by Johannes Scheffer

This file contains Chapters XII through XXXV of Johannes Scheffer's The History of Lapland (1674), continuing from the published file which covers the Preface and Chapters I–XI. Scheffer (1621–1679), a German-Swedish scholar at Uppsala, compiled the first systematic European study of the Sami people, drawing on firsthand accounts from Swedish missionaries Samuel Rheen and Johannes Tornaeus, as well as classical sources.

These chapters cover the secular life of the Sami in comprehensive detail: their government and judicial system, tribute payments, fairs and trade customs, the Sami language (with comparative vocabulary tables), housing, clothing, diet, hunting practices, weapons, handicrafts, men's and women's occupations, travel, leisure, courtship and marriage, childbearing and child-rearing, disease and burial customs, domesticated and wild animals, birds, fish, trees, metals, gemstones, rivers, and mountains.

This text is reproduced from the 1674 English first edition, printed at the Theater in Oxford for George West and Amos Curtein. The OCR was derived from the Internet Archive scan of the McGill University Library copy, with systematic cleanup of long-s substitutions, running header removal, and paragraph restoration.

Chapter XII

Of the Government of the Laplanders.

WE come now to their secular affairs, which are either public or
private : we will treat first of the public, to which belong the form
and constitution of their Government. This in former times, before they
were named Laplanders, was in this manner; they were subject to no neighbouring Country, but were governed among themselves, yet so as to be
subject to a King, they chose out of their own Nation. Most of them, or at
least those which bordered on Norway, and dwelt near the Sea, were under
this kind of Government, in the time of Harauld Harfager King of Norway, cotemporary with Ericw the Conqueror, King of the Swedes, this
was 900 years after Christ; he conquered the greatest part of Norway,
except these Finlanders. The King that reigned over them at that time.
was named Mottle. This account was questionless taken from Haralds expedition into Biarmia, and his ruining all that Country, except the part
belonging to these Finlanders. In those times the name of Laplanders was
neither used, nor known, as I have shewn elsewhere, but they retained
that of their ancestours, which was also common to all of the same extraction.

Their condition was not much altered, after that they took this name,
which was when they first sent out Colonies into the inland Countries,
on the farther part of the mountains, which divide Swedland from Norway.
For they that went out had certainly some Leader, whom without doubt
they chose for King, after they had taken possession of those Countries; and
I believe they would scarcely submit to any other power whilst that he
was living; and this seems the more probable, because no one in those
daies would undertake the conquest of a company of poor beggarly fugitives, who dwelt among Weeds and Deserts, in continual snow and
the greatest extremity of cold. This was the Muscovites opinion of them,
who tho they dwelt near them, scarcely knew their nature and disposition,
and thought it madness to set upon them with a small party, and an adventure of little profit, and less honour to raise an Army against a Country
already distressed by poverty. For this reason the Laplanders enjoied their
own customs for a long time. The first King of Sweden that had any thoughts of conquering them was Ladulaus the great, who flourished about the year
1277, who because it seemed difficult to bring them under the Crown of
Sweden, promised those that would undertake the conquest, the government
over them. He thought it too expensive to make a public war upon them,
when they were to be dealt with as wild beasts ; yet however could not endure that a neighbouring People, dwelling almost in the heart of his
Country, for they possessed at that time as far as the Bay of Bothnia,
should refuse obedience to his Kingdom. Wherefore he thought upon the
before mentioned project, and proposed great advantages to private persons,
upon which the Birkarli, their neighbours, readily engaged themselves,
and effected their enterprize no less successfullly. In this design, the plot
of a particular person was most remarkable, as is related by Fvicus,
and recorded by John Bureus. One single man of the Birkarli went towards Lapland to way-lay the Laplanders in their return from Birkala,
( at this time no one inhabited on the North side of that allotment )
and ordered his wife to cover him over with snow, in the middle of the
way where the Laplanders must necessarily pass over him. They came in the
night time, and by their passing over him he knew there were fifteen,
which were the chief among them, and to whom the rest were in subjection; when they were gone, he immediately arose out of the snow, and
going some shorter way, set upon them at unawares, as they passed by,
one by one, which is their usual way in travelling, and slew them one after
another. None of those that followed perceived the first men slain, it being
in the night time, and each of them at some distance from the others;
till the last man finding his fellows killed, made a stout resistance, but the
Birkaria by the assistance of his wife got the victory, and slew him likewise Thus the most powerfull of them being slain, the rest readily submitted Some think the Birkarli deluded them by a pretended truce, and
that before it was expired, they assaulted them, not suspecting then the least
danger, and killing several, subdued the Countrey, as far as the Northern and Western Oceans. We may easily collect from the truce mentioned
here, that before their subjection to the Swedes by the Birkarli, there
was some kind of war betwixt both : besides, it was shewn above, that
Ladulaus could not bring them under his Crown. This perhaps may be
Zeiglers meaning, when he describes them as a warlike People, and free
for a great time, that they also withstood the Arms of Norway and Sweden,
till they were forced at last to yeild* but what Zeigler imputes to their
valour, proceeded only from the contempt they were then in, as is plain
from the opinion the Moscovites gave of them. And there is little reason to
suppose the Swedes were not of the same, since they were overcome only
by the allotment of Birkala; and Ladulaus did not conquer them out of any
fear he conceived of their forces, but by sleight, foreseeing the small advantages he should receive would not quit the charges of an Army. Thus
the Laplanders were brought in subjection by the subtilty and expence of
private persons. About the year of our Saviour 1277, the Birkarli had the
authority over them; yet so as to acknowledg their dependance on the
King of Sweden. Now whether all of them were thus overcome, as those
that lived beyond the mountains of Norway, near the Sea, which are the
Finlanders, or Lappofinni, is still in doubt, except we collect it from this,
that all from the Northern and Western Oceans were certainly subjected.
But whatever dispute may arise concerning that, it is manifest the Swedes
were the first Conquerours of Lapland, but afterwards the Norwegians and
Moscovites following their example, put in also for a part; thus they
became subject to these three severall Princes. But to pass by the others,
the Swedes enjoyed, for some former ages, half the dominions from Tidisfiorden to Walangar, over the Lappofinni, or maritime Finlanders. This
was given by Charles the IX, in his instructions to his Embassadors, sent
to the King of Danemark, wherein he made it appear that the Swedes had
from former times, till then, enjoied half the rights, both sacred and civill, whether as to tributes, punishments, men, or fisherie, with the
Crowns of Danemark. and Norway. But the Swedes kept only a third part
from Malanger to Waranger, those of Norway and Moscovy laying claim
to the other two, till in the year 1595, the Moscovites, by a League, delivered up their part, but the Swedes alwaies possessed the mountainous
and more neighbouring places from Ladulaus's time, for near four hundred
years, and exercised their authority over them. The Government after the
conquest was in the hands of the Birkarli, according to the grant given
them by Ladulaus, who ruled over those that dwelt near the Bay of Bothnia, imposed taxes, trafficed with them, and received all the profit of
the Salmon fishing, and all other advantages arising from them; but in
acknowledgement to the King, as Supreme, they paid a certain number
of gray Squirrils skins. The Laplanders, by common consent, received
and honored the Bergchara, that is men of the mountains, or Birkarli, as
their Governours, and paid them very rich skins, and severall sorts of fish
both for their tribute to the King of Sweden, and their own proper uses.
Neither were there any other commissioned by the King in those times to
govern them, as will appear afterwards. He, that was their Governor, was
honored by them with the title of King, his authority was confirmed by
the Crown of Sweden, he wore a red robe, as the token of his Roialty;
now from this sort of garment, by which the Birkarli were distinguished
from others, it is evident they were the first rulers in those parts; and
perhaps only one governed them, whilst they dwelt near the Bay of Bothnia, but when they enlarged their possessions farther into the Land, and
were divided into severall Counties, each division had its particular Governor. And that it was so, is manifested from the Letters of Gustavus the
first, where he divides the Birkarli into Luhltans, Fythians, and Tornians, over which accordingly there were severall Governors. It may perhaps now be a dispute, who these Birkarli were, by whom the Swedes
subdued Lapland; Buteus saies they were the Inhabitants of the allotment,
of Birkala, but Olaus Magnus is of a different opinion, and calls them
Bergchara, that is, men of the mountains, from Berga mountain, and Charar
or Karar men. What grounds he hath for this, he neither declares, nor can
I easily imagine. But I think them so small that they will find little credit
any where; for from whence, or from what mountains should they be thus
called ? not from those of Norway, when at that time no body inhabited
there; neither are there any other mountains besides these, from whence
they should take this name : moreover, the Birkarli were subjects to the
Swedes, and conversed commonly with the Laplanders. The public records
also contradict this opinion, for in them there is no mention of Bergcharli,
but Birkarleboa. It is yet clearer also from the Letters of Cnute Joanson,
written in Latine, in the year 1318, where he saies in the Parliament
held at Tclge, betwixt the Helsingers and Birkarleboa in his presence, there
was issued out this Placart, &c. This serves to confute Olaus. It is more
evident that they came from Birkala, an allotment in Tavastia, and described
in the Mapps. Next, as to Gustavus the first mentioning the Birkarli, in
the foresaid Letters, as belonging to severall marches, viz. Luhla, Pitha,
and Toma it was upon this account: the Birkarli that descended from
those of Tavastia, were placed in these severall Towns to govern the Laplanders, and because they only had the priviledge of commerce with them,
they were called Merchants. They were used in the Summer to buy those
commostities of the Merchants that came to Bothnia, which were necessary
for the Laplanders, and in the Winter, when the Rivers and Lakes were
frozen over, they carried them up into the Countrey. This way of traffic
was used by all the Inhabitants of Bothnia, but perhaps only at first by
one allotment, which growing populous, severall of the Inhabitants removed
farther into the Countrey, and retained the same priviledge that was first
granted by Ladulaus, viz. that no one, but they, should claim any priviledges over the Laplanders, either as to the Government, tribute, commerce, or any thing of this nature, which priviledges they for a long time
enjoied, as is confirmed by the Letters wrote by Cnute Joanfon, in the
time of King Smeeke, in which it was provided that the Birkarli should not
be molested either in their passage to or from the Laplanders. This priviledge they maintained till Gustavus the first, who made a Contract with
them at Upsal on the 4 th of April 1528, concerning the yearly tribute they
were to pay to the Crown, for the great advantages they received from
the Laplanders. This tribute was only in respect of the priviledges the
Birkarli had from Ladulaus's time till then, these were so largely granted,
that they setled them as hereditary upon their children, and none but
those descended from the Birkarli could enjoy them. This Gustavus also
confirmed according to the former grants made to their ancestors, but with
this alteration that they should pay half as much more, as they did formerly.
This Government the Birkarli exercised over the Laplanders which they got
by subtilty, had their authority from the King of Sweden, preserved it in
their own family, and delivered it down to their children for near 300
years, till Gustavus the first, by reason of their insulting over the common
People, deprived them of this state; for when their riches encreased they
oppressed the poorer sort, and extorted so much from them that they left
them very little, but that which was worth nothing. Upon this, complaint
was made to Gustavus, whothereupon committed Henricus Laurentii to
prison, and confiscated most of his estate, taking then the tribute from the
Laplanders into his hands, and granted to all People free trading with
them. This Henricus Laurentii was without doubt in that time the head of
the Birkarli, and I believe the brother of David Laurentii, who, together
with Jonas Nicolas, concluded the Treaty with Gustavus in the name of
the Birkarli, in the year 1528, for setling the tribute, and other affairs.
From hence we may collect they lost their priviledges, not long after this
Contract; now it was not only just to deprive them of those priviledges,
which they abused in oppressing others, but prudent, as well from the
jealoufy of too great a power granted to private persons over so large and
populous a part of the Kingdome., as out of consideration of its wealth,
which, as more necessary to the Kings, for driving out the common enemy,
and establishing the Kingdomes liberty, then to maintain the pride of the
Birkarli, who besides their injustice, were inconsiderable both in number
and strength. Gustavus the first having thus deposed the Birkarli, sent Deputies to gather the tribute, and manage all things in the Kings name. The
Deputies are called by the Swedes, Lappfougder, by the Laplanders, Konunga Olrngi, that is the Kings men; of these there is mention made in the
patent granted by Gustavus the first to M r Michael, the first Priest in Lapland in 1559. The words are to this purpose, We command all the Inhabitants of Lapland, as well Deputies, as others, &c. These had at first the
charge of all public affairs, as will appear in the following Chapter as
for colleding taxes, as executing justice among them. But afterwards, when
Charles the ninth divided the Countrey into several parts and formed it
into better order, more were added to the former, for examining causes,
convicting of criminals, and other such like things, till at last the state of
Government was little different from what it is now. Next under the King,
they have a Provincial Judge called by the Swedes, Lagman, under him one
of the Senators, Underlagman, next an Interpreter of the Laws, Lagläsare, and divers others, which enquire into causes, and do justice; then
they have a Governour of the Province, Landshöfdingh, a head over the
Laplanders, Lappfougden, their Officers who perform all other duties,
in this manner the Laplanders are now governed by the Swedes.

