of Biarmi was given them by the Finlanders from their going to dwell upon the Mountains, from the word Varama, which signifies a hilly Country: now because Strangers knew from the Swedes they used wooden shoes to go upon the snow, which by the Swedes are called Att Skriida, not knowing the name Biarmi, they called them Scridfinni: and because the Finlanders and Biarmians were of the same originall, they were often subject to the same Prince, as to Cuso in King Holter's time. What the occasion was of this leaving their Country is yet doubtfull, except it was for fear of the Swedes, who in the reign of King Agnus invaded Frosie King of Finland, and harassed the whole Country. The second time of deserting their Country was when the Russians enlarged their Empire as far as the lake Ladog. For fearing the cruelty of these People they retired into Lapland: which I am apt to beleive because the Russians call them Kienni, as has bin said before from their passage through Cajania into Lapland, which they could not have known but by their own experience; and their wars with them, especially those of Carelia and Cajania, being so ignorant both in history and other Countries, that they scarce know any thing of their own, that is of any antiquity. And this proves what we have said of their second leaving their Country, which was about the sixth age after Christ: and these perhaps are they which are simply called Finni by the Danes, Swedes, and Norwegians, or with the addition of Sie or Field, obsolete words of the Biarmians, because they were more then they in number; especially after Harald Harfager King of Norway, who almost destroyed all the Biarmi in battle. In the meanwhile the Finlanders lay secure in Finmark, and all the Biarmi being extinct, the name of Finni obtained, and the name and credit of the Biarmi was quite abolish't and forgot. And these are all the times they left their Country before they were called Lappi, for till after this they were never called otherwise than Finni, Scritofinni, and Biarmi. But in after ages we find them named Lappones, of whom Adam Bremensis makes no mention who lived in 1077, but Saxo doth, that lived in 1200; and therefore 'tis probable that in that intervall of time, after they were call'd Lappones, they made their third migration. But any one that will examine the histories of that time, will scarce find any thing that should move the Finlanders to leave their Country, as Ericus Sanctus hath made it appear in that Expedition in which he brought them under the Swedish Government, and planted among them the Christian Religion, which he made in the year 1150, when no small number of them the third time seem to have deserted their Country, and gone into Lapland. And the reason is plain, having bin subject'd to Strangers, and forc't to be of a Religion different from that of their Ancestors, which thereupon was hatefull to them, and therefore no wonder some of them sought out a place where they might live free: which is as good a reason too why they were called Lapps by those that stayed, for they submitting to the Swedes, and embracing Christianity, look't upon them as desertors of their Country, whom fear only of a good Government, and better Religion, had made exiles, especially when the King had put forth an Edict that all should be accounted banish't that would not renounce Pagan Superstition; therefore they were justly called Lappi, and care not to hear of the name to this day.

And this is my opinion of their originall and migrations, out of which I shall not be perswaded by those learned men who believe they rather came from the Tartars, for we never read of any of them going into the North. Moreover the Tartars live altogether by war and plunder, whereas the Laplanders live by hunting and grazing, abhorring nothing more than war. Besides the chief delight of the Tartars is in having many stately Horses, of which the Lapps are so ignorant, that in their whole language they have not a word to signify an Horse: the language also of the two Nations is so different that one cannot possibly be derived from the other. And altho some learned men, who pretend they understood both languages of Finland and Lapland, confidently aver that they are altogether diverse: yet it will be easy to produce diverse men as well skill'd in them, as they that say the contrary. Besides 'tis no consequence because there are a few differences between the Finland and Lapland languages, that they are therefore utterly diverse, when this disagreeing may rather proceed from the length of time than any diversity of the Tongues at first, as we find now many Swedish words that do not at all agree with those now in vogue, which yet do not constitute a new language. And their saying the Laplanders could not come from the Finlanders, because they alwaies hated one another, is of little force, when the reasons of their hatred are enough explained already. But it signifies less that the Finlanders have several Customs and Manners not in use among the Laplanders, as the way of building houses, &c. for these were to accommodate themselves to the nature of the place whither they came, and to forget those things which would not be of any use to them. And moreover, there remains still a memoriall of those that came out of Finland, where they first sate down in the woods of Tavastia, near a Lake which they call Lappiakairo, that is the Fountain of the Laplanders, who when their necessary food grew scarce, went further up into the Desarts, and the Finlanders pursuing them in Tavastia, they retreated to the Bothnick bay, where they might be more safe, and have more conveniences for living: and this is that migration yet in memory which Plantin speaks of, viz. that the Laplanders lived here for an age, or more, till the time of King Magn. Ladulaos, An. 1272, who to get them under his subjection promised any one that could effect it the Government of them, which the Birkarli, i. e. those that lived in the allotment or division of Birhala, undertook; and having for a great while cunningly insinuated themselves into them, under a pretence of friendship, at last set upon them unawares, and quite subdued them. But before this they were infested by the Tavastii under the command of Kurk, which if we would strictly examine, we should find it of later date than about Christ's time, contrary to some mens opinions. As it happens in things that are taken upon trust, the Laplanders confound the more modern with the ancient, making but one history of all that happen'd in the distinct times of Ericus Sanctus, Magnus Ladulaos, with some other Kings before and after, and that so confused and lame, that it is hard for any one to understand. Plantin mentions at large one Matthias, Captain of the Finlanders, when they subdued and drove out the Laplanders into the furthest and most desolate place of the North, whom some think to be a noble Family of the Turks in Finland, and that he ceased not, by frequent inroads upon them, to molest them, till they promised to pay him yearly tribute, which he at length, weary of the long and tedious journey, exchanged with some of Birkarla in Tavastia for a part of Finland, whence followed what is most true that the Laplanders to the year 1554 paid annuall tribute to the Birkarli, besides whom it was not lawfull for any others to trade with them. There are those now living who say they have seen the letters and conditions of the Kurks kept in Sirknees, an allotment of Lulelapmark, by one Jo. Nilson. Which things are so far from being immediately after the birth of Christ, that they may far more probably be thought to have bin since Mag. Ladulaos, unless we can imagine that Petr. by his Tavastii and Bureus by Birkarli meant the same people, since there were other Birkarli inhabitants of Tavastia, who chose them a Captain named Turk, under whom they drove out the Laplanders out of the borders of the Eastern Bothnia, and made them tributary; and the letter which Petr. ascribes to Turk, is that in which Ladulaos had granted the Birkarli the priviledge to receive tribute of the Lapps, and of trafficking with them, for it is not probable that Kurk, though he was their chosen Captain, was to have all the benefit of the Laplanders to himself, so as by contract to transfer to the Birkarli his right. For the Tavastii were either a free People, and so shared among one another whatever they got, or else under some Prince, and so could not give another what was not their own, but their Masters. Besides if they did give Kurk any thing, as some Villages or the like, it was not from any bargain that they were to receive in lieu thereof tribute from the Laplanders, but as a reward to himself for his pains and conduct in the war. But whatever may be said of Turk and the Tavastii, 'tis certain the Laplanders never came originally from the Russians, nor as others think from the Tartars, but from the Finlanders, having bin driven out of their Country, and forc't to change their habitations often, till at length they fixt in this Land where they now live: and that Country, which from the remove of its inhabitants was called Lapland, had the same name continued by the Swedes, who had conquered the greatest part thereof. For after the Swedes had learnt from the Finlanders that they were called Lapps, they also gave them the same name, then the Danes took it up: then Saxo, afterwards Ziegler, then Dam. Goes, who had the account which he gives of the Laplanders from Ol. and Joh. Magn. and so at last all the Country was call'd Lapland from the Bay of Bothnia Northwards, especially after it was made subject to the Swedes, except only that part which lies on the Coasts of Norway, which retained its antient name of Finland; as also that part towards the white Sea, called by the Muscovites Cajanica, altho these sometimes call the inhabitants Loppi, which without doubt they took from their neighbours the Finlanders.

Chapter VII. Of the first and ancient Religion of the Laplanders.

custom without doubt prevailing that the same name, whereby in ancient times they called the false God, was translated to the true One, both by the Finlanders, the Biarmi and the Laplanders also. who came out of Finland, and being joined with the Biarmi made one Nation. Besides Jumala, it seems the Laplanders had a God whom the Swedes call Thor, which may be gathered, not only because they worship one Thor at this present among their idols, as shall be shewn hereafter, but also because in the number of Gods which the old Finlanders, especially the Tavasti adored, there was reckoned Turrisas, the God of War and Victory, which was no other then Thor. This Turrisas is put in one word for Tunis- As ( i. e.) Turris, Tunus, or Torus; for so his name is diversly written) the Prince of the Ases, or Asiatics, for those who in former times came out of Asia into these parrs were called Ases, of whom this Turrus Was the first, who from that time was worshipped by the Finlanders by the name of Turrisas-, which may farther be proved from Arngrinus Jona, who saies the first King of the Finlanders was Torrus, one of the Predecessors of King Alorus, from whom some think Norige, ( i. e. ) Norway, quafi Nori Rige, to take its denomination, it being frequent for the ancient Kings to take upon them the names of their Gods. Thus among the ancient Greeks we find many who were called by the names of Jupiter and Neptune* So Torrus the King was so called from Torus the ancient God of the Finlanders, from whom without doubt he was derived., to the Laplanders, together with their language, worships, and other customs. To these two ( if they are two) Jumala and Thor, may be added the Sun, which I gather from this, because he is still reckoned among their Gods. Besides he is generally worship’d in all barbarous and pagan Countries, and if he be adored for his light and heat by those People, who enjoy the benefit of a warm air and temperate climate, how much more by the Laplanders, who for no small space endure the hardship of continual night and bitter frosts ? but I shall speak more concerning the Sun hereafter. These are the chief Gods of the Laplanders, whether they had any of less note may be questioned, tho I doubt it not; because at this day they worship some others, which the Finlanders did before them, and probably brought with them into Lapland. Of these the Carelii had Rongotheus the God of Ry, Tellonpeko of Barly, Wierecannos of Oats, Egres of Herbs, Pease, Turnips, Flax, and Hemp; Ilb with his wife Rome, of tempests; Xakri the Protector of Cattel from wild beasts * Hyfe had the command of Wolves, and Bears, Nyrke of Squirrel-hunting, Hyttavanes of Hare-hunting. Some of these the Laplanders worshipped; especially those whose help they stood chiefly in need of to the performing of their business, as the gods of hunting and preserving their Cattel from wild beasts, and such like: others probably they neglected as useless, because they neither plowed nor sowed. But I cannot say under what names they worshipped them, because I find nothing of certainty thereof, either in their ancient records, or modern customs Next we must consider what kind of worship they pai’d their Gods which we have already mentioned; but of this also we are in great uncertainty, unless we make our judgment from the present times, and deliver those rites which are now used by the Laplanders in their religious performances, but of this we shall speak more when we come to treat of the present state of their Religion. We shall only note here what is read of Jumala. He was heretofore represented in the image of a man sitting upon an Altar, with a Crown on his head, adorned with twelve gems, and a golden Chain about his neck, which was formerly of the value of 3 00 Marks;tho whether the word in the History doth signify a chain, or may better he rendred a Jewel, ’tis uncertain*, for it is said that Charles lifting his Ax, cut the cellar whereon it hanged: which shews that it was rather gold artificially carved and set with jew els, which was ( I suppose ) the reason why Herrodus doth not set down its weight, as is usual in the valuing of chains, but its price. This Jewel called Men from Menc the Moon whose figure it represented, was, as 1 imagine, tied to a collar about the neck, and hanged down upon the breast of the image, as is usual in all such ornaments at this day. But whether this were a chain or locket, it is certain the other parts of his habit were agreeable to our description of him; wherein he was not much unlike the Swedes God Thor, as he is described in our History of Upsal: for he also was made sitting with a Crown on his head, adorned with Stars, as Jumala with jewels, each to the number of twelve, from whence I am almost perswaded that the Biarm, and after them the Laplanders, either worshipped one God under two names, or if they were two Gods, they used their names promiscuously. For the true God, whom they knew partly by reason, and partly by tradition, was by them called Jumala: but after the name of Thor began to be famous, they either called Jumala by the name of Thor, or give Thor the name of Jumala: which I gather from hence, because at this day the Laplanders attribute that to their Thor, which questionless formerly they did to Jumala, the power and command over the inferior Gods, especially the bad and hurtful: also over the air, thunder, lightning, health, life and death of men, and such like; as shall be shewn hereafter. What his image was made of, is not known, but I suppose it was wood, because Charles is said to have cut off his head with his Ax, when he only designed the cutting of the collar that held the aforesaid jewel, which he could hardly have don, had it bin either silver or gold. Besides, to. prove it was wood, it was burnt to ashes, together with the Temple, and all its furniture, excepting some gold, and other precious things; with which gold particularly they did homage’ to their God: for the Biarmi in their ceremonies to Jumala, did cast gold as a sacred offertory to him into a golden dish, of a vast weight and bigness, which stood upon his knees. This Vessel, in the History' of Olaus, is said to be of silver, and full of silver coin, for a little before his time both basin and gold were lost, and the Biarmi never had an opportunity of getting more. They did not worship Jumala every where, but in some few places, or perhaps only in that one, where in a thick remote wood he had a kind of a Temple, not as they are usually built with walls and roof, but only a piece of ground fenced as the old Roman Temples were; from hence one might look every way, which could not have bin don had they bin cover’d at the top. As in the form of their Temples, so in the situation of them they did imitate the ancients, who for the most part chose groves to worship their Gods in, and there built their Temples. So much of Jumala, and the ancient manner of worshipping him amongst the Biarmi, as it is transmitted to us by ancient Writers; but of Thor, the Sun, and the other Gods, there is nothing read but what belongs to the times of Christianity, and the superstition still remaining amongst them, of which we Shall speak particularly the following Chapter.

Chapter VIII. Of the second, or Christian Religion of the Laplanders.

Lapland among other Nations, after a long night of Paganism, was enlightned with the Christian Religion: of which I shall now speak. In the first place we must enquire how and when they first began to bear’d of Christ's name: but this will be very difficult because all Writers are silent therein. Plant in indeed affirms from their report, that they first hear of the Christian Religion in the last age; from whence he concludes that they came out of Finland before the Finlanders were converted. But for all this we can hardly yield our assent to him; for it is certain on the contrary that they knew, and some of them embraced, the Christian Religion in the time of Ziegler, who lived in the very beginning of the precedent age, and was present at the destruction of Stockholm by Christiern the Ty- rant, which he hath very well described: he affirms that they admitted Chri- llianity to obtain the favor of their Kings, which cannot be spoken of Christiern, or his immediate Predecessor, but of several others in former ages. And indeed it is very improbable that so many Christian Kings should take no care of propagating their Religion among the Laplanders, but per- mit them to live in a heathenish impiety, without so much as ever hearing the name of Christ j especially since there are Letters of Ericus King of ‘f omerania extant, wherein he advises the Consistory of Upsal that they would send Priests to instruct the Laplanders; which Charles the I X after, wards made an argument of his title to Lapland against his neighbors. Be- 1 es they had adjoining to them the Birkarli, who were either Finlanders or Swedes, and were converted long before; with these they maintained a commerce, and paid them tribute even from the time of Ladulaus Magnus, who reign d four ages ago. Therefore it is false what Plant in affirms of their being converted in thelast-age; on the contrary I presume that from the time of Ladulaus, there alwaies were some in Lapland who either were C nftians, or pretended to be so: for then their Country was subdued and made a Province of Swedland , and it cannot be doubted but the Swedes propagated the Christian Religion together with their dominion in Lapland. o if our conjecture prove true of the Laplanders removing out of Finland y reason of the wars of Ericus Santtus, and the planting of the Christian Re igion there, it will appear from thence that they heard of Christ, tho I ey rtw d, h,m V H ° Wever no pru^nt man can suppose that their neighbors the Finlanders for so many ages should never mention any thing of the Cbuftian Religion to them. And therefore my opinion is the mofe con- firmed that the Laplanders had heard of Christ ever since Erkus SanL his time, even these five ages, tho they rejeded his Doctrine, as long as they retained their own freedom: but after they became subject to the Svfdes, whetefcar whether on their own accord to please their Kings, as Zieghr would have it, or for other reasons, at length they took upon them the name of Christians, which happened in the time of Ladulaus Magnus, in the year 1277, from whence we must date the planting of Christian Religion in Lapland, which Religion they neither wholy embraced, nor wholy refused, but retained it with an inveterate, and as it were Jewilh prejudice, nor out of any zeal, or preferring it as more necessary for their welfare before their former Re- ligion; but outwardly only and in (hew, esteeming it the besh means to gain their Princes favor, and to prevent those evils which threatened them, if they should persist in their obstinacy. Hence it was that they were married by a Christian Priest, and baptised their children according to the ceremo- nies of Christianity, which were the two chief things wherein their Christian Religion ecnftfted; and the only things mention’d by Ohus M. For the use of catechising, or preaching of the Gospel, and other information in the heads of Christian Religion were wholy unknown to them, as may be prov’d from the ancient records of Bishopricks, wherein there is m? mention of any Lapponian Diocefs, or Church, or of any Diocefs to which Lapland might belong. Lastly, if it had not bin so, what need was there of Lrictts his express to Upsal, that they would send Priest s into Lapland < this, and whatfoever elfe Ziegler alledges for the flow advance of Christianity in Lapland, Olaus Magnus endeavors to evade; but at length is forc’r to ccn- fefs that the Northern parts thereof are not yet reclaimed, and therefore hopes for their conversion. This was the State of Christianity in Lapland till the times of Guflavus, differing from their ancient Paganism only in name, and a few external rites, whereby they labored to make the World believe that they were Christians which gave D ami anus a <7«5(tho a friend and contemporary o f Johannes and Olaus Magnus ) very gcod reason to complain that there was no line wledg of God and Christ in the Land. From hence vve may understand how to in- terpret Olaus M, when he saies that by the earnest and pious exhortations of the Catholic Priests, great part of these wild People were, and more were likely to be brought over to the Christian Religion. But when Gujlavus came to the Crown, as he took greater care then his Predecessors for pro- moting of the true Religion in other parts of his dominions, so he did in Lapland also; and as the chief means to effect this, he took the peculiar charge of them upon himself. Whereas heretofore they were rather tributa- ries of the Birkurli then the Kings of Sweden; and consequently neglected by those Kings 5 nowatsome set times in the Winter, they were obliged to meet together in a place appointed, where they were to pay their'tri- bute to the Kings Officers, and be inftnafted in the Gospel by the Priests, and also to give an account of what they learnt the year before. This cu- stom must needs have its beginning in Gustavus's time, for he was the first King that demanded tribute of the Laplanders, and consequently that af- fembled them together for the paying of it. Besides Olaus M. mentions no such institution; which he would have don had it bin received in his time. Nay he confesses that if the Laplanders had a mind to have their Children baptised, they were forc’t to carry them on their backs two hundred Italian miles to a Christian Church, in some of their neighboring Countries, as Aongerntannia, Heljingia, and the like, and if they neglected this duty, G there »lk there was none to reprove them for it. This made Gufiavus complain in a Letter dated a tStocholme, July 24. 155 6, that there were many among them, who were never baptised, which proceeded from an opinion that those who were baptised in their riper years, would dy within 7 or 8 daies after; but when Guflavu s together with his Collectors sent Priests into Lapland, their children were baptised, and they instructed at home. Nor were they obliged only to a bare hearing of the word, but to a diligent atten- tion, because they were to be catechised afterwards, and give an account of their progress; so that now it was that they began to be Christians in good earnest, and in this respect it might with some reason be said that in this last age the Gospel began to be preached among them, and that before they were w holy ignorant of the means of their salvation. Now it was that they had certain Priests appointed to instruct them, the first whereof, or at leaf! since the reformation, was one Michael, whom Gufiavus in his before mentioned Letter earnestly recommends to them, giving him especial com- mand by pious exhortation to reduce them to the true knowledg of God, and the Christian Faith. But this was more effectually don in the succeeding times of Charles Gu - stavus Adolphus, and Christina; who first endowed Schools and Churches; those two firm supports, without which Religion can neither maintain its present strength, nor acquire more. Charles the I X, about the latter end of his reign was the first that caused Churches to be built in everyone of the divisions or Marches at his own peculiar charge; two of them are mentioned in Lapponia Tomenfis, viz. Tenotekji and Jukasjeerff, whereof one was built, arm. 1600, the other 3 years after. Christina having found a silver mine there, followed his example; and by a public Charter ordered the building of four more, in Arwitfief, Arieplog, Silbojoch, and Nafafiell, ann. 1640. then were Christian Churches built in Lapland itself, and there are now reckoned in Lapponia Aonger • mannia one, called Aofialo; in Lapponia Vmenfis one called Ly&fala', in Lap* ponia Pithenfis four, whose name are Graatreesk, Armlfierfs, Star a fawgcks, and Arieplogs h there was also a fifth called Silbojochs, but this was long ago demolilh’d and burnt by the Vanes. In Lapponia Luhlenfis there is one call’d Jochmoch. There was also another called Nafrilocht, but this Was burnt ac- cidentally not long since. In Lapponia Tomenfis there are reckoned three, JuckgchJierfs, Rounala, and Enotac hes. In Lapponia liirnenfis only Enare All of them being 13 in number, except Silbojochs and Nafrilochs, are kept in good repair, and frequented by the Laplanders. They ail own the Kings, and especially Charles the IX, for their Founders, excepting only Kounali which was built and adorned with a bell at the sole charge of 2 brothers Laplanders, whose piety herein is the mere commendable because they were forc’t to fetch all the materials requifit for such a work thro long and trouble- some waits, out of Norway with their Rain-dears, A memorable example which most men incur daies, tho desirous enough to seem pious and reli- gious, are so far from equalling, much more from exceeding that they ne- ver attemt to follow it. The manner of building their Temples was plain indeed, but lie enough for the use they were designed to, the matter of them is the same timber wherewith the,SWfj usually build their hnnfr-s A^in ing to their Churches they have belfrys, and houses for the use of Priests and and the convenience of those who living at a great distance from the Church, have the liberty of refreihing themselves here in the Winter time by the fir< « This constitution was first made by Christina ann. 1640, commanding the Priests to'be alwaies resident, whereas before they living a far off, came but at some set times of the year. Schools were first instituted by G uftav us Adolph us, and I suppose in the town of Pithen, something before the year 1619, for in that year Nicolaus Andrea, Minister of Pithen, dedicates his Ritual to him, in token of thanks and commendation for this his piety. The reason why Guflavus Adolphus founded Schools, was chiefly because he saw the Laplanders profited very little under the Swedish Priests preaching in a foreign language, as they had hitherto don. Befldes, the harshness of the air, and coarseness of the diet killed great part of the Priests, who had bin used to a better climate, and made the reft more unwilling to undergo this hardship: therefore was the first School instituted in Pithen, and committed to the charge of Ni- colaus Andrea, who was also commanded for the better promoting of knowledg there, to translate the nidi useful and necessary books out of the Swedish into the Laplandish tongue. For the Laplanders before this were wholy ignorant of letters, and had not a book writ in their language: the first, which I suppose they had, was the Primer, such as children use to learn containing the chief heads of Christian Religion, viz. the ten Command- ments, Apostles Creed, Lords Praier, and the like compiled by the afore- Paid Nicolaus, as himself witnesses: he likewise was the first that published the Ritual in the Laplandish tongue, the book is now extant printed at Stockholm by Ipnatius Meurcr, with this title, Liber Cantionum quamodo sit celebranda Mijfa Sermone Lappico. These were the elements wherein they were first to be instructed, afterwards there were other books printed, amongst which was a Manual translated out of Swedish by Joannes Torn aus, Minister and School -master of Tornen, containing the Psalms of David, Song of Solomon, Proverbs, Ecclesiastes, Ecclesiasticus, Luthers Catechism, sacred Hymns, Gospels, and Epistles, with the solemn Praiers. The hi- story of Chrifis Passion, and destruction of Jerusalem, the Ritual, and Praiers of all sorts. In the next place, for an encouragement to those that would send their children to School, Gustavus Adolphus allowed money, not only for their diet, but also for their clothes, and other necessaries, with a stipend for the School-master: with these h Jps the Laplanders began more seriously to consider of the Christian Religion, which was now preach’d to them in no other language then their own: heretofore their Ministers using only the Swedish tongue, they learnt something but understood it not, and mut- tered some Praiers, but they knew not what: for sometimes there flood under the Pulpit, an Interpreter who explained to the People as well as he could what the Minister said at length. By the benefit of these aforesaid books they began to understand what they praied for, and some of the Youth of Lap- laad having studied at the University of Upsal, made so good progress in the knowledg of the Liberal Arts and Sciences, and of the Christian Re- ligion, that they were entrusted with the Ministry. Hitherto we have taken a view of Guflavus Adolphus his first care for the advancement of Christianity in Lapland, but as all things in their begin- G a nings nings find Tome opposition, so did the preaching of the word of God here; first of all it was a matter of great difficult to maintain a School without the confines of Lapland, to which the Youth of that Nation should refort, therefore in the second place it was advised by that famous man Joannes Skytte, free Baron of Duderhojf, and Senator of the Kingdom, who to his immortal praise obtained that a School might be erected by the King in Lapland it self, in the Province of Vma, near the Church Lykfala, from whence the School took its name. This was the second School the Laplanders had, and by Guflavus Adolphus, then engaged in a tedious war in Germany, the charge of it was committed to the aforesaid Joannes Skytte, by a Royal Charter, and settled upon his Family for ever, allowing the School-master the whole Tithe, after the ordinary charges deduced $ but still retaining to the Crown the superintendency of the benefaction. The form thereof is as follows, E Gustavus Adolphus by the Grace of God King of the Goths and Vandals, (src. declare that alt ho our dear Father Charles of blefjed memory; as likewise we our [elves, after we were by the Divine Providence placed in the Throne of this Kingdom, have earneflly endevof d that our Northern Subjetts called Laplanders should be inputted, in Arts and Letters; and be informed in the grounds of Chri- flian Religion, yet the diftrattion of the prefen t time, hath hitherto hindred Our religious purpose: but leaf our attemt fbouldbe utterly frupated, we ordain and appoint our faithfull Senator, Chief Go- vernor of Livonia, Ingria, and Carelia, the illupious Lord John Skytt L. B. in Dunderhost, Governor and Vifitor of a School to be erected in LImalappmark, he having undertaken that Charge: We farther ordain that the Government of the [aid School, pall from time to time continue and belong to the Succejfors, in his family: and that the Mapr and Scholars in the school aforesaid, may have a confiant maintenance, we grant unto them the Tithes which the inhabitants of that division, do yearly bring into the Store- houfe of Uma, after the ordinary paiments are dedutted. These Tithes, with other gifts and benefattions which the aforesaid Lord John Ski KX.ffjall by his diligence acquire for the [aid charitable use; Jballbe dipjed by him for the benefit of the [aid School, referving to our [elves andfuccejfors thesupreme regulation of the same. In wit- nefs whereof we have set our hand and Seal. Given in old Stetin in Pomerland, June 20. Ann. 1631. This School had same peculiar advantages over Others, bfccause its fetie- ment was firmly established, having for itsVifitorj not the Minister of the Parish, but a Senator of the Kingdom. Besides here was not only a salary allowed to the Matter and Scholars, but also an order to receive it out of the Tithes of Vma^ whereas the other had indeed a setstipend, but be- cause it was not certainly decreed where they should receive it, it was not duely paid as the tithe and their necessities required, which was no small disadvantage and impediment to their design. But all inconvenientes were here remedied and the salary most firmly settled; and not only so, but also full autority granted unto the illustrious Lord John Skytte to find out and confirm any other means, which might conduce more to the good of that foundation. Neither was that eminent man wanting out of his singular piety to God, and love of learning,to make this his whole business, till at last he gathered a sum of five thousand Dollars, partly thro his own, and partly thro his friends liberality, which he delivered to the Queen Chri- stina for the use of a Copper Mine, that in lieu thereof the School of Vma, might yearly receive the whole revenue of the Crown, due from certain Towns in that Province. This request of his the Qyeen easily granted, and tw o years after issu’d out her Letters patents, and a new Charter by the Protectors of the Kingdom, whole worthy Commemoration is not to be omitted. The words of the Charter are as follow * XiXL E CHRISTINA by the Grace of God Queen ektt Y V and hereditary Princess of the Swedes, Goths and Vandals, Queen of Finland, Esthonia, Carelia, and Ingria, do declare^ that whereas our dearly beloved Father ^sometimes King of Swed- land, did out of his [mgular zeal and religious affection for the promoting of the Church of God, ejpecially in the Northern parts of his Dominions, infitute a Laplandish School in the Province of u m a 7 and did conliitute our trujiy and well beloved Senator the illustrious Lord John Skytte, Senator of the Kingdom of Sweden, Prefttdent of our Royal Council in Gothland, Chancellor of our Vniverfity ofU pfal, High Commijfioner o/South-Finland, free Baron of Duderhoff, Lord of Grenfia, Stramifrum and Skytteholm, Knight, to besuperviser of this work, felling tfte same power upon bis Pofierity after his decease, and bountifully allow- ing to this design out of the stores of Uma the yearly Tithes due to the Crown; V/e therefore by vertue of these Letters patents to not only confirm that wholfom Constitution of our pious f ather deceased, but do also certify that the illufitim Lord John Skytte hath brought in the sum of 5000 Dollars of fiver given by him - H fetf felfand his pious friends for the use of the Laplandijh School, which entire sum he hath paid to the C offer -Comp any, humbly intreating that the said sum may remain in that Company to Vs and our Crown, and that We for the yearly interefi of the said money allowing 8 per Cent, would give to the Laplandijh School the use of certain Villages in Norlands, that the inhabitants thereof may pay their taxes to the aforesaid School; which We gracioufly approving, do give, as a security, the benefit and profit of these following Villages belonging to Vs and our Crown in the Provinces of Lima and Weft Bothnia; Roebeck 12 Farms {. Stk five 2. 1. Clabbiler 3. & Baggaboelet 2. g. Kuddis 2. £. Brarneland 2. £ These Farms ftj all yearly pay to the Laplandijh School all their ordinary and extraordinary taxes which are hitherto imposed, which their inhabitants are hereby commanded to do without inter miffion, du- ring the time that we retain the aforesaid sum 0/5000 Dollars, paid to the Copper-Company, until We /hall have reft or ed the sum entire to the Laplandijh School. Wherefore We command our Offi- cers, and all whom it may concern, that they fubftraft not from the said School the aforesaid sum given in security, before such time as the money may be reftored; and that they do not offer nor suffer to be offered any injury or prejudice to the aforesaid School, con- trary to this our Editt, in confirmation whereof Ours and the Kingdoms Proteftors and Adminiftrators have hereto set their hands and fealed it with the Royal Seal. Dated at Stockholm Novemb 5 - i^ 34 * The P er ron s rtat subscribed were, Gabriel Oxenflern, Guttavi F. R HRhAdmtt pf e la « ardi l High ^ ar<haL <**“$„ Gyldenhidm «|gh Admiral. Varus Barnr Deputy Chancellor. Gabriel Oxenflern Tre-. ™ S. is tha 5, Sch ° o1 50 which the Laplanders ow their Progrefs in the r f 1 C fi an< ^. ovc Christian Religion, which appears from those manv -f i r the: eft 'raonials of the Examiners, who were constituted ■n the same year that the School was endow’d by the aforefiiH S Charter, the words are related by Br^.s as follow, ° WE W E ’ who fi nar »es are underwritten, do teflify that we were calkd by the Reverend and Learned M. Olaus ^r P aft or of the Church of Uma,/<? bepresent at the examination of the Lap* landijh T nth frequenting the School of Lykfa in the Province of lima; we also testify that we did hear them examined by their Re* tlor our aforesaid P after. Firfi, they altogether fang the Psalms of David translated into the Svedish language., as they are now used in the Church: next they all, and singular repet ed the Primer, containing not only the Elements of Speech, but the Lords Praier \ ten Commandments, ApoHIes Creed, the words used in admini- ftnng the Sacraments ofBaptism, and the Lords Supper -, also the Graces before and after meat, together with the Morning and E- vening Praters, this Book, they all read according to the manner preferibed in other Schools, and the more ingenious of them did distinctly and without hesitation repeat the little Cat echifm made by Luther.• Besides this, they read the Goff els for Sundaits and Ho^ ly-daies as they are puhlijhed in the Swedijh tongue, this was the task, of all the Scholars. Only % of them being of flower parts, did never theless emulate the more ingenious according to their abilities. Now they all begin to learn the Fundamentals in the Laplandiflj Idiom, that they may instrust their Country-men in their own mother tongue. Thisfthool exercise and the fruit arising from thence as it exceeded our expectation, to see the illiterate Louth in a short time by the blessing of God, learn the Principles of our salvation, which better Scholars have bin much longer in attaining to, so ought we to give singular thanks to Gods who hath made their en dev or s so successful. Nor must we omit the deferved Commendation of those pious men, who by their bountiful largefes founded and endowed the School, and at tkk time maintain it; alt ho for the reward of their piety they must expett the blessing of God, according as he hath prormfed. Witness our, hands andjeals. Dated in the place afore - said Ann. 1634. Jacobus Andreas Buraeus. Petrus Jonae. An- dreas Hacquini. Jacobus Nicolai. Olaus Qlai. From this testimony it appears that the School was frequented by no H z small small number of the Laplandish Youth, also that they were not wholly unfit for the study Of learning and Religion; making it their chief care to learn those things which are especially necessary to the improving o a Christian life, Laft of all, the readiness of the Laplanders to lend tneir children to School: so that now there appears another face or Religion m Lapland then what there was in former ages, because the Kings have taken greater care in providing for Churches, Schools, Books, Min liters, an School- masters. The Priests in like manner are more careful, being now for the most part Laplanders, or skilful in that tongue, whereof there is m Lapponia Vmenfis one, in Lapponia Pitbenfts 3,in Lapponia Lublenjts one, whose trouble is the greater, because the Country is large and the inha- bitants dispersed. In Lapponia Tornenfs and Kiemenfis they have both Laplandish and Swed- ish Priests, who once a year at their public Fairs in February visit the Country, baptising their children, and preaching to them in the Finnish language, which they seem to understand. For their reward they have one third part of the Rain-dears, which the Laplanders are bound to pay to the Crown:and whereas every Laplander was obliged to pay for a tax ei- ther two pair of shoes,. or a white Fox, or a pound of Pike, this is now equally divided between the King and the Priest:; which makes not only the Priests more chearful in doing their duty, but the People also more di- ligent in their performances. Hence it is that they pay their. Ministers so much honor and refped, saluting them at their first coming with bowing their head, giving them in token of Reverence the title o{Herrai> i.e. Sir, conducting them upon their Rain-dears to their Cottages, a- dorned with birch bows, covered with their furrs, and shewing them all the civility they have. Upon a table or rather a plank laid upon the ground they set them meat, which is usually fish, or flesh of Rain-dear dried to- gether with the tongue and marrow. They use neither Salt, Bread nor Wine, all which the Priests are forc’t to;bring with them, the Laplanders drinking only Water, because the extremity of the cold spoils their Beer* They are careful in observing Sundaies, refraining both themselves and their Cattel from all work on that day, and sometimes on the day before; nay some there are who refuse to milk their Raindears on Sundaies. While the Sermon is preaching they attend diligently; and in singing of Psalms they are so zealous that they strive who shall sing best. They very much reverence and frequent the Sacraments, especially that of Baptism which they never defer; but the women themselves within eight or fourteen daies after their delivery do often bring their children thro long and tedious waies to the Priest. They likewise pay much reverence to the Lords Supper, and to the ceremonies of Confellion and Absolution, which are alwaies used before that Sacrament, which they now are really partakers of, whereas in the times of Popery they received it without any solemn consecration. Neither do they neglect the other parts of Christian Piety. They most religiously abstain from swearing, curling and blasphemyahey are very charitable to the poor, and just, insomuch that there are scarce any robberies ever heard of in the Country. Their mutual conversation is very courteous, especially among persons of the same C ountry or family, often visiting and difeoursing with one another. This they learn from the precepts of Chri- ' stianity. frianit}, vhich requiring them not only to regulate their Faith, but their lives, teaches that tho there be three Persons, the Father, Son, and holy Ghost, yet they are but one God. And as by the help of Christianity they learn the rule of true piety, lo do they utterly abhor all their ancient superstition. They pull down all their drums, and burn and demolish all their Images of wood and stone; A memorable example hereof is mentioned by Johannes Tornaus in this manner. A certain Laplander; fall, pious and wealthy, named Petrus Vnme dwelling in Feldo^rf, at a Village of Lapp- marha Tornenfts, with all his family worshipped the Idol Seita: it hap- pened upon a certain time that his Rain-dears died in great numbers • whereupon he implored the assistance of his Seita. But he praied in vain’ for his Rain-dears died still. At length with Ins whole family and good store of dry wood, he took a journey to the place where Seita stood; round about the Idoll he Rrewed green bows of Firr, and offered sacrifice to him the skins, horns, and skulls of Rain-dears $ at laR he proRrates himself with his whole family before the Idol, befeeching him that he would by some sign teflify unto him, that he was the true God. But after a whole days praiers and devotions finding no sign given, he sets fire to the com- bufiible wood, and burns do n the Idol of the Town. When his offended neighbours fought to kill him, he asked them why they would not permit the God to revenge himself for the affront; But Peime becaihe foconffant an adherent to the Christian Religion, that when others threatned 'with their charms to mischief him, he on the contrary repeated the Lords Prayer and the ApoRles Creed. He burnt all the Seitai he could meet with and at length sen t his eldeRSon Wuollaba to Enorreby to do the like there* for which he was fore t to fly into Norway to avoid the Inarenfes, who lay in wait for him. There was also one Clement, a Lappo-JenabienJis whose Mo- ther being grievously sick, he fought remedy from the Drum, but his Mother died notwithstanding ♦, whereupon he cut his Drum in pieces al- ledging that he saw no use of it. * Hitherto we have seen the Christian Religion much better received and im- proved by the Laplanders, and applied to their daily conversation, then what it was in ancient times. And from hence we may collect; the care of thbfe who by their authority, counsel or ministry did promote it; yet cannot we triumph over Pagan impiety wholly rooted our 5 as shall appear by the following Chapter. Of the remains of Paganism

Chapter IX. Of some remains of Paganism in Lapland at this time.