Chapter XIII

Of the Judicatures and Tributes of the Laplanders.

AFTER the manner of their Government, and the discipline they
live under, we descend to those affairs that are managed by it; which
belong either to the Courts of Judicature, or to the Tribute. I can scarce
find any mention of the former. Their own Kings, when they were a free
Nation, exercised this authority, and kept the jurisdiction in their own
hands; but when the Birkarli ruled them, it depended altogether on their
pleasure. Zeigler makes no mention of any Judges among them, but saies
that if any dispute happened that was dubious, it was referred to the Courts
in Swedland; I suppose he means the more weighty controversies, which the
Birkarli could not, or did not dare to decide. But these were very rare
with them, for great crimes, as theft, rapine, murder, adultery, or such
like are seldom committed, and scarce known by the Laplanders. They
neither borrow nor lend mony, being content with what they possess of
their own, which are commonly the occasions of quarrels in other Nations,
and maintain so many Lawyers. The chief sin they are guilty of, is their
magical superstition, which since their embracing Christianity, is forbidden
by the Laws, and is not so frequent as formerly. After that Gustavus the
first had deposed the Birkarli, and given them Governors of their own,
they lived under better discipline, and greater diligence was used in seeing
Justice done; but Charles the ninth was the first that took care to have
them instructed in the Swedish Laws, and that they should regulate themselves accordingly. This charge was given by the same King in his instructions to Laurentius Laurentii, Governour of Lapland, dated from Stockholm
on the 10 th of Oct. 1610, wherein he commanded him to govern those of
Vma, Pitha, and Luhla, according to the Swedish Laws, and to protect them
from all injuries. There are at present in Lapland three Governors, and
as many Courts of judicature; the first is called Aniitidfiaenfe, or Ångermanian, the other Vhmenfiori, Tithenfian and Luhlenfuin, the other is the
TornenCun, and Kiemenfian. Over these are particular Governors, who in the
Kings name pass Sentence, but in the presence of a Judge and a Priest;
where it is observable that they added Priests to the Governors, to restrain
them from doing injustice by the authority of their presence. Now as to
the time when these Courts were called, it is a doubt, but I believe it was
at the Fair times; when they met about all public business; this was commonly twice in a year, viz. in Winter and Summer, according to an order
of Charles the ninth’s. It is now in 'January and February. They were held
in the same places where they kept their Markets and Fairs, which were
determined in each particular County, as will appear by and by.

Now we come to the Tribute they paid, which at first was only skins
of beasts, paid not by the Laplanders, but the Birkarli, yet only as an acknowledgement of their subjection to the Crown of Sweden. Buraus calls
it naogra timber graoskjn, graoskjn signifies gray Squirrils skins, of which
color the Squirrils were constantly in the Winter; timber denotes the number of the skins, which were fourty, tied together in a bundle. It is uncertain how many of these bundles the Birkarli gave, but in the Contract
with Gustavus the first, those of Luhla and Pitha were engaged to pay 8,
which makes in all 360 skins, besides two Martens skins. Those also of Tome
were taxed with the same number; and shortly after this number was doubled,
by an agreement made in 1528. But after the Birkarli had lost their priviledges, for the forementioned reasons, and the King received the tax by
Commissioners for himself, it is very probable some more alteration were
made. In the year 1602 they paid instead of skins every tenth Rain-deer,
and one tenth of all their dried fish; which is clear from the commands
given by Charles to his Deputies Olaus Barman and Henry Benegtson, at
Stockholm on the 22 d of July in the same year, to require the tribute in
this manner, that so the Laplanders might know what and how much they
were to pay : for it seems that from Gustavus the first’s time, till then,
the Governors used no constant method in railing it, but sometimes demanded skins, at other times other sorts of goods that seemed most necessary for present use; so that by this uncertainty the tribute grew very heavy
upon the Inhabitants, and their Governors took occasion from it to exact
what they pleased under pretence of the public account, for their own
proper uses. Yet this custom continued not long, being thought perhaps too
burthensome to the Laplanders, and very prejudiciable to their herds;
wherefore it was ordered in 1606, that everyone which was then 17 years
of age, should pay either two Bucks, or; three Does out of their herds of
Rain-deers, and eight pound of dried fish; as also every tenth Fawn out of
their Rock, and every tenth tun from their fishery. This tax was also imposed on the Birkarli that had any traffic with them. This order was kept
a long while, and renewed again by the same King in 1610. The tribute they
pay at this time is either mony, Rain-deers, or skins, either plain or fitted
up for use. These they pay according to the largeness of the Provinces in
which they dwell, the largest of which, they say, are een heel skjitt, that
is, they pay the full tribute; the letter een half skatt, that is, half tribute;
and so likewise for the rest. He that possessieth a Province of the whole tribute, pays two Patacoons, which they call Skattastealer, and others that have
lesser possessions and half tribute, give one Patacoon; those which want mony,
pay fish or skins, which are commonly of Foxes or Squirrils, of these 50,
of the others one with a pair of Lapland shoes, are equal to a Patacoon :
two pounds also of dry fish are of the same value; now to every pound of
dried fish they allow five over,because so much is commonly lost in the
drying. They call this pound with its addition Skattpund, that is the pound
for tribute. They value their Rain-deers at 3 Dollars a piece, and pay the
tenths of them, not each family, but every hundred. I have set the prices
down here, because if any one had rather keep his Cattel, he can be forced
to no more then after this rate. Now concerning the tenths they pay of
skins, every householder is taxed one white Foxe’s skin, or a pair of Lapland
land shoes; if He hath neither of these, half a pound of dried Jack. This is
the Tribute yearly received by the Crown of Sweden from Lapland, of which
the greatest part is commonly by the Kings gracious favor allowed for
the maintenance of their Priests, as was shewn in another place. Now
because it is so far both by Sea and Land, before these commodities can
be brought to the Kings Storehbuses, besides the ordinary tax they give
a pair of Lapland shoes, which they call Haxapalka, that is the price for
carriage. This is all they pay to the King of Sweden, but besides they are
tributary to the Crown of Danmark, and the great Duke of Muscovy, not
as Subjects to these Princes, but upon the account of their receiving several advantages from their Dominions in their hunting and fishing. Those
that are thus, are all the allotments of Toma beyond the mountains, who
by reason of the liberty they have to bring down their Cattel from the
mountains into the vallies in the Summer time, Hear the Sea shore, and
taking the opportunity from thence of fishing, are taxed by the Danes, but
not at above half the rate that they pay to the Swedes. These allotments
are called Koutokeme, Auymara, Tejio, and Utzincki. The Laplanders also
of the allotment of Enare in Kiemi, are in the same condition, who for
fishing and hunting pay both to the Danes and Moscovites as well as to the
Swedes : to the first one half, to the other a third part of what the Swedes
receive. The tribute was in former time gathered when the Governor pleased,
but afterwards only in the Winter, against which time it was all brought
into Storehouses, each County having its proper place for that purpose.
But when the place for their Markets and Fairs was determined, the Governor came thither and received it, which course they still take in this
business. That this was also the time for receiving it, will appear from the
account I shall give of their Fairs in the next Chapter.