BY the present State of Religion in Lapland, it cannot be doubted but all possible means were used by their pious Kings and Priests, for the extirpating of superstition and its evil consequences: nevertheless there remain some reliques thereof to employ their farther care and endeavour, many gross errours prevailing among them, which renders the reality of their conversion suspicious, as if they were still in love with the erroneous opinions of their Ancestors, especially some of the 'Norwegian Laplanders, whole Idolatry sufficiently demonstrates that all their pretences to Christianity are but fictitious. But tho it were impiety to believe this of all, since experience shews us the contrary; yet it cannot be de- nied, but that many of them profess Christianity rather out of dissimulation then any real affection. One chief reason why they so stifly adhere to their superstition and impiety, proceeds from the miscarriage of their Priests, who either take no care of instructing the People, or vilify their doctrine by the sordidness of their lives 5 whilst under a pretence of propagating the Gospel, they endeavor only to advance their own revenues. This the Laplanders, before none of the richest, could not bare; to see them- selves oppressedand disabled by the exactions of the Priests. The truth of this Olaus Magnus strives to confute, calling it an impious and false af- sertion, but he brings nothing to prove the truth of what he saies, nor answers Ziegler, by telling a fair story, of the industry and liberality of some in the Southern parts: and particularly that his brother Joannes came to the utmost border of Jemptia, and gave a large Alms to the poor people there, and at his own great charge set up a Salt-work. A farther causeof the little improvement of Christianity, isthevastness of the Country, some of the Inhabitants living above 200 miles from the Christian Churches. But tho this cause is nowin some degree removed by having Churches more frequently, yet that inconvenience still remains; because they are yet very far distant, particularly in Lapponia Luhlensis, as we have already mentioned. There are other causes of this unhappy effect, which more particularly reflect upon the Natives. As their strong inclination to superstition, which hath bin formerly mentioned, and the occasions thereof intimated. To this we may add the high estimation they have of their Predecessors, whom they think more wife then to have bin ignorant of what God they ought to adore, or the manner of his worship: wherefore out of reverence to them they will not recede from their opinions, least they should seem to reprove them of ignorance or impiety. Lastly, this happens upon the account of inveterate Custom, which at all times is hardly forgot, especially where it prevails as a Law. This is it that darkens their understanding, and renders it incapable capable of discerning between true and false. For these and some other reasons there remain severall tracks of Superstition and Idolatry, which require no small time to be wore out; as we see in severall of the meaner sort, not only in Smaland, but in Germany, France, and other Countries, where there is found much of the old superstition, tho in other things they are orthodox enough. Amongst the Laplanders these opinions may be reduced to two heads, for they are superstitious and paganish, or Magical and Diabolical. Of the first sort some of their superstitions are only vain and fabulous, others very impious and heathenish. As first of all their distinctions between white and black daies. Of the later sort they account the Feasts of S, Katharine and S. Mark., whom they call Cantcpaive, and S. Clement, upon which daies they abstain from all business, and chiefly from hunting. And of this they give two reasons; first, because they say if they should hunt on any of those daies, their bow s and arrows would be broken, and they should forfeit their good success in that sport all the year. In like manner they esteem the first day of Christmas to be unlucky, insomuch that Masters of families go not out of their Cottages, not so much as to Church, but send their Children and Servants, for fear of I know not what spirits and daemons, which they suppose to wander about the air in great Companies upon that day; and that they must first be appeased by certain Sacrifices, which we shall mention hereafter. This superstition,! suppose, sprang from a misinter- pretation of the story which they heard from their Priest’, how a great host of Angels came down from Heaven upon our Saviours Nativity., and frighted the Shepheards. They are likewise great observers of Omens, and amongst others they guess at the success of the day from the first beast they meet in the morning. They forbid the woman to go out of that door thro which the man went a hunting, as thinking the way would be improsperous if a woman trod the same steps. And herein they are only superstitious but in what fellows, they are impious and heathenish. As first they go to Church not out of any devotion, but compulsion. Next they stick at several Principles of the Christian Re- ligion, especially the resurrection of the dead, the union of the body and soul, and the immortality of the soul. For they fancy to themselves that men and beasts go the same way , and will net be perswaded that there is any life after this. Whereupon one Georgius, a Laplandifli Priest, desired upon his death bed that he might be buried amongst the Laplanders, that at the last day when he should rife together with them, they might find his doctrine of the resurrection true. Notwithstanding they believe that some- thing of a man remains after he is dead, but they know not what it is; which was the very opinion of the Heathens, who therefore feign’d their Manes to be somewhat that did remain after their death. A third impiety they are guilty of, is joining their ov. n feign’d gods with God and Christ, and paying them equall reverence and worship, as if God and the Devil had made an agreement together to share their devotions between them. Those of Lapponia Fithenfis and Luhlenfis have their greater and lesser Gods; the greater to whom they pay especial worship are, Thor, Siorjun karen, and the Sun. Damianus d Goes writes that they worship the Fire and Statues of stone: but those Statues are only the Images of Storjunkaren, I % and and the Fire is only an embleme of the Sun; for that they worshipped Fire it self for a God, is very false, as appears from Torneeus, who made particular enquiry into that thing. The same may be said of Veneer, who taking his mistake from the wooden Image of 'Thor, reports that they wor- ihipwood. So that there are only three, and that among the Tithenfes and Luhlenfes; for the Tornenfes and Kiemenfes knew’ nothing of them, but in their Head under one common name worshipped a Deity, whom they called Seita, whereof every family and almost every person had one. Nevertheless there was one chief Idoll to which all the neighbourhood paid devotion. But tho this word Seita denotes any God among the' Laplanders, yet may we suppose that under that name, especially as it signifies the publick Idoll, they worshipped the same, which the Luhlenfes call Tiermes, or Aifkefi. e. ) thunderer, or father, by others named Thor. And by the private Idols they mean t him, who by the Luhlenfes is called Storjunkare, making the difference to consist nor in the Gods but their names. The Tornenfes rather using a generall appellation, and calling them all Seitas, whereas the Luhlenfes call the greater Terms cr Aijeke, and the leffer Storjunkar. And if one attend to their manner of worshipping these Gods, they will appear to be the same, Besides these greater, the Tit henfes, Luhlenfes,and their neighbours have some inferior Gods, as the Tornenfes likewise have, tho they worship them all under one name, excepting only that which they call Wiru Ate ha, signifying a Livonian old woman, which Olaus Petr, with some alteration calls Virefaka. This was only the bare trunk of a tree and is now wholly rotten. But who the inferior Gods were, or to what end they were worshipped, there is no mention made 5 but we may guess from what we find observable among the other Laplanders. First under that name they worshipped the ghosts of departed persons, but especially of their kindred for they thought there was some divinity in them, and that thev were able to do harm; just such as the Romans fancied their Manes to be • there- fore it was that they offered Sacrifice to them, of which more hereafter. Besides these Manes they worship other Spectres and Demons, which they say wander about Rocks, Woods, Rivers and Lakes, such as the Romans describe their Fatau, Sylvant, and Tritons to be. The third sort dreaded by them are Genii, whether good or bad, which they suppose to fly in the air about Christmas, as we intimated before; these they call Juhlii from the word Jfa,6/, denoting. at present the Nativity of Christ; but formerly the new year. And these are the Gods which the Laplanders jointly adore.

Chapter X. Of the heathenish Gods of the Laplanders, and their manner of worship at this day.

WE have shewed in the foregoing Chapter that there were three principal Gods worshipped by the Laplanders; the first is Thor, signifying thunder, in the Swedish Dialect called Thordoen, by the Laplanders themselves Tiermes, that is any thing that makes a noise, agreeing very well with the notion the Romans had of Jupiter the thunderer, and the God Tarami, which I have treated of in the History of Upsal. This Tiermes or thunder they think by a special virtue in the Sky to be alive; intimating thereby that power from whence thunder proceeds, or the thundering God, wherefore he is by them called Aijeke, which signifies grand, or great-grand-Father, as the Romans saluted their father Jupiter; and the Swedes their Gubba. This Aijeke when he thunders is by the Laplanders call'd Tiermes, by the Scythians Tarami, and by the Swedes Tor or Toron. This Tiermes or Aijeke the Laplanders suppose to have power over the life and death, health and sickness of man: and also over the hurtfull Demons who frequent Rocks and Mountains, whom he often chastises, and sometimes destroies with his lightning, as the Latins fanci'd their Jupiter to do, for which end they give him a bow in his hand to shoot the Demons with, which they call Aijeke duuge: also they give him a mallet, which they call Aijeke Wetschera, to dash out the brains of the said evil spirits. Wherefore because the Laplanders expect so many blessings from their Tiermes and believe he bestows life on them, and preserves their health, and that they cannot die unless it be his plesure, and drives away the Demons, which are prejudicial to their hunting, fowling, and fishing, and never hurts them but when their offences deserve it; therefore he is to be worshipped in the first place.

The next of the principal Gods is Storjunkare, which tho it be a Norwegian word, Junkare in that language signifying the Governor of a Province, yet is it used by the Laplanders now; tho perhaps it was not in use till some of them became subjects to Norway. Certain it is, that this is not the only name of that God, for he is also called Stourra Pase (i.e.) Great Saint, as appears by a Hymn which is sung at his Sacrifices. His name they reverence very much, and pay him frequenter, if not greater devotion then other Gods, for they suppose him to be their Tiermes his Lieutenant, and as it were Royal Prefect, adding Staere, which signifys greater for distinction sake. Now they worship Storejunkar, because they think that they receive all their blessings thro his hands, and that all beasts and Cattel are subject to his will, and that he governs them as Tiermes doth men and spirits; wherefore he can give them to whom he will, and none can receive them without his pleasure. These beasts therefore supplying the Laplanders with meat and clothes, it may easily be imagined how necessary they held it to worship Storjunkare. And these are the two peculiar Gods of the Laplanders, whereof one hath the dominion over men, the other over beasts; one bestows life, the other all things required to the sustaining of it. Tornaeus saies they report of him that he hath often appeared to Fowlers or Fishers in the shape of a tall personable man, habited like a Nobleman, with a Gun in his hand, and his feet like those of a bird. As often as he appears standing on the shore, or in the ship by them, they say he makes their fishing successfull, and kills birds that happen to fly by with his Gun, which he bestows upon those that are present. It is reported that a Laplander being to guide one of the Kings Lieutenant, when he came over against a mountain where Storejunkar was supposed to dwell, he stood still, and setting the helve of his Ax down upon the Ice, turned it round, professing that he did it in honor of their munificent God, who dwelt there. And tho there is mention made but of one mountain where the Laplander performed this ceremony, yet we may suppose he would have don it oftner, if there had happened to be more hills in the way. But perhaps this distinction of name is used by the Laplanders which border upon Norway, especially in Lulelapmark, from his habit and clothing; and because he used to appear in another dress to them of Lapponia Kiemensis and Tornensis, therefore they did not worship him under that name, but by the common appellation of Seita, from whom they believed that they receive the benefits of hunting, fishing, and fowling.

I come now to the Sun, their third God, which is common to them with all other Pagans, him they call Bairve, and worship him chiefly for his light and heat: also because they believe him to be the Author of Generation, and that all things are made by his means, especially their Rain-dears, of whom and their young they think he hath a particular care to cherish them by his heat, and bring them suddenly to strength and maturity. And being they live in a cold Country where their native heat is diminish'd, and often wholly extinguish'd, being they have nothing to sustain themselves with but the flesh of Rain-deer, they think it very fit to pay the Sun very great honors, who is the Author of so great blessings to them, and who at his return restores them that light which they lost by his departure, and that not for a day or two, but for several weeks, which being past, the new day seems more welcom to them, by reason of long absence.

To every one of these principal Gods they pay a several sort of worship, which consists first in the diversity of places dedicated to their service, next in the diversity of images erected to them in these places; lastly, in the diversity of Sacrifices which they offer to them. The place where they worship their Thor or Tiermes is a piece of ground set apart for this superstition, on the backside of their Huts, above a bows shoot off; there upon boards set together like a table they place their images. This table serves them instead of an Altar, which they surround with bows of birch and pine; with the same bows also they strew the way from their Huts to the Altar: and as the table serves them for an Altar, so do the bows for a Temple. The same account, only omitting the table, doth Tornaeus give of the Tornenses and Kiemenses worshipping of Seita, so that they may seem to be one and the same God: unless his description should be appli'd to Storjunkar rather, because he mentions Lakes to be the place of his worship; which was proper to Storjunkar, as shall be shewn. But I suppose the Seitas were worshipped in other places as well as Lakes, and so they signifi'd both Gods under one name, and that Tornaeus was not so curious as to distinguish between them. In the same place where they worshipp'd Tiermes they worshipp'd the Sun also, and upon the same table too, which makes me suspect that they were but one God; whom they called Tiermes when they invok'd him in the behalf of their lives, healths, or preservation from Demons, and Bairve when they beg'd of him light or warmth, or anything that might fortify them against the cold. But the place where Storjunkar was worshipped, was upon some peculiar mountains, and on the banks of Lakes: for almost every family hath its particular rocks and hills appointed for this business. Some of these rocks are so high and craggy that they are impassable to any but Storjunkar. But it must not be supposed he lives only in rocks and cliffs of mountains, but also on the shores of Lakes and banks of Rivers, for there also he is peculiarly worshipped because the Laplanders have observed the same apparitions in these places, that they usually do upon rocks and hills, namely Storjunkar habited and armed according to the description already given, by which his presence they think he testifies his great love for those places, which therefore they have in great veneration, and call them Vassewara, i. e. Sacred mountains, or rocks belonging to Storjunkar, supposing they cannot pay their devotion to him in any place better, or be surer of finding him, then where he himself appears. To these places they allot their certain bounds and confines, that all people may know how far the sanctified ground reaches, and avoid those evils, which otherwise Storejunkar would certainly inflict upon them for violating his holy place. Now since every family, that is given to this superstition hath its peculiar place of worship, it is manifest that there is good store of them throughout Lapland. Sam. Rheen reckons up thirty of them in the Province of Luhla.

The first by the River Waikijaur, about a mile from the Laplandish Church called Jochmochs.

The second by the hill Piednackjvari about half a mile farther from the said Church.

The third in an Island of the River Porkjaur, a mile and half off the River.

The fourth on the top of a very high hill, which they call Ackiakikvari, i. e. Fathers or Thors hill, 5 miles beyond Jochmoch, near Yorkjaur.

The 5th near the Lake Skalkatreesk, 8 miles from the aforesaid place.

The 6th at a Cataract of Muskfiummokke, 11 miles off.

The 7th on the top of an high hill Skjerphi.

The 8th on the top of the hill Jiackeli.

The 9th at the hill Haoraoaos.

The 10th at the top of a high hill Casa, near a little Lake called Salbut.

The 11th on a hill half a mile from Wallamri.

The 12th on the top of a prodigious hill called Darrawaori, 2 miles from the aforesaid place.

The 13th near Kiedkjewari. The 14th at a place called Nobbel, near a Lake by Wirrijaur.

The 15th at the Lake Kaskajaur.

The 16th at the hill Enudda towards Norway.

The 17th at the hill Rarto, near the same place.

The 18th in an Island of the Lake Luhlatrask, called Hkrtffoulos.

The 19th on a high mountain towards Norway called Skjpoiwe.

The 20th at the Lake Saitvo.

The 21st at Ollapasli, a bay of the Lake Stoor Luhlatrask.

The 22nd at the Lake Lugga.

The 23rd on the hill Kierkowari.

The 24th on the hill Kautom Jaurlti.

The 25th at the Cataract Sao.

The 26th on the top of a high hill called Kaisyjki.

The 27th at the Lake Zyggtrask.

The 28th at the hill Piouki.

The 29th in an Island of the Lake Waikejautr called Lusbyshoulos.

The 30th in a mountain near the River Julto called Wariduth.

Neither are these all the places in the Country that are dedicated to this use, but there are several others which the Idolatrous People endeavour to conceal, that they may avoid the suspicion of this impiety and their deserved punishment. But in other parts of Lapland the number is far greater as may be easily understood; and therefore I shall not tire the Reader with a recitall of them. For all these places they have a high esteem, whether dedicated to Thor, the Sun, or Storjunkar, so that they exclude all women from them, not permitting them so much as to go behind the house where Thor is worshipped, and prohibiting all marriageable women to come near the borders of Storjunkars consecrated hills: and the reason is because they think that Sex, especially at that age, not pure enough for those devotions, but not knowing who are pure and who are not, to prevent all danger they prohibite the whole Sex, who if they transgress herein, they must expect many misfortunes to befall them, and perhaps death it self.

I come now to the Images of their Gods, for with these they used to honour them. Thor's image was alwaies made of wood, wherefore he is called by them Muora Jubmel, i. e. the wooden God. And because in Lapponia Tornensis, as well as in other places they make their Gods of wood, it is very probable that they worship Tiermes, tho they call him Seita. Of this wood, which is alwaies Birch, they make so many Idols as they have Sacrifices, and when they have done they keep them in a cave by some hill side. The shape of them is very rude, only at the top they are made to represent a mans head, according to the description of Matthias Steuchius, which he relates from his Father, who was Superintendent of Hernosandensis, and had the oversight of all things relating to Piety and Religion in most parts of Lapland. Of the root of the tree they make the head, and of the trunk the body of the image: for those Birches which grow in fenny grounds have usually their roots growing round, and from them there shoot out other little roots, so that it is easily fitted to the shape of a mans head. Now to manifest this to be Thor, they put a hammer into his right hand, which is as it were his ensign by which he is known. Into his head they drive a nail of Iron or Steel, and a small piece of flint to strike fire with, if he hath a mind to it. Tho I rather suppose it was first used to be an emblem of fire, which together with the Sun they worshipped in Thor.

But tho they usually make them in this shape, yet there are some, especially in Lapponia Tornensis, who worship a meer stump. They have no Image of the Sun, either because he is conspicuous enough of himself, or because in the mystery of their Religion he is the same with Thor: but Storjunkar is represented with a Stone, as is clearly proved by several Writers, and easily deduced from others. The form of this Stone (if we will believe Ol. Petr. Neuren) was like a Bird; Samuel Rheen saies it sometimes represents a man, and sometimes some other creature. The truth is its shape is so rude, that they may sooner fancy it like something themselves, then perswade other People that it is so. In the mean time their fancy is so strong, that they really believe it represents their Storjunkar, and worship it accordingly. Neither do they use any art in polishing it, but take it as they find it upon the banks of Lakes and Rivers. In this shape therefore they worship it, not as tho it were so made by chance, but by the immediate will and procurement of their god Storjunkar, that it might be sacred to him. Thus they erect it as his image, and call it Kied Kit Jubmel, i. e. the Stone God. The rudeness of these Images gave Tornaeus occasion to deny that they had any shape at all, only made rough and hollow by the falling of Water upon them, tho their hallowness without doubt occasioned the Laplanders fancy of their likeness to something: but he confesses that in an Island made by a Cataract of the River Tornatraesk called Diorsi, there are found Seita just in the shape of a man, one of them very tall, and hard by 4 others something lower, with a kind of Cap on their heads. But because the passage into the Island is dangerous by reason of the Cataract, the Laplanders are forc't to desist from going to that place, so that it is impossible now to know how those Stones are worshipped, or how they came there. These Stones are not set up by themselves, but lie 3 or 4 together, according as they find them; the first of which they honor with the title of Storjunkar, the second they call Aste, or Storjunkers wife; the third his Son or Daughter, and the rest his Servants. And this they do because they would not have their Storjunkar, who is Thors Viceroy, in a worse condition then other Roial Prefects, whom they usually see thus accompanied by their Wives and Children, and Attendants.

I come now to their Sacrifices and other Ceremonies used to their Gods. First it is observable that they are performed only by men, all women being excluded; they esteeming it as great a crime for a woman to offer Sacrifice as to frequent the consecrated places. They never offer Sacrifice till they have enquired of their God whether he will accept it or no. This they do with a certain instrument which they call Kannus, not unlike the old fashioned Drums, from whence they are usually called Laplandish Drums, and shall be exactly described hereafter. This Drum being beaten, and some Songs sung, they bring the designed Sacrifice to Thor, who if he signifies by a ring in the Drum that the Sacrifice is pleasing to him, they fall presently to work: otherwise they carry it to the Sun, and so to Storjunkar, till one of them will accept of it. The manner of it is thus. They pull off some of the hair at the bottom of the beasts neck, and bind it to a ring which is fastned to the Drum, then one of them beats the Drum, and all the rest sing these words, What sayst thou O Great and Sacred God, dost thou accept this Sacrifice, which we design to offer unto thee? And while they chant these words, they repete the name of the mountain where they are: then if the ring rests on that part of the Drum where the God is pictured, they take it for granted that the God is pleased, and so proceed to the Ceremony; or else they carry the Sacrifice to Thor and use the like form of words. Father God will you have my Sacrifice. Peucer either thro false intelligence, or misapprehension, relates this business something differently: they have (saies he) a brazen Drum whereon they paint several sorts of Beasts, Birds, and Fishes, such as they can easily procure: bolt upright upon this Drum they fix an iron pearch, upon which stands a brazen Frog, which, at the beating of the Drum falls down upon some of the pictures, and that creature whose picture the Frog touches, they Sacrifice. Their usual sacrifices are Rain-dears, tho sometimes they use other creatures, as Dogs, Cats, Lambs and Hens, which they fetch out of Norway. The third thing observable is that they offer their Sacrifices usually in the Autumn, because, I suppose, the Winter and night being at hand they think they have more need of their Gods assistance, which may probably be the reason too why every year about that time they make a new image for Thor, which is alwaies don 11 daies before Michaelmas. And thus they consecrate it, first they sacrifice the Rain-dear, then taking out his bones they anoint the Idol with the blood and fat, and bury the flesh and bones under ground. Besides this Idol they erect one to him every time they sacrifice, and then they place them all one by another upon a table behind their Hut. First when the God hath approved of the Sacrifice, which is usually a Buck to Thor, they bind it behind the house, then with a sharp knife they run him thro the heart, and gather the heart-blood, wherewith they anoint the Idol, into a vessel. After that having placed the images right, and adorned the table, they approach reverently to it, anoint the head and back all over with the blood, but on his breast they only draw several Crosses. Behind him they place the skull, feet, and horns of the sacrificed Dear; before him they place a Coffer made of the bark of Birch, into which they put a bit of every member of the Rain-dear, with some of the fat; and the rest of the flesh they convert to their private uses. This is the manner of the Laplanders sacrificing to Thor.

But when they offer Sacrifice to Storjunkar, which is likewise a male Dear, then first they run a red thred thro his right ear, and bind him, and sacrifice him in the place they did that to Thor, preserving the blood likewise in a vessel. Then he who performs the Ceremony takes the horns and the bones of the head and neck, with the feet and hoofs, and carries them to the mountain of that Storjunkar, for whom the Sacrifice was designed. When he comes near the sacred Stone, he reverently uncovers his head, and bows his body, paying all the ceremonies of respect and honor. Then he anoints the Stone with the fat and blood, and places the horns behind it. Unto the right horn they ty the Rain-dears yard, and to the left some red thred wrought upon tin with a little piece of silver. The same rites that are observed to Storjunkar are also used to Seita, to whom the Laplanders usually sacrifice upon Holydaies, or after some loss or misfortune. Then making their Praiers and Devotions to the Idol in their best clothes, they offer him all manner of oblations, and the choicest parts of the Rain-dear, as the flesh, fat, skin, bones, horns, and hoofs, whereof there are great heaps to be seen at this day where Seita was worshipped. The horns are found placed one above another, in the fashion of a fence to the God, which is therefore by the Laplanders called Tiorvoigardi, that is a Court fenced with horns, which are sometimes above a thousand in number. Before these horns they used to hang a garland made of Birch tree, stuck about with bits of flesh cut from every member of the sacrifice. This I suppose first caused the mistake of those who reported that the Laplanders worshipped the horns of Rain-dears. All the flesh that remains of the sacrifice the Laplanders spend in their houses: and this is the ordinary way of sacrificing to Storjunkar.

Two other methods there are but less used; one when they bring the sacrifice alive to the hill where the Idol is placed: another when they would do so, but cannot climb the hill where Storjunkar is by reason of its steepness. For the first they kill the sacrifice hard by the Idol, and when they have performed the usual ceremonies, they presently boil the flesh in the place, especially that about the head and neck, and invite their friends to the eating of it. This they call Storjunkar's Feast, and when they have done they leave the skin behind them. This is not used in all Storjunkars hills, but only in some peculiar place where he hath manifested to them that he will be worshipped so. The other way of sacrificing is when the hill is so craggy that they cannot ascend it with their sacrifice, then they throw up a stone to the top of the mountain, which they dip in the blood and go away, as having paid their devotion. But as (besides the sacrifice) they once a year honour Thor with a new Image; so do they Storjunkar with fresh bows twice every year. The first time in Summer with birch and grass; next in Winter with pine. The same also Tornaeus reports of the Seitas. Then it is they seek whether their God be favorable and propitious to them or no: for when they go to strow the bows and grass under him, if the stone proves light, they hope he will be kind; but if it be something heavier then ordinary, they suspect he is angry with them, and immediately to reconcile him they devote some oblations to him. And thus are Peucerus his words to be understood: when the Laplanders (saies he) go a hunting or fishing, or upon any other enterprise, they try their success by the weight of their God, who if he is easily moved, they take it for granted that he approves of their design; if hardly, then he dislikes it; but if he be unmoveable then they suppose him offended with them. This is not to be understood of all their affairs, but only when they lay fresh straw under him, for at other times they enquire his pleasure with a drum, of which I have already spoken.

It remains now that we treat of the sacrifices used to the Sun, these are young Rain-dears, and those not bucks but does: the rites are most of them the same with those already mentioned; only instead of a red string thro the right ear of Storjunkars sacrifice, they run a white one thro the Suns; then they make a garland, not of birch, but willow, about as big as the hoop of an Hogshead. This they place upon a table behind the Hut where they sacrifice to Thor, not upon the same table, but one like it. And this sacrifice differs from the other in that there are neither images erected here, nor horns, the beasts being not come to their growth. But that there may be some resemblance of the Sun, they place the chief bones of the sacrifice upon the table in a circle.

Besides these three principal Gods they have some petty ones, as the Manes or Ghosts, and the Juhli or Troops. They have no particular names for the Ghosts, but call them all Sine: neither do they erect them images as they do to Thor and Storjunkar; only they offer them some certain sacrifices. At which time their first business is to enquire the will of the dead, whether it please him to be worshipt with that kind of sacrifice, in these words, Maijke werro sab mike sine, O you Manes what will you have? Then they beat the drum, and if the ring falls upon any creature there pictured they take it for the sacrifice which the ghost desires; they then run thro his ear, or, as others say, ty about his horns a woollen black thred. Having performed the sacrifice, they spend all the flesh upon their own uses; except a bit of the heart, and another of the lungs; each of which they divide into three parts, and fasten them upon as many sticks, which they dip in the blood of the sacrifice, and so bury them in a kind of Chest made in the form of a Laplandish Dray, as they do the bones of all other sacrifices. But of this I shall speak more at large when I come to their funeral rites, where the same things are likewise used. I shall only add that these rites are still observed in Lapland by all that are superstitiously given.

The Juhli, whom they call Juhlafalket, as I said of the ghosts, have no statues nor images; the manner of worshipping them is in this sort. The day before the festival, which is Christmas day, they abstain from all flesh; and of every thing that they eat, they take a little piece and preserve it very carefully, which they do likewise the next day. In their feasting, the bits which they have gathered in these two days they put into a chest, made of the bark of Birch, in the fashion of a Boat with sails and oars, together with some fat of the pottage, and hang it upon a tree behind the Hut, about a bows shot off, for the Juhli to feast on, whom they then suppose to wander in troops in the Air, thro woods and mountains; a ceremony not unlike to the ancient libations to the Genii. But why they do this in a Boat they can give no reason: but we may conjecture that hereby is intimated how the knowledg of Christ's birth (declared by the company of Angels, which as I have shewed already was the meaning of these Juhli) was brought by Christians, who came to them in Boats. So much of the Laplanders Idolatry and Superstition, which remains to this day amongst many of them, as is found by daily experience.

Chapter XI. Of the magicall Ceremonies of the Laplanders.

IT hath bin a received opinion among all that did but know the name of the Laplanders, that they are People addicted to Magic, wherefore I thought fit to discourse next of this, as being one of the greatest of their impieties that yet continues among them. And that this opinion may seem to be grounded upon some autority, they are described both by ancient and modern Writers, to have arrived to so great skill in enchantments, that among several strange effects of their art, they could stop ships when under full sail. This judgement of the Historians concerning the Laplanders is no less verified also of the Biarmi their predecessours. So that we may justly suppose both of them to have descended from the same original: for the Biarmi were so expert in these arts that they could either by their looks, words, or some other wicked artifice, so ensnare and bewitch men, as to deprive them of the use of limbs and reason, and very often bring them into extreme danger of their lives. But tho in these latter times they do not so frequently practise this, and dare not profess it so publicly as before, being severely prohibited by the King of Sweden; yet there are still many that give themselves wholly unto this study. But if we enquire into the motives and reasons hereof, this, formerly mentioned, seems the principal, that every one thinks it the surest way to defend himself from the injuries and malicious designs of others: for they commonly profess that their knowledge in these things is absolutely necessary for their own security. Upon which account they have Teachers and Professors in this science: and parents in their last will bequeath to their children, as the greatest part of their estate, those spirits and devils that have bin any waies serviceable to them in their life time. Sturlesonius writes of Gunilda, a maid, that was sent by her father Odzor Huide, who dwelt in Halogaland, to Motle King of Finlapland in Norway, to be instructed in this art. Where he gives an account also of two other Finlanders, and the great knowledg they attained to in this profession. But it is very seldom that the parents themselves are not so learned, as to perform the duty, and save the expences of a tutor. Thus they become famous in these studies, especially when they happen to be apt Schollars. For as the Laplanders do not all agree in the same disposition, so neither do they arrive to the same perfection in this art. For some are so stupid and dull, that however they may seem qualified for other emploiments, they prove altogether unfit for this.

As to the bequeathing their familiars to their Children, they suppose it the only means to raise their family; so that they excell one another in this art, according to the largeness of the legacies they receive. From hence it is manifest, that each house hath peculiar spirits, and of different and quite contrary natures from those of others. And not only each distinct family, but single persons in them also have their particular spirits, sometimes one, two, or more, according as they intend to stand on the defensive part, or are maliciously inclined and design to be upon the offensive: so that there are a set number of obsequious spirits, beyond which none hath. But however some of these will not engage themselves without great solicitation, and earnest entreaties, when others more readily profer themselves to litle children, when they find them fit for their turn, so that diverse of the Inhabitants are almost naturally Magicians. For when the devil takes a liking to any person in his infancy, as a fit instrument for his designs, he presently seizes on him by a disease, in which he haunts them with several apparitions, from whence according to the capacity of his years and understanding he learns what belongs to the art. Those which are taken thus a second time see more visions, and gain greater knowledg. If they are seized a third time, which is seldom without great torment, or utmost danger of their life, the devil appears to them in all his shapes, by which they arrive to the very perfection of this art; and become so knowing, that without the Drum they can see things at greatest distances, and are so possessed by the devil, that they see them even against their will. For example, not long since a certain Lap, who is yet alive, upon my complaint against him for his Drum, brought it to me; and confest with tears, that tho he should part with it, and not make him another, he should have the same visions he had formerly: and he instanc't in my self, giving me a true and particular relation of whatever had happened to me in my journy to Lapland. And he farther complained, that he knew not how to make use of his eies, since things altogether distant were presented to them.

As for the art, it is, according to the diversity of the instruments they make use of in it, divided into two parts: one comprehends all that to which their Drum belongs, the other those things to which knots, darts, spells, conjurations, and the like refer. First concerning the drum, as being peculiar to the Laplanders; and called by them Kannus, or Quobdas; it is made out of a hollow piece of wood, and must either be of pine, fir, or birch tree, which grows in such a particular place, and turns directly according to the Suns course; which is, when the grain of the wood, running from the bottom to the top of the tree, winds it self from the right hand to the left. From this perhaps they believe this tree very acceptable to the Sun, which under the image of Thor they worship with all imaginable devotion. The piece of wood they make it of, must be of the root cleft asunder, and made hollow on one side, upon which they stretch a skin: the other side, being convex, is the lower part, in which they make two holes, where they put their fingers to hold it. The shape of the upper side is oval, in diameter almost half an ell, very often not so much; it is like a kettle drum, but not altogether so round, nor so hollow; neither is the skin fastned with little iron screwes, but wooden pegs. I have seen some sowed with the sinews of Rain-dears. Olaus termed the drum very improperly an anvil, tho I believe he only meant by this a drum, as will appear hereafter. This perhaps made the Engraver mistake, who made a Smith's anvil for it, placing a Serpent and a frog upon it, with a Smith's hammer by. The Laplanders use only a drum, which perhaps because they beat it with a hammer, was by Olaus called an anvil. They paint upon the skin several pictures in red, stained with the bark of an Alder tree. They draw near the middle of the drum several lines quite cross, upon these they place those Gods, to whom they pay the greatest worship, as Thor the chief God, with his attendance, and Storjunkar with his: these are drawn on the top of the line; after this they draw another line parallel to the former, only half cross the drum, on this stands the image of Christ with some of his Apostles. Whatever is drawn above these two lines represents birds, Stars, and the Moon; below these they place the Sun, as middlemost of the Planets, in the very middle of the drum, upon which they put a bunch of brazen rings when they beat it. Below the Sun they paint the terrestrial things, and living creatures; as Bears, Wolves, Rain-dears, Otters, Foxes, Serpents; as also Marches, Lakes, Rivers, &c. This is the description of the drum according to Sam. Rheen.

I have observed that severall of their drums have not the same pictures upon them, I have three very different; one, which is here set down marked by the letter B. They are described differently by Tornaeus, in which the figures are distinguished so as to refer to several places, of which there are chiefly three. In the first stands Norland, and other Countries of Sweden, which are placed on the South side of the drum, and are separated by a line from the rest; in this also is contained the next great City, where they transact most; as in the drums made at Tome, or Kiemi, there is drawn the City Tome with the Temple, Priest, and Governour of the Laplanders, and many others with whom they have any concerns: as also the highway that lies betwixt them and Tome, by which they discover when their Priest, or Governour will come; besides other affairs managed in those parts. On the North part, Norway is described with all that is contained in it. In the middle of these two stands Lapland, this takes up the greatest part of the drum: in it are the several sorts of beasts that are in the Countrey; here they picture herds of Rain-dears, Bears, Foxes, Wolves, and all manner of wild beasts, to signifie when, and in what place they may find them. If a tame Rain-dear be lost, how they may get him againe. Whether the Rain-deers young ones will live. Whether their net fishing will be successfull. If sick men will recover, or not. Whether Women great with child shall have a safe delivery. Or such, or such a man will die of such a distemper, or by what other; and other things of the like nature which they are desirous to know. I cannot give an account of the reason for this difference in the drums, unless it is that some of them are made for more malicious designs, others again for each man's private purpose. Upon this account I believe, according to the nature of the business they intend, they add, and blot out, and sometimes wholly change the figures. But that you may the better understand the diversity of the drums, here are two represented to you, both which I had out of the Study of the Chancellour of the Kingdom.

To these I add a fourth, given me by the Illustrious Baron Lieutenant Henry Flemming, mark't with the letter F.