Chapter XIV

Of the Laplanders Fairs, and Customs in Trading.

THAT we may not yet leave the Public concerns of the Laplanders,
of which we have treated, let us proceed in the next place to consider
their Fairs and common Markets, in which what Customs they anciently
used is not so well known. Paulus Jovius saies that among the Laplanders
he that had any thing to sell, after he had exposed his Wares, went his way
and left them, and that the Chapman coming, and taking what was for
his turn, left in the place the full value thereof in white furrs or skins.
The reason why they did not speak and bargain with then Chapmen, he
saies Was, because they were a ruftic People, extreamly fearful, and ready
to run away from the very sight of a ship, or stranger. Others, that are of
a more probable opinion, confess indeed that they used no words in their
trading, but that it was not Out of rusticity, want of cunning; or the like;

but because they had a language quite different from others, and so peculiar to themselves, that they could neither understand, nor be understood of
their neighbours : so that it was rather the barbarism, and roughness of
their speech, then manners, that made them use this dumb way of trafficing;
But of their language we shall treat in its proper place.

Concerning their trading with their neighbours, it is most certain that
it was performed without words, by nods and silent gestures : neither was
it properly a buying and selling ( for they did not of old use either gold
or silver) but rather an exchange of one commodity for another. So that
whereas Zieglerus tells us they did permutatione & pecunia commercia agere,
we may justly doubt whether it be not rather to be read nec pecunia, ( unless happily he intend pecunia in the primary sense, and hath more respect
to the original of the word, then to the acceptation now in use. ) And truly
this way of exchange among them, in those ancient times, was no less then
necessary; when indeed, as well the neighbouring Countries, as the Laplanders were quite strangers to any current mony; and this we may understand from the Swedes, among whom there were in those daies either no
coins at all; or else only such as had bin transported out of England and
Scotland, the use of the Mint being then utterly unknown in that Country.
And if at that time there was no mony in Swealand, it is certainly no great
wonder there should be none in Lapland. But neither in after times, and
when they were under the Jurisdiction of the Birkarli, could the Laplanders
come to the use of mony; for they that were fords over them, monopolizing the whole trade to themselves, did not give them mony for their commodities, but such other merchandize, as their Country stood in need of.
In fine to this very day the Laplanders know no other mony but the Patacoon and half Patacoon; other coins whether of copper, silver, or gold,
they do not so much value, which will give us to understand that the use of
mony among them cannot be of any long date, for the Patacoon is but of
later daies, and was never known before the discovery of the Mine in the
Vale of Joachim.

These Patacoons they value singly at 2 onces of silver a piece, whence it
appears that as they had no other mony, so neither did this pass currant
among them, but only by weight, and as if it were in the Mass : and I beleive was not at all in use, until! they were forced to pay tribute in that
kind, of which I have discoursed before, and shewed that it was but of
late instituted. But what Damianus means by his permutatione tantum annonam & pecuniam acquirunt, we cannot so easily guess; for we do not say
that men barter and deal by exchange when mony is paid for a commodity:
for to what end should those People seek after getting mony, which was in
use neither among themselves nor their neighbours; so that perhaps here
also we ought to read nec pecuniam, and then the sense runs, that they were
not so sollicitous in getting mony, as in providing the more necessary things
of life : altho neither is that true which he delivers of their provisions, as
will appear from what follows,

But whatsoever Damianus means, it is most certain that in all their commerce they did but exchange one thing for another; and that to this day the
same custom remains among them, who are now concern’d for no more mony
then what is sufficient to pay their tribute. Only if there is any commodity

among them of great and extraordinary value, that indeed is to be bought
with mony.

Their custom is now, not as formerly, to bargain by signs and nods,
but either they use speech, ( for there are many of them now that are
skilled in that of their neighbours) or Interpreters, of which there are
plenty enough among them. They with whom they traffic are for the most
part their neighbours, on the one side the Swedes and Norwegians, on the
other the Finlanders, Ruffians, and Moscovites. Neither was it otherwise
in old times, unless when they were under the power of the Birkarli, who
endeavouring to get all the trade into their own hands, did more narrowly
watch those that were nighest Sweden, that so they might exclude all but
themselves from trafficing in any part of Lapland. The power that we
read was given the Birkarli over the Laplanders by Ladulaus the great
King, I suppose, chiefly consisted in this; for the other speciall rights and
priviledges, which they and their ancestors for a long time possessed, Gustavus the first hath set down, as I have in another place declared.

And this we may also gather from the prohibition of Charles the ninth,
denying the Birkarli the priviledge of trafficing in Lapland, as they had
formerly done. The words of the injunction published in the year 1602
are to this purpose $ And we do utterly forbid the Birkarli any more to trade
for skins or other commodities, as they have formerly used. Before this time
therefore they were either the only, or chief Merchants in Lapland, whither when they had brought their merchandize, they went round the Country
purchasing all the skins they could, of which afterwards they made great
sums of mony. And this they continually did till the time of Gustavus the
first, when that priviledge began to be denyed them; by which they were
grown so rich and powerfull, and what is the common consequent thereof,
proud and haughty.

But neither could Gustavus provide against all their arts and evasions;
for tho he took from them all power over the Laplanders, yet they being
better skilled in the commodities of the Country and constitution of the
People then others, did still, tho not so openly, keep correspondence and
traffic with them, till in the year 1602, in the time of Charles the. ninth,
they were forbid by the forementioned injunction, at any time, or in any
place, to hold any commerce with them, and the monopoly of all skins was
annext to the Crown; a certain rate being set at which they were to be
fold. The words of the Editt are thus : “ Whatsoever skins are found in
“ Lapland, we do command and enjoyn our Governors to buy up for our
“ use, according to the statute and rate in that case provided. And this
was also again enforced in the year 1610, only in this there was a clause
inserted, that the skins of Elkes should be brought into the Kings treasury
gratis. The clause runs thus : “ And we do command all Laplanders in our
“name to bring to our Governors all saleable skins, for which they shall
‘‘return the worth in other commodities, as is by statute provided; but
“ the skins of Elkes they shall seize upon for cur use, not giving any con-
“ sideration for them; if any man shall take this beast, it shall be law-
“full for him to keep theflesh for his own private use, but the skin shall
“belong to Us and our Crown. But their trading is now grown more
general, and they, have of late years learned to deal more freely and openly

with other Nations; for they that dwell among the mountains that divide
Norway and Swedland, deal both with the Norwegians and Swedes, and they
that live more Northerly and Easterly with the Ruffians and Finlanders.

But I come to the commodities themselves, which Jovius laies are only
white skins, or furrs, called Ermines. Zieglerus reckons fishes also, of
which they have so great draughts, that they are forced to keep them in
trunks and ponds till they can transport them into Northbothnia and Ruffia
alba. But there are several other sorts of skins, which Olaus Magnus comprehends under a more general term, and calls pelles pretiosas. Sam.Rheen
gives us this catalogue of them, the commodities of the Laplanders are, Raindeers, skins of Raindeers, skins of black, yellow, blew, white Foxes; skins
of Otters, of Gluttons, or Badgers, of Martins, of Beavers, of Squirrils,
of Wolves, and of Bears, Laplandish garments, Boots, shoes, Gloves, dried
Pike, and Cheeses of Rain-deers. With these commodities the Laplanders
traffic for Silver, Patacoons, Wollen and linnen Cloth, Copper, Alchimy, Salt, Corn, Bulls hides, Sulphur, Needles and Pins, Knives, Spirit
of Wine, and which is more strange for Tobacco, of which as I said before they are great admirers.