Now there are two things required to fit the drum for use, an Index and a Hammer, that shews among the pictures the thing they enquire after; with this they beat the drum. The Index is the bunch of brazen rings before mentioned. They first place one great ring upon the drum, then they hang severall small ones upon that; the shape of the Index's is very different, for of these I have one made of copper of the bigness of a dollar, with a square hole in the middle, several chains hanging about it instead of rings. Another hath an Alchymy ring, on which a small round plate of copper is hung by little chains. I have seen another also of bone, in the shape of the Greek A, with rings about it; and others of a quite different make. I have described mine under the drums A, and B, by the mark G: but the common sort of rings are of copper, and those upon the Chancellors drums are altogether such. Some Writers call these rings serpents, or brazen frogs, and toads, not that they resemble them, but because by them they signifie these creatures, whose pictures they often use in their conjuring, as supposing them very grateful and acceptable to the Devil. The Laplanders call the Index Arpa, or Gyobdas; and make it indifferently of any sort of metal. The hammer they use in raising their familiars, is not the Smith's; which was the errour of him that drew it in Olaus Magn. but is an instrument belonging only to the Laplanders, and called by a peculiar name by them: it is made of a Rain-deers horn, branching like a fork, this is the head of the hammer, the other part serves for the handle. The instrument is placed under the two drums A. B. with the letter H, with the hammer they beat the drum, not so much to make a noise, as by the drumming to move the ring lying on the skin, so as to pass over the pictures, and shew what they sought after. This is the description of the drum, with all its necessaries as it is used by the Laplanders that are subject to the Swedes; the Finlappers also that are under the Crown of Danemarke, make use of drums something different in fashion from the former; yet however the difference is so small, that I believe their drums are not of a different kind from ours, but made only for some particular uses. I shall give an account of one of those, described in Wormius's Study, who saies that the Laplanders drum, which "they use in their magic, and by beating which they discover those things they desired, is made of an oval piece of wood hollowed, in length a foot, in breadth ten inches; in this they make six holes, and put a handle to it, that they may hold in the left hand, whilst they beat it with the other; upon it they stretch over a skin, painted with diverse rude figures, drawn with blood, or red; upon this lies a piece of brass, in the shape of a Rhomboides, somewhat convexe, about two inches in diameter, in the middle of this, and at each corner hangs a small chain. The instrument, with which they beat the drum, is of bone, six inches long, about the thickness of a little finger, and made much like the Latine T."

This instrument the Laplanders use for diverse designs, and are of opinion that whatever they do it is don by the help of this. For this reason they have it in great esteem and reverence, taking such care in securing it, that they wrap it with the Index, and hammer, up in a Lambskin, and for its greater safety, lay it in some private place. But I think it an errour, to suppose them to lay it in a Lambskin: for it is written in some places Loomskin, which signifies the skin of a bird that lives altogether in the water. They think it so sacred, and holy, that they suffer no maid that is marriageable to touch it; and if they remove it from place to place, they carry it the last of all, and this must be don too only by men; or else they go with it thro some untrod way, that no body may either meet or follow them. The reason they give for their great care in this particular is, because they believe if any one, especially a maid that is marriageable, should follow the same way, they would in three daies time at least fall into some desperate disease, and commonly without any hopes of recovery. This they seem to verifie by many examples, that we may give the more credit to it; and we have the less reason to doubt the truth of this, since the devil severely commands his worship to be observed, and suffers not those rites and customs he hath imposed to be violated, so long as God is pleased to grant him this liberty. Now because it may happen sometimes that a woman may out of necessity be constrained to go that way, by which the drum hath bin carried, the devil is so favorable as to permit it without any danger, upon condition she first offers a brazen ring to the drum.

In the next place, because they believe they can effect very strange things by the drum, we will shew what they are, and the manner used to perform them. These are three, belonging either to their hunting, their sacred affairs, or lastly the enquiring into things far distant. I find four chiefly mentioned by another Writer, the first is, the knowing the state of affairs in forreign Countries. The second, what success their designs in hand will meet. With the third, how to cure diseases. The fourth, what Sacrifices their Gods will be pleased to accept, and what beast each God desires or dislikes most. As to the way in making enquiries, it is not the same among all these artists. But the great thing they generally observe, is, to stretch the skin very stiff, which is don by holding it to the fire. The next is, that they beat not altogether in the same place, but round about the Index; then that they beat softly at first, presently quicker, and continue this till they have effected their intent. The drummer first lifts up the drum by degrees, then beats softly about the Index, till it begins to stirr, and when it is removed some distance from its first place to either side, he strikes harder, till the Index points at something, from whence he may collect what he sought for. They take care also that as well he that beats the drum, as those that are present at the ceremony, should be upon their knees. As to the occasions of their beating thus, the later of those is already discoursed of. Now we proceed to the rest, the first of which is concerning their enquiries into things acted in remote parts. Those who desire to know the condition of their friends, or affairs abroad, whether distant five hundred, or a thousand miles, go to some Laplander, or Finlander skilfull in this art, and present him with a linen garment, or piece of silver, as his reward, for satisfying them in their demands. An example of this nature is to be seen upon record, at Bergen, a famous Market Town in Norway, where the effects of the German Merchants are registred; in this place there was one John Delling, Factor then to a German, to whom a certain Finlapper of Norway came with James Samaousend: of him John Delling enquired about his Master then in Germany; the Finlapper readily consenting to tell him, like a drunken man presently made a great bawling, then reeling and dancing about several times in a circle, fell at last upon the ground, lying there sometime as if he were dead, then starting up on a suddain, related to him all things concerning his Master, which were afterwards found to agree to what he reported. There are many more instances of this kind: the most considerable, is one concerning a Laplander, now living, who gave Tornaeus an account of the Journey he first made to Lapland, tho he had never seen him before that time; which, altho it was true, Tornaeus dissembled to him, least he might glory too much in his devilish practises, and rely upon them, as the only means whereby he might attain to truth. The autority of this man is so considerable, that it may gain credit enough to the Story. As to the method taken in making discoveries, it is very different. Olaus Magnus describes it thus, the drummer goes into some private room, accompanied by one single person, besides his wife, and by beating the drum moves the Index about, muttering at the same time several charms, then presently he falls into an extasie, and lies for a short time as if dead; in the mean while his companion takes great care, that no gnat, flie, or other living creature touch him; for his Soul is carried by some ill Genius into a forreign Countrey, from whence it is brought back with a knife, ring, or some other token, of his knowledg, of what is done in those parts; after this rising up, he relates all the circumstances belonging to the business that was enquired after; and that they may seem certainly so, he shews what he hath brought from thence. Petrus Claudius makes no mention either of the drum, charms, company, or these things he brings with him; but saies he casts himself upon the ground, grows black in the face, lying as if dead for an hour or two; after which, when enquiry is made, and he awakes, he gives a full account of all affairs there.

It is clear from what was said before, that they made use of a drum; and 'tis observed that for this sort of conjuring the lower part of the drum, whereby they hold it, was commonly shaped like a cross. One of this make was given me by the Lord Henry Flemming, Colonel of a foot Regiment in Finland, the Figure of it is in the page foregoing. They hang about it several claws, and bones of the creatures they take. That several persons also, as well men as women, are permitted to be present at this ceremony, is asserted by Sam. Rheen in his history, where he saies that the drummer sings a song, called by them Joiike, and the men and women that are present sing likewise, some in higher, some in lower notes, this they call Duura. Next as to the casting themselves on the ground, there are various relations, some think them not really, but only in appearance dead; others are apt to believe that the soul departs from the body, and after its travell abroad, returns again. But without doubt this is false, for it is impossible, for either man, or devil, to restore the soul to the body it hath once left. So that I believe the devil only stifles the faculties of the soul for a time, and hinders their operations. Now after the drummer falls down, he laies his drum as near as possibly on his head, in this posture.

Those in the mean time that are present, leave not off singing all the time he lies sweating in this agony; which they do not only to put him in mind when he awakes, of the business he was to know; but also that he might recover out of this trance, which he would never do, (as they imagine) if they either ceased singing, or any one stirred him with their hand or foot. This perhaps is the reason why they suffer no flie, or any living creature to touch him; and it is upon this account only that they watch him so diligently, and not out of any fear they have least the devil should take away his body; which opinion of Peucers is altogether false. It is uncertain how long they lye in this manner, but it is commonly according as the place where they make their discovery, is nearer or farther off; but the time never exceeds 24 houres, let the place be at never so great a distance. After he awakes he shews them some tokens to confirm their belief in what he tells them. This is the first and chiefest use they make of the drum.

The next is, how to know the event of their own concerns and what success their hunting will have, or any other business which they undertake, for they seldom venture on any thing, without first consulting that. In order to the knowing this, they place the bunch of rings on the picture of the Sun in the drum; then they beat, singing at the same time; if the rings go round towards the right hand, according to the Suns course, they promise to themselves good health, fortune, and great encrease both of men and beasts; if contrary, towards the left, they expect sickness and all the evils attending on ill success. We may easily ground this opinion of theirs upon the other mentioned above, where they believe the Sun the only Author of all productions. Wherefore when the Index moves according to his motion, it portends prosperity by following his course, from whom they expect all the good they receive. This is the way they take in all their more weighty affairs, as in a journey, hunting, removing their habitations, or any such like thing, of which something before, and more hereafter. Before they hunt they make particular observation which way the Index turns, whether East, West, North, or South; and collect from thence where their game lies. Other things for which the drum is serviceable, are, first, the discovering the nature of diseases, whether they arise from any disorder in the body, or are caused by magic; this being known, then to find the remedy for them, which is commonly by sacrifice to one or other of their angry Gods, but chiefly to Storjunkar, who bears greatest autority among them, and if not appeased, leaves them small hopes of recovery. Wherefore the sick person vows a sacrifice, either of a Rain-deer, Bull, Goat, or Ram, or something of this kind to one of the Storjunkars, that stands upon the mountains. The sacrifice is not left to the disposal of the sick man, but must be made according to the directions of the drummer; for he is supposed to be the only man able to advise them in this case, he first discovers which of the Gods is displeased, and what sort of sacrifice is most acceptable to him, for they refuse several, and the same also at several times. But before the drummer appeases their Gods, they give him a copper and a silver ring, putting them on his right arm, then he begins a song, and beats the drum, and all that are present joyn with him in a Chorus; after this according to the place, to which the Index points, he directs them. These are the things commonly done by the drum. The last thing for which they think it necessary, is, the accomplishing their wicked designs, as impairing mens health, or depriving them of their lives; which is frequently enough practised among them, tho not altogether so publicly as heretofore. Some of them account this only unlawful, and exclude themselves out of the number of those, which use it, thinking the other uses of the drum to consist chiefly in doing good. But however this mischievous Art continues still too much among them. Several inhabitants of the main Lapland were apprehended in the year 1671, with drums, for this purpose so large, that they could not be removed from thence, but were burnt in the place. Among those Laplanders there was one fourscore years of age, that confessed he was bred up in this art from his childhood, who in 1670 upon some quarrell about a pair of mittens, caused a Boor of Istraw to be drowned in a Cataract, for which he was condemned to die, and in order to that was to be carried in chains to the next town in Bothnia, but in the journy he contrived so by his art, that on a suddain, tho he seemed well, and lusty, he died on the sledge, which he had often foretold he would sooner do, then fall into the Executioners hands. As to the ceremonies used in this particular, either in their words, gesture, or any other thing, I can give no account, finding none in those writings, from whence I collected the rest. The reason for this, I suppose, is, because they themselves keep this secret, as the great mystery in their art; or that no one would enquire into them, least they should be thought guilty of this damnable sin.

Having treated largely of the drum, we come to the other parts of this art, to which also belong proper sorts of instruments: the first is a cord tied with knots for the raising of wind. They, as Zeiglers relates it, tye three magical knots in this cord; when they untie the first, there blows a favorable gale of wind; when the second, a brisker; when the third, the Sea and wind grow mighty stormy, and tempestuous. This, that we have reported concerning the Laplanders, is by Olaus Magnus, and justly, related of the Finlanders, who border on the Sea, and sell winds to those Merchants that traffick with them, when they are at any time detained by a contrary one. The manner is thus, they deliver a small rope with three knots upon it, with this caution, that when they loose the first, they shall have a good wind, if the second, a stronger, if the third, such a storm will arise, that they can neither see how to direct the ship, and avoid rocks, or so much as stand upon the decks, or handle the tackling. No other Writers mention this concerning the Laplanders, and I am apt not to think it at all probable, since they live in an inland Country, bordering no where upon the Sea. Wherefore this properly belongs to the Finlappers in Norway. Now those that are skilled in this art, have command chiefly over the winds that blew at their birth; so that this wind obeys principally one man, that another, as if they obtained this power when they first received their breath; now as this belongs chiefly to the Finlappers and Finlanders of Norway, so doth the stopping of the course of ships, which is altogether of the same nature. This is also attributed to the Laplanders, who according to the different affection they have for Merchants, make the Sea either calmer, or more tempestuous.

We come now to their magical Darts, which they make of lead, in length about a finger; by these they execute their revenge upon their enemies, and according to the greatness of the injury received, they wound them with cankrous swellings, either in the arms, or legs, which by the extremity of its pain, kills them in three daies time. They shoot these darts to what distance they please, and that so right too, that they seldom miss their aim. Olaus Magnus reports the same in his writings, which I believe is only a transcript of Zeiglers, the words being the same, and without doubt he follows him in this particular as he hath in many others. But I suppose they are both mistaken, and misrender'd them leaden darts, since I can find no person in these times that knows of any such; neither is there any mention made of them in any other writers, or by the common People; who seldom omit such circumstances as these in their relations. But they might perhaps be mistaken in supposing them to be made of lead, by misunderstanding the word Skott, which is commonly used for their explanation. For when either man or beast is suddainly taken with a disease, by which their strength fails, and they immediately perish; the common People call this that takes them so Skott, that is a dart. This might make Zeigler think to be really some dart, which the inhabitants are wholly ignorant of, and most among us believe these things to be effected by some other means. Petrus Claudius calls it a Gan, which they send abroad: he likens it to a flie, but saies it is some little devil, of which the Finlanders in Norway that excell most in this art, keep great numbers in a leathern bag, and dispatch daily some of them abroad. Of these he relates a story, that happened in his time: an Inhabitant of Helieland, who is still alive, going towards the mountains in Norway to hunt Bears, came to a cave under the side of a hill, where he found an image rudely shapen, which was the Idoll of some Finlander; near this stood a Ganeska, or magical satchel: he opened this, and found in it several blewish flies crawling about, which they call Gaits, or spirits, and are daily sent out by the Finlanders to execute their devilish designs. But he seems to intimate no more by this word Gan, then that very thing which endangers mens health, and lives. For he saies that these Finlanders cannot live peaceably, except they let out of their Ganeska or Ganekiidi which is the satchel, every day one of the Gaits, that is a fly or devil. But if the Gan can find no man to destroy, after they have sent him out, which they seldom do upon no account at all, then he roves about at a venture, and destroies the first thing he meets with; sometimes they command it out to the mountains, to cleave rocks asunder: however these conjurers will, for very trivial Causes, send out their Gan to ruine men. This word Gan signifies no more then what Zeigler meant by his dart, for the term by which they express its going out is de Skiuda deris Gan, that is, he as it were shoots out his Gan like an arrow, for Skiuda is only proper to the shooting out of an arrow.

This is the third thing belonging to their magic, which they use as well against one another as strangers, nay sometimes against those that they know are their equals in the art. Of this kind there happened a notable passage betwixt two Finlanders, one of which was called Asbioern Gankönge, from his great knowledge in the art, the other upon some small difference concerning their skill, or some such trifle, would have destroyed Asbioern, but was still prevented by his too powerfull art, till at last finding an opportunity, as Asbioern lay sleeping under a rock, he immediately dispatcht away a Gan, that cleft the rock asunder, and tumbled it upon him. This happened in the time of Petrus Claud, not long before he wrote his History. Some of the Conjurers are contented only with the power to expell that Gan out of men, or beasts, which others send. This is remarkable among them, that they can hurt no man with their Gan, except they first know his parents name.

Now all that the Finlanders and Finlappers of Norway effect by their Gan, the Laplanders do by a thing they call Tyre. This Tyre is a round ball, about the bigness of a wallnut, or small apple, made of the finest hair of a beast, or else of moss, very smooth, and so light that it seems hollow, its colour is a mixture of yellow, green, and ash, but so that the yellow may appear most. I had one of these given me by Mr. John Otta Silverstroem, Warden of the Colledge belonging to the metals, and Master of the Mines at Saltzburg and Frahlune.

This Tyre they say is quickened and moved by a particular art; it is sold by the Laplanders, so that he that buies it may hurt whom he pleases with it. They do perswade themselves, and others, that by the Tyre they can send, either Serpents, Toads, Mice, or what they please into any man, to make his torment the greater. It goes like a whirlewind, and as swift as an arrow, and destroies the first man, or beast, that it lights on, so that it often mistakes. Of these we have too many instances in this time, which are too long to insert here: having therefore done with all, or at least the chiefest matters concerning their sacred, and superstitious rites, or worship; we proceed to other affairs.

Chapter XII. Of the Government of the Laplanders.

WE come now to their secular affairs, which are either public or private: we will treat first of the public, to which belong the form and constitution of their Government. This in former times, before they were named Laplanders, was in this manner; they were subject to no neighbouring Country, but were governed among themselves, yet so as to be subject to a King, they chose out of their own Nation. Most of them, or at least those which bordered on Norway, and dwelt near the Sea, were under this kind of Government, in the time of Harauld Harfager King of Norway, cotemporary with Ericus, the Conqueror, King of the Swedes, this was 900 years after Christ; he conquered the greatest part of Norway, except these Finlanders. The King that reigned over them at that time, was named Mottle. This account was questionless taken from Haralds expedition into Biarmia, and his ruining all that Country, except the part belonging to these Finlanders. In those times the name of Laplanders was neither used, nor known, as I have shewn elsewhere, but they retained that of their ancestors, which was also common to all of the same extraction. Their condition was not much altered, after that they took this name, which was when they first sent out Colonies into the inland Countries, on the farther part of the mountains, which divide Swedland from Norway. For they that went out had certainly some Leader, whom without doubt they chose for King, after they had taken possession of those Countries; and I believe they would scarcely submit to any other power whilst that he was living; and this seems the more probable, because no one in those daies would undertake the conquest of a company of poor beggarly fugitives, who dwelt among Weeds and Deserts, in continual snow and the greatest extremity of cold. This was the Moscovites opinion of them, who tho they dwelt near them, scarcely knew their nature and disposition, and thought it madness to set upon them with a small party, and an adventure of little profit, and less honour to raise an Army against a Country already distressed by poverty. For this reason the Laplanders enjoyed their own customs for a long time. The first King of Sweden that had any thoughts of conquering them was Ladulans the great, who flourished about the year 1277, who because it seemed difficult to bring them under the Crown of Sweden, promised those that would undertake the conquest, the government over them. He thought it too expensive to make a public war upon them, when they were to be dealt with as wild beasts; yet however could not endure that a neighbouring People, dwelling almost in the heart of his Country, for they possessed at that time as far as the Bay of Bothnia, should refuse obedience to his Kingdom. Wherefore he thought upon the before mentioned project, and proposed great advantages to private persons, upon which the Birkarli, their neighbours, readily engaged themselves, and effected their enterprise no less successfully. In this design, the plot of a particular person was most remarkable, as is related by Fvicus, and recorded by John Bureus. One single man of the Birkarli went towards Lapland to way-lay the Laplanders in their return from Birkala, ( at this time no one inhabited on the North side of that allotment ) and ordered his wife to cover him over with snow, in the middle of the way where the Laplanders must necessarily pafs over him. They came in the night time, and by their passing over him he knew there were fifteen, which were the chief among them, and to whom the reft were in subjection; when they were gone, he immediately arose out of the snow, and going some shorter way, set upon them at unawares, as they passed by, one by one, which is their usual way in travelling, and slew them one after another. None of those that followed perceived the first men slain, it being in the night time, and each of them at some diftance from the others; till the last man finding his fellows killed, made a stout resistance, but the Birkaria by the assistance of his wife got the vitfory, and slew him likewise Thus the most powerfull of them being (lain, the reft readily submitted Some think the Birkarli deluded them by a pretended truce, and 6 s. Of the Government that before it was expired, they assaulted them, not suspecting then the least danger, and killing several, subdued the Countrey, sas far as the Northern and Western Oceans. We may easily colle<H from the truce mentioned here, that before their subje<ftion to the Swedes by the Birkarli, there was some kind of war betwixt both: besides,it was shewn above, that Ladulaus could not bring them under his Crown. This perhaps may be Zeiglers meaning, when he describes them as a warlike People, and free for a great time, that they also withstood the Arms of Norway and Sweden, till they were forced at last to yeild* but what Zeigler imputes to their valour, proceeded only from the contempt they were then in, as is plain from the opinion the Moscovites gave of them. And there is little reason to suppose the Swedes were not of the same, since they were overcome only by the allotment of Birkala; and Ladulaus did not conquer them out of any fear he conceived of their forces, but by Sleight, foreseeing the small advantages he should receive would not quit the charges of an Army. Thus the Laplanders were brought in subjection by the subtilty and expence of private persons. About the year of our Saviour 1277, the Birkarli had the authority over them; yet so as to acknowledg their dependance on the King of Sweden. Now whether all of them were thus overcome, as those that lived beyond the mountains of Norway, near the Sea, which are the Finlanders, or Lappofinni, is still in doubt, except we collect it from this, that all from the Northern and Western Oceans were certainly subjected. But whatever dispute may arise concerning that, it is manifest the Swedes were the first Conquerours of Lapland, but afterwards the Norwegians and Moscovites following their example, put in also for a part; thus they became subject to these three several Princes. But to pafs by the others, the Swedes enjoyed, for some former ages, half the dominions from Tidisfiorden to Walangar, over the Lappofinni, or maritime Finlanders. This was given by Charles the IX, in his indrudions to his Embassadors, sent to the King of Danemark, wherein he made it appear that the Swedes had from former times, till then, enjoied half the rights, both sacred and civill, whether as to tributes, punishments, men, or fisherie, with the Crowns of Danemark. and Norway. But the Swedes kept only a third part from Malanger to Waranger, those of Norway and Moscovy laying claim to the other two, till in the year 1595, the Moscovites, by a League, delivered up their part, but the Swedes alwaies possessed the mountainous and more neighbouring places from Ladulaus's time, for near four hundred years, and exercised their authority over them. The Government after the conquest was in the hands of the Birkarli, according to the grant given them by Ladulaus, who ruled over those that dwelt near the Bay of Both’ nia, impofed taxes, trafficked with them, and received all the profit of the Salmon fishing, and all other advantages arising from them; but in acknowledgement to the King, as Supreme, they paid a certain number of gray Squirrils skins. The Laplanders, by common consent, received and honored the Bergchara, that is men of the mountains, or Birkarli, as their Governours, and paid them very rich skins, and several sorts of fifh both for their tribute to the King of Sweden, and their own proper uses* Neither were there any other commissioned by the King in those times to govern them, as will appear afterwards. He, that was their Governor was honored tf the Laplander?. 6^ honored by them with the title of King, his authority was confirmed by the Crown of Sweden, he wore a red robe, as the token of his Royalty; now from this sort of garment, by which the Birkarli were distinguished from others, it is evident they were the first rulers in those parts; and perhaps only one governed them, whilft they dwelt near the Bay of Bothnia, but when they enlarged their possessions farther into the Land, and were divided into several Counties, each division had its particular Governor. And that it was so, is manifested from the Letters of Gustavus the first, where he divides the Birkarli into Luhltans, Fythians, and Tornians, over which accordingly there were several Governors. It may perhaps now be a dispute, who these Birkarli were, by whom the Swedes subdued Lapland; But&us saies they were the Inhabitants of the allotment, of Birkala, but Olaus Magnus is of a different opinion, and calls them Bergchara, that is, men of the mountains, from Berga mountain, and Charar or Karar men. What grounds he hath for this, he neither declares, nor call I easily imagine. But I think them so small that they will find little credit any where; for from whence, or from what mountains should they be thus called ? not from those of Norway, when at that time no body inhabited there * neither are there any other mountains besides these, from whence they should take this name: moreover, the Birkarli were subjects to the Swedes, and conversed commonly with the Laplanders. The public records also contradi# this opinion, for in them there is no mention Of Bergcharli, but Birkarleboa. It is yet clearer also from the Letters of Cnute Joanson, written in Latine, in the year 1318, where he saies in the Parliament held at Telge, betwixt the Helfmgers and Birkarleboa in his prefence, there was iffued out this Placart, &c.. This serves to confute Olaus. It is more evident that they came from Birkala, an allotment in Tavastia,znd described in the Mapps. Next, as to Gustavus the first mentioning the Birkarli, in the forefaid Letters, as belonging to several mzrches^ viz. Luhla,Pitha, and Toma it was upon this account: the Birkarli that descended from those of Tavastia, were placed in these several Towns to govern t Vz Laplanders, and because they only had the priviledge of commerce with them, they were called Merchants. They were used in the Summer to buy those commodities of the Merchants that came to Bothnia, which were necessary for the Laplanders, and in the Winter, when the Rivers and Lakes were frozen over, they carried them up into the Countrey. This way oftrafic was used by all the Inhabitants of Bothnia, but perhaps only at first by one allotment, which growing populous, several of the Inhabitants removed farther into the Countrey, and retained the same priviledge that was first granted by Ladulaus, zfi*. that no one, but they, should claim any priviledges over the Laplanders, either as to the Government, tribute, commerce, or any thing of this nature, which priviledges they for a long time enjoied, as is confirmed by the Letters wrote by Cnute Joanson, in the time of King Smeeke, in which it was provided that the Birkarli should not be molested either in their passage to or from the Laplanders. This priviledge they maintained till Gustavus the first ^ who made a Contract with them at Vpfal on the 4th of April 1528, concerning the yearly tribute they were to pay to the Crown, for the great advantages they received from the Laplanders. This tribute was only in respect of the priviledges the • Q^2 Birkarli (> Birkarli had from Ladulaus's time till then, these were so largely granted, that they setled them as hereditary upon their children, and none but those descended from the Birkarli could enjoy them. This Gustavus also confirmed according to the former grants made to their ancestors, but with this alteration that they should pay half as much more, as they did formerly. This Government the Birkarli exercised over the Laplanders which they got by subtility, had their authority from the King of Sweden-, preserved it in their own family, and delivered it down to their children for near 300 years, till Gustavus the first, by reason of their insulting over the common People, deprived them of this state; for when their riches encreased they oppressed the poorer fiort, and extorted so much from them that they left them very little, but that which was worth nothing. Upon this, complaint was made to Gustavus, who thereupon committed Henricus Laurentii to prifion, and confificated most of his eifate, taking then the tribute from the Laplanders into his hands, and granted to all People free trading with them. This Henricus Laurentii was without doubt in that time the head of the Birkarli, and I believe the brother of David Laurentii, who, together with Jonas Nicolas, concluded the Treaty with Gustavus in the name of the Birkarli, in the year 1528, for fetling the tribute, and other affairs. From hence we may collect they lost their priviledges, not long after this Coutrad; now it was not only just to deprive them of those priviledges, which they abused in oppressing others, but prudent, as well from the jealousy of too great a power granted to private persons over so large and populous a part of the Kingdome., as out of consideration of its wealth, which ^ as more necessary to the Kings » for driving out the common enemy, ane establishing the Kingdomes liberty, then to maintain the pride of the Birkarli, who besides their injustice, were inccnsiderable both in number and strength. Gustavus the first having thus deposed the Birkarli, sent Deputies to gather the tribute, and manage all things in the Kings name* the Deputies are called by the Swedes, Lappfougder, by the Laplanders, Konunga Olrngi, that is the Kings men; of these there is mention made in the patent granted by Gustavus thefirstto M r Michael, the first Priest in Lapland in 1559 * the words are to this purpose, We command all the Inhabitants of Lapland, as well Deputies, as others, &c. These had at first the charge of all public affairs, as will appear in the following Chapter as for colleding taxes, as executing justice among them. But afterwards, when Charles the ninth divided the Country into several parts and formed it into better order, more were added to the former, for examining causes, conviaing of criminals, and other such like things, till at last the state of Government was little different from what it is now. Next under the King, they have a Provincial Judge called by the Swedes, Lagman, under him one ot the Senators, ZJnderlagman, next an Interpreter of the Laws, La*~ ff;tT >and r dlVCrS other /' vhich enquire into causes, and do justice; th?n V he;, ha J e a Gover,lour of the Province, Landxhcefdmgh, a head over the Laplanders, Lappafougten, their Officers who perform all other duties, in this manner the Laplanders are now governed by the Swedes.

Chapter XIII. Of the Judicatures and Tributes of the Laplanders.

Laplanders. AFTER the manner of their Government, and the discipline live under, wt descend to those affairs that are managed by it; Which belong either to the Courts of Judicature, or to the Tribute. I can scarce find any mention of the former. Their own Kings, when they were a free Nation, exercised this authority, and kept the jurisdiction in their own hands; but when the Birkarli ruled them, it depended altogether On their pleasure. Zeigler makes no mention of any Judges among them, but saies that if any dispute happened that Was dubious, it was referred to the Courts in Swedland; I suppose he means the more weighty controversies, Which the Birkgrli could not, or did not dare to decide. But these were very rare with them, for great crimes, as theft, rapine, murder, adultery, Or such like are seldom committed, and scarce known by the Laplanders. They neither borrow nor lend mony, being content with what they possess of their own, which are commonly the occasions of quarrels in other Nations, and maintain so many Lawyers. The chief fin they are guilty of, is their magical superstition, which since their embracing Christianity, is forbidden by the Laws, and is not so frequent as formerly. After that GuflavM the first had deposed the Birkarli, and given them Governors of their own, they lived under better discipline, and greater diligence was used in seeing Juftice done * but Charles the ninth was the first that took care to have them instructed in the Swedish Law$, and that they should regulate themselves accordingly. This charge was given by the same King in his instruftions to Laurentius LaUre/Mt, Gcverhor of Lapland-, dated from Stockholm on the 10th of Oct. 1610, wherein he commanded him to govern those of Uma, Pitha, and Luhla, according to the Swedish Laws, and to protect them from all injuries. There are at present in Lapland three Governors, and as many Courts of judicature; the first is called Angermanfian, or Angermanfian, the other Umensfian, Tithenfian and Luhlensian, the other is the Tornensian, and Kiemenfian. Over these are particular Governors, who in the Kings name pafs Sentence, but in the presence of a Judge and a Priest; where it is observable that they added Priests to the Governors, to restrain them from doing injustice by the authority of their prefence. Now as to the time when these Courts Were called, it is a doubt, but 1 believe it was at the Fair times; when they met about all public business; this was commonly twice in a year, viz. in Winter and Summer, according to an order of Charles the ninth’s. It is now in 'January and February. They were held in the same places where they kept their Markets and Fairs, which were determined in each particular County, as will appear by and by. £Now we come to the Tribute they paid, which atfirst was only skins of beasts, paid not by the Laplanders, but the Birkarli, yet only as an acknowledgement of their* subjection to the Crown of Sweden. Buraus calls it naogra timber graoskjn, graoskjn signifies gray Squirrils skins, of which color the Squirrils were constantly in the Winter; timber denotes the number of the skins, which were fourty, tied together in a bundle. It is uncertain how many of these bundles th e Birkarli gave, but in the Contract with Gustavus the first, those of Luhla and Pitha were engaged to pay 8, which makes in all 360 skins, besides two Martins skins. Those also of Tome were taxed with the same number;and shortly after this number was doubled, by an agreement made in 1528. But after the Birkarli had lost their priviledges, for the forementioned reasons, and the King received the tax by Commissioners for himself,it is very probable some more alteration were made. In the year 1602 they paid instead of skins every tenth Rain-deer, and one tenth of all their dried fish; which is clear from the commands given by Charles to his Deputies Olaus Barman and Henry Benegtson, at Stockholm on the 22d of July in the same year, to require the tribute in this manner, that so the Laplanders might know what and how much they were to pay: for it seems that from Gustavus the first’s time, till then, the Governors used no constant method in railing it, but sometimes demanded skins, at other times other sorts of goods that seemed most necessary for present use; so that by this uncertainty the tribute grew very heavy upon the Inhabitants, and their Governors took occasion from it to exad what they pleased under pretence of the public account, for their own proper uses. Yet this custom continued not long, being thought perhaps too burthensome to the Laplanders, and very prejudiciable to their herds; wherefore it was ordered in 1606, that everyone which was then 17 years of age, should pay either two Bucks, or; three Does out of their herds of Rain-deers, and eight pound of dried fish; as also every tenth Fawn out of their Rock, and every tenth tun from their fishery. This tax was also impofed on th tBirkarli that had any trafic with them. This order was kept a long while, and renewed again by the same King in 1610. The tribute they pay at this time is either mony, Rain-deers, or skins, either plain or fitted up for use. These they pay according to the largenefs of the Provinces in which they dwell, the large# of which, they say, are een heel skjitt, that is, they pay the full tribute; the letter een half s^att, that is, half tribute; and so likewise for the reft. He that possesseth a Province of the whole tribute, pays two Patacoons, which they call Skattadaler, and others that have leffer possessions and half tribute, give one Patacoon; those which want mony, pay fifh or skins, which are commonly of Foxes or Squirrils, of these 50, of the others one with a pair of Lapland shoes, are equal to a Patacoon: two pounds also of dry fish are of the same value; now to every pound of dried fish they allow five over,because so much is commonly lost in the drying. They call this pound with its addition Skattpund, that is the pound for tribute. They value their Rain-deers at 3 Dollars a piece, and pay the tenths of them, not each family, but every hundred. I have set the prices down here, becaule if any one had rather keep hisCattel, he can be forced to no more then after this rate. Now concerning the tenths they pay of skins, every householder is taxed one white Foxe’s skin, or a pair of Lapland flioes; if He hath neither of these, half a pound of dried Jack. This is the Tribute yearly received by the Crown of Sweden from Lapland, of which the greatest part is commonly by the Kings gracious favor allowed for the maintenance of their Priests, as was shewn in another place. No v because it isfofar both by Sea and Land, before these commodities cah be brought to the Kings Storehouses, besides the ordinary tax they give a pair of Lapland shoes, which they call Haxapalka, that is the price for carriage. This is all they pay to the King of Sweden, but besides they are tributary to the Crown of Danmark, and the great Duke of Moscovy, not as Subjects to these Princes, but upon the account of their receiving fieveral advantages from their Dominions in their hunting and fishing. Those that are thus, are all the allotments of Toma beyond the mountains, who by reason of the liberty they have to bring down their Cattel from the mountains into the vallies in the Summer time, Hear the Sea fiiore, and taking the opportunity from thence of fishing, are taxed by the Danes, but Hot at above half the rate that they pay to the Swedes. These allotments are called Koutokeme, Auymara, Tejio, and Utzincki. The Laplanders also of the allotment of Enare in Kiemi, are in the same condition, who for fishing and hunting pay both to the Danes and Moscovites as well as to the Swedes: to the first one half, to the other a third part of what the Swedes receive. The tribute wasinformer time gathered when the Governor pleased, but afterwards only in the Winter, against which time it was all brought into Storehouses, each County having its proper place for that purpose. But when the place for their Markets and Fairs was determined, the Governor came thither and received it, which course they still take in this business. That this was also the time for receiving it, will appear from the account I shall give of their Fairs in the next Chapter.