Upon all these things as was but now declared, there was a certain rate
set by Charles the ninth, according to which they were to be bought up
for the use of the Crown; and the same custom is so far yet observed, that to
this very day, with whomsoever they deal, they have a certain estimate,
whereby they prize both their own and others commodities : the proportion of which rates is according to the Patacoon, or which is the same thing
with them, 2 ounces of silver. For example, an ordinary Rain-deer they
value at 2 Patacoons, or 4 ounces of silver, the skin of a wild Rain-deer
at one Patacoon and £, or 3 ounces of silver; the skin of a tame male
Rain-deer at one Patacoon, but if castrated, at - of a Patacoon, and if a
female at {. So likewise an ordinary Fox skin is worth a Patacoon, 40 gray
colored Squirril skins are valued at the same price, which number of those
skins they call timber. The skin of a Martin at the same price, 3 white Fox
skins at the same price, a Bears skin is worth 2 Patacoons, and a Wolves
skin as much, an ordinary Laplandish garment, which they call Muddy
is worth 3 Patacoons, a pair of Boots half a Patacoon, and 4 pair of shoes,
4 pair of gloves, and one pound of dried Pike, each of them are valued at
the same price.

Now on the other side, of the commodities for which they traffic, an
ell of ordinary cloth, commonly called Silejian or T anger myndenfe, they
esteem at the rate of a Patacoon, or 2 ounces of silver; 3 pound of Copper
at the same rate, and one tunn of corn at 2 Patacoons and ~, or; ounces
of silver, 2 pound of Salt at - of a Patacoon, 10 yards of course cloth,
such as we call home-spun, and they call Waldmar, is worth a Patacoon,
a Can of spiritof Wine half as much; but if they chance to light upon any
commodities of a lower price, they value them by gray colored Squirril
skins, proceeding from one to xo, which number of skins they call Artog,
and value at; of a Patacoon, and these are the commodities that drive
the trade between the Swede and Laplander. But to those of Norway they
carry all sorts of coverlets, made of the skins of Rain-deers, also the beasts
themselves, their skins and cheeses, and the feathers of Birds; moreover

those things for which they trade with the Swedes, are Copper and Alchimy
vessels, ordinary cloth woven by the Swedish Boors, these they change for
Bulls, and Cows, whose milk they live on in the Summer, and on their
flesh in the Winter, also for Goats and Sheep, out of whose skins they
make themselves coverlets, for silver, for the skins of black Foxes, and
Otters, for woollen blankets, and for fish, which they sell again to the
Swedes, as Herrings, dried Codfish, Skails, and such like. Johannes Tornms comprehends them in a shorter catalogue, the Laplanders, saies he,
traffic with those with Norway and Bothnia, Subjects of the Crown of
Sweden, for ordinary woollen cloth, linnen cloth of both sorts, as well the
finest as coursest, for corn, bread, brass, iron, and all sorts of Country
utensils. But above all things it was their chiefest care to get beasts out of
Norway, which in the Autumn, they used to Sacrifice to their Idols.

Whether there were anciently any set places or times in which they did
trade, I cannot certainly pronounce, tho Olaus Magnus, Lib. 4. Cap. 5.
seems to affirm it, and saies, there were certain set places, some in open
fields, and some upon the Ice, in which they did every year keep their
Fairs, and exhibit to the public view what they had by their own industry
gained, either at home or abroad. But for all this he proceeds not to tell
us where those Fairs were kept, or where those places were. And Charles
the ninth forbidding the Birkarli continually, and at all times to make
their circuits round the Country, did nevertheless appoint certain times
and places, in which, as at public Fairs, all traffic should be free and open
as well to them as others. The words of the Edict published in the. year
1602 I will give you, which run thus : “ Wherefore’; seeing we have forbidden the Birkarli to trade in Lapland, according to their old custom,
“ and in manner aforesaid, We do will and command to be appointed two
"Fairs every year in every Province, one in the Winter, the other in
“ the Summer s as it shall seem most convenient, and We do will and com-
“ mand our Governors to take care that certain fit places be looked our, in
« which these Fairs may be kept, and to appoint set times, at which most
“ conveniently as well all Laplanders, Birkarlians, Moscovites, as others, may
"resort unto them. Furthermore our Will and pleasure is, that each Fair
"last for two or three weeks, during which time, it shall be lawfuil for
every one to make such bargains as may be most for his own profit. And
“ we do also command our Governors, that certain Boothes and Sheds be
“ provided after the most convenient manner. Now by all this it may appear
that in former times there were no such things either observed or known,
seeing the King here speaks of them as first instituted by him; neither indeed in the Edict it self doth he set down any certain time or place, but
names them only as things intended, and which he leaves to the discretion
of his Governors, which also Andr. Bur ms seems to intimate was performed, when he saies that when they were to pay their tribute, they were
at a certain time and in certain places gathered together, as into a Storehouse, where those Merchants, we before called B irkarli, exhibited their
wares. But now he also leaves us in the dark as to a. certainty either of
time or place, so that it may seem these Fairs and constitutions did not
find so good success as it was hoped they would, untill at length the
Queen Christina taking the business into consideration, brought it to greater
perfection. There is an Edict of hers, published in the year 1640, in which
two Fairs are appointed, one at Arfwisjerf in January, the other at Arieplog
to be kept in February. The words are to this purpose: “Furthermore
“We have given and granted, and by these presents do give and grant 2
solemn Fairs, one at Ar/wisjerf on the Feast of the Conversion of S. P aul,
“ being the 25 of Jan. the other at Arieplog on the Feast of the Purifica-
“ tion of the B. V. Mary, being the 2d of February, each to be held for
“ 3 daies, at which times it shall be lawfull for the Pithenses and all
“Laplanders to exercise all sorts of traffic, and these Fairs shall first be
‘‘holdenthe next year 1641. From this time they began to be more diligently observed, and are kept upon those Feasts to this very day, for in all
Provinces there are every Spring 3 Fairs kept-, the first in Lapmarkia Vmensis upon the Feast of the Epiphany, the 2 d in Lapmarkia Luhlensis on the Conversion of S- Pauly the last in Lapmarkia Pithensis, Tornensis, and Kimensis on
the Feast of the Purification. These are the Fairs which Christina instituted, only that in Vmensis I beleive was observed from the time of Charles
the ninth, and the rather because that Lapmark is nigheft Swedland. Into
Norway they resort and keep Fairs twice a year, the first at Midsummeron
the Feast of S. John, the other in the Autumn on the Feast of Simon and
Judty or All-Saints day. And so much for the times and places of their
Fairs.

As for their way of dealing they were of old in all their bargains very
salthfull and just, tho Damianus a Goes seems to note some craftiness in
them, and saies they were very cunning in all their tradings. And Sam.
Rheen in plain terms call them cheats, and saies they were so deceitful, that
one that did not know all their tricks, could hardly escape being overreached by them. So that we may suppose that as long as others dealt
fairly with them, so lcng they were trusty and faithfull, but in after times
coming to learn how others had served them, by understanding how they
had been cheated formerly, they themselves learned to deceive others.
But of this we have spoken before : and these thing may serve to give us
some light into their customs in trafficing.

Chapter XV

Of the Language of the Laplanders.

IN the former Chapter we told you that the Language of the Laplanders
was such as did very much differ from that of their neighbours, our next
business shall be, as well as we can, to discover what it is. Now whatsoever is received, used, commonly, and publikly spoken in any Country
is certainly a Language, but of this of the Laplanders, Zieglerus in general
observes only that it was peculiar to themselves, and not understood by
their neighbours. Damianus speaks more plain, and accuses them of barbarism and roughness of speech. Our modern Writers say their speech is a
confused miscellany of the Language of their neighbours, and that it was

called Lingua Lapponica, quafi cor r a fa, eel Lappatjflaoc and that it is made
up of many other Tongues, as of that of Finlanders and Swedes, as for
instance; the Laplanders say four, the Swedes, floor; the one Salug, the
other fahgb. And that there are also some Latine words, as Porcus, Oriens,
&c. But tho these Writers suppose that they have borrowed many words
from their neighbours, yet they confess that much of their Language is
their own, and neither used, or known by any other Nations, but that as
well the original of the words, as propriety of the Phrases; is peculiar
to themselves. Others suppose it took its rise and was derived from Finland: and indeed it is confessed on all hands that there are many words in
both Languages that seem no great strangers. So that there is little doubt
but there are many words in both Languages which very much agree, which
any one that is a little skilled in them must needs confess, and to make
this more clear, I shall here insert some words of both Languages not much
unlike.