Chapter XIV. Of the Laplanders Fairs, and Customs in Trading.

in 'Trading. THAT we may not yet leave the Public concerns of the Laplanders'^ of which we have treated, let us proceed in the next place to consider their Fairs and common Markets, in which what Customs they anciently * used is not so well known. Panins Jovius saies that among the Laplanders he that had any thing to sell, after he had exposed his Wares, went his way and left them, and that the Chapman coming, and taking what was for his turn, left in the place the full value thereof in white furrs or skins. The reason why they did not speak and bargain with then Chapmen, he saies Was, because they were a rustic People, extreamly fearful, and ready to run away from the very sight Of a ship, or stranger. Others, that are of a more probable opinion, confess indeed that they used no words in their trading, but that it was not Out of rusticity, want of cunning, or the like; but because they had a language quite different from others, and io peculiar to themselves, that they could neither understand, nor be underwood of their neighbours: so that it was rather the barbarism, and roughness of their speech, then manners, that made them use this dumb way of traffiking» But of their language we shall treat in its proper place. Concerning their trading with their neighbours, it is mod certain that it was performed without words, by nods and silent geftures: neither was it properly a buying and felling ( for they did not of old use either gold or silver) but rather an exchange of one commodity for another. So that whereas Zieglerus tells us they did permutatione & pecunia commerce* agere, we may justly doubt whether it be not rather to be read nee pecunia, ( unlefs happily he intend pecunia in the primary sense, and hath more refped to the original of the word, then to the acceptation now in use. ) And truly this way of exchange among them, in those ancient times, was no less then necessary; when indeed, as well the neighbouring Countries, as the Lap - landers were quite strangers to any current mony 5 and this we may understand from the Swedes, among whom there were in those daies either no coins at all; or elfe only such as had bin transported out of England and Scotland, the use of the Mint being then utterly unknown in that Country. And if at that time there was no mony in Swealand, it is certainly no great wonder there should be none in Lapland. But neither in after times, and when they were under the Jurifditftion of the Birkarli, could the Laplanders come to the use of mony; for they that were Lords over them, monopolizing the whole trade to themselves, did not give them mony for their commodities; but such other merchandise, as their Country stood in need of. In fine to this very day the Laplanders know no other mony but the Pa* tacoon and half Patacoon; other coins whether of copper, silver, or gold, they do not so much value, which will give us to understand that the use of mony among them cannot be of any long date, for the Patacoon is but of later daies, and was never known before the discovery of the Mine in the Vale of Joachim. These Patacoons they value fingly at 2 onces of silver a piece, whence it appears that as they had no other mony, so neither did this pafs currant among them, but only by weight, and as if it were in the Mafs: and I beleive was not at all in use, until! they were forced to pay tribute in that kind, of which I have discoursed before, and shewed that it was but of late instituted. But what D ami anus means by his permutatione tantum annonam ds> pecuniam acyuirunt, we cannot so easily guefs; for we do not say that men barter and deal by exchange when mony is paid for a commodity: for to what end should those People seek after getting mony, which was in use neither among themselves nor their neighbours; so that perhaps here also we ought to read nee pecuniam, and then the sense runs, that they were not so sollicitous in getting mony, as in providing the more necefiary things of life: altho neither is that true which he delivers of their provisions, as will appear from what follows, But whatfoever Damianus means, it is most certain that in all their commerce they did but exchange one thing for another; and that to this day the same custom remains among them, who are now concern’d for no more mony then what is sufficient to pay their tribute. Only if there is any commodity and Customs in Trading. among them of great and extraordinary value, that indeed is to be bought with mony. Their custom is now, not as formerly, to bargain by signs and nods, but either they use speech, ( for there are many of them now that are skilled in that of their neighbours) or Interpreters, of which there are plenty enough among them. They w ith whom they trafic are for the most part their neighbours, on the one side the Swedes and Norwegians, on the other the Finlanders, Russians, and Moscovites. Neither was it otherwise in old times, unlefswhen they were under the power of the Birkarli, who endeavouring to get all the trade into their own hands, did more narrowly watch those that were nighest Sweden, that so they might exclude all but themselves from trafficking in any part of Lapland. The power that we read was given the Birkarli over the Laplanders by Ladulaus the great King, I suppose, chiefly consisted in this; for the other speciall rights and priviledges, which they and their ancestors for a long time possessed, Gu • ftavus the first hath set down, as I have in another place declared. And this we may also gather from the prohibition of Charles the ninth, denying the Birkarli the priviledge of trafficking in Lapland, as they had formerly done. The words of the injunction published in the year 1602 are to this purpose $ And we do utterly forbid the Birkarli any more to trade for skins or other commodities; as they have formerly used. Before this time therefore they were either the only, qr chief Merchants in Lapland, whi^ ther when they had brought their merchandise,they went round the Country purchasing all the skins they could, of which afterwards they made great fums of mony. And this they continually did till the time of Gustavus the first, when that priviledge began to be deny ed them; by which they were grown so rich and powerfull, and what is the common consequent thereof, proud and haughty. But neither could Gustavus provide agaihft all their arts and evafions; for tho he took from them all power over the Laplanders, yet they being better skilled in the commodities of the Country and constitution of the People then others, did still, tho not so openly, keep correspondence and trafic with them, till in the year 1602, in the time of Charles the ninth, they were forbid by the forementioned injunction, at any time, or in any place, to hold any commerce with them, and the monopoly ofall skins was annexed to the Crown; a certain rate being set at which they were to be fold. The words of the Edict are thus: “ Whatfoever skins are found in “ Lapland, we do command and ehjoyn our Governors to buy up for our “ use, according to the statute and rate in that cafe provided. And this was also again enforced in the year 1610, only in this there was a claufe inserted, that the skins of Elkes should be brought into the Kings,'trefury gratis. The claufe runs thus: “ And we do command all Laplanders in our “name to bring to our Governors all faleable skins, for which they ihall ‘‘return the worth in other commodities; as is by statute provided j but “ the skins of Elkes they Hull feize upon for cur use, not giving any con- “ flderation for them 5 if any man Ihall take this beast, it Ihall be law- “full for him to keep theflesh for his own private use, but the skin IhaU “belong to Us and our Crown. But their trading is now grown more general, and they, have of late years learned to deal more freely and openly •jo Of the Laplanders Fairs with other Nations; for they that dwell among the mountains that divide Norway and Swedland, deal both with the Norwegians and Swedes, and they that live more Northerly and Eafterly with the Russians and Finlanders. But I come to the commodities themselves, which Jovius laies are only white skins, or furrs, called Ermines. Aieglerus reckons fishes also, of which they have so great draughts, that they are forced to keep them in trunks and ponds till they can transport them into Northbothnia and Ruffia alba. But there are several other sorts of skins, which Olaus Magnus comprehends under a more general term, and calls pellespretiofas. Sam.Rheen gives us this catalogue of them, the commodities of the Laplanders are, Rain-deers, skins of Rain-deers, skins of black, yellow, blew, white Foxes; skins of Otters, of Gluttons, or Badgers, of Martins, of Beavers, of Squirrils, of Wolves, and of Bears, Laplandish garments, Boots, IhoeS, Gloves, dried Pike, and Cheefes of Rain-deers. With these commodities the Laplanders traffic for Silver, Patacoons, Wollen and linnen Cloth, Copper, Alchimy, Salt, Corn, Bulls hides, Sulphur, Needles and Pins, Knives, Spirit of Wine, and which is more strange for Tobacco, of which as I said before they are great admirers. Upon all these things as was but now declared, there was a certain rate set by Charles the ninth, according to which they were to be bought up for the use of the Crown; and the same custom is so far yet observed, that to this very day, with whomfoever they deal, they have a certain eftimate, whereby they prize both their own and others commodities: the proportion of which rates is according to the Patacoon, or which is the same thing with them, 2 ounces of silver. For example, an ordinary Rain-deer they value at 2 Patacoons, or 4 ounces of silver, the skin of a wild Rain-deer at one Patacoon and £, or 3 ounces of silver; the skin of a tame male Rain-deer at one Patacoon, but if caftrated, at - of a Patacoon, and if a female at {. So likewise an ordinary Fox skin is worth a Patacoon, 4o gray colored Squirril skins are valued at the same price, which number of those skins they call timber. The skin of a Martin at the same price, 3 white Fox skins at the same price, a Bears skin is worth 2 Patacoons, and a Wolves skin as much, an ordinary Laplandish garment, which they call Muddy is worth 3 Patacoons, a pair of Boots half a Patacoon, and 4 pair of shoes, 4 pair of gloves, and one pound of dried Pike, each of them are valued at the same price. Now on the other side, of the commodities for which they traffic, an ell of ordinary cloth, commonly called Silejian or T anger myndenfe, they efteem at the rate of a Patacoon, or 2 ounces of silver; 3 pound of Copper at the same rate, and one tunn of corn at 2 Patacoons and ~, or 5 ounces of silver, 2 pound of Salt at - of a Patacoon, 10 yards of course cloth, such as we call home-spun^ and they call Waldmar, is worth a Patacoon, a Can of spirit of Wine half as much; but if they chance to light upon any commodities of a lower price, they value them by gray colored Squirril skins, proceeding from one to xo, which number of skins they call Artogy and value at; of a Patacoon, and these are the commodities that drive the trade between the Swede and Laplander. But to those of Norway they carry all sorts of coverlets, made of the skins of Rain-deers, also the beasts themselves, their skins and cheefes, and the feathers of Birds; moreover and Cuft oms in Trading. 71 those things for which they trade with the Swedes, are Copper and Alchimy vefiels, ordinary cloth woven by the Swedish Boors, these they change for Bulls, and Cows, whose milk they live on in the Summer, and on their flesh in the Winter, also for Goats and Sheep, out of whose skins they make themselves coverlets, for silver, for the skins of black Foxes, and Otters, for woollen blankets, and for fifh, which they sell again to the Swedes, as Herrings, dried Codfifh, Skails, andfuch like. Johannes Tornms comprehends them in a shorter catalogue, the Laplanders, saies he, traffic with those with Norway and Bothnia, Subjects of the Crown of Sweden, for ordinary woollen cloth, linnen cloth of both sorts, as well the fineffc as courseft, for corn, bread, brafs, iron, and all sorts of Country utenfils. But above all things it was their chiefest care to get beasts out of Norway, which in the Autumn, they used to Sacrifice to their Idols. Whether there were anciently any set places or times in which they did trade, I cannot certainly pronounce, tho 01 aus Magnus, Lib. 4. Cap. 5. seems to affirm it, and saies, there were certain set places, some in open fields, and some upon the Ice, in which they did every year keep their Fairs, and exhibit to the public view what they had by their own induftry gained, either at home or abroad. But for all this he proceeds not to tell us where those Fairs were kept, or where those places were. And Charles the ninth forbidding the Birkarli continually, and at all times to make their circuits round the Country, did nevertheless appoint certain times and places, in which, as at public Fairs, all traffic should be free and open as well to them as others. The words of the Edict published in the. year 1602 I will give you, which run thus: “ Wherefore’; seeing we have forbidden the Birkarli to trade in Lapland, according to their old custom, “ and in manner aforesaid, We do will and command to be appointed two <* Fairs every year in every Province, one in the Winter, the other in “ the Summer s as it shall seem most convenient, and We do will and com- “ mand our Governors to take care that certain fit places be looked our, in « which these Fairs may be kept, and to appoint set times, at which most “ conveniently as well all Laplanders, Birkarlians, Moscovites, as others, may <£ resort unto them. Furthermore our Will and pleasure is, that each Fair t'last for two or three weeks, during which time, it shall be lawfuil for every one to make such bargains as may be most for his own profit. And “ we do also command our Governors, that certain Boothes and Sheds be “ provided after the most convenient manner. Now by all this it may appear that in former times there were no such things either observed or known, seeing the King here speaks of them as first instituted by him; neither indeed in the Edift it self doth he set down any certain time or place, but names them only as things intended, and which he leaves to the discretion of his Governors, which also Andr. Bureus seems to intimate was performed, when he saies that when they were to pay their tribute, they were at a certain time and in certain places gathered together, as into a Store-house, where those Merchants, we before called Birkarli, exhibited their wares. But now he also leaves us in the dark as to a. certainty either of time or place, so that it may seem these Fairs and constitutions did not find so good success as it was hoped they would, untill at length the Queen Christina taking the business into consideration, brought it to greater perfection. There is an Edict of hers, published in the year 1640, in which two Fairs are appointed, one at Arfwisjerf in January, the other at Arieplog to be kept in February. The words are to this purpose.* ‘‘Furthermore “We have given and granted, and by these presents do give and grant 2 solemn Fairs, one at Arfwisjerf on the Feast of the Conversion of S. Paul, “ being the 25 of Jan. the other at Arieplog on the Feast of the Purifica- “ tion of the B. V. Mary, being the 2d of February, each to be held for “ 3 daies, at which times it shall be lawfull for the Pithenses and all “Laplanders to exercise all sorts of traffic, and these Fairs shall first be ‘‘holden the next year 1641. From this time they began to be more diligently observed,and are kept upon those Feasts to this very day, for in all Provinces there are every Spring 3 Fairs kept-, the first in Lapmarkia Umensis upon the Feast of the Epiphany, the 2 d in Lapmarkia Luhlenfis on the Conversion of S. Paul, the last in Lapmarkia Pithenfis, Tornenfis, and Kimensis on the Feast of the Purification. These are the Fairs which Christina instituted, only that in Umensis I beleive was observed from the time of Charles the ninth, and the rather because that Lapmark is nighest Swedland. Into Norway they resort and keep Fairs twice a year, the first at Midsummer on the Feast of S. John, the other in the Autumn on the Feast of Simon and Jude or All-Saints day. And so much for the times and places of their Fairs. As for their way of dealing they were of old in all their bargains very faithfull and just, tho Damianus a Goes seems to note some craftiness in them, and saies they were very cunning in all their tradings. And Sam. Rheen in plain terms call them cheats, and saies they were so deceitful, that one that did not know all their tricks, could hardly escape being overreached by them. So that we may suppose that as long as others dealt fairly with them, so long they were trusty and faithfull, but in after times coming to learn how others had served them, by understanding how they had been cheated formerly, they themselves learned to deceive others. But of this we have spoken before: and these thing may serve to give us some light into their customs in trafficking.

Chapter XV. Of the Language of the Laplanders.

IN the former Chapter we told you that the Language of the Laplanders was such as did very much differ from that of their neighbours; our next business shall be, as well as we can, to discover what it is. Now whatsoever is received, used, commonly, and publikly spoken in any Country is certainly a Language, but of this of the Laplanders, Zieglerus in general observes only that it was peculiar to themselves, and not understood by their neighbours. Damianus speaks more plain, and accuses them of barbarism and roughness of speech. Our modern Writers say their speech is a confused miscellany of the Language of their neighbours, and that it was called Lingua Lapponica, quasi corrasa, vel Lappatsflaac; and that it is made up of many other Tongues, as of that of Finlanders and Swedes; as for instance, the Laplanders say four, the Swedes, floor; the one Salug, the other sahgh. And that there are also some Latine words, as Porcus, Oriens, &c. But tho these Writers suppose that they have borrowed many words from their neighbours, yet they confess that much of their Language is their own, and neither used, or known by any other Nations; but that as well the original of the words, as propriety of the Phrases, is peculiar to themselves. Others suppose it took its rise and was derived from Finland: and indeed it is confessed on all hands that there are many words in both Languages that seem no great Strangers. So that there is little doubt but there are many words in both Languages which very much agree, which any one that is a little skilled in them must needs confess: and to make this more clear, I shall here insert some words of both Languages not much unlike.

These words I suppose may serve to declare the affinity that we said was between the Language of the Laplanders and Finlanders: and because the words that I have set down, do not signify any forreign commodities, but things natural, and such as are in use among all People alike, I am given to beleive that the Laplanders had not any peculiar Language, which did wholly differ from that of Finland, but that it took its original thence. For if, as some would have it, they had any Language they might properly call their own, why did they not out of it, upon things of so common occurrence and ordinary use, rather impose their own words, then such as no man could doubt were taken from the Finlanders. No People certainly were ever guilty of so much folly as to impose forreign names upon so common things, if they had any Language of their own to express them in: as might be at large demonstrated from the Languages of the Germans, ancient Gaules, Spaniards, Italians, Greeks, &c. neither have we any reason to count it a hard inference if we should from hence gather, that the Laplanders themselves sprung from the Finlanders. For otherwise why should they have used any other Language then what they received from their Forefathers. And this seems to be the argument Wexonius uses to prove the Language of the Laplanders to have taken its rise from the Finlanders, when from the original of the People he infers the same of the Speech; for in this he intimates that to spring from any Country, and to use the same Language, are very convertible propositions. All which indeed seems to be no more then the truth. But now some one may object that the opinion of those men that affirm the Language of this Country to be primarily its own, could not be destitute of all reason, and that they must necessarily have had some probabilities whereon they grounded their opinion; and truly it cannot be denied but that there are many words which do not any waies agree with the Language of the Finlanders, as may appear from what follows.

And the Difference between these and the like words without doubt was that which gave occasion to some to think that anciently the Laplanders had a Speech peculiar to themselves, and quite different from that of Finland; of which ancient Language these relicts did remain; and for this they give this reason, that the Laplanders were forced to frame to themselves a new Language, for fear, least being understood by their neighbours the Finlanders, they should fall into their snares. So Olaus Petri saies that oftentimes they found spies about their tents in the night, hearkning after their Councels; now for this reason, according to the Policy of their Forefathers, flying into the allotment of Rengo, in the Province of Nolmense, they there agreed upon, and framed to themselves a Speech quite different from that of Finland. So that there are very few words found to agree in both Languages. Now by the Spies he there talks of, he understands the Finlanders, who being driven out of their Country by Matthias Kurkins and the Tavastians, roved up and down, seeking where they might most conveniently settle, as may appear from what goes before in that place. Others think that these are the relicts of that Language which they first brought into Lapland, which they suppose to be no other but that of the Tartars. But how false this is, may appear from the vast difference between those Tongues, in which there is not one word that signifies the same thing in both Languages. And that you may not think I say this without any reason, I will give you a few instances.

And indeed there is as great incongruity in all the rest of the words as in these; so that this opinion is not only foolish, but ridiculous. And neither is the other, which pretends they framed a Language to themselves, grounded upon any greater truth then this former. For first why should they only have changed some words and not all? And then these words which do agree in both Languages are not the names of things less known, or not so ordinarily used, as other things, but of such as were as common as life, light, or breathing: wherefore I am clearly of the other opinion, and do beleive that these differing words are as much Finnonick as any of the rest. But they who from the difference of these words infer the independency of the Speeches, do not at all consider that, then which there is nothing more common and incident to Languages, viz. to be changed and altered according to the times, and so much the more by how much the People have greater commerce with other Nations. And this is plain from the example of the Islanders and Norwegians; for that the Islanders sprung from the Norwegians is by the Histories of both Nations made so clear that no man can doubt of it. But now the Islanders use many words which those of Norway are quite ignorant of; and yet I hope no man will thence say that the Islanders have a Language wholly independent and different from that of Norway: for the one living by themselves, and having little or no dealings with other People, do to this day keep entire the same Language which they first brought, and which they received down from their ancestors: but it was quite otherwise with the Norwegians, who together with their Empire lost also their ancient Language. The same seems to be the case of the Finlanders, who being brought under the Jurisdiction of others, and holding more frequent commerce with their neighbours, lost much of their ancient manner of speaking, which the Laplanders on the contrary living a more solitary life, it is probable, do still keep uncorrupt. Wherefore it is no wonder if in their language we meet with many words, which compared with those of the modern Finlanders, seem to have nothing of likeness; tho happily one that is well skilled in the dialect and propriety of the Finnonick Language, will find enough to make him conjecture that there are many words which, as they are now used seem quite different, yet are very agreeable in the original. And this is likewise the common fate of other languages, as for example of the German, in which a little too rashly the learned Olaus Wormius in his literatura Runica, as he calls it, Cap. 27, hath taken notice of so great a difference. For in these daies not only nach, but efter is used, as may appear afterred, afterdam, &c. And so likewise the Germans use not only Gesicht, but also Antlitz; not only Verstand, but Vernunfft; and as well essen, anfangen, Schuh, Alter, Gefaengniss, auffthun, Bett, Kopff, &c. as As, beginnen, keimen, uralt, haffte, entdecken, Leegerstad, locken, in all which they agree with the ancient Germans. In my opinion therefore the difference of a few words, is not authority enough to prove that the Laplanders in ancient times had a peculiar language. But it shews rather that they are not all of the same antiquity, but that some came from Finland longer ago, who brought those obsolete words with them, and some of later daies, who now use the new; and this I think to be the best account of the Language of the Laplanders.

Of which this also is observable, that it doth not in all places alike agree with it self, but hath its several different Dialects, and is so various, that those that live in one part of the Country can scarce understand those of the other. There are especially three Dialects; the first used by the Umenses and Pithenses in the West, the second by the Luhlenses in the North, the last by the Tornenses and Kimenses in the East. And the variety of these Dialects was doubtless caused by the difference of times in which they came into Lapland; some coming sooner, some later, some settling in one part, some in another. Now of all these Dialects, there is none more rough or unpleasant then that of the Luhlenses, who as well in their life and manners, as in their way of speaking, are far the most rustick and clownish of all the Laplanders. But that you may see what a disparity there is between these Dialects, I will set down a few examples: the Pithenses say Jubmel; the Tornenses, Immel. The Pithenses say Jocki, Warra, Olbmo, niip, skaigki, kiisi, nissii, pardei, seibig, muriet, repp; for which the Tornenses put virte, taodar, almai, pah, kiswitza, raipka, kaap, alik, owre, kops, riemnes.

Now as the Language of the Laplanders is varied according to the diversity of the Territories and Marches, just as it is in other Nations, particularly in Germany, where the Swablanders, Saxons, and Belgians, speak all different tongues; so hath it this also common with other Countries, viz. that the nigher the Territory tends to any other People, so much the more do the Inhabitants participate of their Language; and so the Tornenses and Kimenses, who border upon the Finlanders, do at this day use very much of their speech: nay they go yet farther, and make it their business to learn the Language of their Neighbours; so the Tornenses and Kimenses get the Finnonick, the Luhlenses, Pithenses, and especially the Umenses the Swedish Language; and that man that is skilled in these Tongues hath not little conceit of himself, and is indeed much esteemed among his neighbours. It is therefore no wonder if there be many Swedish words found among the Laplanders: for it could not otherwise happen but that this People, who were supplied by others in many things which they had not themselves, should with Forreign commodities receive also and use Forreign names; and of this I could give many instances, but it is not the business in hand. Now of this kind we ought to esteem these words following: in Lapland, Salug signifies blessed, which the Swedes call Salig; Niip a knife, the Swedes call it kniif; Fielo, a rafter, with the Swedes tiho; and many more of the like nature. Of all which the R. and learned Johan. Tornaeus gives this account, that the use of Forreign words was introduced partly by necessity, and partly by conversing with Strangers; and upon this account it is that they that converse with the Swedes do oftentimes use Swedish words. The like may be said of those that deal with the Finlanders, and with the Germans in Norway; and this is the reason why one and the same thing is often called by divers appellations, as for example, the Swedes call a Horse Haest, the Finlanders Hapotz, the Germans Refs, which also is the name the Laplanders give the beast, for they having no Horses of their own were forced to borrow a name from the Country from whence they had them. Now what Tornaeus observes concerning the word Rofs, I beleive may be applyed also to the word Porcus, which I suppose they had rather from the Germans then Latines, for the Germans call a Barrow-Hog, Bark; now their Swine they had all out of Norway, and it is very probable they did thence borrow that appellation also. And not to trouble our selves any farther, this will hold true in all the rest of that kind.

Wherefore setting apart other considerations, and looking upon this Language, not as it contains in it forreign words, but only such as they alwaies used within themselves, and were ever received among them; it remains that we conclude it to be not a miscellany or collection of Latin, German, Swedish scraps, and the like; neither as a peculiar speech different from them altogether, but such as originally took its rise from the Finlanders, tho time hath brought it to pass that perhaps few of them understand it.

This Tongue, as well as others, hath its Declensions, Comparisons, Conjugations, Moods, Tenses, &c. and perhaps it may not be amiss if I should here insert some examples: I will therefore first decline you a Laplandish Noun, and afterwards give you the Finnonick Declension of the same, that by comparing both you may better understand the parity and disparity of these Languages. This Noun shall be Immel, for so the Tornenses call it, tho others say Jubmel; the Finlanders terms it Jumala, and it signifies God.

Laplandish: Immel (God)

Finnish: Jumala (God)

I will add one more Noun, that the case may be more clear, and that shall be Olmai, which signifies a man.

Laplandish: Olmai (a Man)

And after this manner it is in all the rest.

Adjectives have their terminations in comparison, as Stoure, great; Stourapo, greater; Stouramus, greatest. Enach, much; Enapo, more; Enamm, most. Utze, little; Utzapo, less; Utzamus, least.

The comparative for the most part ends in po, the Superlative in mus. They have also their Articles, but seldom use them before Nouns, as it is also in other Tongues.

In the Masc. and the Fem. Gender the Article hath the same termination, but differs in the Neuter; for tott signifies hic & hæc; torvt, hoc. Their Pronouns are mun, I; tun, thou; sun, he; mii, we; sii, you; tack, they.

The Verbs also are conjugated in their Tenses, and Persons, as in the Indicative mood thus: Sing. Mun pworattan, I love; tun pworattack, thou lovest; sun pwratta, he loveth. Plur. Mii pwrasep, we love; sii pworost, you love; tack pwrott, they love. And after this manner do they decline their other Verbs.

Sing. mun lem, I am; tun lack, thou art; sun lia, he is. Plur. mii lep, we are; sii lii, you are; tack le, they are.

These will serve to give us some light into the nature of this Language, at least as much as is to our purpose, who did not undertake to write a Grammar, but only give some small description.

Now the Laplanders have a peculiar way of pronouncing words, according to which it is impossible to express them in letters; for they do mouth out all their words, so that the vowels might be heard loud enough, but the other letters come very softly out; they do also quite cut off and drown the last Syllables, especially of Nouns. Letters they neither have, nor ever had any; and in this they agree with their ancestors the Finlanders: the Calendar which they use, is no other but the Swedish in Runick letters. And this also, before they came to have commerce with the Swedes, and had learned of them the observation of Holy-daies, was never in use among them. Johannes Sheram tells us that he heard from persons of good credit, of certain grave-stones and monuments, which had sometimes been found in Lapland (more whereof perhaps might be found) on which were engraved Runick Characters. But suppose we this true, it is not, I hope, therefore necessary that we should conclude that these were formerly the letters of the Laplanders, to which indeed, as well themselves as their forefathers the Finlanders are equally Strangers. But we have more reason to think that the Swedes coming thither in ancient times, either by force of arms, or otherwise, inhabited there abouts, and left those stones. To this day both the Laplander and Finlander use the Latine letters, in the same Character the Swedes and Germans make them; altho the number of them that can read among them is but very small, and of them that can write, a great deal less; and are only such as they call great Scholars.

Now this Speech being only used among the Laplanders, and there being none that desire to learn it but themselves, in all negotiations with others, they are forced to use the help of Interpreters, of whom upon this account there are great numbers, as I have formerly said: tho these Interpreters speak all Languages, but the Finnonick, very barbarously, which is also the fault of all Laplanders, who are very hardly brought to learn or pronounce any other Tongue, and much given to confound one with another. So that they which traffic in Norway and border upon that Country, do in their speaking mingle together the Speech of the Norwegians and Swedes, as for instance, jegkiom, for jag kom; jeg gaong, for jag gaer. So for huttro, they say koona; for min myssa, mitt hofwud, &c. But of the Language of the Laplanders let this suffice.

Chapter XVI. Of the Houses of the Laplanders.

Hitherto we have treated of the Laplander as he hath relation to the Common-wealth, we shall in the next place speak of him as a private person. And this we shall do first, considering the things they have need of. Secondly, their imployments. And thirdly their leisure and pastimes. All necessary accommodations are either such as are to defend us from ill inconveniences, or to give us necessaries. Of the first sort, are Houses and Cloathes, of the 2 d, Meat and Drink. We shall begin with their houses, or places of aboad. The Laplanders have not any houses like other Northern People, it having bin their custom to wander up and down, and so, sometimes in one place and sometimes in another, to set up small sheds for their present use: so that they had no certain habitations, but having eaten and consumed the fish and beasts in one place, they march to another, carrying their sheds or tents with them. But this liberty of wandring up and down the Country, was in a special Edict forbid them by Charles the ninth, in the year 1602, and a certain place of habitation assigned to every family. The words of the Edict are to this purpose: "We do in the first place command that in every Lap- “mark an account be taken of all Fenns, Rivers, Lakes, &c. and who “ they are that have hitherto had the benefit and use of them, with the names “of all such - and then that the number of the families be compared with that of the Rivers, &c. and so equally divided that one family shall not “possess more Rivers and Fenns then are for it's use. Lastly every Lap-mark being thus divided, it shall be committed to honest and good men, “who, without either favor or prejudice, shall assign to every family its “ just portion: and thenceforth it shall not be lawfull for any Laplander, “ at his pleasure to wander up and down all marches, as hath formerly bin “ used. From the time of this Edict the Laplanders had their certain bounds and limits assigned them sufficient for the sustaining of their families. Neither was it afterward lawfull for any one to invade the propriety of another, or to wander where he pleased. Notwithstanding, that custom of removing their sheds from one place to another was quite abolished, but is yet used among them, tho now they move not out of the bounds assigned them. So that they have no certain mansion, but as the Season of the year offers it self, either for fishing or hunting, so do they order their habitations accordingly on the side of some River, Wood, or Mountain, and having spent there some daies or weeks, remove their tents again to a more seasonable place. To this agrees also our modern writer Sam. Rheen. This wandring is chiefly caused by their manner of getting their living, for the Laplanders having all their livelihood from Rain-deers, Fish, and wild beasts, they are forced to live where they may have sufficient pastures for their Rain-deers, and plenty of other beasts, and fishes for themselves and yet to take care that they destroy not the breed. But this cannot be done if they should live alwaies in one place, and therefore it is that Buraeus saies, they order their habitations according to the seasons of fishing, hunting, &c. Now this Conveniency cannot be in all places at all times alike, for fish do abound most when about the time of their spawning they are gathered together, which some fish do at one time, and some at another,-and one sort in one Lake, and another sort in another Lake; so that they that are of this trade cannot alwaies live in one place. In like manner it is also with their Rain-deers:-and therefore Sam. Rheen saies they take their journeys either to provide pasture for their Rain-deers, or to fish: for at that time, when fishes generate either in this or that Lake or River, then the Laplander, with his house and family, takes his journy. But this journeying is not so as that they should forsake and never return again to their former places; but they do, as it were, go in a circle: so that in the space of a year, the pasture being again grown that was before consumed, they return into the same seats again. This is the custom of the Laplanders that live in the Mountains: but they that live in the Woods, do not only once a year, but oftener return into the same places. For they leave and return to their habitations severall times in a year, viz, as often as occasion is offered either of fishing, fowling, hunting, &c. Now they do so order their journeys, that the Fishermen at those times when the fishes do spawn,-do alwaies live on the side of some River. They that take care of, and trade with Rain-deers do in the Winter live in the Woods, but in the Summer ascend towards the mountains of Norway: for in the Winter they cannot abide on those Mountains, where there are so frequent storms, great Snows, and no Wood. At that season therefore they descend into the nigheft Woods, where by reason of the depth of the Snow they can easily keep their Rain-deers together: so that from Christmas untill the Feast of the Annunciation they remain for the most part in one place, at which time the Snow beginning to melt, they march nigher and nigher again towards the Mountains, where they remain till S. Erick's day: about which time because the female Rain-deer use to bring forth, therefore they remain in the same place untill the feaft of S. John, or Midfummer-day. Afterwards, when, as well in the Mountains as Vallies, the grass and pasture do most flourish, they proceed farther and farther, some on the tops of the highest Mountains, where the Rain-deers are less infested with flies and gnats, in which Mountains they wander up and down till the feaft of S. Bartholomew, when by little and little they betake themselves to the Woods again, and then Christmas coming they do again as we told you in the beginning. And these are the circuits of the Laplanders, and reasons why they cannot stay in one place, together with the times of their severall removes. But now these journeys sometimes are for many miles, and of a far longer space of time, so that sometimes they march for 20 miles and farther. Now because some of them live in the Mountains, some among the Trees, especially Pine-trees, nigh the Riveis and Lakes; therefore are they accordingly called by different names. Some are called fall Lapper, because they live in the Mountains nighAV y, which are called fiall. Others are termed Craan Lapper, because they live among the Fine trees, which are called by the Swedes and Norwegians, Craan. For their journeys in the Summer they make different preparations from what they do in the Winter; in the Winter they use sledges ( of which I will speak hereafter ) but in the Summer they go on foot, the Rain-deers carrying their goods on pannels and pack-faddles, and sometimes their Infants also. So that in the Winter they put their houfhold-stuff in one sledge, and their tents in another, and so march from place to place, but in the Summer they use pannels which they make after th manner: They have two lathes something broad, but flexible, made of firr, of which for the most part Boxes are made, these lathes they joyn together at the top, putting the one end into a mortice made in the other end, and so make a kind cfa circle, then by that part where they are joyned together they hang them on the Rain-deer, one on the right-side,■ the other on the left, and so againe by witnes ty them under the beasts belly, that they may be the more steady. Now these are placed so to fupporc their dorfers thade of the same wood, bended into an oval figure much like a drum, if both ends were round. These dorfers at the bottom they draw together with twiggs of birch, placed in the form of a grate, and the tops of them they tye with thongs, or cords, which they loose as often as any thing is to be putin, or taken out; and lead any thing should fall out, they.cover these dorfers all over with bark of birch, or some skins These dorfers they hang by ropes or thongs to the tops of the forementioned lathes, which they call Tobbii, so that they may hang down on both fidesthe Rain-deer, the tops being outward, and the bottoms turned inward toward the belly of the beast And thus they load their Rain-deers, not only with their goods and houshold Ruff, but also with their Infants which cannot walk themselves. For on one side of the Rain-deer they often hang their cradles, and children in them, of which I will speak hereafter. Now in these journeys they have a certain order which no one without caufe ought to difiurb; for in the firflplace marches the Master of the Family, having some Rain-deers after him, loaded after theforefaid manner afterwards follows his wife in like manner; then the whole herd of Rain-deers which his Children and Servants drive softly on. Last of all brings up the rear, he that carries the Drum. Now these pack-Rain-deers they do not use to drive yoked or joyned together, but in a long line one after another, that which follows being alwaies tied to the pannels of that which went before, and the Laplander leading the foremost by a rope tied about his neck, and so they march cn till they come to the place intended, where they set up their sheds again, and remain for some weeks, which are to them instead of houses. But now there is some difference in the sheds bf the Laplanders that live in the mountains, and are called Fitellapper, and those that live in the Woods, who are called Graan Lapper; for the one coming to the same place but onee in a year, doth not build this shed of so durable stuff as the other: the former, when he departs, almost destroying his habitation, and the latter leaving it standing. The former build their sheds thus', first at four corners they erect four polls, upon the tops of which they place three rafters, so that there shall be one on each side, and one behind, but none cross the formofl polls; upon these rafters they afterwards place long poles, so that with their tops they may lean upon, andfupport one another, whereby the whole form seems to be like a quadrilaterall house, which afcending like a Pyramide, is narrower at top, and broader at bottom. These poles so placed they cover with course woollen cloth, which we before called Waldmar but the richer sort over this woollen cloth place linnen also, by both which they may be the better defended from rain and storms. These are the sheds of the Lap- landers that dwell in the mountains, for the most part made of clothes, &c. which when they leave any place they take with them, and erect in another. But your Graanlapper, or Wood-Laplanders, make their sheds for the most •part of board and posts, that at the top meet in a Cone, which they cover with the boughs of Firr and Pine-trees, or else with the bark of those trees, and sometimes with turff. That they covered them with the barks of trees, Herbersteinius witnesseth; Andreas Bur&us saies that those barks were of birch trees, to whom alfoaffents Olaus Petri, who only adds, that they did a long time, boil those barks to make them more flexible, olaus Magnet, Lib. 4. Cap. 3.' adds also skins, and these were the houses Lomenius Comes saw, and describes in his Itinerary to be made of long poles and barks of trees. Sam. Rheen describes the t|uits of the Wood-Laplanders to be made of boards with six sides or walls, covered with boughs of Firr, or Pine-trees, sometimes with the barks, and sometimes only with turffs. Wexionius increases the number of sides, and saies that they were octogons, fomewhat broader towards the bottom, and five ells high, and especially those tents of the Kimenses. Olaus Petri tells us the same of the Tithenses. Now these Tents they do not pulldown or carry with them, but leave them in the same place, only when they come again they add new boughs, &c. where they were decayed, and to fit them for their use. Befides these two sorts of Tents, Olaus Magnus reckons up another, for in this, Lib. 4. Cap. 2. he saies part of them place their Tents in trees that grow in a square figure, leaf! in the fenny Countries they ihouldbe choakedwith the great snows, or devoured by the wild beasts, which come together in great troops. What he means by trees that grow in a square figure I cannot tell, but I suppose he intends only that they did use to ereft their Tents between 4 trees which grew so, that each of them might be the corner prop, of the four square died, but this sort is to us quite unknow. Tacitus saies the Fenni used to dwell among a company of boughs, and perhaps that gave occasion to our Author to talk thus. He hath also got a 4 th sort which he could have no where else but from Zieglerus, for Zieglerus had called them Amaxobios, from whence Olaus Magnus saies they dwelt in Waines and Carts; and therefore Olaus induced by this word of Zieglerus, thought the Laplanders had bin such. But this is quite false, for Waggons and Carts were utterly unknown to the Laplanders, for whom it was impossible to use them, by reason of the slipperiness of the Ice, and depth of their snows. Neither was it indeed in that sense that Zieglerus calls them Amaxiobios, but because they wandred up and down like the Amaxobii, who are a known Nation of the Scythians. There remains therefore only these two sorts of sheds, which I have mentioned, for the; th, which Paulus Jovius reckons, was either upon fudden occasions, or used only by those that were under the dominion of the Moscovites: the words of this Author are, “ These People lie in caves filled with dried leaves, or in trunks of trees made hollow either by fire or age. But in both our forementioned sorts, things are so ordered that every Tent had two doors, one, foredoor, and the other, a backward; the former bigger and more ordinarily used, the latter less, through which they use to bring in their provisions, and especially the prey they took in hunting, also Birds, Beafts, Fifties, which it was unlawfull for to bring in at the foredoor. These are the two doors with the use of both, especially the back-door, through which it was unlawfull for any woman topafs, because, aslfaid before, women were forbidden to go into the back part of the Tent, the reason of which I think to be partly this, because in that part they placed Thor and sacrificed to him, and partly this, because it was esteemed an ill omen for a hunter to meet a woman. And hither may we refer what Zieglerus saies of that door, that it was unlawfull for the Woman to go out of the door of the Tent that day her husband was gone a hunting, which cannot be underftood of any door but the back-door, the use of which was not only that day but alw? aies forbid women. The Laplanders have no Chambers, but only certain spaces, which they determine and bound by loggs and posts laid along on the ground, of which we shall next speak. The whole space of ground within the Tent was so ordered, that in the middle there might be a hearth, surrounded with stones, in which there was a continual fire; except at midnight behind the hearth, toward the back part of the tent they place three loggs, with which they bound that space, of which we but now spoke. In the middle of this space is the little door, at which only men must enter, which they call Posse, right over against that is the common door, which they call Ox; but that space we told you was bounded with these three loggs, they call, lops; this place therefore is only proper to men, and it is unlawfull for any woman to pass those loggs, and go into it. Sam. Rheen saies about the kettle hanging over the fire, they place the 3 blocks, upon which, with a hatchet they divide their flesh, fish or other things they intend to make ready. He saies here indeed the space is called Posse, but understands chiefly the space of the door, for that was properly called Posse, the other space being called Lops. The common door they used to make to Wards the South, and the other towards the North. The space on both sides, and the sides themselves they called Loidet, here they made their bed chambers, the husband with his wife and children lying on one side, and the servant; on the other. Olaus Petri saies only the daughters lay on the side of the husband and wife, I believe, that their Parents might have them alwaies nigh them, and so take greater care to secure their honesty, whilst the sons in the mean time lay with the servants: but now thefpaces that remain towards the doors they call hitta, and are ordained for the use of the women, for in the space nigh the common door they are brought to bed. But that you may the better underftand all this, I will here insert a defcription of the Area. A is the little door they Call posse, B andC is called lopps y as is the place where the men lay up their hunting instruments. D and E are called loidet y whereof one is the appartment of the Master of the Family and his wife, the other of the servants. F. G. is kitta, were the women are conversant. H, is the hearth, I, the door called ox; those three logs upon which they divide their flesh are the tWo that lay along towards I. and the 3 d crosswaies distinguishes from other parrs the mens appartment, or pojfe. The 3 d thing we are to note in these sheds, is that they strew their floors with branches of Birch trees, least by the rain they ihouldbe wetted, and they 8 6 Of the Houses vf the Laplanders. they use no other kind of pavement; only upon the boughs, for cleanliness fake, they lay skins of Rain-deers, on which they lit and lie. And these are the dwelling houses of the Laplanders, befides which they have also Storehoufes in which they keep their commodities, especially flesh, fish, and such other provisions; these they call Nalla, and make thus: they cut the upper part of a tree off, so that the body remain four or five ells from the ground high, upon this trunk they place two rafters in the figure of an X or S Andrews Cross, and upon these they build their repofitory, making a door to it, and covering it with boards. There is one thing peculiar to these Storehouses, which is, that the door is not in the side, but bottom of them, so that when the Laplander is come down, the door falls too, like a trap-door, and all things are safe. To these they go up by ladders which they make of the trunks of trees, in which they cut great notches like stairs. Now the reason why they place them so high, is because of the Bears and other wild beasts, who oftentimes pull them down, and to the great dammage of the Master eat all his provision; they used also to cut off the bark of the tree, and anoint the Rock, so that neither mice nor wild beasts could be able to climb up for slipperiness. And perhaps these are the houses Olaus Magnus meant, when he said, they placed their houses upon trees for fear of wild beasts. But that you may the better conceive these Store-houses also, I shall here give you the Figure of them.