God

r Jubmar or Immel'
Jumala

Fire

Tolle

Tuli

Day

Paiwe

Paiwa

Night

Yce

ARiver

Jocki

the same

ALake

Jaur

Jarwi

Ice

Jenga

Iasas

a Hill

Warra

Wuori

Wood

Medz

Medza

the Eye

Si 1 mas

the same.

the Nose

Niuna

Nenas

the Arm

Ketawerth

Kafiwerfi

the Hand

Kiastt

Kasfi

the Foot

S3

'o

Ialk

Ialka

Cheese

loft

K

Iuufto

Bootes

Kappad

Saapas

a Show

Kamath

Kamgett

a Shed

sT

Kaote

Koto

an Arrow

AV

Niaola
Nuoli

Warr

K

Tziaod

Sotas

King

Konnagas

Cuningas

Father

Atkia

Aja

Mother

Ama

Brother

Wellje

Weli

Wife

Morfwi

Morfian

Dog

Piednax

Peinika

a Ferret

Natas

Nzix

a Squirrill

Orre

Orawa

a Bird

Lodo

Lindu

a Fish

Guelie

Cala

a Salmon

Lofa

Lobi

a wild Pine tree.

Quaola

k

Cuufi.

These words I suppose may serve to declare the affinity that we said
was between the Language of the Laplanders and Finlanders : and became
the words that I have set down, do not signify any foreign commodities,
but things natural, and such as are in use among all People alike, I am given
to beleive that the Laplanders had not any peculiar Language, which did
w holy differ from that of Finland, but that it took its original thence. For
if, as some would have it, they had any Language, they might properly
call their own, why did they not out of it, upon things of so common occurrence and ordinary use, rather impose their own words, then such as
no man could doubt were taken from the Finlanders. No People certainly
were ever guilty of fb much folly as to impose foreign names upon so
common things, if they had any Language of their own to express them in:
as might be at large demonstrated from the Languages of the Germans,
ancient Guides, Spaniards, Italians, Greeks, &c. neither have we any reason
to count it a hard inference if we should from hence gather, that the Laplanders themselves sprung from the Finlanders. For otherwise why should
they have used any other Language then what they received from their foreFathers. And this seems to be the argument Wexonius uses to, prove the
Language of the Laplanders to have taken its rise from the Finlanders, when
from the original of the People he infers the same of the Speech; for in this
he intimates that to spring from any Country,and to use the same Language,
are very convertible propositions. All which indeed seems to be no more
then the truth. But now some one may object that the opinion of those men
that affirm the Language of this Country to be primarily its own, could
not be destitute of all reason, and that they muff necessarily have had some
probabilities whereon they grounded their opinion; and truly it cannot
be denied but that there are many words which do not any waies agree with
the Language of the Finlanders, as may appear from what follows,

The Sun

Beiwe

► i

'"Auringa.

Heaven

Albme

Taiwas

Water

Kietze

West

Rain

Abbrae

Sade

Snow

Mota

Lumi

a Man

Ulmugd

Ihminen

Gent, Man

tv

Albma

Mies

Woman

Nissum

Waimo

Hair

Waopt

■Vt

k.

Hiuxi

the Mouth

Nialbme

Suu

the Chin

Kaig

Leuca

the Heart

k;

Waibmi

Sydaon

the Flesh

Ogge

Li ha

a Wolf

Seibik

Sufi

a Bear

Muriel

Karhu

a Fox.

Riemnes

Kettu.

And the Difference between these and the like words without doubt was
that which gave occasion to some to think that anciently the Laplanders had
a Speech peculiar to themselves, and quite different from that of Finland,

of which ancient Language these relids did remain, and for this they give
this reason, that the Laplanders were forced to frame to themselves a new
Language, for fear, lest being understood by their neighbours the Finlanders,
they should fall into. their snares. So Olaus Petri saies that oftentimes they
sound spies about their tents in the night, hearkning after their Councels,
now for this reason, according to the Policy of their Forefathers, flying
into the allotment of Rengo, in the Province of Nolnen/e, they there agreed
upon, and framed to themselves a Speech quite different from thatofJ’/w*
land. So that there are very few words found to agree in both Languages.
Now by the Spies he there talks of, he understands the Finlanders, who
being driven out of their Country by Matthias Kurkins and the Tavastians,
roved up and down, seeking where they might most conveniently settle,
as may appear from what goes before in that place. Others think that these
are the relids of that Language which they first brought into Lapland, which
they suppose to be no other but that of the Tartars. But how false this is,
may appear from the vast difference between those Tongues, in which there
is not one word that signifies the same thing in both Languages. And that
you may not think I say this without any reason, I will give you a few
instances.

God
the Sun
Heaven
Fire
Air
Water
a Lake
Ice

the Earth
a Hill
a Man
Hair
the Eye
the Nofe
a Beard
an Arm
a Hand
a Foot
a Heart
a Bow
an Arrow
Father
Mother
Brother
Sister
a Wolf
a Bear
a Fish

And

t

r Allah

Gynefch

Gioech

Atafch

Jufger

Sauf

Dannis

Buiis

ler or toprak

Dagda

Adam

Sadfch

Gios

Burnum

Beichlar

Ehl

Cholun

Ajach

Jurek

Och

Babam

Anaffe

Cardafch

Kifcardafche

Sirma

Ajuf

Balich

r Jubmel
Beiwe
Aim
Tulla
Biaegga
Tziatz
Jauur
Jenga
Ainnam
Ware
Aolmaitz
Waopta
Tzialme
Nierune
Stemao
Kiettawerdi
Kietta
Iwobge
Waiinao
Taugh
Nitela
Atziae
JE nnx
Wiaelas

Aobbe

Kurt

Kwoptza

Kwele.

And indeed there is as great incongruity in all the rest of the words as in
these, so that this opinion is not only foolish, but ridiculous. And neither
is the other, which pretends they framed a Language to themselves, grounded upon any greater truth then this former. For first why should they omy
have changed some words and nor all ? And then these words which do
agree in both Languages are not the names of things less known, or not
so ordinarily used, as other things, but of such as were as common as life,
light, or breathing: wherefore I am clearly of the other opinion, and do
beleive that these differing words are as much Finnonick as any of the rest.
But they who from the difference of these words infer the independency
of the Speeches, do not at all consider that, then which there is nothing
more common and incident to Languages, viz. to be changed and altered
according to the times, and so much the more by how much the People have
greater commerce with other Nations. And this is plain from the example
of the Iflanders and Norwegians $ for that the Iflanders sprung from the
Norwegians is by the Histories of both Nations made so clear that no man
can doubt of it. But now the Iflanders use many words which those of
Norway are quite ignorant of; and yet I hope no man will thence say that
the iflanders have a Language wholly independent and different from that
of Norway : for the one living by themselves, and having little or no dealings
with other People, do to this day keep entire the same Language which
they first brought, and which they received down from their ancestors : but
it was quite otherwise with the Norwegians, who together w’ith their Empire loft also their ancient Language. The same seems to be the case of the
Finlanders, who being brought under the Jurisdiction of others, and holding
more frequent commerce with their neighbours, loft much of their ancient
manner of speaking, which the Laplanders on the contrary living a more
solitary life, it is probable, do still keep uncorrupt. Wherefore it is no
wonder if in their language we meet with many words, which compared with
those of the modern Finlanders, seem to have nothing of likeness; tho
happily one that is well skilled in the dialed and propriety of the Finnonick Language, will find enough to make him conjecture that there are
many words which, as they are now used seem quite different, yet are very
agreeable in the original. And this is likewise the common fate of other languages, as for example of the German, in which a little too rashly the learned
Olaus Wormius in his literatura Runic a, as he calls it, Cap. 27, hath taken
notice of so great a difference. For in these daies not only nach, but effter
is used, as may appear affterred, afterdam &c. And so likewise the Germans use not only Gesicht, but also Antlitz; not only Verftand, but Vernunfft; and as well ejfen, anfangen, Schu(J\ Alter, Geseengnm, auffthun, Bett,
Kopff, &c. as, As, beginnen, keimen, uralt, haffte, entdecken, Leegerstad,,
locken, in all which they agree with the ancient Germans. In my opinion
therefore the difference of a few words, is not authority enough to prove
that the Laplanders in ancient times had a peculiar language. But it shews
rather that they are not all of the same antiquity, but that some came from
Finland longer ago, who brought those obsolete words w ith them, and some
of later daies, who now use the new; and this I think to be the best account of the Language of the Laplanders. Of which this also is observable,
that it doth not in all places alike agree with it self, but hath its several

different Dialers, and is so various, that those that live iil one pdrt of the
Country can scarce understand those of the other. There are Specially
three Dialects, the first used by the Vmenfes and Pithenses in the West,
the 2 by the Luhlenses in the North, the last by the Tornenses and K-,
menjes m the Laft. And the variety of these Dialects was doubtless caused
by the difference of times in which they came into Laplarfd; ft mp coming
ioonei, some later, some settling in one part, some ih another. Now of all
these Dialect, there is none more rough or unpleasant then that of the
Luhlenfes, who as well in their life and manners, as in their way of speaking, are far the most rustick and clownish of all the Laplanders. But that
you may see what a disparity there is between these Dialects, I will set
down a few example; the Pithenses say Jubmef the Tornenfes, ImmeL the
Pithenses say Jocki i Warra ; Olbmo, nif v, skaigki, kjifi y nijjii, pardei, seibig,
muriet, repp; for which the Tornenfes put, virte i taodar, almai, pah, kjixvtz,a$
raipka, kaap, alik, owre, kops, riemnes. Now a$ the Language of the Laplanders is varied according to the diversity of the Territories and Marches,
juft as it is in other Nations, particularly in Germany, where the Swavtlanders, Saxons, and Belgians, speak all different tongues, so hath it this
also common with other Countries, viz. that the nigher the Territory tends
to any other People, so much the more do the Inhabitants participate of
their Language; and so the Tornenfes and Kimenfes, who border upon the
Finlanders) do at this day use very much of their speech: nay they go yet
farther, and make it their business to learn the Language of their Neighbours, so the Tornenfes and Kimenfes get the Finnonik. the Luhlenfes. Pi*
thenf s, and especially the t'menfs the Swedish Language; and that man
that is skilled in these Tongues hath not little conceit of himself, and is
indeed much esteemed among his neighbours. It is therefore no wonder if
there be many Swedish words found among the Laplanders : for it could
not otherwise happen but that this People, who were supplied by others
in many things which they had not themselves, should with Foreign commodities receive also and use Foreign names, and of this I could give many
instances, but it is not the business in hand. Now of this kind we ought
to esteem these words following; in Lapland, Salug signifies blejfcd, which
the Swedes call SaligbiNiip a knife, the Swedes call it kniif, F'uelo, a rafter
with the Swedes tiho, and many more of the like nature. Of all which the
R. and learned johan. Tomans gives this account, that the use of Foreign
words was introduced partly by necessity, and partly by conversing with
Strangers; and upon this account it is that they that converse with the Swedes
do oftentimes use Swedish words. The like may be said of those that deal
with the Finlanders, and with the Germans in Norway, and this is the reason
why one and the same thing is often called by divers appellations, as for
example, the Swedes call a Horfe Fbeft, the Finlanders, Hapottz,, the Germans, Ress, which also is the name the Laplanders give the beast, for they
having no Horfes of their own were forced to borrow a name from the
Country from whence they had them. Now what Tormeus observes concerning the word Ross, I beleive may be applyed also to the word Porcus, which
I suppose they had rather from the Germans then Latines, for the Germans
call a Barrow- Hog, Bark, now their Swine they had all out of Norway, and
it is very probable they did thence borrow that appellation also. And not

', ' V to

to trouble our selves any farther, this will hold true in all the rest

kind. Wherefore setting apart other considerations, and looking up into the

Language, not as it contains in it foreign words, but only y

alwa!es g used within themselves, and were ever received among them, U
remains that we conclude it to be not a nnfcellany or collection of
German, Swedish scraps, and the like, neither as a peculiar speech different
from them altogether, but such as originally took its rise from the
tho time hath brought it to pass that perhaps few of them under an i
This Tongue, as well as others, hath its Declensions, Comparison,
Conjugations, Moods, Tenses, &c. and perhaps it may not be amiss if I
should here insert some examples : I will therefore first decline you a Laplandish Noun, and afterwards give you the Finnonick Declension or the
same, that by comparing both you may better understand the parity and
disparity of these Languages. This Noun shall be Immel, for so the Tornenses call it, tho other say Jubmel 3 the Finlanders terms it Jumala, and
it signifies God.

Lappon.

Singul.
N. Immel.
G. Immele.
D. Immela.
A. Immel.

V. b Immel.
A. ImmeliftPlural.

N. Immeleck.

G. Immeliig.

P. Immewoth.
A. Immeliidh.
V, b Immadeck.
A. Immadiie.

Finlappon.

Singul,

N. Jumala.

G. Jumalan.
P. Jumalalle.
A. Jumalaa.

V. Jumala.

A. Jumalasta.

Plural.

ft. Jumalat.

G. Jumalden.
P. Jumalille.
A. Jumalat.

V. b Jumalat.
A. Jumalilda.

I will add one more Noun, that th e case may be more clear, and that
Hull be Olmai, which signifies a man.

Singul.

N. Olmai.

G. Olma,

P. Olmas.
A. Olma.

V. b Olmai.
A. Olmaft.

Plural.

ft. Olmack.

G. Olmaig.

P. Olmaid.

A. Olmaig.

V. o Olmack.
A. Olmaija.

And after this manner it is in all the rest.

Adjectives have their terminations in comparison, as
Stoure, great, flour afo, greater, flour amus,, greatest.

Enach, much, enapo, more, enamm, most.

Vtze, little, utzapo, less, utzamus 3 least.

The comparative for the most part ends in so, the Superlative in mus.
They have also their Articles, but seldom use them before Nouns, as it
also in other Tongues.

In the Mafc. and the Fem. Gender the Article hath the same termination, but differs in the Neuter; for tott signifies hie fe bac, torvt, hoc.
Their Pronouns are mun. I, tun, thou he, mii, we, sti, you, tack, they.

The

The Verbs also are conjugated in their Tenfes, and Perfons, as in the
Indicative mood thus, Sing. Mun pworattan I love, turn prvor attach thou
loveft,/«w pmratta. Plur. MU pwuraficp- we love, fit pvporoft yru love, tack
pwrott. And after this manner do they decline their other Verbs.

Sing, mm Lem lam, tun lack,-, thou art, fuu lia he is.

Plur. mii hep we are, fit U y oafitc $ tack he they are.

These will serve to give ussome light into the nature of this Language,
at least as much as is to our purpose, who did not undertake to write a
Grammar, but only give some small description.

Now the Laplanders have a peculiar way of pronouncing words v according to which it is impossible to express them in letters, for they do mouth out
all their words, so that the vowels might be heard loud enough, but the
other letters come very softly out;they do also quite cut off and drown the last
Syllables, especially of Nouns. Letters they neither have, nor ever had any,
and in this they agree with their ancestors the F inlander : the Calendar Which
they use, is no other but the Swedish in Rnnrck Idtttrs. And this also, before
they came to have commerce with the Swedes, and had learned of them the
observation of Holy-daies, was never in use among them. Johannes Sttram
tells us that he heard from persons of good credit, of certain grave -stones
and monuments, which had sometimes Bin sound in Lapland; mote Whereof perhaps might be found) on which were engraved Runick Characters.
But suppose we this true, it is not, I hope, therefore necessary that we
should conclude that these were formerly the letters of the LaphineUrs „ to
which indeed, as well themselves as their forefathers the Finlanders are equally Strangers. But we have more reason to think that the Swedes coming
thither in ancient times, either by force of arms, or otherwise, inhabited
thereabouts, and left those stones. To this day both the Laplander and Finlander use the Latine letters in the same Character the Swedes and Germans
make them, altho the number of them that can read among them ishut very
small, and of them that can write, a great dealless -, and are only suck as
they call great Scholars.

Now this Speeeh being only used among the Laplanders, and- there
being none that desire to learn it but themselves, in all negotiates with
others, they are forced to use the help of Interpreters, of whom upon this
account there are great numbers, as I have formerly said : tho these Interpreters speak all Languages, but the Finnonick, very barbarously, which
is also the fault of all Laplanders, who are very hardly brought to learn or
pronounce any other Tongue, and much given to confound otie with another. So that they which traffic in Norveagy and border upon that Country,
do in their speaking mingle together the Speech of the Norwegians and Swedes,
as for instance, jegh kem, for jag kom, jeg gaong, for jag gaar So lor
huttro, they lay koona, for min myssa, mitt hofmid &c.. But of the Law
guage of the Laplanders let this suffice.

8o

Chapter XVI

Of the Houses of the Laplanders.

HItherto we have treated of the Laplander as he hath relation
to the Common-wealth, we shall in the next place speak of him as
a private person. And this we shall do first, considering the things they
have need of. Secondly, their imployments. And thirdly their leisure and
pastimes. All necessary accommodations are either such as are to defend us
from ill inconveniences, or to give us necessaries. Of the first sort, are
Houses and Cloathes, of the 2 d, Meat and Drink. We shall begin with
their houses, or places of aboad. The Laplanders have not any houses like
other Northern People, it having bin their custom to wander up and down,
and so, sometimes in one place and sometimes in another, to set up small
sheds for their present use : so that they had no certain habitations, but
having eaten and consumed the fish and beasts in one place, they march
to another, carrying their sheds or tents with them..

But this liberty of wandring up and down the Country, was in a special Edict forbid them by Charles the ninth, in the year 1 602, and a certain
place of habitation assigned to every family. The words of the Edift are
to this purpose: u We do in the first place command that in every Lap -
“mark an account be taken of all Fenns, Rivers, Lakes, &c. and who
“ they are that have hitherto had the benefit and use of them, with the names
“of all such *- and then that the number of the families be compared with
that of the Rivers, &c. and so equally divided that one family shall not
“possess more Rivers and Fenns then are for it's use. Lastly every Lapmark being thus divided, it shall be committed to honest and good men,
“who, without either favor or prejudice, shall afsign to every family its
“ just portion : and thenceforth it shall not be lawfull for any Laplander,
“ at his pleasure to wander up and down all marches, as hath formerly bin
“ used. From the time of this Edict the Laplanders had their certain bounds
and limits afiigned them sufficient for the sustaining of their families. Neither was it afterward lawfull for any one to invade the propriety of another, or to wander where he pleased.