Chapter XVII. Of the Garments of the Laplanders.

Among the Laplanders the men and women wear different kinds of Garments, which they alter according to the Weather, and place: for they wear one sort of clothes in the Winter, and another sort in the Summer, one kind at home, and another abroad. Let us first consider the Garments of the men: These in the Summer have trouses, or brougs, reaching down to their feet, close to their body, upon which they wear a gown, or rather a coat with sleeves, which comes down to the middle leg, which they tie fall with a girdle. And in this respect it was that Zieglerus in his time wrote, that they used close Garments fitted to their body, least they should hinder their work. He calls them close because of their trouses, and fitted to their body because of their being girded. These they wear next their bare skin without such linnen shirts as the Europeans use, they having no flax in their Country. These Garments are of course home-spun woollen cloth called Waldmar; of a white or gray color, such as the wool is of before it is dyed. The wool they have from Swedland y and buy it of the Merchants called Birkarli, but the richer sort wear a finer cloth, and not of the same color, but sometimes green or blew, and sometimes red, only black they abominate. Tho sometimes in dirty works, and at home they wear the meaneft clothes, yet abroad, and especially upon Feftivals and Holydaies, they love to go very neat. Their girdles are made of leather, which the richer sort adorn with silver studs, and poorer with tin. These studs stick out like buttons in a femicircular figure. At this girdle they hang a knife and (heath, and a kind of square bag, tho something longer then broad, also a leathern purfe, and then a cafe with needles and thred in it. Their knives they have from Norway, the (heath is of the skin of the Rain-deers, sewed together with tin wire, and in other parts with ' the same adornments, at the end of which they use to hang rings.’ the bag is also made of the skin of the Rain-deers, with the hair on it, on the outftde of which they also place another skin, equalko the bag, and make it fall by three knots, and this skin they cover again with red cloth, or of some other color, adorned also with wire. In this bag they keep a stone to strike fire, not of flint, but christall, as I will (hew hereafter. Alfo a Reel, with some brimstone to light a fire where ever they come: as also Tobacco and o ther odd things. The leathern purfe is also made of the same skin in an oval figure like a pear, in which they keep their mony, and other more choice things, and at this also they hang rings. Their needle cafe is of a peculiar sort, they have a Angle cloth with four sides, but the upper part is much narrower then the lower, so that it is like an oblong triangle cut off at the vertical angle, and to make it stronger they bind about the edges with leather, and so stick their needles into it, this they put into a bag of the same (hape j adorned with red, or some other colored cloth, and wire, drawn together by a leathern firing, by which they hang it to their girdle. Befides these, they have Alchymy chains, with a great company of rings of the same, these they hang about all their body, the bag they hang before, nigh their navel, all the reft they fling behind them. And these are the Garments and ornaments of the body: their head they cover with a cap, over which the richer sort wear a cafe of Fox, Beaver, or Badgers skin, they are very like our night-caps, it is made of red or other colored cloth, or of the Hares fur, first twiftedinto a thred, and then knit almost like our stockins; or laftly of the skin of the bird called Loom, with the feathers on it: sometimes they so order it, that keeping also the head and wings of the bird, they make not an unbecoming cover for the head. Olaus Magnus in his 4. Book, Cap. 3. saies they make their caps of the skins of Geefe, Ducks, Cocks, which, as well as other birds, are there in great abundance. But he doth doth not here mean common Cocks, but the Urogalli, or Heath-Cocks; however he gives us the picture in his 17 Book, Cap. 26. They have ordinary gloves, but shoes of a peculiar make, they are made of the skin of the Rain-deer with the hair on, out of one piece, only where they tread they sew both ends together, so that the haires of one part may lie forward, and the other backward, least if they lay all one way they should be too slippery: but neither is there any more leather on the bottom then on other parts, as it is in our shoes, only there is a hole at the top in which they put in their feet: the toe bends upwards, and ends as it were in a point. Upon the seame they place some narrow pieces of red, or other colored cloth: these shoes they wear on their bare feet, and bind them twice or thrice about the bottom with a thong, and least they should be too loose they fill them up with a sort of long Hay, which they boil and keep for that purpose. But now let us come to the garments they do not so ordinarily wear, but only on some occasions, which both for the men and women are made alike, and all of leather, to secure them from the gnats. But in the Winter time the men have breeches to defend them from the weather, and coats which they call Mudd. These Mudd are not all alike, but some better, some worfe; the best are of the skins of young wild Rain-deers, just when they have caft their first coat, in the place of which comes a black one, which is about the Feaft of S' James, and these are very soft and delicate. Their feet they defend with boots of the same skins, and their hands with gloves or mittens of the same, and their heads with a cap, which reaches down and covers part of their shoulders also, leaving only a space for them to fee through. All these Garments they wear next their skin without any linnen underneath, and tie them round with a girdle, only their boots and gloves they stuff with hay, and sometimes in the Winter with wool. And this is that which Johannes Tomtits saies of their cloathing, tha$ their garment is made of the Rain-deer, the skin of the beast supplying them with coats, breeches, gloves, fandals, shoes, &c. the hair being alwaieson the outfide, so that they seem to be all hairy. And hence we may underftand Zieglerus, when he saies their Winter garments were made of the skins of Bears and Sea-Calves, which they tied in a knot at the top of their heads, leaving nothing to be seen but their eyes, so that they seemed to be in a fack, only that it was made according to the ih ape of their members j. and hence, saies saies he, I beleive they came to be supposed all hairy like beasts, some reporting this out of ignorance, and some delighting to tell of strange wonders they saw abroad. And truly it is not without reason that he gathers the fable of hairy men toberaifed from their hairy Garments, which sort of monfters whether there be in other Countries I cannot tell, but I find the Cyclop' s with one eye in their forehead by Adamus Bremensis to be placed here upon the same account, because they had only a hole in their cap through which they looked, all the reft of their body deeming hairy, and therefore this hole they feigned to be an eye. But whereas he saies the skins were of Bears and Sea-Calves, he is a little miftaken, -for these skins were not so common among the Laplanders, and are by them designed quite for another use. However these Garments they used after their faftiion to adorn with pieces of red, or other colored cloth, and embroider them with wire, in flowers $ stars, &c. as I will hereafter declare more at large. But I come to the habit of the women, which also was of One sort m the Summer, and of another in the Winter. In the Summer they wear coats which cover their breaftS, arms, and albtbeir body.; about the middle they are gathered, and so hang down j these they call Volpi. These gowns they also wear next their skin, for the use of smocks: is no more known among women then the use of ihirts among men:. and they horribly impofed upon Lomenius Comes, that made him beleive otherwise. Lomenius saies thus, they have smocks, not made of linnen, but of the entrailsof beasts » which they first spin into a thread, and afterwards wear \them but all this is quite still/e The entrals indeed they do spin into thred, bur of that they make neither cloth nor smocks, but use it to sew their skins; but Women of thecommon sort wear course cloth, and the better sort finer, -»as it is with the men, which for themoft partis Englifli cloth, richly wrought. They have alio a girdle, but different from that of the.men, for it is much larger,, and sometimes three fingers broad, and then also it is adorned not with studs, but plates of a fingers length, or more,, which are engraved with divers lhapes of Birds, Flowers, &c. and these they faften upon a leathern fillet so nigh one another, that the girdle is almost covered with therif. These plates are raoft commonly made of tin, from whence Sam. Rheen calls them tin girdles, but those for the better sort afe made of filven Upon these girdles they hang many Alchymy chains, upon one of which they hang a knife and sheath, upon another a pouch orpurfe upon another a needle among us use, but before them. The weight of the trinkets they carry about them, doth commonly weigh twenty pound, a pretty heavy burden, and such as a man would wonder they should be able to bear: but they are very much delighted with it, especially with the number of the rings, the gin gling of which is very gratefull to their ear, and as they think no small comwhich I beleive is hardly true, commonly Iamfure they were made of AU chymy, and if they had bin of tin they had neither bin durable, nor w ould they have made a noise. They have also another ornament for their breaft which they call Kracha, it is made of red, or some other colored cloth. And first it goes about their neck, and then on both sides comes down upon their breaft, and a.little below their breafk ends in a narrow point. This cloth, especially before, and sometimes about the neckj.uthey adorn with studs, engraved with divers forms;, as also With bracelets- which the richer haye of silver and gold, the poorer of tin and Alchymy.; After this manner, in short aS he uses y'Jobannes Tornaeus describes them, the women do so deck themselves with gold and silver that their breafts shine likeffeilds, b'uti chofe that carioot reach silver, use copper and Alchymy. NoWethefe studs they use to have not only about their neck, but upon their gowns.where they drawthem together, and lace them; and not only indingle but.ddublb and triple rows. They cover their heads with a low kind of-keftcberif, plain: at top, round, and of red color, some of. the richer Tort on: extraordinary-, times add also a strip of linnen for. ornament, as at their FairsoW eddings, and Feaftsi. Upon their legs they, wear stockins, whichaqafch ho lower fihen their ankles, but that only in -tlfce Summer. Their shoes are like the mens, and so also bound to'theirfseet with thongs. The womens habit in the Winter is almost the same With the. mens, for they:have th eMaddas made of the skins of Rain -deers j and at thac.tiine wear breeches toofbyreafon of the deep Snows, fiormSy.and badnefs of the waids: nay and cover their head with the same cap? men do, which sort of caps thdy wear also sometimes in.thei Summer tdidefend themrfrom the gnats ajithefe oaps they tie about their heads, and. - ©.slower pm, which would othervvi& Tall about their shoulders, they rafke to fraud out like the brims of our hats. And these are the; garments as well of Virgins as married women, 'for both use the same attire neither is there any. sign in their habit whereby to diftingui/h then. JJefides these, garments wherewith they clothe themselves in the day, they have also ©then which they use a nights, such as are called night-cloathes, for they have iio feather beds i and without all doubt Olaus Magnus is mistaken, who in his 4 Book saies they had. Their night garments were of 2 sorts, such as they lay upon, or such as they did cover themselves with, which also differ according to the Summer and Winter Seafons. Those they lie upon are Rain-rdeers skins. 2 or. 3 of which they fling upon some birch leaves, which they use instead Of matrs, without beds, upon the ground, that they may liefofter, so thajethey lie upon the skins without sheets,of the use of which they are quite.- ignorant. They cover themselves in the Summer with blankets), which they call raqner or ryer, and with these blankets they cover not only their whole body, but also their heads too, to avoid the gnats, with which they are extremly infested in the nighttime. But that, they may breath with more freedom, and not be inconvenienced with the weight of these blankets, they sometimes hang them up over their head with scopes faftned to the top of their Hut. These are their Summer coverlets: but in the Winter they first throw about them the skins of Sheep or Rain-deer, and on them the blankets now mentioned. And there is one thing more worth our notice, that they lie under these both Winter and Summer stark naked, and make no use of linnen. Andfo much for the Garments of the Laplanders. I iiha.ll add the Figures of both Sexes habited after their manner. The woman hath a child in her arms, in a Laplandish.n oiD brioiOD T ffto ottsof |o.bn i ’ -.sit ai jt f vo.-vyfA lUo yr ' do in a fl'<ve "U iU vt?v i 1 o;ni j.uAr»d>« 3 no rnsfu

Chapter XVIII. Of the Diet of the Laplanders.

HAVING discoursed of their Garments, I proceed to speak of their Diet. Their food is not the same amongst them all, but different according to the places they inhabit. The Mountaineers live almost wholly on their Rain-deers, that furnish them; with Milk, Cheese, and Flesh: the sometimes they buy from the neighboring parts of Norway Sheep, Goats, and Oxen, which they milk in the Summer, and kill in the Winter, because they have neither Pasture nor Stable room for them to keep them long. And for this reason they buy but very few of them, and feed almost altogether on their Rain-deer, which they have in great abundance. The flesh of these they feed on in the Winter, and that alwaies boiled, but in the Summer their diet is Milk, Cheese,and dried flesh. Their dainties most in esteem with them are the tongue and marrow of their Rain-deers, and with these they are want to entertain their Friends. One odd kind of dish these of the Mountains have, and that is the blood of their Rain-deers boiled in water to the confidence of a hasty pudding. The others that dwell in the Woods feed partly on Fish, and partly on Birds and Beads, and that too both Summer and Winter, bnt more frequently on Fish. The flesh of Beares they prefer before all other, and with that they fead their dearest friends. They have also some kind of Sauces of Black-berries, Straw-berries, and other peculiar ones of their own j as also wild Angelica, and the inner rine of the Pine-tree. The use of Bread and Salt is almost unknown to them, and when they have any of the later, they use it very sparingly. Indead of bread they eat dried fish, which by grinding they reduce to a kind of meal, and indead Of Salt the inward rine of the Pine-tree, prepared after an odd kind of manner. They pull the bark off fird, and then they take the inWard rine i and divide it into thin skins like parchment, making it very clean \ these they dry in the Sun, and then tearing it into small pieces they put it up in boxes made of the barks of trees: these they bury under ground, and cover them with fand; When they have bin dried about a day, they kindle a great fire over the hole Where they put their boxes, and by that means the lines acquire a red color, and a very pleasant tad. On Fridaies they eat noflefli, but feed either on fish, or milk, having retained this cuftotti from their Roman Catholic Friends. They boil all their fresh flesh, but not very much; that their broth may be the better and fuller of gravy: and sometimes they put also fish into the same kettle. Their milk they either boil with some quantity of water, it being of it self to thick, or else they let it ffand in the cold, to freeze into a kind of Cheese, that it may be kept longer for use. Their fish they eat sometimes fresh as soon as they catch them; sometimes they dry them in the Sun, and being hardned by the wind and air, they may be kept severall years. Their sweet meats, which serve them indead of Apples, Nuts, and the like, are preparations made of severall sorts of Berries. When their Strawberries begin to be ripe, they gather them, and boil them in their own juice, without the addition of water, with a flow fire, till they arc very soft: then they sprinkle them over with a little fait, and putting them into a veffell made of birch-bark, they bury it in the ground: and in the Autumn and Winter when they haveoccafion for them, they take them out as fresh as if they had bin newly gathered: and these dand them in good dead when no other Berries are to be had. Sometimes whilff they are fresh they put them to the flesh of Fish, and make an odd kind of dish, after this manner. Having boiled the Fiih they fird bone them, and then add Straw- berries to them, and beat them together ir. a wooden pestle to a mash, and foeat it with spoons. And this dish they make also with all other kinds of Berries. Another Kickshaw that pleafeth them very much, they make of Angelic a. They take the stalks before it feed, andferaping of the outward skin, they put the red upon coals, and so eat it broiled. They have also ' 1 another another way of preparing it, and that is to boil them in whay for a whole day till they look as red as blood. But this sort of meat is very bitter of it self, but by custom becomes pleasant enough to them, especially since they are persuaded ’tis a great preservative of health. They likewise boil sorrellin milk; as alio the rine of the Pine-tree, which, as was fifid before, being prepared, ferves them instead of fait. I come next to speak t>f their drink, which is ordinarily nothing hut watery Lomentus calls it difflved Ice: but certainly he is miftaken, for having such plenty of Rivers and Lakes, for all the Ice they can hardly want water. And to prevent its freezing, they have alwaies some hanging over the fire in a kettle; out of which every one with a fjpoon takes what he pleafes, andfo drinks it hot, especially in the Winter time. Befides common water, they often drink the broth I spoke of, made of flesh and fish, which they call Leebma, and also whay, if you will beleive Olatts These are their ufuall drinks; for Ale and Beer is utterly unknown to them. That which they drink for pleasure, is spirit of Wine and Brandy, with a little of which you may win their very fouls. This they buy from Norway at their Fair times, and use it especially at their solemn Feafts and Weddings. 1 had almost forgot Tobacco, of which they are very great admirers, and traffic for it as one of their cheif commodities. In the next place let us fee the manner of their eating. Their dining room in the Winter time is that part of the Hut where the man and his wife and daughters use to be, and is cn the right hand as you go in at the foregate: but in Summer without doors upon the green grass. Sometimes too they are want to sit about the kettle in the middle of the Hut. They use not much ceremony about their places, 'but every one takes it as he comes first. They feat themselves upon a skin spread on the ground cross-leg’d in a round ring; and the meat is set before them in the middle, upon a log or stump instead of a table; and severall have not that, but lay their meat upon the skin, wdiich they sit on. Having taken the flesh out of the kettle, the common sort put it upon a woollen table cloth called Waldmar, the richer on a linnen; as for trenchers and dishes they are quite unknown to them. But if any liquid thing be to be served up, they put it in a kind of trey made of birch. Sometimes without any other ceremony every one takes his share out of the kettle, and puts it upon his gloves, or his cap. Their drink they take up in a wooden Ladle, which ferves instead of plate. And it is farther obfervable that they are abominablegluttons when they can get meat enough and yet hardy too to endure the most pinching hunger when they are forc’t to it. When their meal is ended they first give God thanks, and then they mutually exhort one another to Faith and Charity, taking each other by the right hand, which is a symbol of the; r unity and brotherhood. Samuel i ee/Mells us they life up their hands first, and then say Grace after this manner All thanks be given to God, who hath provided this meat for our sustenance. This is their Grace in Pithilapmark.; In Tornelapmark their Grace is a little different; they say in their own Tongue, Piaomaos Immel Legos kitomatz, piergao ode st adde misg mosea rvicken ieggan taide k.o mig lex iegnafton, that is, Good God praised be thou for this meat: make that which we have at this time eaten give Strength to our bodies. And so much for their Diet, and manner of eating.

Chapter XIX. Of the Hunting of the Laplanders

HAVING spoke of those things that relate to their Meat, Drink, Cloathing, and other necessities, the subject of our next discourse will be their employments, which are either rare and more solemn, or daily and more usual. these latter too are of two sorts, either common to both Sexes, or peculiar to one. Of those that are proper to men Hunting is the chief, for in this Country that exercise is lawfull to none but men. Olaus Magnus is of the contrary opinion, and saies Lib. 4. Cap. 12. that there is here such a multitude of Beasts, that the men alone, without the help of women, dare not go out to hunt; and therefore they are as active in this sport, if not more than men. I beleive he had not this from any good tradition, or his own knowledg, but rather followed the authority of some ancient Writers, as Procopius Lib. 2. Gothic, or Tacitus de mor. Ger. for whatsoever they say concerning the Fermi and Scritfinni, is so far from being true of the Laplanders, that they do not permit women so much as to touch their hunting weapons or beasts brought home, and debar them all passage at that door thro which they go to that sport, as will beshewed hereafter. They observe in hunting many things with great superstition, as not to go out upon ominous daies, such as S' Marks ( whom they call Cantepaive ) S' Clements and S. Catharines, because they believe on these daies some misfortune will happen to their weapons, and that they shall have no good success all the year after. They think they cannot prosper, unless they have first consulted their Gods by their Drum, which they use before their going out, and have therefore severall beasts pictured upon it. This is chiefly before the hunting a Bear. The third observation is that they will not go out at the usual door, but at one in the back side of the house called 1 Tofte, I suppose it is to avoid women, the meeting of whom is an ill omen to huntsmen, and therefore they are forbidden to come on that side of the house where this door is, as 01. Matthias allured me while I was writing this, who was very well acquainted with this Country. Zieglerus saies the same, tho something obscurely, that a woman is not to go thro this door that day her husband is hunting: but it is not only that day, but at no time else. All these things are by way of preparation. The hunting it self is various according to the time of year, and severall fizes of beasts. In the Summer they hunt on foot with Dogs, which are very good in these parts, not only for their scent, but that they dare set upon any thing, being still tied up to make them more fierce. In the Winter they themselves run down the game, Hiding over the snow in a kind of scates, which I shall describe more fully in another place. Little beasts they chafe with bow and arrows, the greater with spears and guns; tho sometimes they use other arts. That sort of beast they call Hermclines, they take in traps as we do Mice, which arefo contrived of wood that the touching of any part makes them fall; sometimes Of the Hunting of the Laplanders., 95 sometimes in pits and holes covered with snow, to hide the deceit, as also with Dcgs that will gripe them to death. Squirrels they shoot with blunt darts, that they may not do an injury to their skins, which they very much esteem. After this manner also they take Ermines. Other beasts, as Foxes, Beavers, they kill with Javelins spiked with iron: but if they meet with a beast that hath a pretious skin, they are so expert at their weapons, as to direct the blow where it will do it least harm. Foxes are frequently tempted with baits upon the snow strowed upon twigs over deep pits, or caught in gins laid in their usuall haunts, or else poisoned with a sort of moss, which is peculiar for this use, but is seldome made use of where there are abundance of field Mice, which are the Foxes generall food. They fallen snares to boughs of trees to catch Hares in, and some of the above mentioned beasts: and if any one find any thing fall in these, he is obliged to give fiotice to the owner. I come now to the larger beasts, of which Wolves are most commonly caught in holes, but sometimes shot with bullets: these are their game frequently because they have the greatest plenty of them, and suffer the most damages by them: and for their greater definition, Sithes are often hiden under the snow to cut off their legs. After this manner too Leopards and Gulo's are destroyed, which is now a daies almost left off, because the Country is lo well furnished with guns, with which they also kill Elkes when they can find them. But with greatest care and diligence they hunt Rain-deers and Bears, the former with all kind of weapons. At their rutting time in Autumn, about S. Matthews day, they entice them to their tame does, behind which the Huntsman lies to shoot them. And in the Spring, when the Snow is deep, the men themselves Hide after them, and ealily take them, or sometimes drive them into traps with Dogs:or lastly they set up hurdles on both sides of a way, and chafe them in between them, so that at last they mull neceffarily fall into holes made for that purpose at the end of the work. The hunting of the Bear follows, which, because it is done with the most ceremonies and superstitions, will require the more care and accurateness in the reden against Winter. He that finds it is laid hafwa rmget hioern, 1. e. to encompafsthe Bear. He usually after -this goes to all his friends and acquaintance with much joy, to invite them to the hunting as to a solemn and magnificent feast, for, as is before laid, this beasts flesh is a great delicacy. But they never meet before March or April, till they can use their Hiding shooes: at which time he chooses the belt drummer among lating of it.. _,,, _... First of all, their business is to find out where the Bear makes his them, and by his beating confute whether the hunting will be profperous -. i a.u oil mcjrrh in rn the field in battel array after him 9 6 Of the Hunting of the Laplanders. Khtulit ii skada tekamis foubbi ialla zaiiti, that is, they thanks the Bear for coming, and doing them no harm in not breaking their weapons, in the singing of which their Captain is the chief Musician. After celebration of their vitftory, they drag the Bear out, beating him with staves, whence they have a Proverb,/l.w bioern medriis, that is, the Bear is beat, which signifies he is killed. Then putting him upon a sledge, they draw him with Rain-deers to the Hut where he is to be boiled, singing li paha talki oggio, ii paha talka pharonis, that is, they be fetch the Bear that he would not raise temp ests again fl them, or any 'way hurt them that killed him. This they say by way of jeft, unless we will suppose them ( as foine of them really do ) to imagine the killing of some kind of wild beast portends ill to the hunter. Samuel Rheen speaks of a different song from this we have mentioned, much to thispurpofe, that they thank God for making beasts for their service, and giving them strength and courage to encounter and overcome so strong and cruel a creature, and therefore 1 beleive they may join them together and fing both. I hat Rain-deer that brings home the Bear is not to be used by Women for a year, and some say, by any body else. If there bematerialls, near the place where the Bear is kill’d, they usually build up a hovel there to boil him in, or if not, carry him to a place that is more convenient, where all their Wives stay to exped: them, and as soon as the men come nigh them they fing Laibi ia tuoli fufco, that is they ask their wives to chew the bark of the Alder Tree and spit it in their faces. They ufethis rather then any other Tree, because when ’tisbruifed between their teeth, it grows red, and will dy any thing, and the men being sprinkled with this, as if it were the Bears blood, seem to have gone through some notable exploit not without danger and trouble. Then their wives aiming with one eye through an Alchymy Ring spit upon them, Samuel Rheens opinion differs only in this, that but one woman fpits in the Captains face: this ceremony is not done in the Hut where the Bear is kill’d, but at the backdoor: for they build two Tents one, for the men where the Bear is tobedreff, and the other for the women in which they make the feast: where as soon as the men come in, the Women fing Kittulis pouro tookoris, that is, they thank their husbands for the sport they had in killing the Bear: so they sit down men and women together to eat, but not of Bears flesh. Supper ended the men presently departs into the other house and drefling the Bear provide another meal, for it is not lawful for any ofthofe Hunters to ly with his wife in three daies after, and the Captain in five. The Bears skin is his that first difcovers him. They boil the flesh blood and fat, inbrafs Kettles and what fwims they skim off and put in wooden vessels; to which are fatten d as many Alchimy plates as there are Bears killed. Whilst the meat is boyling they all sit down in order about the fire, the Captain first on the rignt hand, then the Drummer, and next he that struck the first blow' on tne left hand first the Wood-cleaver, then the Water-bearer, and after the reft according to their place. This done the Captain divides it between the Women and Men. In the division the Women muft have none of the pofteriours, for they belong only to the men, neither is it lawful fora Woman to come and fetch their division, but ftisfenr them by two men, who say thus to them, Olmai Potti Suertgijlandi, Polandi, Engelandi, Frankie his i. e. that they came a great way off, from Swedland, Poland \ England, or France, Of the Hunting of tie Laplanders. ff France; these men the women meet, and fin gOlmai Patti Smregijlandi, Pa - landi Engelandi, Frankie hit, Kalka Eauhfis laigit touti tiadnat, e. you men that come from Smdland, Poland, England, or France; we will bind your legs with a red lift, and so they do; But if we believe Samuel Rheen he Drummer divides the mens part to every one an equal porrion. When all the meat is eaten, they gather up the bones, and bury them together; then the Captain hangs up the skin upon a pole, For the women blindfolded to shoot at, they fiiiging all the while Batt OlmaiPotti Swere giflar, di-tP landiy Engelandi, Frankie his, /. ewe will shoot at him that came from Swedland, &c. but she that hits it first gets the most credit, and they believe her husband will have the best fortune in killing of the next $ear. She is also obliged to work in cloth with wire as many crofLs as there are Bears kill’d, and hang them upon every one of the hunters necks, which they muft wear three whole da ies. It is theopinon oftheaforefaid Author, thatall the women do the same, and the men wear them four daies: hefaieS also that the Raindeer that brought home the Bear muft have onecrofs. I cannot as yet find any other reason of this ceremony, but that they suppose these crosses to be preservatives against all the damages they can receive from the Gods of the Woods for killing their Bear: for to this day they are of the opinion that some Gods have taken charge of some beasts, especially ofthe Bear, because he in this couhtry is King over all the reft. After the time of abstinence is expired, theclofeof all this solemnity, is the mens returning to their wives which is thus;' All after one another take hold of that rope, to which they hang their Kettle, and dance thrice round the fire, and so run out of the mens Tent into the womens, where they are met with thisfong Todna Balka Kaino oggid, we will thro a shovell full of ashes upon your legs. Samuel Rheen's peaking of this custome, faiesthe men muft not go to their wives till it be done, as if it were an expiation for their uncleartnefs i/i killing a Bear. Thus you fee w ith how many Laws and superstitions they Hunt this Beast, some of which are common in hunting ofothers, as the not admitting women to the sport, and debarring them from touchihg the prey w hen it is taken, as also that the men return home through the back door. And here ’tis observable that they never carry in Beasts, Birds, or Fifties, but throw them in before them, w ithout doubt out of superstitidii that they may feemtodrop from Heaven and be sent by providence: tho most of them know not the original of such superstitious ceremonies, but only follow the example of their forefathers. In fine nothing is accounted here a greater credit or honor to a man then the killing of a Bear, and therefore they have public marks for it, every one lacing his cap with as many wires as he has kill’d Bears. I come now to their fowling, w’hich is proper also so men, and is alterable according to the time of yeaf or largnefs ofthe fowl, for in the Summer they shoot altogether but in the Winter catch in Snares and Springes, especially the Lagopus call’d by the Swedes Snianper. They make kind of hedges with abundance of holes in them, inwhichthey set Springes, so that this Bird being most upon the ground, and running about, is easily caught in them: as for the taking of other Birds there is nothing worth a particular observation.

Chapter XX. Of the Laplanders Weapons, and other Instruments of Hunting

BY the former Discourse it plainly appears that in hunting they use severall Instruments and Weapons, in our next therefore it will be requisite to give some account of them. The first and most frequent is a bow three ells long, two fingers broad, and an inch thick, being made of Birch and Pine ( which by reason of the refine in it is very flexible ) and covered over with Birch bark, to preserve both from the weather. What Lomenm saies of its being made of Rain-deers bones, muft needs be false,since no bone can be so pliable as is required in the making of a bow j his words are these, Rangiferi aj'perantur ofja in cultros cur ns ant ur in arcus congeneribus feris trucidandt6 i if he had left out <& curvantur in arcus he had spoke more to the purpose: but I believe he had this, besides many other things, to fill up his Journall from Olaus Magnus, who among the utenlilsthese People have from the Rain-deers, saies the Fletchers much defire their bones and horns, from whence Lomenius collets that bows are made of them. But it is evident that Olaus meant not this bow, but a kind of cross-bow termed by the Germans Armbrust, and the French Ar balefire, which is impossible to be made of bone, but the handle might be adorned with it, because in these Northern parts they have no mother of Pearle, which other Countries perhaps make use of to this purpose. It was then a good plain wooden long-bow., which would not require an engine to bend it, but might be drawn with an hand only. And since I told you it was made of two pieces of wood, we will fee next how they were joined together, which is with a kind of glew made of Perches skin well fcaled, that melts in ufing like ours. They have also steel bows, which are so strong,that when they bend them they muft put their foot in a ring for that purpose at the head of them, and draw the firing up to the nut, made of bene in the handle, with an iron hook they wear at their girdle. From their bows I pass to their darts and arrows, which are of two sorts, either pointed with iron to kill the larger beasts, or blunt without it like bolts, to kill thefmaller. These points are not alwaies made of iron, but sometimes bones, which are fastened with glew into a hole bored with a hot iron at the end ofaftaff, and afterwards sharpened with a knife, or ori a whetftone. But besides they use Guns, which they ( as hunters do in other places) with a great deal of superstition enchaunt that they should never mifs. These are made at Soederhambn, a town in Helsingia, famous tor weapons, from whence the Both mans buy them, and fell them to the Laplanders: hence they have Gun-powder and bullets, or at least lead to make them: and sometimes Norway furnilhes them with all these. Spears they use only in hunting Bears, and are so little different from ours that they will not need a defeription. I come now to thsir other instruments relating to and other instruments of Hunting. to this sport, the chiefest of which are their fiioes, with which they Aide over the frozen Cnow, being made of broad p'F&nks extremely fmcoth; the Northern People call them Skider, and by contraction Skier ( which agrees something with the Germans Scheitter, that is, cleft wood) andfometimes Andrer or Ondrur or Skiidh. Their Aiape is, according to Ola us Magnus five or Ax ells long, turned up before, and a foot bread: which I cannot believe, because I have a pair which are a little broader, and much ftorter and Wormius had a pair but of three ells long. And those are much shorter which are to be seen at Leiden, which Frifius saies are just ftven foot Ion? four inches and a little more broad: and it must needs be so to hold with Olaus Magnus, and every bodies opinion, that one fiioe muff be longer than the other by a foot, as if the man or woman be eight fcot high, one muft be eight foot, and the other nine. Frifius saies they are both of a length at Leiden, and Olaus Wormius takes no notice of any difference in his, but I believe then those were of two Parishes, for my biggest is just such an one as Frifius deferibes covered over with refill or pitch and the fiiorter plain. But because the larger is of greatest use, it is no; wonder that one or two of them were sent abroad for a pattern, bur since those at Leiden are both the biggest, they were not made for men so tall as Fri - fius speaks of, they fitting men of six foot, which is a ftaturefometimes met with in Lapland. They are fmcoth and turned up before, not behind as they are pictured in Wormius ) not by the fault of the Author, but the Painter, for the original in his ftudy shews them otherwise; I have observed in my longer shoe that it is not quite ftrait, but fwells up a little in the middle where they place their fcot. Frifius did ill in giving a picture bur of one, and in that nothing of this bending, I will therefore deferibe both, and a Laplander Aiding in them. ioo ' Of -the Laplanders Weapons, i$c. tom but by the Tides, that it might not hinder their Aiding, or wear out with often ufing, which is not expreffed in Frifius' s Picture, this is directly in the middle, and ti’d to the hinder part of the leg, as you may fee in the figure. That which is often in Olaus Magnus, and set forth by Frifms, is a meer fancy and figment of an Italian Painter, that could not underhand what these shoes were, but by defcribing them like long wooden broags turning up with a sharp point before: which is very idle, because the foot goes into it at the hinder part, and agrees not with Olaus s other cuts; for if the place of the foot were there, it could not endure so great a weight before it, or effect that for which this ihce was first invented •' for they muft tread firm upon the Snow, which they could not do if all the weight lay at one end; but when ’tis in the middle, that which is before and behind will keep the foot from finking in.The way of going in them is thisrthey have in their hand a long ftaff, at the end of which is a large round piece of wood fasten’d, to keep it from going deep into the Snow, and with this they thruft themselves along very fwiftjy. This way of running they not only use in plain and even, but in the rnuft rugged grounds, and there is no Hill or Rock fofteep,but with winding and turning they can at laftcome up to the top, ( which Pope Paul the Third could not believe ) and that which is a greater Miracle will Aide down the fteepeft places without danger. These shoes they cover with young Rain-deers skins, whofe haires in their climbing run like briAes against the Snow, and keep them from going back. Wormius saies they were cover’d with Sea Calf’s skins, but I believe he talk’d of those, that the Siafinni, or the Maritime people use. And this is the first instrument of hunting, which they use as well in other businesses in wihter time, for they can pass no other way over the Snow, at which time they can out run any wild beast. The other instrument they use is a Aedg, which altho it is fit for any journy, they use it in hunting especially the Rain-deeres, the description of which, because tis fit for all manner of carriages, I shall defer to another place.

Chapter XXI. Of the Laplanders Handicraft Trades

BESIDES hunting, which is the chiefest, they have many other employments relating to their lives and fortunes, of which Cookery is the hrft: for what ever food they get by fishing, fowling,or hunting,the mendrefs and not the women. They therefore are quite ignorant of this Art, (which the men arenotwery expert at ) and never use it but upon necessity, and, in the absence of men. The fecOndis the boat-makers, which they make of Pine or Deale boards, not fasten d with nails but lew’d together with twigs, as among the ancients with thongs, Olaus Magnus and Johannes Tornetm (ay es with roots of trees, but most commonly with Rain-deers nerves. When they launch these boats they Of the Laplanders Handy -craft-trades, ioi they caulk them with moss to keep out the water, and ufefometimes two, sometimes four oares, so fasten’d to pegs in the sides, that one man may row with two. The third trade is the Carpenters, to make sledges, which are not all of the same lhape, those they travel in, call’d Tulca being made in the falhion ofhalfaboat, having the prou about a span broad turned up, with a hole in it to run a cord thro to fallen it to a Rain-deer, and the poupe of one flat board: the body is built of many, which are fasten’d with w ooden pegs to four or five ribs; they never go upon wheeles, but are convex and round, that they may roul any way, and more ealily be drawn over the Snow. This description agrees with that sledg which I have, and the Testimony of HerherSlenius, Olaus Magnus, and Johanna Torn<eus. The fore part of them is cover’d with Sea-Calfs skin for abont an ell, ftretch’d upon hoops, least the Snow should come in, under which they put moss to keep their feet warm. These are about three ells long, but those that carry baggage, called ackkio,a rfive,zxt not cover’d any where. The people defend their goods from the w 7 eather, according to Wexionius, with raw flax:but that is not probable, because no flax grows there, and the use of flaxen garments is unknown, and therefore I believe they do it with skins or bark. In Olaus Magnus lib, 17. cap. 25. there is a cart painted upon wheeles, the Author describes it in these words, quidomeftici funt Rangiferi curalibus plauftris aptantur, but what these curulia plaujlra signifie he dees net explain. And lince the Painter has drawn other things according to his own capacity, and underftanding, I do not know whether he has not follow’d his own opinion more then Olaus s narration, but ’ascertain there are no wheele carts, for what they carry in Summer is put in dorfers upon Rain-deers. These Tradesmen make their Aiding shoes, which because I have deferib’d in the former Chapter, I need not now speak of. The fourth is making boxes and chests to lay up weapons and other things in, which are all of an oval lhape, of which sort Lodovicus Otto Bathonienfis gave me one. They are made of thin birch plancks, which are so contrived and bent into an Oval, that the pegs or twigs, with which they are fasten’d, are not perceiv’d. The lids are of one board, and for ornament often inlaid with Rain-deers bones in diverse figures, which forbetter ihuftration you lhall fee deferib’d at the end of this Chapter in the cut markt with the letter C. The lift Trade is making Baskets, in which Art no Nation can compare with'them. The matter they make them off is roots of Trees, which they work not as other people do, for they make them of what bignefs they pleafe, and if occalion require, will be so accurate in their work as to interweave the roots so neat and close together, that they lhall hold water like a solid veflel. Their lhapes are diverse, some round with a cover and han e to carry them by, and others fquares or oblongs. Not only tht Laplanders and Swedes use these, but they are also for their cuncfity into farther Countries: the figure B. at the end will give a view of a round one Befide these the men make all manner of houlholdstuff of wood or bone; d particularly spoons, oneofwhichlhavewith all its Rings and Ornamems, as you day fee at figure A. I have two weaving instruments, a ftuttle about io2 Of the Laplanders Handy-craft-trades. about two inches long or more, with an hole at one end D. and a kind of comb or small Loom in w ch they weave particular wreaths and ornaments E. They make also very neat Tobacco boxes carved with knifes in bone, with many Rings and other pretty appendages about them all which being considered Of the Laplanders Handy-or aft-trades. 103 confide red will prove this Nation not to be so dull and ftupidasby fomeit isfuppofed. They have also one Art more worth taken notice of, as ingraving flowers and several Beasts in bone, into which they cast several plates of Tin, and with these figures the men and women adorn their girdles and other things: the same way they make their molds for casting bullets. They make instruments for all employments, as Cookery, &c. those for hunting are usually made of bone, and others are commonly adorned with it. Zetgler mentions tubs, which are rather cups, or veflels cut out of a flump ofa Tree, as traies are: and Wexionius mentions other veflels made of bark, but I forbear to speak of any more, only I shall add that they learn their art not from masters but their fathers according to their capacity.

Chapter XXII. Of the Womens Employments

Having run thro the mens employments, the womens are next to be considered. Two trades are most peculiar to them, as doing the work of Taylors and Shoomakers, for they make and mend all the Clothes, Shoes, Boots and Gloves; and they have a third the making all those things that join the Rain-deer to the sledg, as collars, traces, &c. in order to which they learn fubfervient arts, as making thred, which is commonly of Rain-deers nerves, bccaufe they have no flax: of this sort I have some by me. Olaus Magnus faith ad mdumentorum ufum, for the making of fliirts, which made Lomenius believe the women wove this thred into doth, who I perceive in his Ihort description of Lapland, hath veryiclofely followed his words more then his sense. In the making of their thred, which is of about 3 ells long, the extent of the Rain-deers nerves, they first cleanfe the nerves, then having cut off all the hard parts, they dry, and hatchell them, and lastly mollify them with filhes fat. Befidcs this they spin wool for fwadling clothes, and Hares fur, with which they knit caps, as in other parts of Europe they do stockins with four knitting need.es, w hich art the Germans call flricken. These Caps are as soft as Swans down, and extremly warm. In the same manner they make Gloves, which are very beneficUU to them in the cold. The work of their fillets is very curious, for they put in them many figures, as you may fee at the end of the foiegoing Chapter, at the figure I. The fourth trade is their covering thred with tin, which first they draw into wire by pulling it thro little holes in horn with their teeth, which holes they fill half up with bone, that the tin may be flat on one side, and fitter to be put on thred. The phfture of a woman drawing wire you have in the next page. Then they put it upon the nerves by the help ofa fpindle, which doth so twift them together that they seem all tin, and when they have done,they wind it about their head or foot, leaf! ltfhould entangle and e fpoiled. And thisis their way of making thred of tin,1SI» 104 Of the Laplanders Handy -craft -trades. Other Countries of gold and iilver,the chiefest use of which is in adorning their clothes after the way of Embroidery, which is the womens fifth art. Ziegler adds to this faciunt ve~ fies utextas aurofe argejtto that they interweave in their clothes gold and silver, which I cannot believe, because they do not do so now, and whatever is spoke of the mettal, they weave neither linnen nor woollen, but buy it from th zBothnian or Nor way Merchants: so then they do not weave this thred into their. garment, but embroider them with it. Thus they adorn all their veftments, as gowns called Muddar, boots, gloves and shoes, and she that doth it neateft, is preferred before other w omen, and had in greater estimation. They do not immediately put this upon the fur of skins, but lifts of blew, green, or red woollen cloth. Their Of the Laplanders employments. 105 Their gowns are embroidered about the neck, fleeves, breast, and sides; gloves about the tops, shoes inttep and toes boots, about the knees in which work they commonly picture Stars, Flcwers, Birds, Beads, especially Rain-deers: and to make their clothes more glorious, they set them with fpangles, fillets, points, and knots of this thred, and wear upcn their head shreds of diverse colored cloth, the pidures of all which you have in the former Chapter, Boots F, Gloves G, Shoes H. The Rain-deers harnefs they embroider in the same manner. Lastly they have nothing that appears in sight, but it is hereby made very commendable and ingenious. I have by me' men and womens fcrips, pincafes, sheaths for knives, very curioufly wrought. Of all which, that I might not seem to give too a large commendation of them, I have put the Pidures in the foregoing page. T H E other buifinefies, which we have not treated of yet, whether they be at home or in journies, belong to both Sexes, and that they may be the better undertaken, men and women wear breeches, and as Joh. Torthem takes notice, equally undergo all pains and work excepting hunting: by which words excepta venatione he doth not deny but men and women have peculiar employments. In their travels the matter of a family goes first, with his baggage and Rain-deers after him, and next him his wife with hers m Summer they both walk on foot, in Winter both are drawn in sledges, which I have described in the next page: in these they like children are tied and bound fast with fillets and cords, especially When in haft,having only their hands and head at liberty, and their back leaning against the end. The Raindeer is not harnessed like an Horse, but hath a strong cloth about his neck,.

Chapter XXIII. Of the Laplanders way of Travelling and Fishing

Their necks and back, and a bell, with which they are mightily pleased. They travell in these at what rate they will; but if upon a remove, alwaies flow, because of the weight of their goods, in which journies the man and his wife go firftj and all the family come after. Ziegler saies in 24 hourcs they can go 150 miles: Herberflernius saies in a day 20 German miles: but us not to be believed that it is performed with one Rain-deer in the day of 12 hours Of tke Laplanders Divert foments. 107 12 hours, except the Waies be good and flippery, but they ordinarily £0 r2 14 or 16 German miles in ten hours, which number doubled will' make out Zeigler s opinion: and that not with one Rain-deer which is impossible to out so lcng, but that it muft dy or be left to reft the next day. In this way of travelling the Women are as expert as the men, and Olaus Magnus saies more. As the men and women travel together, so they help one anotherinfilhing, and at baiting time to feed theircattle, which is evident in the in-deer, for the w omen take as much care of them as the men, and equally take the trouble to milk them: and in fitting tis manifeft; for women in t'neabsence of men, are very intent for some weeks at catching fifli, which they gut and dry up for Winter. Their way of catching them is with Nets, and other instruments, as every where else. I know not what Paulus Jovius meant when he said they have a foolift way offifliing, except he refers to their hooks which are not of Iron but Wood: they make them of Juniper bent round: these they fasten tofticks, and throw them into the Rivers, and very easily take many large fishes.If they fifli witha Cane or Whalebone, the sister never knows when thefift bites, but pulls up at a venture. Their way offifting alters with the season, in the Summer usually with drag nets, between two boats, or else with spears like Tridents, but that they have more teeth. With these they strike pikes, especially when they ly funnir.gthemfelves near the top of the Water: they do the same by Night burning dry wood at the prow, by which light the Fifli are enticed thither. In the Winter time they thruft nets under the ice to a banck side, and then by a great noise above drive the Filh to them all these things the Women often do alone, which is the less to be wondered at, because every wherein this Country there is a great multitude of Fifli. Besides all these, they carry and cleave Wood, and make hedges, with such like works, which are so inconsiderable as not to be worthy to enlarge our discourse. H Avino spoken of their ordinary emploirtients, it will not be amifs here to annex something of their Divertisements: where first we may note, that the people of this Country are generally dispos’d to idlenefs, not willing to take any great paines, unless when meerneceflfuy constrains them to provide against want. This they seem to derive principally from their Ancestors the Finlanders, as is elsewhere said. To which as well their cold constitution by reason of thefliarpnefs of the Air in this Country (that it felfisfufificient to dispose men tolazinefs, ) as the length of their Nights, and indulgence to much sleep. may contribute not a little. In fine, that 1 may omit their many other infirmities, whereby they are incapacitated to undergo any considerable hardship, they are lovers of sloth and wholly given up to it. But further, to consider how they bestow their vacant time

Chapter XXIV. Of the Laplanders Divertisements

From business, ’tis the general and most received accompt, that making and receiving visits, and familiar convention become the greatest part of their recreations. For whereas their manner of life so nearly resembles solitariness, that each family seems confined to its own hut, they can take no greater satisfaction in any thing then such mutual entercourfe. And here it may be observed, that in their discourses at these meetings of friends and acquaintance, usually the most ordinary affairs and daily occurrences have the chiefest place: as particularly their welfare, employments, and the like. But besides 'tis their humor to make remarks upon the transactions of all forreiners, whofe names or customes commerce has at any time brought to their knoVvledg. And furthermore they can take no greater pride, then either in traducing the management of their affairs, or impofing drolliih Nick-names upon them. Tho indeed those of the richer sort are nfed to entertain their visitants with greater merriment and magnificence. Besides these visits they use some sports wherewith they recreate themselves, especially in Winter ( when for some space of time they live as fcateringly as in Summer, but are more familiar, ) or at their public assemblies in the places of Judicature and Fairs. Again some sports are looked upon as only peculiar to men, others the female Sex also have their partin. Of the first sort this is one. They make a line in the Snow, in place of a goal: behind it at some paces distance they set up a mark, from whence each person taking a run to the goal, and there taking his rife, throws his body as far as possibly he can, and he that at one leap compasses the greatest space of ground, is reckon’d the Conqueror. In this first sport they both leap and run. Another they have where the trial of skill consists in leaping only, and that too not in length but height there stand two men upright, at no great distance the one from the other, and hold in their hands fometimesa rope, sometimes a pole, now higher, now lower, as is agreed upon by the combatants, ufually at the common height of a man: then each Perfon attemts to leap over from a station aflign’d, and he that performs most dextroufly, gains the applaufe to himself. A third sort of lport among them is with bow and ar rows. At a convenient place they set up a mark of a very small bignefs, and shoot at it with arrows from any distance prefcrib’d. He that hits either fooneftor oftneft, bears away the bell from the reft. These sports hitherto mentioned are almost inftitutedby them meerly for the confideration of credit and renown: yet sometimes they play for prizes such as they agree upon among themselves, and inftantly they lay them down in the place where they keep their games. Their prizes are seldom mony, usually skins,especially of Squirrels, sometimes one, sometimes more as they fee convenient and agree upon it. But in those sports wherein as well the women as men are plaiers, they commonly play with a leather ball fluffed with hay, about the bignefs of ones fist; whatever company of men and women is there present, isfortedinto two sides, one whereof feizes on this ground, the other on another oppofite to it, and at some distance off. Then every Perfon of one side in his turn, beats the ball with a club thorough the Air, those of the contrary side catching it at the fall; and if any one chance to catch it ii his hands, before it touch ground, then the order of the play is inverted, and this side strikes out the ball, the other is fain to catch. Thus play the men Of the Laplanders Diver tifements. I0 men and women, the boies and girles together, nor do the men ffiew their. - fdves more expert at it then the women. They betides have another r>\ y at ball: in the hard frozen snow they draw two lines at some distance from one another, then all the multitude both of men and women parting inr«! twofides, one applies it self to the defence of this, the other of that linethen they meet in the middle space between their two goals, and fling down the ball, then each partie with bandies and clubs drives to drike the ball cross the oppofite parties line, each party dill maintaining the defence of its own line; but if one side chance to drike the ball with their bandies over the others line ( for it is foul play to fling it with their hands ) and so take their goal, that is accounted the conquering side. The sports asyet mentioned are such as belong to the younger sort, as well as to those of more mature age: the next is peculiar to these lad and only to men. Their cudom is to separate themselves into two companies, and attacque one another by wreflling: fird each company dands like a file of Soldiers all along in order to confront the adverfe company: then each man catches his adverfary by the girdle, wherewith all Laplanders are alwaies girr, as is elswhere dicwn, (their girdle goes six times round theirbody, and so is fad and fitted for their purpose,) so each man having caught hold, endeavors to fling the other down, which they are not allowed to attempt by craft or deceit as by any lock or the like; Any one that is found delinquent in this kind ’ is branded for a fowl plaier, and excluded the lids. These are the fpons that are almost peculiar to the Laplanders: besides them they use some, which they borrow from other places, such is playing at Cards, a sport diffidently known thorough all Europe., for even the Laplanders take no little satisfaction in it: they procure their Cards of the Merchants that trade thither. They use likewise to play at dice, which they themselves make of wood after the common falhion, with this only difference, that whereas dice commonly have some number of spots infcribed on every side, they have a figure made only on one side like an X. he wins in this sport, that Cafling two Dies, on the top of either can show the X. their dakes are ulually Squirrels skins, or some small trifles, and in the failance of these leaden bullets, which they use in their hunting to charge their Guns withal: and it happens sometimes that a fellow having lod all his bullets, in hope of repairing his damage by winning again, not only at present will be fenfible of the harm, but being disappointed of his Hunting puts to flake andloofes his future acquisitions and hope of livelihood. These are the usual waies, whereby the people of Lapland spend their leisure times and divert themselves.

Chapter XXV. Of their Contracts and Marriages.

WE have hitherto taken a survey of their ordinary imploiments, and such as are almost every day in ule, as well those peculiar to each Sex, as common to both; likewise of their Divertisements and sports, wherewith they use to intermingle those emploiments: It remains that we treat of those busineffes, which do not every day occur, but are singular and solemn, and undertaken upon special occasions. And first of what appertain to their Marriages; Concerning them ’tis most memorable, that whenever any person purposes to marry, ’tis his first business, to make fearch after a Maid well flock'd with Raindeers. For the Laplanders have a custom, (as (hall hereaster more particularly be mentioned) of best owing.upon their Children soon after their birth, some certain number of those Raindeers, and their increase is accounted of, not as the Parents estate, but the Childs portion. She therefore, that is best provided of them, is in most likely-hood of meeting with an Husband. Nor have they regard to any thing else, as either good breeding, or beauty, or other the common allurements of woers. For they who dwell on a hard and barren soile are generally solicitous concerning food, which because their Rain-deer afford, every one thinks himself best secured againft want when he is best provided of them. As soon therefore as the young man has caft about him for a wise, which is usually done at their public meetings forpaying of taxes, or upon the account of fairs; next he makes a journy to her parents, taking along with him his father, if alive, and one or two more whom he thinks will be most kindly welcome, but especially one who may declare his affedions, and win the favor of the Maid£ parents. When they arrive at the hut, they are all kindly invited in, only the suiter is fain to wait at door, and bestow his time m chopping wood, or some such trivial business, till he be summon’d inalfo, for without express periiiiflion 'tis uncivil in him to enter. When they have drankofthe Spirit of Wine, which the spokes-man brings, he applies himself to the management of his province, difcloses the Suiters affedions to the Daughter, and makes his address to her Father, that he • will piease to bestow her in Marriage upon him. Which that he may atcheive with more success, he honors the Father with the greatest titles and names of renown that he can devise, at every one bowing the knee, as if he were treating with a prince. He stiles him with the High and Mighty Father, the Worfifipful Father, as if he were one of the Patriarcks, the best and most illuftrious Father, and no doubt if they were acquainted with the Roial title of His Majestie, He would not scrupleto call him, the most Majestic Father. The Wine, that the Suiter is supposed to have brought along with him therewith to pay his respects to her parents, whom he pretends to, they call either ‘ Lounslwyn (that is) the Wine of prosperous access, or that Wine wherewith he designs to caress his Father and Mother in Law,

that are tobe or else, Soubewiin (that is the Wine of wooers which tis expedient for vooers to bestow, thereby to procure permission of converse with the daughter, and gain the favour and liking of the future Bride. But we must take notice, that the business. is not proposed to the maid her self first, but her parents nor may the Suiter have any conference with her without their permission. Nay ’tis theusualcuflom, at this time to dispatch her aw? ay upon some skevless arrand, either to the Rain-deers pasturesin the Woods, ora Neighbors hut, so as neither the Suiter nor any of his company may have a sight of her; but if at last either she or some other woman procure leave for Her of her Parents or kindred, to speak to him, their entertainment sinished he gets him out of the hut to his sledg, and then takes out his woollen Cloth-Garments, ( such as they use to spruce themselves up withal, at their public Festivals, or more solemn affairs ) and what else is requisite to the present business: when he has trimmd himself up, hemakeshisaddressto his Mistress and salutesher. Their manner of Salutation is by a kiss; in which that they mainly aim at is, that each net only apply his mouth to the others, but also that both their noses touch; for otherw; ife it goes not for a true salute. Next he makes her a present or the rarest delicacies that Lapland affords, the Rain-deers tongue, the Beavers flelli, and other dainties, which stie refuses to accept of in the presence of anybody; presently after the is call d aside to some convenient place without the hut, then if Ihe profess her self willing to receive them, the Suiter farther puts it to her, whether she will grant him leave, that he may take his repose by her in the hut; if she grant it, tis concluded between them of their future marriage: withal he presents his gifts above mentioned. If flie rejects his suit, Ihe casts them all down at his seet. The Bridegroom usually carries them in his bosom, before he presents them. The full approbation of the Parents, and the celebration of the wedding is used ostentimes to be deferr’d for a considerable while, sometimes for two or three years together-, and all that while they bestow upon courting their Mistresses. The reason why their time of Courtship or wooing proves so long, is because the Bridegroom is necessitated to gratifie with frequent preferns’, the parents and friends nearest in blood to the Bride, without the leave’of each of which he cannot compass the pofftflion of her.This isexprelfed by Samuel Rhetn in these words, When any Person prerends marriage to the Daughter of one of the richer fori, he is obliged to make a present to her parents and nearest Kinsmen, such as is made for state to Ambaffadors or cheif Officers, as large as his means will reach to, which present they call Peck, that is, Peices every peice at least muff contain two marks of silver, that is, six ounces, there are some too, that must contain twenty, forty sometimes threescore ounces a peice, such peices' the Bridegroom is bound to bestow upon His Mistresses parents and l her near kindred In what things these presents particularly consist, Khali mention hereaster, for they cio not give barely silver, but moulded into some fashion, Oi oth r things besides; while therefore the Bridegroom is employed in procuring these pieces, ’tis no inconsiderable while that passes.

In this interval he ever and anon makes a visit to his Mistress, to whom while he is travelling he solaces himself with a Love Song, and diverts the wearisomness of his journy. And ’tis their common custom, to use such 1 1 2 Of the Laplanders Contrafts, &c.

kind of Songs, not with any set tune, but such as every one thinks best himself, nor in the same manner, but sometimes one way, sometimes another, as goes best to every man, when he is in the mode of singing. An ensample of one they use in the Winter season, communicated to me by Olaia Matthias, a Laplander, I here annex.

Kulnasatz niraofam augaos joao audas j or dee skaode Nurte waota waolges skaodc Abeide kockit laidi ede Fauruogaoidhe fadicde d£[lao momiaiat kuekan kaigewarri.

P atzao buaorefl kallueiaur tuuni Maode paoti mi/lafan Kdiga wdonaide waiedin Aogo niraome buaorebafl Nute aot\aon fargabafl Ta'tde sun monia lit aigoatnafs Sarapgaoin waolgat amafs Jos tuao farga aoinafim Kiurefam katzefim Kulnaasatz nirafam Katze aoinakaos tun ft falm.

The meaning of this Song is this, '
Kulnasatz my Raindeer We have a long journy to go
The -Moor's are vafl,
And we mufi hafi f Our strength I fear Will fail if we are slow t And so
Our Songs will do.
Kaige the watery Moor
Is p leaf ant unto me,
Though long it be;
Since it doth to my Mistris lead Whom I adore;
Of the Laplanders Contrdfts, &c. 113
The Kilwa Moor
I nere again will tread

Thoughts fill'd my mind Whilfi 1 thro Kaige pa st Swift as the wind > And mf desire, Winged with impatient sire > Mj Raindeer let us hafi. So shall we quickly end our pleasing pain: Behold my Mistresse there,

With decent motion walking ore the Plain, Kulnasatz my Rain-deer i Look yonder, where She washes in the Lake - See while Jhe swims, The waters from her purer limbs New cleernefis take -

This is a love Song of the Laplanders, wherewith they encourage their Rain-deers to travell nimbly along For all delay, tho in it self ihort, is tedious to lovers i They use too at other times to entertain thenifelves with such Sonnets, when at some distance from their Miftreffes, and there n o make mention of them, and extoll their beauty. One of this kind I received of the said Olaus, and seeing we have lit upon this fubjed, I here

set it down.
Pafios paiwa Kiufiwrefift jawra One lawrd
Jos kaofia kirrakeid korngatzim
Ja ticdadzim man oinamam jausire One fidWrA
Ma tangafl lornefi lie sun lie
Kaika taidse moor aid dzim foopadzim
Mak taben fiadde fifl oddafift
Ja poaka taida on fid dzim karfiadzim
Makqwodde roamaid poor id ronaid
Kuhked palwaicsitim fiitteatim
Mak hlki woafla Iausir a One Iausira- °
Ios mun tackas dzim kndadzim (daft worodz fadft /£ mufie In fad dziodga fan maina uockao hr dadztm
1 14. Of the Laplanders Contracts, &c.
AEka la Iulga f ongiaga Iulga, akala fadza Fauron fietzd maan koima lufad Dzint norbadzim.
Kalle ju leek kucka madzie wordamadzie
Morredabboit dadd paiwidad, linn a f abbot d
Dadd falmidad liega fabboid waimodadd
It s kuckas stek pataridziek
Tannagtied farga dzitn iufadzim
Mi os matt a la da fabbo Korrajfabbo
Nit ly padda soona padda f ia saltvam route falwam
Kak dziabrat style karraffa •

In kafa myna, lam diwit am punie poaktt Tama jardakitama Parne miela Piagga miela noara tor da kockes jorda Ios taida poakaid lam kttldalam Luidam radda ward radda

Quit a lie miela oudas wal daman
Nute tiedam poreponne oudafian man kauntmanA
The sense of this Song is thus.
With brightefi beams let the Sun sine On Orra Moor,
Could I be fare,
That from the top o'th losty Pine t I Orra Moor might see
I to his highejl bow would climb
And with industrious labor try,
Thence to defery
My Miflref, if that there she be>
Could I but know amidfl what Flowers,
Or in what shade fie f ates
The gaudy Bowers With all their verdant pride.
Their bloffomcs and their fraies 3 Which make my Mistress disappear;
And her in Envious darkness hide >
I from the roots and bed of Earth would tear.
Upon the raft of clouds Tde ride Which unto Orra fly,
Oth Ravens I would borrow wings,
And all the seathered In-mates of the sky:

But wings alas are me denied 3 The Stork and Swan their pinions will not lend > There's none who unto Orra brings t Or will by that kind con dull me befriend-

Enough enough thou haft delaied So many Summers dales t The be ft of dales that crown the year,

Which light upon the eielidt dart
And melting joy upon the heart:
But since that thou Jo long haft stayed t They in unwelcome darkness dtfappear.
Tet vainly dost thou me for fake t I will purfue and overtake •
What Jlronger is then bolts of steel?
What can more surely bind?
Love is Jlronger far then it
Upon the Head in triumph (he doth Jit t Tetters the mind.
And doth controuU The thought and soul •
A youths desire is the desire of wind t All his Effaies Are long delates,
No i([ue can they sind.
Away sond Councilors, away
No more advice obtrude:
Tie rather prove t The guidance of blind Love j To follow you is certainly to ft ray -
One Jingle Counfel tho unwifc is good.
F f 2f
t )f the Laplanders Contracts, &c.

As they come to visit their Miftreffes, they are necessitated to bring alonc with them Tome spirit of Winers a singular and moH accepta e present, and Tobacco too. But if in the meanwhile, as it osten falsout, the father intends not to betiow his daughter upon the man that hath made pretentions to her, he seldom refuses them, but defers thepositive answertill the year following, that he may the oftner entertain himself with the spirit of Wine the Suiter brings along with him. And thus he delaies his answer from one year to the other, till the Suiter perceive himself cheated, and be conftrained to require at his hands his charges made to no purpose. There is then no other remedy to be taken, then bringing the business before the Judg, where the Maids Father is sentenced to resund either the entire sum, or half of it, as the cafe Hands. Where withal we must observe this, that the expences made by the Suiter on the Spirit of Wine, at his first arrival, do not fall under this compensation, but he alone Hands to the loss of that. But if after the downright refufal of the Maid, he of hisown accord will show his liberality, he may try what luck he will have at his own peril. If all things happen conformable to his willies, thensomeset dap is appointed for the wedding. The day before it, all the kindred and Neighbors as well of the Bridegroom as Bride resort to her parents hut, and the Bridegroom presents them all with wedding gifts, about which they had agreed, and of which mention is made above.

The Bridegroom is bound to present the Father with a silvercup, to drink in; this is the sirfl of those they call Stycke. The second is a large Kettle, either of Copper or Alchymy. The third, a bed or at leafl hanfom bedding. The presents for the Mother are, sirH a girdle of tilver, secondly a Robe of honor such as they use to call Vospi. Thirdly a Whisk, which they wear about their neck, andlet it hang down to their breast, interlaced all about with bofles of tilver, and this they call Krak?. These are the presents for the Father and Mother: besides he bestows upon the Brothers, SiHers, and all the near kindred, tilver spoons, tilver bofles, and some other such kind of things of tilver, for each of them must be presented with some gift by the Bridegroom, if he mean to obtain his Bride. These are the presents, which the Bridegroom is more especially bound to make to his Father and Mother in law that are to be, and the reti of the kindred. And he makes them in his father in laws hut, in the tight of all there. The day following the wedding is celebrated, first by the ceremonious joining of the PrieH in the Church, afterwards by a set dinner. The new Wife together with the Bridegroom walk along, both dress’d in the best clothes they Can pro cure at their own charges. For ’tis looked upon among them as unhanfom to make use of the borrowed cloths of others, unless it be wool as I have elswhere shown. They take saies Tornaeus so great pleasure in good cloth of what ever color, that as far as their patrimony will permit, they procure their extraordinary apparel and feHival Garments of that kind: wfio declares expressly that their setiiyal apparel, or that winch they wore on more solemn daies, was not of skins but rich cloth. These Garments the Bridegroom girds up with a tilver girdle, but the Bride sirH loofes her hair: and the fillet wherewith lhe bound it up together before, (lie gives to the Virgin that is next a kin to her: afterwards, on her bare head, and loose hair /he puts a kind of a tilver fillet gilt over, or two, such as is the womens cuflom to wear at o- Of the Laplanders Contrails, &c.

with their custom at this day. They let the Bride saies he, apparell’d in Ermins and Sables skins on a Rain-deer. At this day both dress’d very sine are carried to the Church or Priest, to be joined in Marriage; this was northe custom in old times, if we give credit to Olaus Magnus, for then they were joined at home, not by the Priests but the Parents, his words are m Lib. 4. Cap. 7. in which place he treats of the Laplanders weddings as the Title of the Chapter informs us. In the presence of friends and kindred j the Parents solemnly ratifie their Childrens Marriages, and that too by the striking of fire with a flint and steel, particularly there he makes the Parents joining them, and adds moreover the manner, viz. by sirestriken out ofa flint, which without doubt as Tome other things, hecull'dout of Zeigler, but as for the parents doing ir, Zeigler has nothing of that, the manner of their joining he explains in these words, They ratifie their Marriages, and begin them in a ceremony of sire and flint, so pata conjugal mysterie, that they think nothing can be more agreeable, for as the flint conceals within it self sire, which by concuflion breaks sorth, foin both sexes there is life hid, which by the mutual coupling of marriage is propagated at last to be a living offspring. And just so Olaus has ir, so that there can be no doubt made but that he followed Ziegler. When they arrive near the Church, they obfcrvein their procefliona certain order, first walk the Men, the Women follow. The Men are led up by a Laplander, whom they call Automwatze, or soreman, then follows the Bridegroom, after him the rest. Some number of Virgins lead up the womens company, after them comes the Bride led between a man and a woman, next to her follow the rest of the women. Tis here to be observecl that the Bride like one strugling againft ir, and endeavoring the contrary, is dragged along by the man and woman that are to wait upon her, and w ould seem to admit of her marriage with great unwillingness and reluctancy, and therefore in her countenance makes shew of extraordinary sadness and dejection: so afterwards in the Church they are joined together by praiers and benediction according to the Christian rite. After the same manner dees John Tornaeus relate this busines, only that he saies the Bride is led by two men, her Father and Brother, if alive, or otherwise by her two next Kinsmen. The portraiture of the Bride in her w edding apparel, and with her tw o leaders you have in the ntxt page. After the solemnity of the marriage is ended, there foU lows a wedding feaft, that is made in her Parents hut, and as for the pro- vifion,each of the persons invited contributes his share of the victuals, thd

groom distributes his presents to the Brides parents and kindred, then every one brings his victuals that willbeserviceableto the feaft. But because the meat they bring is ordinarily raw, they deliver it to a Laplander, on purpose appointed to that office, viz. to receive it of every Person that brings, and afterwards to boil it, and laftly to distribute it among the guefts, tho commonly the greatest part of the provision be made, by the Bridegrooms as well as Brides parents. In their sitting at table they keep this order, in the uppermost places sit the Bridegroom and Bride next

to one another, then follow in order the rest, as the parents, and kindred. At the table no person helps himself, bnt receives his meat from the hands of a Laplander, who is both dresser and carver of it.First of all he serves the Bridegroom and Bride with their portion,and in order the rest. Now they who by reasonof the scantiness of room in the hut, cannot be admitted to the feaft, such are boies and girles, climb up to the roof of the hut, and from thence let down threds with hooks tied to them, to which they satten pieces of meat, and the like, so that they also enjoy their share of the banquet. The entertainment ended, they give thanks, as at other times they use, and ffiake hands one with another. The last thing wherewith they shut up the merriment of the feaft, is drinking Spirit of Wine, which if they can light upon, they then are sure to buy; first the Bridegroom drinks, then the Brides parents, then each man shifts for himself, and so they make merry, but this custom the richer sort only observe, and those too who have the opportunity of buying, by thepresence of those who sell these commodities j as for the meaner sort they are accustomed to divert themselves with talk. When the Wedding is over, the Husband may not take along with him his Wife with her goods and sortune, but must remain for an whole year in service with his Father; when that time is past, if he sees convenient he may set up for himfel f, and turn housekeeper • and then the Father bestow supon his Daughter at her departure, the Rain-deer, which are her due, because given her in her younger years: he gives her also other gifts besides,and what furniture will be requisite for the new married couple, particularly he gives for her dowry an hundred or more Rain-deers, aslikewise silver, copper, Alchymy, a tent, bedding, and other heulheid-stuff. And next all the kindred, the Brothers and Sisters, and whoever have received of the Bridegroom his gifts of respect, are like wise obliged to return him back

again same present, so that he who had received one or two markes of silver, returns for a gift again one or two Rain-deers: so that it comes to pass, that the Laplanders, who can gratifie the friends and kindred with numerous presents, if they wed a rich Laplanders Daughter, come to great wealth in Rain-deer by this kind of marriage. These are the cheif things the Laplander s observe in their contracts and marriages, which before we quite leave, we may take notice first, that it is unlawful among them, to marry a wise too near in blood. And they have so special a regard to the degrees of consanguinity and affinity, that they never request marriage in the prohibited ones. And again ’tis unlawful, having one wise to marry another, or when one is married to put her away, by Divorce. Polygamy and Divorce were never heard of among the Laplanders, neither in the time of Paganism, saies Tornaeus, nor afterwards, but they alwaies observed marriage honestly and like Christians, yet in former daies perhaps they did not altogether abhor the communicating their wives, whom they permitted to Strangers especially and guefts. So indeed writes Herberflenius. But John Tornaeus mentions an instance of later date, and the Testimony too ofa Laplander of Luh la, tho he doubts to give credit to him. 'Twas reported to me, saies he, that in the time of my Predeceffor of Luhla-Lapmark, a certain immodest Laplander, came to lodg with another, in Torne-Lapmark, mark, acivilhonest man, as was his whole family, who could read books, and lived a pious life, for which he was stiled by scorners £uan Bijfsop. Theii the Man of Lubla, when he had disorderedhimself with drinking Spirit Of Wine, addressed himself to his hosts wise, in hope of debauching her, but because there were there present two officers, who had Spirit of Wine to sell, the Zuan Bisshop call’d for them and told them the fellows design, desiring likewise that they being Ministers of the State, would apprehend and bind him: they immediately bound him to a Tree, and left him there for a whole Winter night together, to be frozen vith cold. At last he was forced to regain his liberty with mony, and pleaded it as an excuse, that it was the custom in Luli-Lapmark, that if any person visited another, the entertainerpermitted such familiarity with his wise. Thus saies Tornaeus but doubtingly, for the fellow might have only framed this for his own excuse ’tis certain no other person has taken notice of it in them of Luhla, and the other Laplanders are so ignorant of this communion of their wives, that they cannot endure they should look upon other men. The Laplanders dwelling towards Norway at the river Toma are so jealous, that if a Woman chance to meet a man, and speak but a few words to him, they immediatly fall into a suspicion of her.

Chapter XXVI. Of their Child-bearing, and the Education of their Children.

Next

Next to Marriage it will be expedient to treat of their Child [\ bearing, and their Children. Where we may note first, that they wish for nothing more, and that they take no greater plesure in any thing then fruitfull Matrimony. And hence it is, 1 suppose, they are so prone to luft, as is elsewhere fliown: but altho they desire this so ardently, yet they are very seldome fruitfull in Children, for they can scarce beget more then eight, which number is the greatest, and usually they beget but one, two, or three. An occasion of this their barrenness, Sam. Rheen imagines their bad diet, as likewise the extreme coldness of the Country, which I think may be very true. He moreover adds Gods anger, which he colleds from this, becauie tho they are not worn away with War or Plague, yet notwithstanding their Country is never the more populous, and their Nation wastes rather daily. The motive of this anger he supposes to be their obstinateness in maintaining their ancient impieties. They use indeed at this very day, not only in Child-bearing, but other affairs too, to be solicitous concerning the events, and to fearch after them by their superstitious rites. Their first care is concerning the sex, for as soon as they perceive the wise to be big with child, they have an opinion that they can inform themselves whether it will prove a Boy ora Girl, after this manner: they sorthwith view the MoonC for they imagine that a Child-bearing woman bears some resemblance to the Moon, as we (hall hear ) if there be a Star just above the Moon, they thence' colled that the burden will prove of the male sex, if below, of the female. But I wonder they make a comparison between the Moon and a woman with child. For can there be any account given of their resemblance? is it, that like the Moon, (lie grows big with her burden, and wh en that is laid, lessens again? I rather suppose that these are the reliques of their Pagan superstition, which made the Moon the tutelar Goddess to women with child. Forfo most of the Fagans did account other, which opinion being outdated, they yet pretend some resemblance between them. Their second care is touching the heal th or sickness of the child, which thing alio they suppose the Moon will inform them in. For if a Star be just before the Moon, they take it fora sign that the child will prove healthful!, and grow up to be a man. But if it comes just after her, they thence prefage that the child will be a very fickly one, and not long livid.