Notwithstanding, that custom of removing their sheds from one place to
another was quite abolished, but is yet used among them, tho now they
move not out of the bounds afiigned them. So that they have no certain mansion, but as the Season of the year offers it self, either for fishing or hunting,
fo do they order their habitations accordingly on the side of some River,
Wood, or Mountain, and having spent there some daies or weeks, remove
their tents again to a more seasonable place. To this agrees also our modern
writer Sam. Rheen. This wandring is chiefly caused by their manner of
getting their living, for the Laplanders having all their livelihood from
Rain-deers, Fish, and wild beasts, they are forced to live where they may
have sufficient pastures for their Rain-deers, and plenty of other beasts,

and fillies for themselves, and yet to take care that they destroy not the
breed. But this cannot be done if they should live alwaies in one place,
and therefore it is that Buraeus saies, they order their habitations according
to the seasons of fishing, hunting, <£rt\ Now this Conveniency cannot be in
all places at all times alike, for fish do abound most when about the time of
their spawning they are gathered together, which some fill do at one time,
and some at another,-and one %rt in one Lake, and another sort in another
Lake; so that they that are of this trade cannot alwaies live in cne place.
In like manner it is also with their Rain-deers :-and therefore Sam.Rheen
saies they take their journeys either to provide pasture for their Raindeers, or to fish : for at that time, when fishes generate either in this or
that Lake or River, then the Laplander, with his house and family, takes
his journy. But this journeying is not so as that they should forsake and
never return again to their former places; but they do, as it were, go
in a circle: so that in the space of a year, the pasture being again grown
that was before confumed, they return into the same seats again. This is
the custom of the Laplanders that live in the Mountains: but they that live
in the Woods, do not only once a year, but ofttier return into the same
places. For they leave and return to their habitations severall times in a
year, viz, as often as occasion is offerred either of fishing, fowling, hunting,
&c. Now they do so order their journeys, that the Fishermen at those
times when the fishes do spawn, do alwaies live on the side of some River.
They that take care of, and trade with Rain-deers do in the Winter live
in the Woods, but in the Summer afcend towards the mountains of Norway : for in the Winter they cannot abide on those Mountains, where there
are so frequent storms, great Snows, and no Wood. At that season therefore they descend into the nigheft Woods, where by reason of the depth
of the Snow they can easily keep their Rain-deers together : so that from
Christmas untill the Feast of the Annunciation they remain for the most
part in one place, at which time the Snow beginning to melt, they march
nigher and nigher again towards the Mountains, where they remain till S.
Ericas s day : about which time because the female Rain-deer use to bring
sorth, therefore they remain in the same place untill the feast of S. John,
or Midsummer-day. Afterwards, when, as well in the Mountains as Vallies,
the grass and pasture do most flourish, they proceed farther and farther, some
on the tops of the highest Mountains, where the Rain-deers are less infested with flies and gnats, in which Mountains they wander up and down
till the feast of S. Bartholomew, when by little and little they betake themselves to the Woods again, and then Christmas coming they do again as we
told you in the beginning. And these are the circuits of the Laplanders, and
reasons why they cannot stay in one place, together with the times of their
severall removes. But now these journeys sometimes are for many miles,
and of a far longer space of time, so that sometimes they march for 20
miles and farther. Now because some of them live in the Mountains, some
among the Trees, especially Pine-trees, nigh the Riveis and Lakes; therefore are they accordingly called by different names. Some are called fall
Lapper, because they live in the Mountains nigh by, which are called
fiall. Others are termed Craan Lapper, because they live among the Fine
trees, which are called by the Swedes and Norwegians, Craan. For their

X journeys

journeys in the Summer they make different preparations from what they
do in the Winter; in the Winter they use sledges ( of which I will speak
hereafter ) but in the Summer they go on foot, the Rain-deers carrying their
goods on pannels and pack-saddles, and sometimes their Infants also. So
that in the Winter they put their household-stuff in one sledge, and their
tents in another, and so march from place to place, but in the Summer
they use pannels which they make after this manner :

They have two lathes something broad, but flexible, made of firr, of which
for the most part Boxes are made, these lathes they joyn together at the top,
putting the one end into a mortice made in the other end, and so make a
kind cfa circle, then by that part where they are joyned together they
hang them on the Rain-deer, one on the right-side, the other on the left,
and so againe by withes tie them under the beasts belly, that they may be the

more steady. Now these are placed so to support their dorfers thade of the
same wood, bended into an oval figure much like a drum, if both ends were
round. These dorfers at the bottom they draw together with twiggs of birch,
placed in the form of a grate, and the tops of them they tye with thongs,
or cords, which they loose as often as any thing is to be putin, or taken
out; and lead any thing should fall out, they cover these dorfers all over
with bark of birch, or some skins* These dorfers they hang by ropes or
thongs to the tops of the forementioned lathes, which they call Tobbii,
fo that they may hang down on both sides the Rain-deer, the tops being
outward, and the bottoms turned inward toward the belly of the beast.
And thus they load their Rain-deers, not only with their goods and household stuff, but also with their Infants, which cannot walk themselves. For
on one side of the Rain-deer they often hang their cradles, and children in
them, of which I will speak hereafter. Now in these journeys they have a
certain order which no one without cause ought to disturb; for in the first place marches the Mafter of the Family, having some Rain-deers after him,
loaded after the foresaid manner; afterwards follows his wife in like manner; then the whole herd of Rain-deers, which his Children and Servants
drive softly on. Laft of all brings up the rear, he that carries the Drum.
Now these pack-Rain-deers they do not use to drive yoked or joyned together, but in a long line one after another, that which follows being alwaies tied to the pannels of that which went before, and the Laplander
leading the foremost by a rope tied about his neck, and so they march on
till they come to the place intended, where they set up their sheds again,
and remain for some weeks, which are to them instead of houses. But now
there is some difference in the sheds of the Laplanders that live in the
mountains, and are called Fiellapper, and those that live in the Woods,
who are called Graan Lapper; for the one coming to the same place but once
in a year, doth not bflild this shed of so durable stuff as the other : the former,
when he departs, almost destroying his habitation, and the latter leaving it
standing. The former build their sheds thus', first* at four corners they erect
four polls, upon the tops of which they place three rafters, so that there
shall be one on each side, and one behind, but none cross the formmost polls;
upon these rafters they afterwards place long poles, so that with their tops
they may lean upon, and support one another, whereby the whole form
seems to be like a quadrilateral house, which ascending like a Pyramide,
is narrower at top, and broader at bottom. These poles so placed they cover
with course woollen cloth, which we before called Waldmar; but the richer
sort over this woollen cloth place linnen also, by both which they may be
the better defended from rain and storms. These are the sheds of the Laplanders that dwell in the mountains, for the most part made of clothes, &c.
which when they leave any place they take with them, and erect in another.
But your Graanlapper, or Wood-Lcplanders, make their sheds for the mod
part of board and posts, that at the top meet in a Cone, which they cover
with the boughs of Firr and Pine-trees, or else with the bark of those trees,
and sometimes with turff. That they covered them with the barks of trees,
Herberstenius withesseth; Andreas Buraeus saies that those barks were of birch
trees, to whom also assents Olaus Petri, who only adds, that they did a long
time, boil those barks to make them more flexible, Olaus Magnus,, Lib. 4.

Cap. 3.' adds also skins, and these were the houses Lomenim Comes saw, and
describes in his Itinerary to be made of long poles and barks of trees. Sam.
Rheen describes the Tents of the Wood-Laplanders to be made of boards with
fix sides or walls, covered with boughs of Firr, or Pine-trees, sometimes
with the barks, and sometimes only with turfs. Wexionius increases the
number of sides, and saies that they were octagons, somewhat broader towards the bottom, and five ells high, and especially those tents of the Kimenses. Olaus Tetri tells us the same of the Pithenses. Now these Tents
they do not pull down or carry with them, but leave them in the same place,
only when they come again they add new boughs, &c. where they were
decayed, and to fit them for their use. Besides these two sorts of Tents,
Olaus Magnus reckons up another, for in this, Lib. 4. Cap. 2. he saies part
of them place their Tents in trees that grow in a square figure, least in the
fenny Countries they should be choaked with the great snows, or devoured
by the wild beasts, which come together in great troops. What he means
by trees that grow in a square figure I cannot tell, but I suppose he intends
only that they did use to erect their Tents between 4 trees which grew so,
that each of them might be the corner prop, of the four square died, but
this sort is to us quite unknow. Tacitus saies the Fenni used to dwell among
a company of boughs, and perhaps that gave occasion to our Author to talk
thus. He hath also got a 4 th sort which he could have no where else but
from Ziegler us, for Zieglerus had called them Amaxobios, from whence
Olaus Magnus saies they dwelt in Waines and Carts; and therefore Olaus induced by this word of Zieglerus, thought the Laplanders had bin such. But
this is quite false, for Waggons and Carts were utterly unknown to the
Laplanders, for whom it was impossible to use them, by reason of the slipperiness of the Ice, and depth of their snows. Neither was it indeed in that
sense that Zieglerus calls them Amaxiobios, but because they wandred up
and down like the Amaxobii, who are a known Nation of the Scythians.
There remains therefore only these two sorts of sheds, which I have mentioned, for the; th, which Paulus Jovius reckons, was either upon sudden
occasions, or used only by those that were under the dominion of the Moscovites : the words of this Author are, “ These People lie in caves filled
tC with dried leaves, or in trunks of trees made hollow either by fire or age.
But in both our forementioned sorts, things are so ordered that every Tent
had two doors, one, foredoor, and the other, a backward; the former
bigger and more ordinarily used, the latter less, through which they use to
bring in their provisions, and especially the prey they took in hunting, also
Birds, Beasts, Fishes, which it was unlawfull for to bring in at the foredoor.
These are the two doors with the use of both, especially the back-door,
through which it was unlawfull for any woman topass, because, as I said
before, women were forbidden to go into the back part of the Tent, the
reason of which I think to be partly this, because in that part they placed
Thor and sacrificed to him, and partly this, because it was esteemed an ill
omen for a hunter to meet a woman. And hither may we refer what Zieglerus saies of that door, that it was unlawfull for the Woman to go out
of the door of the Tent that day her husband was gone a hunting, which
cannot be understood of any door but the back-door, the use of which was
not only that day but alwaies forbid women. The Laplanders have no