The w 7 oman with child laies her burden in a hut, but ( which any body may understand ) a sufficient incommodious one, especially if the time of her delivery happen to be in the Winter, for tho they have a sire kindled in the middle of the hut, yet that can give her but little warmth. After her delivery, her first restorative and cordial, is a gcod draught of Whales

far, which they procure out of Norway, the taste ofwhichisas strongand ill favoured as of a Sea-calves lard, when dried. The child, as soon as brought sorth is walhed over as in other Countries, but it is a peculiar custom of the Laplanders, that sirfi they do it with cold water or snow, and then afterwards dip them in hot water, when it begins to setch its wind, and can scarcely draw breath. And also they use to dip in the water all the other partsof the body, the head only excepted? They heat water, saies Sam. Rheen, in a Caldron, and in that they set the infant streight up to his neck, but they let no water come upon his head, before such time as he is baptized by the Priest. The new born Babe is instantly wrapped up in an Hares skin, instead of linnen swadling clothes..,

The woman lying in, hath her peculiar place afligned her in the hut where flie ledges, till she recover her health. And it is just by the dcor usually on the left hand; there is no other reason given for it then that this part of the hut is less frequently disturb'd by company, and there they have all things needfull for them administred. Tho this seldom report thither be rather, by reason of the womans lying in in that place, either because they would not disturb her with their company, or, which I rather suppose, because they look upon her at that time as unclean. But the women of Lapland seldom keep their beds long after their delivery, and in that while are extraordinary carefull touching the Baptisin of their Infants: for after they began more diligently to be instrutfed in the Christian Religion j they take the greatest pains imaginable to have their Children baptized as soon as possibly may be. Informer times it was otherwise, most of them then were baptized very late, and at their mature age; Some deferred it for altogether. Of this Gustavus the first is a witness, in his Charter, the words whereof I have cited elsewhere. As touching the former Gustavus Adolphus in an other Charter and Preface, premifed to that which he publifiied Anno 1634, in which the State of the Religion in Lapland is declared at large? Baptism, saies he, is administred indeed to them but only at Winter, if their young children can live till then, it is well; if not, they die without Baptism. Some of their children come to years of Difcretion before it so that with those that are grown up, there is no small paines to be taken when they are robe baptized. The time of Baptism being the Winter time was because they have Sermons then preached to them, and the Sacrament administred, and that no oftner then twice; once about New-yearsday and againe at Lady-day, of which I have treated in another place. Besore these times there was not so much done as that, but the Laplanders were fain to come with their Children to the neighbouring Churches of the Swedes in Angermannia and Bothnia, of which OUm Magnus must be understood to speak, when he saies Lib. 4. c. 17. Once or twice in a year they visit the Baptismall Churches, and bring along with them their sucking Babes in Baskets tied to their backs, to be baptized. But at this day those women that are able, and not impeded by feme grievous sickness, carry their Children to the Priest themselves, about a sourtmght after their delivery, that by him they may receive Baptism. So much good hath building Churches in Lapland done, and having Sermons there, not in a ft range Tongue, but the Laplanders proper own: and so zealous are they for hastening their Childrens Baptism, that the Mother farce lying to above

a week or fortnight, after her delivery, will undertake a most tedious journy, over the tops of Mountains, thorough wide Marches and high Woods with her Infant to the Priest; for the women of this Country are naturally hardy, and able to endure any thing without trouble, and therefore, tho they seed upon course food in their sicknefles, and drink nothing else but water, yet they recover again quickly. They carry their young Infants to the Priest, one way in the Summer time, and another way in the Winter. In Winter they lay it upon a Hedge. In Summer they put it in a Pannier fastened to the back of a Rain-deer. The Infant is not set upon the back of the Raindeer, but is tied in his cradle, and fastened to the pack faddle after this falhion.

Glaus Magnus makes them put in Baskets, as his words asore quoted do intimate t and those Baskets too to be tied at their backs, and the PitHure he makes of them represents not only the w r oman, but the man too so laden, each with two Children a piece: so that together they travell with sour Children, and with wooden shoes on theirseet; but here I am afraid the Painter followed his own fancy tco much. Certain it is that the Baskets there represented, bear no resemblance to those of Lapland r. The Laplanders are wholly ignorant of this sort of Baskets, that are carried at ones back. Nor are their Baskets like wooden square Boxes, such as his figure represents them, but of a round compass, and one part shut down upon the other, as I have laid elsewhere. But to return to their Baptism, in it they give their Children names, according to the names of iome of their friends and kindred. Samuel Rhecn adds that they affect to put Pagan names upon them, such as Thor, Guaarm, Finne, Fagge; but that the Priests.avert them from to doing as much as possibly they can. And this is peculiar with them, that they osten change their names, and put others upon them then those that were given them at their Baptism, for the love tney bear to feme friend or kinsman deceased, whole memory thereby they desire to preserve. Torn&m too avouches the same thing, and if at any time in their younger years they fall into sickness, then they use the name given

them in Baptism instead of a fur name, especially they observe this in boies But altho the Laplanders wives are hardy, so as to be able to undertake a journy a week or two after their delivery, and to go about other emploijnents, tho they have made their public appearance, and have been church- ed by the Priclr, yet by their husbands they are looked upon as unclean, till six weeks be accomplished, so that they admit of no familiarity or conjugal society with them for all that space of time. And thus ranch of their childbearing.

I pioceed next to their Education of them, the first thing that occurs here is their Nursing, which is alwaies by their own Mothers milk for the Laplanders make no use of Nurfes. And this they do not only for some small time, but usuall for two years, three or sour together; but sickness 01 any Qihtjr.occ.ifion happen, so that they cannot themselves suckle their young ones, they give them the Rain-deers milk, which is grosser and thicker, then they can well draw out of a suck-bottle, ( as at sometimes they are accustomed to do, elswhere) and for that reason, if she necessity be urgent they give it in a spoon. Besides their Mothers milk, they instantly accustom their young Infants, to eat flesh, for they thruft into their mouths a piece of Rain-deers flesh, that they may suck the gravie out of it and so get nourishment.

The rocking the infantin his cradle, follows next, whereby they get him a sleep. Their oradles arc made of the flock of a tree hollowed, like a boat: these they cover with leather, and at the head they eretfl an arched kind of roof, of leather likewise.In such a cradle they lay & tie in the Infant, without any linnen clothes or flieecs,instead of which they lay him on a sort of soft moss, ofa red color, which they dry in Summer, and have great plenty of it. When the Infant is to be rocked, they let the cradle hang by a rope from the roof of the hut, and by thrusting the cradle and tolling it from one lide to the other, they lull himasleep. They use likewise to please their young children with some certain baubles, for at their cradles they tie some rings of Alchamy, to make a noise and clinking. To these rings which serve instead of rattles they moreover add some emblems, wherewith their children may be timely admonished of their condition and future duty. If it be a boy, they hangup at his cradle a bow and arrows, andaspear made very artificially out of Rain-deers horn, whereby they signifie, that their children must diligently practise to be expert and ready in using the bow and spear. If it b$ a girle; the wings, seet, and beak of a white Partridge, which they call Swaripa, and is call’d Lagopus having seet like the seet of an hare, thereby implying, that their Daughters must carefully learn to be cleanly, and like those birds nimble and a<stive. As soon as the children come to some age, they instrutfl them in all necessary arts, the Fathers the boies, the Mothers the girles, for they have no School-masters among them, but each perlbn is his own childerns Master, ana they are so far put on by their parents as to be able to perform any works in use among them. Their boies they cheifly teach the ArtofShcoting, and hitting marks with an arrow, because in old time they were necelsitated to get their living by the help of bow and arrows, whereas the greatest part of them maintain themselves by hunting, and therefore W'hen they have pradifed never so little the use of the bow, the boies victuals are kept from them, till they can H h 2 hit , Of the Laplanders Diseases, (sec

h\t a mark with an arrow, and as it was thecustom anciently among the Baleares, and so now among the Laplanders, their boles earn thenfood every day by their dexterity in shooting, and thereby at lait they prove most excellent marks-men. Olaus Magnus makes mention of this their pra<stice, and wonderfully extolls their dextrousness herein, and avers that he himself has seen some of them who could exaflly hit a farthing or a nedle, setatsuch a distance off as would just let them see it. On the boies, that they may take more care to hit the mark, when they have hit it, they bestow a white girdle, wherein they take huge delight, and sometime a new bow. But as the Laplanders do look to their children in time to teach them arts requisite to get their living, foalfo toprovide them means to maintain themselves withal, where it w ill not be impertinent to mention, that tis a custom with them to bestow upon their infant a female Rain-deer, soon after its birth or Baptism, if it be of female Sex, and upon the horns of it they ingrave her mark, so to prevent all controverfies or quarrels, that may arise concerning her right. She receives likewise another, when stie cuts hersirft tooth. Which they call Pannikeis, that is, the tooth Rain-deer. John Tornaeus writes as if these gifts were given only by women. The Woman saies he, that first spies a tooth in his mouth, is fain to honor him with apresent of a Rain-deers Calve. This custom might probably have its rife thus, because, when the infants have gotten teeth, they have need of more folidmeat, therefore they stock them with Rain-deer as being their cheifeftfood. That Rain-deer then, and whatever encrease comes of it, are preserv’d to the future uses of the child, as nmy appear by what we have elsewheresaid, in the Chapter of their marriages, and so likewise of the other Rain-deer which parents give the child besides, for tis usual among them to fuperadd one to the former, and this they call Waddom, that is, the given one. And this is the chief care of the Parents towards their children, but if they die, instead of them are substituted Guardians, as among other nations, out of their nearest kindred, who manage all these affairs for them.

Chapter XXVII. Of their Diseases, Death and Burial.

THO the Laplanders lead a miserable and hardy kind of life, yet they enjoy their health perfectly well. They have not so much as heard of most diseases, and are not all infected with those, that elswhere use to depopulate whole Countries. There are no acute and burning feavers among them, no plague. And if any infection be brought among them, it instantly loses its force. Some years lince an infection was brought into Lapland in hemp, but none were burt by it, besides the women that in spinning chewed it, for the Northern cold easily dissipates the poisonous vapors. The ordinary and frequent disease among them is, sore eies, from whence not seldom proceeds blindness. The cause of this may be, that from their infancie they for the most part are forced to be in smoak, wherewith their Huts fIn fiI1,d J b ° thinSllnimer and Winter. Erkus Plant imts gives the same re2

lives thlT h re ° Ver 3 l dS lhe L light ° f the sire to be a cause of ic ‘ And this fn Sin V he u reattft tr ° ub le imaginable, that their old age usuallyends " ci C T, hey are ° sten troubled also with the Pleurefy and inflam-

f ‘ M D ° p, e un S s ’ Niches in the back, and dizziness in the head. The u I e, W,fer ° menm es tahes them. Now as dileases are rare among

them, lo Phyfick is altogether unknown. Againft alldiseases inwat-dly. they “ e.,he r °°'°f, a ki “ d otMote, which ■hey call Jtreh, or in the failance ot that, the stalke of Angelica, which they call Fadno, and is any where to be sounds For this use they boil the Angelica with the whey of Rain-deers milk, as 1 laid it was a cuflom among them before, in the Chapter of their food, and so prepared it is made use of as a special Medicine. If they seel any pain in their joints, they apply some sired chips to the place ill affeaed, that the ulcer then made may attradthe vicious humors, and so mitigate the paine.

They cure woUnds with no other ointment or plaister then of resin. which the trees sweat out: if a member be benummed with cold, the Cheese made of Rain-deers milk afiords the presentest remedy to it \ they thruft: a red-hot iron into it, and with the sat of the Cheese that instantly distills from it, they anoint the part affected with incredible success. Others apply the Cheese it self, flicirig it thin like a plate or lease. This Cheese so boiled in milk is extraordinary good fora cough, and what other distempers either of lungs or breast arise from cold, if it be taken so heated. It helps the stomach when disatfeded by their drinking water. Becauie diseases are so rare among them, most of themcome to extreme old age. Nay Sam. Rheen saies there are lbme among them that live to be above an hundred years old and that most of them usually reach 70, So, and 90 years and at this age he saies many of themare still sufficiently brisk and lively able to manage their business with expedition, to take a journey, to course thorough Woods and Mountains, and to perform other such labour: and laftly that they grow not grey-haired either soon or easily; so that old age dispatches more of them then diseases do. But if any be fodangeroufly fick as to keep his bed, either worn with age, pr some distemper, they first enquire concerning hint by their Drum, whither he will recover his health againe or die, as I have in another place fliewn this to be one of the uses of the Drum, and CL M. Matthias Steuchius in his Letter to me tells us the same; 1 remember, saies he, I was once told by a Laplander that they can tell the very houre and mariner of any mans death by those their Drums.

When they perceive any one neer death then if there be present any well disposed persons, and versed in the Christian Religion, they exhort him in his agonies to think of God and Christ. If they are regardless of Religion, they instantly abandon the fick person, careful! only about the suneral banquet, which they begin sometimes to celebrate before the person departing is quite dead. Steuchius consirms this by a Story; There was a rich Laplander named Thomas, who when he was taken with a dangerous sitt of sickness, so as to lose all hope of recovery, he summond before him his friends and acquaintance they w hen they perceived him to be deD perate, they halted to the Victuallers that keeps the Inn towards Norway and tfamptland, and of him they bought Ale andspirit of Wine ready rd I i faCrifice I2 6 Of the Laplanders Diseases,

sacrifice over their friend, whilft he was alive: when they had spent a whole day in quaffing, they camme to the Tick mans Hut, and by that time sound him quite dead. This is an example of the latest date, that hath hap. penedin these our daies, from whence we may learn how just and reasonable the complaints were, which were premised to the Charter of Gufia - vui Adolphus, concerning the Lapland School. Furthermore, it is customary if any die, of whatever distemper,all instantly forfake the Cottage where the departed person lies; for they imagine ( which is elsewhere (hewn ) that there survives something of the deceased, such as the ancient Latins called Manes, and that that was not alwaies benign, but sometimes hurtfull: for. this reason they are afraid of the corps of the deceased. And if the person departed Were of the richer sort: they wrap his corps in a linnen garment, if a poor mean man, in a woollen tattered one, so as to cover over as well the head, as all the other parts of the body, this they call W aldntar. So indeed do they that are more observant of the Ghristian rites then ordinary there; as for the others, they cover their dead with their own vestments, and those too the bcft they had when alive, as N. Matthias Steuchius assures me by a Letter, and consirms it too by a late example that a person worthy to be credited, related to him by an Inhabitant of Vnderfao a near neighbour to Lapland. The body of the dead, saies he, they cover with the beSl garments he had alive, andjlsut it up in a Biere. They lay the corps so wrap’d up in a Coffin, or suneral Chest, which is done by one peculiarly intreated to undertake the employment, and who must receive of the nearest kinsman to the deceased person a ring of Alchimy, and wear it fastened to his right arm. Twe reason of so tying this ring is, becanfe they beleive it to be a preservative againft the harm the Manes of the deceased person may otherwise bring upon them, for this reason he is fain to wear this same ring till the Burial be over, I suppose, because then they think the ghost may be more quiet which is the ancient superstitioh as well of Greeks as Romans. The Coffin is usually made of the hollowed trunk of a tree, when they have not wherewithall to make a Coffin, as is common with them that dwell in the barren Mountains near Norway, they lay the corps of the deceased on a Carr or Sledge, which they call Akia, instead of a Coffin. The place of their Buriall in ancient times, before they turned Christians, was the first convenient place they met withall for that purpose, especially a Wood. As for them that dwell at a considerable distance from the Church at this day, they leave not off the custom of burying them any where.where they first light, with the Sledge too, especially if there are only bare Rocks, and no Trees to be seen. Others on every side beset the Sledge with the corps too with stocks of Trees, both above and below, on each side, so as that it may not contra# filthiness or moulder, nor the corps be torn in pieces, or devoured by wild Beafts.

There are some besides that lay them in Caves, and stop up the mouths of them with stones. But what Feucer writes that they dig a hole, and lay their dead bodies under their hearth, thereby to efcape the hauntings of Ghosts, that is neither known nor heard of by the Laplanders: ■“ Whereas 44 saies he, they are strangely frightned and haunted with the Ghosts of their 44 kindred after death, they provide againft that by burying their bodies “under their hearths: by this only remedy they guard and proted them • “ selves

‘ selves againft the hauntings and affrightments of Demons, this if they e t ° > no ghosts afterwards appear; if they neglect to do it, they are perpetually interrupted and infested with the apparitions of their too offi- “cious kindred. They are so far from burying the corps under the hearth that they rather remove them to as great a distanceas they can, But it is a Angular and memorable passage, that thcfe especially who are less observant of Christian rites, do use to bury with their deceased, first an hatchet, and next a flint and steel, of which ceremony they give this account, that if they ever come to rife againe in that darkness they fliall have great need of springing a light; to which the flint and steel may help them, as likewise there will be occafiOn for a ready way, w herein they may travell to Heaven, to which purpose their hatchet may stand them instead, them especially that are buried among thick Woods, that if any Trees obftrudfc their passage, they may cut them down. And this do they themselves at this day affirm, now they have heard of a last day, and a Resurrection of the dead. But 1 suppose it rather to be an ancient superstition remaining still in these Countries, nor used only by th e Laplanders. I my self saw some few miles distant from Vpfal raked out of the Sepulcher of a famous person, the great Treafilrer of this Kingdom, M. Steno Bielke z steel and flint which that it Was a relique only of Paganifm, net the place only, but Tomb over him did sufficiently testify. It is certain that it was the an cient perfuafion of Pagans, that there was no other way for the dead to arrive at the abodes of the Bleffed, but thorough darkness, which they are the more afraid of, becauseitis the nature of their Country to have thicker darkness and of more durance then is usual among others. As con cerning the hatchet, it is no wonder, whereas in other places it is a re ceived custom to lay by dead People their Weapons, of which the principal One, among the Laplander, is the hatcher. As for what appertains to the modern Laplanders, Olaus Petri imagines that they bury these things with their dead, because they beleive that after the Resurrection they ihill take the same course of life they lead before, and for that reason they furnish them with the same utenfils. Thus do they who are less observant of the Christian ceremonies, and dwell farthest off from the Christian Churches. The others take special care to have their dead carried to the Church-yard, which too the Priests do earneftly request of them. It is said toO that some of them, when they have bin accustomed to bury.in such a place are so ambitious as to give money to have their deceased buried nbt in the Yard, but the Church.

But here none of the Laplanders will willingly dig up a grave, unless he be extraordinary poor, such whom the richer of them hire at a considera b'le rate to such an emploiment,or some other of Swedland, whom they can procure. So the deceased person is buried according to the Christian rite, when they have mourned for him, putting On theworst clothes they have, that is peculiar to them, that they leave behind them the sledg whereon the course was brought to the Church-yard and all the.veftraents wherein the deceased lay during sickness, these they bring to the Sepulcher, for fear I suppose left any deadly thing should cling to them, and that cannot be used by others without harm. So when the Person is buried, a suneral banquet is provided, the time of it is usually, the third day after the burial, I i x the

the banquet is furnished out of the flesh of the Rain deer, that drew person departed to his Burial place. That they sacrifice in honor of him; and all the kindred and acquaintance feaft upon it. At this feaft they take special care, not to loose the bones but gather them all up diligently, and lay them in a coffer and bury them under ground; if they have the opportunity of procuring Spirit of Wine, they drinkit about to the memory of the person deceased, and call it Saigawiin, that is the Wine of the buffed, meaning, I suppose that they drink it to the memory of him, that is happy by his departure from earth: however it happened, that those kinsmen of Thotnas the Laplander, as was above mentioned, made this feaft Besore the due time. They fasten upon the coffer, wherein they shut up theRain-deers bones, the image of a man fashioned out of w Ood, bigger or less in propor tion to the deceased person-, thus much of their suneral rites. Only tome of the richer sort repeat the feaft every year, in the manner asoresaid, where may note, that the Rain-deers are noc only slain for their business of the feaft, but likewise in manner a Sacrifice, and that the bones are offered to the Manes of the deceased, at tis more largely treated of in another placet It moreover is apparent that the Laplanders time of mourning is not u fed to be shortjbutof a long continuance, especially for the loss of married persons or children, andconsists not in ostentation, or appearance, but cnly in inward sorrow. I come now to their manner of inheritance and divifion oi their goods, which follows upon the death of any one, for the Laplanders likewise have their sort of riches, consisting most in mcveables as cattle, silver, brafs and copper veffels and the like, but there is nothing for which they are more esteemed then plenty of Rain-deer. Some of them have a hundred, some a thousand or more; Olaus Magnus makes mention of but half these numbers Lib. 17. Cap. 28. but what may be read in the papers of John Buraus, consirms their number to be much greater. Oroveen, tis there said, was so rich in Rain-deer, that their number could not be known. Arent Justinus{to\t a hundred of them, and yet they could not be miffed. And other things which serve for daily uses, they keep in public, or else layup in their cupboards, as I have elsewhere shown, but they bury underground either nU ver plate or mony, and the place they call Roggri, they lay it first in a close box, that in a copper kind of kettle, and that they cover over with boord, and so ft tew it over with earth and moss, that no body may perceive any thing to be hid there, this they do so privatly, that neither their wives nor children can tell any thing of it, so that it sometimes chances, that, when they dy suddenly, all these things ly buried and never come to the heirs, but what come to their hands are thus divided among them, if they be moveables, the Brother receives two thirds, the Sister one, as was appointed by the Provincial Laws of the Swedes. The two Rain-deers given to the children in their tender years, the one the Tooth Rain-deer, the other the Parents free gift, are exempted from this common divificn, as likewise their increase, which sometimes comes to a considerable number. If the goods be not moveables, as territories, lakes, mountains andsuch like, the children of either Sex, possess them with equall right, and make use of them indifferently, the this be not abarepermission, but sounded in the divifion of Lapland, made by Charles the Ninth, in which to every family were given its own territories, Lakes, Woods, Mountains, andthelike, as has

a f‘ her,P,a «’ from whence I suppose tis, that they rebuted amon/rh g ” 8 C ani fy J and are not iia!:>Ie to di vffion or to be diftri-

possessions i he! le ' rS a s other goods; for these are nor their own proper as other goods are, but only granted from the crown of Wa certain!riL° rece1 the prosits, and upon that score every year they pay JSSl dfeJES Zt treared of before ’ f0,hatth ™- been elsewhere said, from whence I suppose 'tis, that they remain common to the whole family, and are not liable to division or to be distributed amongst their heirs as other goods; for these are not their own proper possessions as other goods are, but only granted from the Crown of Sweden to receive the profits, and upon that score every year they pay a certain tribute, as has been treated of before.

Chapter XXVIII. Of their Cattel.

After our discourse of the inhabitants of Lapland, their Nature and manners, something is to be said of other things there remarkable. First of their Cattel, of which they have some common to other Nations, some proper only to themselves. They have no Horses, nor Asses, Oxen, nor Bulls, Sheep nor Goats. The inhabitants do not regard Horses, for the little use they have of them; Oxen, Sheep, Goats, they procure from their Neighbours, for the provision of meat, wool, and hides, and they keep them but one Summer, still killing them a little before Winter. The Beasts proper to Lapland which no other Nation has, are Rain-deers, Teucerus stiles them Tarandus but without reason, for the Rain-deer compared with Tarandus as 'tis described by Pliny, have scarce any thing alike, the Tarandus having the bulk of an Ox, an head bigger than a Stags, and hair as thick and rough as a Bears, which he can change into any color, as he shews in his 8th book, but nothing of this agrees to the Raindeer, as we shall shew anon. Likewise Gesner did erre in bringing this Animal from two divers species. 'Tis not known who imposed the name; but whatever become of the Etymology or imposition of the name, tho it seem to be of late times, the beast it self was long before known. The first that Wrote of him was Paulus Warnefrid: he speaks there of a people which he calls Seritofini, which were doubtless the Laplanders, for he describes their cloths to be the same with those which the Laplanders call'd Mudda; he affirms that the beast of which they had their hides was not unlike a Stag, which serves to prove that they were the Rain-deer, for so they are call'd by Herbersteinius, Damianus, and Olaus, who tells us that they are something taller then a Stag: these which have broad horns (found most in the North) are less than others. But tis not the same thing to talke of tallness and bulk; for tho other Stags owe their height to their long legs, they have less bodies than the Rain-deer. They have 3 horns, 2 branching out backward, the third sprouting down their foreheads (which Olaus observes is to guard them from the wild Beasts especially the Wolves.) Lommius speaks of 4 horns, 2 backwards and 2 forwards, as appears by his picture, in which the Artist falls short of the matter, as my draught which is more accurate will shew: but Albertus Magnus makes them have three rows of horns, for so Jonstonus out of him, they carry, saies he, 3 horns, each breeding 2 horns more, which makes his head seem bulky.

Two of these are bigger then the rest, which answer to the Stags horns, growing sometimes to that bigness as to be 5 cubits high, and are adorned with 25 branches. The Coe has 2 short horns, one being fixt in its forehead which it uses in conflict with other beasts. These horns are proper only to the Buck, the Coe having much less and fewer branches. They are commonly covered with a kind of Wool, which is most frequent after they are cast and begin again to shoot; so Olaus. In the spring, they begin to sprout, tender, but rough and full of blood: when they come to a sufficient growth, they cast their hair in Autumn. The Rain-deer differ from a Stag, that their feet are thick like a Bulls; hence Olaus took notice of their round hoofs: when they walk, the joints of their feet make a noise like the clashing of flints, or cracking of nuts, which is peculiar only to these beasts. Lastly their color is different from a Stags, for it comes nearer an Ash: besides they are white not only on their belly but on their haunches, which Damianus observes does render them more like Asses then Stags, and Zeigler agrees with him. But I cannot see on what account Olaus attributes a main to this beast: they have indeed, especially under their necks, hair longer then ordinary, such as Goats and other beasts have, but nothing agreeable to an horse main: tis farther observeable that tho they are cleft they do not chew the cud. Likewise instead of the bladder for their gall they have a black passage in their liver. This is the picture of one drawn to the life.

Moreover the beast is naturally wild; and such still abound in Lapland, but now multitudes are tamed for domestick service; those that are bred of tame ones, remain so, of which there is great plenty. There is a third sort bred of the wild and tame, for they use, as Sam. Rheen observes, to set out tame Does about rutting time, for the better conveniency of catching the wild ones. Thence it happens that sometimes the tame ones breed that third sort, which they call particularly Rattaigiar or Turach, and are bigger and stronger than the rest, and fitter to draw Sledges. He saies too that they retain something of their primitive wildeness, sometimes being very headstrong, and kicking at him that sits on the Sledge. The driver hath no remedy then but to turn his Carr, and lie under it, till the Beast ceases to be unruly, for they are strong, and will not be governed with whips. They go a rutting about S. Matthews tide, in the same manner that Stags do: if any Buck be killed in that Season, the flesh stinks like a Goats, which makes the Inhabitants desist from killing them at that time, but at other times they are good meat. The Does (which they call Waija) are big ten months, they calve about May, when they can recruit themselves with the Sun, and fresh grass. They breed but one apiece, but are so fertile, that of an hundred there is not ten barren. Those that have calved are stiled Raon, which become exceeding fleshy, as if they were fatned against Autumn, at which time they are usually killed.

Those that have young ones never are housed, but give suck without, and in this case the great multitude breeds no confusion, for each Doe knows her proper Calf, and is known by it; so saies Sam. Rheen, who affirms that they know one another after two or three years absence. When the Calves are grown they feed on grass and leaves, and what the Mountains afford: their color is mixt of red and yellow. About S. James tide they cast their hair, which in the next growth turns blackish. They are at their full growth in 4 years, each year changing their name; the first, they are stiled Namtloppa, i.e. nameless. Tornaeus calls the Buck Hiroas, but Rheen gives him the name of Herki. When they are able to work, they are tamed, one sort being condemned to the Sledge, and thence named Watjorn-herki, others to carry burdens, thence called Lykam-herki. Those that are design'd for labour they commonly gueld, which renders them more tractable: this is done when they are a year old. Those which are reserved for breeding, are called Servi. The Bucks are not so numerous as the Does, of which there be an hundred for twenty, which are profitable for Milk, Cheese and breeding. Both men and women milk them kneeling, one hand being emploied to hold the pail, and the other the dugg. They milk them sometimes loose, and sometimes bound to a poll, about 2 or 3 of the clock in the evening, and but once a day, the rest being reserved for the calves: those which have Calves alwaies yield most milk; the greatest quantity they give at once is a Swedish pint and half, that is about the fourth part of the ordinary measure upon the Rhine. The milk is fat and thick, and very nourishing, which is their chiefest food; that which they do not boil they make Cheese of, which is thus described by Rheen. The Dairy Maids first let the milk stand to cream; when it hath stood, they take off the cream with a skimmer. When one Cheese-fat is filled, they fill another, and put it on the first, and so till 6 or 8 are filled, then they turn the Cheese-fats, that the lowermost be in the top, and use not their hands to press the Cheese, but let them press each other. Each Cheese requires as much milk as ten Rain-deers can spare: their shape is round, about two fingers thick, and as big as a Trencher, which we use at table. Their Milk makes very fat Cheese, but no Butter, instead of which they have a kind of tallow, as I shew'd before.

Now the Laplanders having such advantages from these beasts, take great care in driving them to their Meadows, and defending them from wild Beasts. They are so concerned for them, that they bring their Wives, Children, and Servants, to watch them in the pastures, and drive those that wander back to the Herd. When milking time comes, they drive them into folds, which are spots of ground, hedged in with hurdles stuck on forks, each fold having two doors, one by which they enter, the other which carries them out into their Meadows. Their meat in Summer is the best grass the Mountains afford, with leaves of young Trees. They avoid all hard rough grass, especially where Bullrushes grow. The other Seasons of the year they feed on a kind of white Moss, which abounds in Lapland: when the Mountains are covered with Snow, they scrape out this Moss with their feet. And S. Rheen observes that tho they get least food in the Winter quarter, they grow whiter and fatter then at other times, for in Summer the excessive heat makes them worse. These Cattel too are subject to diseases, which if once begun, spread and kill the whole Herd, but this very rarely. They are infected with that more frequently, which Olaus describes. About March worms or Wornels do begin to breed in their backs, which when alive, creep out and make the Beasts Skin, if then killed, full of holes, like a Sieve, and almost useless.

The Wolves trouble them, tho they have their horns to defend themselves; but they are not alwaies so armed, for they cast their horns once a year, which grow again very slowly. The Does never cast theirs till they have calved. The Rain-deers use not their horns when they encounter the Wolves so much as their forefeet, with these they receive them coming on; otherwise their feet defend them by flight, which they can easily do, if not hindred by Snow. The third inconveniency is that if they be not very carefully lookt to, they will wander and be lost, therefore the owners put certain marks on them to distinguish them from others; their marks they put sometimes on their ears, and not their horns, because they cast them. But if they escape all accidents whatever, they never live above 10 years.

And thus much for the Rain-deers, which alone supply the want of Horses, Sheep, and other Cattel. Therefore the Inhabitants apply themselves only to the care of these, neglecting all the rest; besides Dogs, which faithfully watch their Houses and Cattel, and are very serviceable for hunting, as I have mentioned in that Chapter.

Chapter XXIX. Of the Wild Beasts of the Laplanders.

Of all the Beasts in Lapland the Bear is chief: him, saies Sam. Rheen, they stile King of the Woods, and gives this reason, because in strength and fierceness he exceeds all the rest. They are very numerous, some fiercer than others, especially those which are mark't with a white wreath about their necks, many of which are found in the North. These annoy the Inhabitants Cattel, and overturn their Stores, which they fix on the top of a Tree, to preserve their flesh and fish, and all that concerns provision: but in one night the Bear destroys all the food they have laid up.

Next the Bear the Elk is remarkable, which Olaus calls the wild Asse. Scaliger confounds it with the Rain-deer, for he saies, tho it had Asse's hair, it was called by the Swedes Ranger, by the Goths Rangifer, by the Germans Ellend, by the Moscovites Lozzi, and some Books say that in Norway they were named Rehen; what Books he means I am ignorant, but I am sure the Elks, which the Germans call Ellend, were never called Rehen, but Elg, or Algar, which is now the common name through all the North; neither can I think otherwise of the Moscovites Lozzi, for it is the same with the Lithuanian Lofs, as Herbersteinius observes. That which the Lithuanians call Lofs, the Germans call Ellend, and many in Latin Alce. So that Lofs, Lozzi, Elg, Ellend is the same Beast, but quite different from the Rain-deer, contrary to what Scaliger thought. For first it excells the Rain-deers in bulk not a little, being as high as any Horse: its horns are shorter, but above two palms in breadth, shooting out a few, tho not many young sprouts. His leggs are not round, but long, especially the foremost: he engages very smartly, and his sharp hoofs enable him to encounter all Men and Dogs that oppose. He hath a long head, and huge thick lips alwaies hanging down; his color is not so white, but all over his body it inclines to a dark yellow mixt with ashen: when he walks he makes no noise with his hoofs as all Rain-deers do; whoever sees both Beasts (as I have often) will perceive such difference, that he will wonder how any one should mistake. There is no great breed of these in Lapland, but they have them from other places, especially Lithuania. Charles the ninth, by a public Proclamation claimed all the skins of those that were killed for his Exchequer, as I mentioned in another place. Olaus saies that they continue altogether in the South of Lapland, and are taken most frequently by running them down, or hunting; in other places they are rarely found: but it is manifest that twice a year they swim in great Herds out of Carelia, over the River Niva, to wit, in the Spring to go into Carelia, and in Autumn to return into Russia. Some few Stags have bin seen in Lapland. S. Rheen mentioning the chief Beasts which have bin found there, reckons severall species of four-footed Beasts, as wild Rain-deers, Bears, Stags, Wolves, Gluttons, Beavers, Otters, Martins, Squirrels; but these Stags are but few and little, such as they call Dama cervi, or Platicerotes, which since they have nothing peculiar from those in other Nations, let it suffice that they are named. To these I may add wild Rain-deers, but because they differ from the tame ones only in bulk, being bigger, and in color somewhat blacker, I will likewise pass them over. Sam. Rheen after the Stags mentions Wolves, of which there is a great number, distinguished from those in other Countries only by their color, something whiter, whence they are often called white Wolves: their hair is thicker, longer and rougher. These most of all molest the Rain-deers, which are armed against them with their horns.

I find in some Papers of Buraeus that the Wolves did never assault the Rain-deer if it was bound to a stake: the reason may be because he fears some trap when he sees the rope that binds the Raindeer: for the Wolf is a very suspicious creature, and thinks every thing he sees to be a snare to catch him. Besides he may suspect that men lie hidden to kill him, whereas the Rain-deers are only bound for the better conveniency of milking them. Nevertheless, the Wolves venture not only on Beasts, but on Men and Women, especially those that are big with child. Travellers are forced to go armed, particularly Women near their time, for the Wolves take their scent and watch more greedily for them, therefore no Woman is permitted to travel without a guide assisting her. The next are the Gluttons, which are frequent here; they have a round head, strong and sharp teeth, like a Wolf's, a plump body, and feet shorter than the Otters; their skin is of a very dark color, some of them resemble Sables, only they have softer and finer haire; this Beast lives not altogether on Land, but many times in the Water, like the Otter, tho much bigger and stronger: some compare it to the Otter, but it is far greedier than he, for thence it gets its name. For Olaus tells us that it is called by the Swedes Jerff; by the Germans Wildfras: but this German name doth not denote the Beast to eat much, but to devour what it finds in the Woods, for wild signifies any thing in the Woods; wherefore either Scaliger did not understand the word, or else the Printer did not follow his copy: which appears more plainly, from that the Gulo doth not only infest wild Beasts, but tame (as hath bin often known in Swedland) and Water creatures too, being it itself accustomed to the Waters.

There are abundance of Beavers in Lapland, because the Nation abounds with plenty of fish, whence they have store of food: Olaus thinks that the plenty of them proceeds from the quietness of the Waters, which are never troubled with Ships, as the Rhine and Danow are. I add nothing of these because they are not distinguish'd from the vulgar sort, neither are the Otters. Next to these Sam. Rheen speaks of the Foxes, as being numerous, and of severall sorts over all Lapland. He reckons up, besides the common ones, those that are black, brown, ash-colored, white, and those that are marked with a cross. The black are most valued, because they are rare: in Moscovy Men of honor and preferment have their Caps made of their skins, which are sold, as Herbersteinius observes, for great prices.

Those that are marked with a cross, Johnston calls Crucigera, and describes them thus: they have from their mouth, over their head and back to their tail, a black line, and another crossing their back and down to their forefeet, which two lines do resemble a cross. These are preferred before the white; but this is not the common opinion, for the red are most valued, being softer and having thicker hair. The ash-colored are those which Johnston calls Isatis; their color is the color of the wood, tho this color is not spread over the whole body, nor is any single hair wholly of this color, for the longest hairs are black at the end, the rest white: whence also he tells us that they are of less worth than the rest.

[The following passage on Martens and Squirrels is partially reconstructed from damaged OCR. Approximately 30 lines of the original scan are badly garbled.]

The Martins too are found in Lapland, and indeed no Nation doth afford more or better. But these differ too; those that are dark are preferred before the white. There are no Martins but in the Woods, and they have a great store of food, for they feed on Squirrels and Birds. In the North the Martin can easily climb any Tree; it seeks to make a prey of the Squirrel, who is quite as nimble, tho not so strong, and therefore can sometimes save himself by skipping round the arm of a Tree: this the enemy cannot imitate, especially if the Squirrel leads him into the smaller branches; otherwise he can not escape, and leaps from the top of one Tree to another. The Martin is not furious only to Squirrels, but to all small Birds, which he seizes while they are asleep.

Next are the Squirrels, which are incredibly numerous. These particularly change their color every year. When Autumn comes they turn from red to grisle, which color is valued in the skin; this color, the farther the Countries are Northwards, is the purer, and less mixt with red. They resume their former color in Summer, at which time they are never hunted, but all in the Winter. Tho they do so abound, yet they are wont to go away in such troops, till there are scarce any left. The reason of their departure is not known: some think it is because they fear hunger and foresee the want of meat. Others think it is to avoid the injury of the weather. Olaus Magnus and others describe their march on this wise. They go to the brinks of a River, where they find the bark of Pine or Birch trees, on which they trust themselves, and venture to launch forth, pricking up their tailes for sailes. Thus they are carried at the mercy of the wind, till it overturns them and their bark. Their body is of that nature that it will not sink, but being drowned, is driven to shore where very often great numbers are taken up, and their skins, if they are found soon enough, are as fit for use as ever: but tho such an accident as this sweeps away most of them, yet the few that are left preserve the species, and multiply very soon, for each Squirrel brings forth 4, 5, or more at a time. And those are all the beasts which S. Rheen mentions.

But besides these there are others, such as are the Sables, which Olaus Magnus calls Zobli; their skins, in his History of the North, Olaus faith that their skins were made use of by the Laplanders, especially by the Brides to adorn themselves with them; and that there was great plenty of them in these parts. Some make this beast, especially the Sea sort, like the Martin, and indeed he seems to be of the same bulk and shape of it. Their color, the nearer it comes to black, is the more esteemed. There are found severall all white, such as we have often seen the Muscovian Embassadors bring over to the King for a most singular present; by which Adamus Bremensis in his Scandinavia seems to have understood white Martins. There are also Ermins which are found only among the Laplanders. Olaus first wrote of them that they were good exchange for any sort of Merchandize. These Ermins are nothing but white weezels, having the end of their tails black; Johnston takes notice thereof out of Albertus Magnus, he calleth the beast Ermineus, which is the same thing with Armelinus and Hermelinus, differing neither in bigness nor nature from the weezel, the color argues nothing, for he has that only in Winter, but in Summer is of a bright yellow. It is as greedy of Mice as the Weezels are, whence the Swedes call it Lekat. I am unwilling to call it with Scaliger a Swedland Mouse. Among these I had rather reckon a little sort of beast which they call Lemmus, which Olaus Magnus faith the Ermins feed on. Samuel Rheen speaks of a sort of Mice found in Lapland, which they call Mountain Mice or Lemblar, which Wormius describes with short tails and flaring hair, and not unlike a Mouse. I will speak little of their color, which Olaus saies is various; Samuel Rheen affirms it red, who observes too that they come of a sudden, and cover the ground with their multitude. Olaus observes that this is alwaies in stormy weather, and thinks that it rains these creatures, but is altogether in a doubt, whether they are brought thither by the winds, or bred in the clouds. Wormius thinks plainly that they are bred in the clouds: but the learned Isaac Vossius in his notes to Pomponius Mela corrects him, and saies the reason why these animals are supposed to fall from the Clouds is because they use not to appear, but immediatly after rain they creep out of their holes, either for that they are fill'd with water, or because this creature thrives much in rain, which opinion seems most probable to me. These creatures are very bold, never making their escape when Passengers come by, but keep on their way, and make a noise like the barking of a dog: they fear neither club nor sword, but if any one strike at them, they turn again and bite. It is observable in them that they never go near or do any mischief in any hut; sometimes they set upon one another, being divided as it were into two armies, this the Laplanders take to be an omen of future war in Swedland, and gather whence the enemy will come, by observing whence those animals first moved that provoked the rest. These creatures have their enemies too, first the Ermines as I mentioned before, then the Foxes, which bring a great number of these into their holes: hence the Laplanders have no small disadvantage, for the Foxes using this sort of food most, regard not the baits which they lay to catch them. Thirdly the Rain-deers devour them, and lastly the dogs which eat only the fore part of them. These creatures never live, if they chance to eat any herb grown after they had tasted it before: sometimes they perish otherwise, as being choaked in the Hedges or dropping into water. The last sort of beasts are hares, which are esteemed for their white skin, especially in the winter, at which time they are as white as the Foxes; they change their color every year, alwaies turning white towards this season; for which tho many reasons may be given, I think this is most considerable, that Nature and Providence designed it, least when the ground was quite cover'd with Snow, their color might easily discover them, and they being equally oppressed by man and beast should be quite destroy'd. For which reason too, probably some birds at that time are white. Olaus Magnus testifies the same of hares, that immediatly after Autumn they begin to grow white, and at that time are frequently taken half white and half not, but in the midst of the Winter they are all white as before.

Chapter XXX. Of their Birds and Fish.

I come now to the Birds, of which here is great store. Samuel Rheen mentions these: Swans, Geese, Ducks, Lapwings, Snipes, all sorts of water Birds, and wild fowl, as Heathcocks, Stock-doves, Partridges, Woodcocks; he makes a distinction between water fowle and those that are bred in Woods, and proves that they abound with each sort, because the country has so many pools, ponds, and woods. Of these birds, some are in other countries, some only in these Northern parts. Swans, Geese and Ducks, are known every where: he means wild ducks, for they have no tame ones. Olaus Petri takes notice of the same thing. It is remarkable in these wild foul, that they come from the South into the North, where they build their nests, hatch and breed up their young ones, which is not frequent elsewhere. I believe it is because they do not find such security nor plenty of food in other places. The Snipes I suppose are scarce found any where else; their back and head are black, and most part of their wings, white on their breast and belly, red bills, very long, and set with teeth, short feet and red with skin between their claws, as all water fowle have.

To this we may add that sort of Bird called Loom, which Samuel Rheen omitted, unless he comprehended them under the water-fowle in general, for there is such a number of them, and so various, that the particulars would take up too much time: Olaus Wormius has a draught of this bird, it is no sort of duck, as appears by its bill, which is not broad but sharp. This bird peculiarly goes not upon land, but alwaies either flies or swims, it hath feet very short for the proportion of its body, and standing so much back, that tho they are very convenient for swimming, yet it cannot so poise its body on land as to be able to go: hence it is called Loome, which signifies lame or unable to go. Of the wild fowl that which Samuel Rheen calls Kinder and we render Urogallus, intimating the biggest sort, is named Cedron near Trent, if Gesner may be credited, who describes the rest very probably; but as to the color of the Hen, which he affirms does differ nothing from the Cock, he is mistaken; for the color is quite yellow with black specks. The same may be observed of the Stock-doves which he calls the lesser Urogalli, for the hen differs from the cock, he being all black, and she yellow, like the hen of the Heathcock, from which she is distinguisht by nothing but bigness. Olaus Magnus because the color was not exactly yellow, called it ashen, for sometimes it is composed of both these, most inclining to an ash. There are no other sort of wild cocks, then these the Swedes call Orrar and the Latines Tetraones or Urogalli minores: their combs are the same with the Urogalli, placed not on the top of their heads, but above each eie, which the painter not understanding drew them from his own tame cocks. Some call these birds Pheasants, but whoever compares them, will discern two distinct species. Both sorts are found in Lapland, but the latter not so frequent; nor are the others equally plentiful every year, for in some there are none. I come now to the woodcocks, which I think is the right name; the Swedes have a bird which they call Jerpe, and the Germans Haselhun, but it is doubted whether these are the same with the woodcock, for they do not frequent marshes as the woodcocks do, but live altogether in woods and groves, whence Rheen reckons them among that sort of fowle which inhabit the woods. However, there is plenty of these birds in Lapland, and they afford good meat for the inhabitants; but no bird abounds there more then the White Partridge, not only in the woods but on the highest Mountains, even then when they are covered with Snow. I call it Lagopus, which Samuel Rheen sometimes calls Fialripor or Snoeripor, the Germans and especially the Helvetians term it Schnehuner, i.e. Snow-hens, or Schnaevogel, i.e. Snow-birds, because they delight in Snow and to dwell on the top of the Alpes. They have a kind of hair instead of Feathers, and hares feet, whence they are called Lagopodes. Samuel Rheen describes them thus, that in the Winter they are as white as Snow, having not one black feather, but that which the Hen has under her wing: when spring comes they turn grey like hen pheasants, and keep that color till Winter. Olaus Magnus mentions a sort of snow birds, which naturally changes its white into ashen, but I can scarce believe he means the Lagopodes, because he speaks of their red feet, such as Storkes have, whereas the Lagopodes much differ. Another thing Samuel Rheen observes, that the Lagopodes never sit on trees, as Olaus his Snow-birds are painted, but are alwaies on the ground very active, scarce ever sitting still.

The next is their Fish, of which they have incredible store; Zieglerus saies their draughts are so great, that they are forced to transport some of them into other Countries. Jovius speaks too of great plenty they reap from the Seas, because he is describing those Laplanders which live near Muscovy, whereas the rest can have plenty enough out of the rivers. The best sort they have is Salmon, for which Olaus Magnus faith there is not better fishing in any part of Europe, then in the Bothnick towards Lapland; whose mountains send down vast rivers of fresh water, against which the Salmons come in such shoales, and with such vigor, that the Fishermen find them at the head of the river on the top of the mountains. Samuel Rheen too prefers these fish before all the rest, and faith that they swim up all rivers that they are able, and come down again about S. Matthews tide. And that it is much worse when it returns, then when it went up, which seems to be, because tis wearied and spent in strugling against the stream, and engendring; which it alwaies does in those parts of the river which are most remote from the Sea: when he comes up the river they call him Salm, at his return Lax.

The 2d sort of fish are Pikes. Olaus Magnus speaking of this faith, that in Lapland there are marshes of fresh water, 400 Italian miles in length, and 100 in breadth, in which there is such abundance of Pike and other fish, that they do not only supply 4 Kingdomes, but are dried and transported farther into Germany to be sold: these fish alwaies use fresh water, and are every where known, having long heads, the lower jaw hanging out, many sharp teeth, which the Germans call Hecht. They are found sometimes to exceed men in length. Olaus affirms, that if they have fresh water and food enough, they will attain to 8 foot in length.

The 3d sort are those which the Swedes call Syck, not much differing from the Carp; only they have longer mouths, and not so broad, they are commonly not so big as carps, but in Lapland they are found extraordinary, sometimes weighing 10 or 12 pounds.

The 4th sort is Abbor, which is with us a Perch: this is very plentiful too, and frequently of an incredible bigness. There is to this day in a Chappel at Luhlah, kept one of their heads dried, which is from the top to the under jaw 2 spans thick. There are found water-weezels red and white, chiefly in the pools near the Sea. Samuel Rheen speaks of 2 sorts which the Swedes call Reeding, and Lax; whether they are any where else found I know not. Rheen thus describes the first sort. Reeding, has its name from the red color on the lower part of its belly. The latter is very like a Salmon but not so big. Some take them for Salmons not come to their full growth, but this is an error, for these fishes are taken in pools, which are on every side parted from the Sea, and are known never to have any Salmons. I had rather refer them to the Trout, or Trutta, because it scarce differs in shape, only the Trouts flesh is redder and softer. Besides these there are many other fish in Lapland, but not regarded, because they serve not for food, for which reason I pass them over: only Olaus Petrus gives us this doubtful account of their names, Salario, Cobitis, Barbatula, Rubellio, Borbocha oculata, Prasinus, Cyprinus, Cobitis aculeata. This Country breeds not many reptiles, no serpents: but this is meant of the upper Regions towards the Norway Mountains, for in the low woody places they are found tho not many. There are but few insects; as for fleas they are quite unknown; but they receive much injury from gnats, which infest man and beast, especially the Rain-deers, which upon that account are driven away to the top of the highest Mountains. The men arm themselves against them by keeping a continual smoak in the house. If they sleep, they put a blanket over their body and head: when they go abroad they put on a garment made of hides, and on their heads cloth caps. I have bin told by the Natives, that many to defend themselves from this insect, daub their faces all over, except their eies, with resine and pitch.

Besides these, there are great wasps which trouble the Rain-deers, and sting them so deep, that sometimes they leave marks behind them even when the beast is flayed: those little holes which they make with their stings the vulgar call Kaorme. The only remedy for the Raindeer against these, is smoak, which if not present they dip themselves in water: and let this suffice for their Animals.

Chapter XXXI. Of the Laplanders Trees and Plants.

I descend from their Animals to their Trees and Plants, with which they are well stored, tho Jovius observes that they have no fruit Trees, as Apple, Pear, &c. neither have they any wild Trees which will not bear the cold, as Oak, Beach, which Ol. Pet. takes notice of, but adds that they have plenty of Pine and Fir, Juniper and Birch, Service tree, and Willow, Alder and Dog-tree, the Asp and Ollar; but these Trees do not grow every where, for the Mountains called the Fells, between Norway and Lapland, bear no Trees at all: Pet. Claud. thinks the reason of that to be the continual storm of wind that is on them, but perhaps a truer reason may be the extremity of cold. The ground that lies near the Mountains is thick set with Woods, with this distinction that the parts next them bears nothing but Birch tree, remarkable for their thickness and height, and pleasant prospect, Nature having contrived them so regularly that they seem afar off to be some pleasant Garden. The soil more distant from those Hills, besides Birch-trees, hath Fir and Fitch, which seems like some new kind of wood, composed of these three sorts.

Besides these, there are very few others found in Lapland. Shrubs, especially Currans, or Ribes are very frequent, but they regard not these because perhaps the taste is unpleasant, especially of those which bear Black-berries, which are more numerous than the others. The Junipers grow thick being very tall and comely. This Country yields all manner of Berries; the chief are those which the Swedes call Hiortron, some Dew-berries, or the Norway Berry, whose species is the same that grows on Brambles, each Berry being divided as it were into graines of a pale yellow color, beginning to be red as they ripen. These commonly grow in marshy places. They creep on the ground, and are sustained by little props, so that they ought not to be reckoned among shrubs. The Berries are very wholsome, and are a present remedy for the Scurvy. The Inhabitants delight to eat them with their flesh and salt meats, as I mentioned before. They have a sort of black Berries, called by the Swedes Hallon, according to Olaus Pet. also the thin leaved heath, that bears a Berry, which some call ground Eie, the Swedes Kraokebär, the lesser black Berries called in Smaland Lingon and the lesser black Berries called Blaobär, all which Olaus Pet. takes notice of, speaking of their manner of dressing meat, particularly of the Heath-berries: whence it appears that these Berries were as plentifull with them as the former. They have all sorts of other Berries, tho the Natives do not so much value them.

This Country affords very usefull Herbs, such as are Angelica, which the Inhabitants value so much that they call it the Lapland herb, or Samigraes: they are much pleased with it in their meat: it grows with a short stalk, but thick. In the same place is found Sorrel, which they use too in their food. Some particular herbs they have which are not found anywhere else, as Calceolum Lapponicum, or Brassica Rangiferorum: what sort of herb it is Sam. Rheen expresses in these words, which, tho tedious, I thought fit to transcribe that we might have his exact opinion of it. There grows (saith he) an herb which they call Calceolum Lapponicum because its flower is like the Laplanders shoe, it is of a blew colour with three rowes of seed in the pod, it has larger leaves than the vulgar cabbage, its stalk is a finger thick and the root bitter: it grows extraordinary fast, and rises to three cubits in height, and somtimes more: it is thought a bad and unprofitable herb because no beast will taste of it. There is another herb very useful and wholesome, and of great esteem among them, which Olaus Pet. takes to be like a carrot, he says it is called Mosaraoth, having the taste and flower of Pimpernel growing in marshy grounds to an ell in height. That Mosaraoth is not a Lapland but Swedish name, from moasa which signifies marshy places where mosse grows, what the inhabitants call it, I cannot yet learn. And these are the peculiar herbs which this country hath: I have not met with any one that could help me to the exact shape of them. But altho this soil bears some peculiar herbs, yet there are not many species of them, which Olaus Pet. gathers from the East-Bothnia, which borders on Lapland, for in that place there are found but very few.

I come now to Mosse, which is of diverse sorts. The first is tree Mosse, with a kind of long wool, hanging down from the boughs, especially of the Pitch tree, and somtimes from others. The second, which is very plentiful and affords food for the raindeers in the winter, is ground Mosse, of a white colour, with long thin leaves growing a foot high. The third is ground mosse, but softer of a more delicate yellow green; this is pernicious to the foxes, which the inhabitants cut small and mix with their baits to catch them. The fourth is also ground mosse, short and soft, of a very fine colour, which because it is so fine they use instead of feathers to lay under Infants new born. I hear of a fifth sort with larger and longer leaves which they call Fathne, good against fainting if it be bruised and drank in broth, but I doubt whether this be Mosse; I had rather believe it Angelica cut small prepared and boiled under ground. The last thing which is to be mentioned is Grasse, which is of diverse kinds, the best sort is that which is found in the valleys near the mountains called Fells, being short, soft, and juicy; that which grows in other places is thicker, rougher, and dryer. There is a third sort thin and slender which the inhabitants use for stuffing of their shoes, and gloves, to defend their feet and hands from the weather. And these are all the trees, shrubs, and herbs of Lapland.

Chapter XXXII. Of their Mettals.

That mettals grow in Lapland and the outermost parts of Scandinavia, is only a conjecture of the Antients, and there is no certainty of it, therefore none of them make any mention of them. Olaus M. flatly denies that to his age there were any Iron, Copper, or Silver mines found, therefore they were forced to fasten their boats with osiers, without any nails because they had no Iron, but in the 35th year of this age, in Queen Christina's reign, a silver mine was discovered by the Inhabitants of Pitha near Nasafialo not far from the mountains which divide Swedeland from Norway, this was the first mine known in Lapland, found by Loens Person an inhabitant of Pitha.

In the year 1645 the most Illustrious Ericus Flemming L. Baron of Lais, now Senator of the Kingdome, and President of the company of Mines, first caused it to be opened, and a melting-house built with convenient necessaries. There is also a vein of Lead richer then the Silver and easier work't. Rheen saith that the mountain is opened, not with Pickaxes or any Iron instruments: but they bore a hole, which must be fill'd with Gunpowder; when the mouth is well stopt they apply fire thro another little hole, which touching the powder breaks the hardest stones in pieces. But the use of this mine lasted no long time, for in the war between the Swedes and Danes in Carolus Gustavus his reign about the year 1658, it was spoiled by one Jan Arten the Danish Kings Governour, from which time no man would go to the expence of cleansing and repairing the mine, because it would require a vast charge, before they could get any profit by it, which was too much for men of mean estates to undertake.

The second Silver mine is in Luhla-Lapmark named Kiedlkievari found by Johan Petri living in Torpenjaur about the 60th year of this age. It is in the middle of the Village Torpenjaur, on an high mountain 2 miles from the top, 6 miles from Radstad a village of Norway, between Raedstad and Keidlkievari; there is a famous high hill called Daorstial in the road that leads from the mine to Norway: the foul weather in the winter stops all passage over this mountain. The mine is rich enough and very broad, continuing the same all over, lodged in a hard Marcasite. It has this inconvenience that there are no woods near it, but they are forced to fetch their fuel a mile and a half off: they use powder instead of digging it, (as before) the melting-house stands 5 miles off in a pleasant place near the concourse of several Rivers, especially Darijock and Quickjock, which last gives the house its name. Here is a very spacious wood and great plenty of shrubs, especially currans, and all sorts of herbs. The river affords abundance of the best sort of fish as Salmon, Trout, Perch, &c. distant 27 miles from Torne, discovered in 1655 by an inhabitant who was shewing the ore to Ericus Ericsonius who first discovered it. It is very rich and not drossy, only necessaries are conveyed thither with some difficulty. There is another 3 miles northward called Wittange found in 1668. The vein is not so good because mixt with Iron, wherefore they do not dig it so willingly as the other; from these mines the ore is stript away to the melting-house at Koenge to be melted and thence brought to Torna. There are Iron mines too, one in Torne-Lapmark joyning to the Copper mine, another in the same Lapmark called Junefuando found in 1640 by Laurence an inhabitant there, about 22 miles distant from Torna, whither it is carried to be beaten into bars and rods at the forge at Koenge. A third vein of the same mettal is found in Pelximchin at Lulha, but of these the two first only are digged. I heard in 1671 of a Golden mine: but because there was no certainty, I will not insist upon it. I mention it because there are some that affirm that it was found in Swedeland in the time of Gustavus the first, but this was divulged by an uncertain Author, as appears by the event, for to this day nothing more has bin heard of it.

Chapter XXXIII. Of their Stones, Jewels, and Pearls.

I come now to their stones, which are very large and many, of an ash colour but rough hard and intractable, not to be reduced by any instrument to shape for use. Besides these there are others often found on the shores which represent the shape of an animal. These the inhabitants esteem much and adore them for Gods, under the name of Stoorjuncare. In Torne-Lapmark near the mine Junefuando, on the banks of Torno there are found yellow plain stones of a circular figure like mony, about the bigness of a half crown, which look like dirt, but are as hard as flints: Vn. Grape in his papers makes mention of them. I will set down a draught of them marked with the letter B. In the mine it self there are found stones in the perfect shape of Octaedra, polished and worked by nature her self, but very small not exceeding the bigness of a nut, and somtimes less. I have put down their figure with the letter C. It is not certain whether the loadstone be found in this Country, tho Olaus Mag. speaks of mountains under the pole which some have thought do breed the stone: his words seem to intimate loadstones as big as mountains, but 'tis certain he cannot mean Lapland, for that has none such, yet there are those who affirm that the loadstone is found there.

As for pretious stones they have them frequently, Buraeus mentions jewels, and afterwards he adds Diamond, Amethyst, and Topaz. By diamonds he means transparent stones or Crystal, they are found big and little sticking up and down upon the rocks and crags: some are as big as Childrens heads, such as I saw the Illustrious Gabriel de la Gardie Chancellour of this kingdom have; they have six sides ending like a pyramid, tho some of them are imperfect; the colour in some is bright and clear not inferior to Crystal, in other dull and spoiled with flaws; some are pure, others have veins like cracks branching out every way.

They serve the inhabitants for flints when they have occasion to light a candle, and yield more fire if striken with a steel than the flints themselves. I have now in a Lapland pouch some Crystal which they made use of for flints. The Jewellers polish and cut their Crystals with such art that somtimes they are taken for Diamonds by those that have skill. I have drawn the greater sort of Crystal in the native bigness and shape, marked with the letter A. Buraeus further speaks of Amethysts, some of which I saw brought out of Lapland, but so pale and spotted that they were scarce comparable to those that come out of Bohemia, tho I hear since that there are much better found, but rarely. The same thing is to be said of the Topaz, one of which I have in my study, in every thing like a Crystal, only the colour inclines to a yellow. I am told that none of the rest doe shine so much as those that come from other places, which is the fault of almost all the jewels of this Nation, not being so apt to bare lively brisk colours as the eastern jewels doe. To this head I reduce all Pearls and Margarites, tho they be not stones. Some rivers in Lapland produce these, therefore there are certain inhabitants appointed to dive and search for them, such as was John Peterson, mentioned by S. Rheen, who first found the Silver mine at Nasstal, he is called een diamont- och pearl-samplet, parle-sotkjare i.e. one that finds and cuts pearls. Which (tho out of this Country) are not contemptible, it cannot be denied but that most of them want that liveliness which the oriental Pearls have, tho some are found as good, and in bigness and shape exceeding them. There are found some not come to perfection, half round and half flat, the round part being bright the other yellow and dull. I saw one a few years agoe brought out of Bothnia, so exactly round with such fresh colours, that a certain woman offered an 120 crowns for it, a Jeweller assured me that if he had another as good, he would not sell both for 500. They are bred not of such shells as are in the east, broad, plane, and almost circular like Oister, but longer and hollower like Muscle shells, and not in the Sea but in Rivers, as may be gathered from Olaus Magnus. Those that are not come to perfection stick within the shells, but those that are perfect, are loose and drop out when the shell is opened.

Chapter XXXIV. Of their Rivers.

Lapland if any Country is well watered with springs and rivers: the most noted are those from whence the particular marches and regions have their names, as Umeao, Pitheao, Luhleao, Torneao, and Kimeao, these spring from the Norway mountains, and are encreased by several less rivers, unburdening themselves at last into the Bothnick Sea. Vindell fills Umeao, and Skiellefie Pitheao, Luhleao swallows a less river of the same name, and Kimeao is encreased by another, which it self is no small river, for there are numberless rivulets which run into it. So Luhleao which has a double stream, the lesser receives Pyrrijaur, Kardijoch, and it is the same case with the greater called Stoor-Luhleao, and Tornao which is filled with the river Kaungema, Tangeleao and others. And so it is with all the great rivers, which upon that account are so impetuous and big, that they yield to few in the world: and because they run through hilly and uneven Countrys, and are stopt by several dams and weares, they force their way over precipices, with a great noise, and in those places are not navigable. Such is the sluice at Lughlens, called Muskaumokke, and another named Sao, likewise Niometsaski i.e. an Hares leap, so called because the river Lughla runs between two mountains so near that an Hare may leap over.

The like Cataracts are found at Torna, the most remarkable is called Terrafors near the Norway mountains. Next Cangerbrooks-fors, then Lappia-fors, then three more meeting in an head called by one name Palloforser, next Kettille-fors and lastly Kukula-fors near Torna. Although these Cataracts are a great hindrance to sailers, yet they are advantagious to the mettal-melters, and afford an incredible plenty of Fish. Besides these rivers there are abundance of pooles, so numerous that but few can be named, one is Lulatrasky by Lughla, by which Lughleao the greater runs. Next Lugga and Sahhaig all abounding with Salmons. By the lesser Lughleao are Saggatt, Ritsack, Pirrijaur, Skilket, Siitijock, Waykijaur and Karra-green which exceeds them all, each affording plenty of Fish. Pitha has these remarkable ones near it, Hornafvandi-jaur, Arsusierf, Pieskejaur, but especially Stoorafuan in which there are as many Ilands as daies in the year; but above all Enaretrask near Kimrn. Wexionius saith the Hills and Ilands in it are innumerable, and without an hyperbole, for Tornaeus affirmes that never any inhabitant lived long enough to survey them all.

There be some Marshes, little but full of Fish, in that language called Suino i.e. holy, and they account it a sin to foul them. These marshes have two Channels one above the other: somtimes it happens that the fish leave the upper and retreat into the lower, upon which account the superstitious natives bring sacrifice to appease the Daemon of that marsh whom they suppose to be angry.

Chapter XXXV. Of their Mountains.

Their land which I treat of last, is not in the same condition all over, for that which is near Bothnia is wholsomer and more fertile for all sort of pot-herbs, as those can witness who have made gardens in both soils. They found that some places would bear coleworts, raperoots, parsnips, radishes and the like. In other places by reason of the abundance of rocks and rivers, the ground is too moist and stony, and sandy in many places, which being scattered by the wind covers the ground like snow, such are those places near the mountains of Norway. These sands make a very dangerous passage for travellors, especially when they are covered with snow, because then they cannot tell what they are to avoid, somtimes falling in and being overwhelmed. Towards Norway, are very high mountains which the Swedes call Fiäll, the Laplanders Tudderi. Cluverius calleth the top of the mountains Sevo which he took from Pliny l. 4. c. 13. By Adamus they are called Riphaei, but he was too careless in looking over Pliny, Solinus, and Orosius. But whatever the name is, what Pliny saith is true of the mountain, that it is no less than the Riphaean; the top is perpetually covered with snow. Moreover the ascent and rise of this mount is thus described by Pet. Neyren: the mountain which separates Norway from Lappia begins to rise about Jemptland; thence with continued ascent towards the north it reaches a hundred miles, till it comes to Titusfiord, which is a bay of the frozen sea. By this mountain the provinces of Swedeland are divided from Norway, as by a wall designed by nature her self. But altho these mountains are one continued tract, yet they swell higher in some places than others, called by these distinct names, which Samuel Rheen mentions: Waesawaari, Skipoive, Nasawaari, Ceruioive, Kioldawaari, Niottuswagg, Kudtkiwaari, Zeknawaari, Fierrowaari, Cardawaari, Steikawaari, Skalopacht, Darrawaari, Woggoufaari, Niynnas, Kaskaoine, Wallawaari, Shieldawaari, Harrawaari, Portawaari, Kasla, Seggosblitsk. In like manner there are many other of their names in the other parts of this Country, but because it is hard to meet with them all, and not so much to our purpose, we'll end now.

Colophon

Johannes Scheffer (1621-1679), The History of Lapland, Oxford, 1674. English translation of Lapponia (Frankfurt, 1673). This edition archived from the McGill University Library digitisation of the Oxford English first edition (archive.org identifier: McGillLibrary-rbsc_history-lapland_DL971L2S4131674-15383). OCR text cleaned and reconstructed by hand across twelve archival passes; original Early Modern English spelling and syntax preserved. Footnote markers and marginal references from the printed edition have been removed; a coordinate table from Chapter II has been omitted due to OCR illegibility. Residual OCR damage remains in some passages — particularly the Royal Charter texts of Chapter VIII (ornate typeface), the divertisements of Chapter XXIV, and the customs chapters XXV–XXVII (heavy long-s and ligature artifacts in the OCR source). These passages await future correction against the original scans.

This file contains the Preface and all thirty-five chapters. Chapter I treats the name of Lapland and its etymology; Chapter II, its geographical situation and historical identity with the ancient Scritfinnia and Biarmia; Chapter III, its climate, weather, and soil; Chapter IV, its political and geographical divisions; Chapter V, the physical and mental character of the Sami people; Chapter VI, the origin of the Laplanders and their migration from Finland; Chapter VII, the first and ancient religion of the Laplanders — Jumala, Thor, and the Sun, with their temples and images; Chapter VIII, the coming of Christianity to Lapland — the Kings' efforts, the founding of churches and schools, the Royal Charters of Gustavus Adolphus and Queen Christina, and the first books in the Laplandish tongue; Chapter IX, the remains of paganism — superstitions, lucky and unlucky days, resistance to Christian doctrine, and the three heathen Gods (Thor, Storjunkaren, the Sun) alongside the lesser spirits (Manes, Spectres, Genii); Chapter X, the heathen gods of the Laplanders — Thor/Tiermes, Storjunkare, and the Sun — with their sacred places, images, and sacrificial ceremonies; Chapter XI, the magical ceremonies of the Laplanders — the noaide drum, its construction, figures, and use in divination and shamanic trance; the knotted cord for raising winds; magical darts and the Gan; the Tyre. Chapter XII, the government of the Laplanders — their ancient kings, the conquest by the Birkarli under Ladulaus Magnus (1277), and the later assumption of direct Swedish rule under Gustavus I. Chapter XIII, the judicatures and tributes — courts of justice, the evolving tribute system from skins to Rain-deers to Patacoons. Chapter XIV, the Laplanders' fairs and customs in trading — the history of silent barter, the rise of appointed markets under Charles IX and Queen Christina, commodities and their prices. Chapter XV, the language of the Laplanders — the affinity between Laplandish and Finnish demonstrated by vocabulary tables, the refutation of Tartar origin, three regional dialects, foreign loanwords from Swedish and German, noun declensions and verb conjugations of the Laplandish tongue, and the peculiar manner of pronunciation. Chapter XVI, the houses of the Laplanders — their nomadic custom, Charles IX's Edict of 1602, the seasonal circuits of the mountain and wood Laplanders, the construction of their tents and store-houses, and the sacred divisions of domestic space. Chapter XVII, the garments of the Laplanders — men's and women's clothing, Rain-deer skin coats, the Mudd, ornamental girdles, tin and silver studs, and the custom of sleeping naked under blankets. Chapter XVIII, the diet of the Laplanders — Rain-deer flesh and milk, dried fish, Pine-rind as salt, Straw-berry preserves, Angelica, and the grace said after meals in the Laplandish tongue. Chapter XIX, of the hunting of the Laplanders — bear-hunting ceremonies, the Cantepaive superstition, the shovell of ashes, the crosses worn as preservatives. Chapter XX, the Laplanders' weapons — bows of three ells, arrows with bone tips, crossbows, firearms acquired from Norway, and the Pulka sledge. Chapter XXI, handicraft trades — cookery, woodwork, boat-building, and forge-work learned from fathers. Chapter XXII, the womens employments — tailoring, shoemaking, decorative tinwork, and the making of thread from Rain-deer sinews. Chapter XXIII, the Laplanders' travelling and fishing — Rain-deer sledge speeds, womens skill in fishing, the trident spear, and night-fishing by torchlight. Chapter XXIV, the Laplanders' divertisements — leaping contests, archery, ball games with leather stuffed with hay, wrestling by the girdle, cards and dice. Chapter XXV, contracts and marriages — courtship customs, the parents' role, bride-price in Rain-deers, the wedding feast, and the solemnization by the Minister. Chapter XXVI, child-bearing and education — the customs of labour, naming, baptism, cradle construction, the nurse's diet, and the children's early training in archery and sledge-driving. Chapter XXVII, diseases, death and burial — the hardiness of the Laplanders, their few diseases, the use of simples and charms, funeral customs, grave goods, and the fear of ghosts. Chapter XXVIII, the cattel of the Laplanders — the Rain-deer in all its varieties: tame, wild, and hybrid; antler structure, breeding, milking, cheese-making, lifespan, and the hazards of wolves and warble flies. Chapter XXIX, the wild beasts — the Bear as king of the woods, the Elk, Wolves, Gluttons, Beavers, Foxes (including the Cross-fox and Isatis), Martens, Squirrels that sail rivers on bark boats, Sables, Ermins, and the marvellous Lemmings that appear from the clouds. Chapter XXX, birds and fish — Swans, Geese, the Loom that cannot walk, the Capercaillie, White Partridge with hare-feet, Salmon, Pike, and the gnats that drive Rain-deers to the mountaintops. Chapter XXXI, the trees and plants of Lapland — Pine, Fir, Juniper, Birch, the Asp and Ollar, the Junipers, Berries (Hiortron, Dew-berries, Hallon, Kraokebär, Lingon, Blaobär), Angelica (Samigraes), Calceolum Lapponicum, Mosaraoth, the five sorts of Mosse, and the three sorts of Grasse. Chapter XXXII, the mettals of Lapland — the first silver mine at Nasafialo discovered in Queen Christina's reign, the Luhla-Lapmark mine at Kiedlkievari, the Iron mines at Junefuando, and the rumoured Golden mine. Chapter XXXIII, the stones, jewels, and pearls of Lapland — ash-coloured stones, the animal-shaped stones adored as Stoorjuncare, the octahedral stones, the loadstone question, Crystal as big as Childrens heads, Amethysts, Topazes, and the river Pearls gathered by divers. Chapter XXXIV, the rivers of Lapland — the five great rivers (Umeao, Pitheao, Luhleao, Torneao, Kimeao), the Cataracts (Muskaumokke, Niometsaski, Terrafors, Kukula-fors), the lakes (Stoorafuan, Enaretrask), and the holy marshes called Suino. Chapter XXXV, the mountains of Lapland — the soil near Bothnia, the dangerous sandy passages, the Fiäll mountains (Sevo, Tudderi), the Riphaean range, and the enumeration of named peaks by Samuel Rheen. All thirty-five chapters are now present. The book is complete.

Compiled and formatted for the Good Work Library by the New Tianmu Anglican Church, 2026. Preface and Chapters I–VI, X–XI by earlier archivists. Chapters VII–IX added by Wynn (life 53) from archive.org OCR; long-s normalisation, page-break reconstruction, and catchword removal by automated script with manual correction. Chapters XII–XIV added by Aldhelm (life 54) from archive.org OCR; comprehensive long-s normalisation and OCR reconstruction by automated script with manual correction. Chapters XVI–XVIII added by Asche (life 55) from archive.org OCR; long-s normalisation, page-break reconstruction, and OCR garble correction by automated script with manual correction. Chapters XIX–XXIV added by Wyclif (life 56) from archive.org OCR; comprehensive long-s normalisation, running header removal, and OCR garble correction by automated pipeline with manual review. Chapters XXXI–XXXV added by Blythe (life 57) from archive.org OCR; long-s normalisation, OCR reconstruction, and manual correction of the natural history chapters. Chapters XXV–XXVII added by Wycliffe (life 58) from archive.org OCR. Chapters XXVIII–XXX added by Wynkyn (life 59) from archive.org OCR; v4/v5 cleaning pipeline with manual correction of the animal kingdom chapters. Chapter XV — the Language chapter, the White Whale — added by Caxton (life 60) from archive.org OCR cross-referenced against the original 1674 scan pages; three vocabulary comparison tables (Laplandish–Finnish, Laplandish–Finnish divergent words, Laplandish–Tartar), two noun declension paradigms, and verb conjugation examples reconstructed from shattered multi-column OCR by direct reading of the printed pages. Systematic long-s and ligature artifact cleanup across Chapters XXIV–XXVII by Toji (pass 122).

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