Chambers, but only certain spaces, which they determine and bound by loggs
and pods laid along on the ground, of which we shall next speak. The whole
space of ground within the Tent was so ordered, that in the middle there
might be a hearth, surrounded with stones, in which there was a continual
fire, except at midnight; behind the hearth, toward the back part of the tent,
they place three loggs, with which they bound that space, of which we but
now spoke. In the middle of this space is the little door, at which only men
mud enter, which they call Pofv, right over againd that is the common door,
which they call Ox; but that space we told you was bounded with these
three loggs, they call, lops; this place therefore is only proper to men,
and it is unlawfull for any woman to pass those loggs, and go into it. Sam.
Rheen saies about the kettle hanging over the fire, they place the 3 blocks,
upon which, with a hatchet, they divide their flesh, fish, or other things
they intend to make ready. He saies here indeed the space is called Pojje, but
understands chiefly the space of the door, for that was properly called Pojfe,
the other space being called Lops. The common door they used to make to*
Wards the South, and the other towards the North. The space on both
sides, and the sides themselves they called Loidet, here they made their bed
chambers, the husband with his wife and children lying on one side, and
the servant; on the other. Olaus Petri saies only the daughters lay on the
side of the husband and wife, I believe, that their Parents might have them
alwaies nigh them, and so take greater care to secure their honesty, whilfl
the sons in the mean time lay with the servants: but now the spaces that
remain towards the doors they call hitta, and are ordained for the use
of the women, for in the space nigh the common door they are brought
to bed. But that you may the better understand all this, I will here insert

a description of the Area.
A is the little door they Call
po/fe, B andC is called lopps y
as is the place where the
men lay up their hunting
instruments. D and E are
called loide, y whereof one is
the appartinent of the Mailer of the Family and his
wife, the other of the fer*
vants. F. G. is kitta, were
the women are conversanc.
H, is the hearth, I, the door
called ox; those three logs
upon which they divide
their flesh are the two that
lay along towards I. and the
3 d crosswaies distinguishes
from other parts the mens
appartment, or pojfe.

The third thing we are to note in these sheds, is that they strew their floors
with branches of Birch trees, least by the rain they should be wetted, and

Y they

they use no other kind of pavement; only upon the boughs, for cleanliness
sake, they lay skins of Rain-deers, on which they lit and lie. And these are
the dwelling houses of the Laplanders, besides which they have also Storehouses in which they keep their commodities, especially flesh, fish, and such
other provisions; these they call Nalla, and make thus : they cut the upper
part of a tree off, so that the body remain four or five ells from the ground
high, upon this trunk they place two rafters in the figure of an X, or S.
Andrews Crofs, and upon these they build their repository, making a door
to it, and covering it with boards. There is one thing peculiar to these Storehouses, which is, that the door is not in the side, but bottom of them, so that
when the Laplander is come down, the door falls too, like a trap-door, and
all things are safe. To these they go up by ladders which they make of the
trunks of trees, in which they cut great notches like stairs. Now the reason
why they place them so high, is because of the Bears and other wild beasts,
who oftentimes pull them down, and to the great damage of the Mafter
eat all his provision; they used also to cut off the bark of the tree, and
anoint the Rock, so that neither mice nor wild beasts could be able to climb
up for slipperiness. And perhaps these are the houses Olaus magnus meant,
when he said, they placed their houses upon trees for fear of wild beasts. But
that you may the better conceive these Storehouses also, I shall here give
you the Figure of them.

Chapter XVII

Of the Garments of the Laplanders.

AMong the Laplanders the men and women wear different kinds of
Garments, which they alter according to the Weather, and place : for
they wear one sort of clothes in the Winter, and another sort in the Summer, one kind at home, and another abroad. Let us first consider the Garments of the men : These in the Summer have trouses, or brougs, reaching
down to their feet, close to their body, upon which they wear a gown, or
rather a coat with sleeves, which comes down to the middle leg, which they
tie fall with a girdle. And in this respect it was that Zieglerus in his time
wrote, that they used close Garments fitted to their body, least they should
hinder their work. He calls them close because of their trouses, and fitted
to their body because of their being girded. These they wear next their
bare skin > without such linnen shirts as the Europeans use, they having no
flax in their Country. These Garments areofcourse home-spun woollen
cloth called Waldmar; of a white or gray color, such as the wool is of before it is dyed. The wool they have from Swedland y and buy it of the
Merchants called Birkarli, but the richer sort wear a finer cloth, and not
of the same color, but sometimes green or blew, and sometimes red, only
black they abominate. Tho sometimes in dirty works, and at home they
wear the meanest clothes, yet abroad, and especially upon Festivals and
Holydaies, they love to go very neat. Their girdles are made of leather,
which the richer sort adorn with silver studs, and poorer with tin. These
studs stick out like buttons in a semicircular figure. At this girdle they
hang a knife and sheath, and a kind of square bag, tho something longer
then broad, also a leathern purse, and then a case with needles and thred
in it. Their knives they have from Norway, the (heath is of the skin of
the Rain-deers, sewed together with tin wire, and in other parts with
' the same adornments, at the end of which they use to hang rings.’ the bag
is also made of the skin of the Raindeers, with the hair on it, on the outside of which they also place another skin, equal to the bag, and make it
fall by three knots, and this skin they cover again with red cloth, or of
some other color, adorned also with wire. In this bag they keep a stone to
strike fire, not of flint, but christall, as I will shew hereafter. Also a
Reel, with some brimestone to light a fire where ever they come : as also
Tobacco and o ther odd things. The leathern purse is also made of the same
skin in an oval figure like a pear, in which they keep their mony, and
other more choice things, and at this also they hang rings. Their needle case
is of a peculiar sort, they have a single cloth with four sides, but the upper
part is much narrower then the lower, so that it is like an oblong triangle
cut off at the vertical angle, and to make it stronger they bind about the
edges with leather, and so stick their needles into it, this they put into a
bag of the same shape; adorned with red, or some other colored cloth, and

wire, drawn together by a leathern string, by which they hang it to their
girdle. Besides these, they have Alchymy chains, with a great company of
rings of the same, these they hang about all their body, the bag they hang
before, nigh their navel, all the rest they fling behind them. And these
are the Garments and ornaments of the body : their head they cover with
a cap, over which the richer sort wear a case of Fox, Beaver, or Badgers
skin, they are very like our night-caps, it is made of red or other colored
cloth, or of the Hares fur, first twisted into a thred, and then knit almost
like our stockins; or lastly of the skin of the bird called Loom, with the
feathers on it: sometimes they so order it, that keeping also the head and
wings of the bird, they make not an unbecoming cover for the head. Olaus
Magnus in his 4. Book, Cap. 3. saies they make their caps of the skins of
Geefe, Ducks, Cocks, which, as well as other birds, are there in great
abundance. But he doth not here mean common Cocks, But the Vrogalli, or Heath-Cocks; however he gives us the picture in his 17 Book, Cap.
2 6. They have ordinary gloves, but shoes of a peculiar make, they are made
of the skin of the Rain-deer with the hair on, out of one piece, only where
they tread they few both ends together, so that the haires of one part
may lie forward, and the other backward, least if they lay all one way they
should be too slippery : but neither is there any more leather on the bottom then on other parts, as it is in our shces, only there is a hole at the top
in which they put in their feet : the toe bends upwards, and ends as it were
in a point. Upon the seame they place feme narrow pieces of red, or other
colored cloth: these shoes they wear on their bare feet, and bind them
twice or thrice about the bottom with a thong, and least they should be too
loose, they fill them up with a sort of long Hay, which they boil and keep
for that purpose.

But now let us come to the garments they do not so ordinarily wear,
but only on some occasions, which both for the men and women are made
alike, and all of leather, to secure them from the gnats. But in the Winter
time the men have breeches to defend them from the weather, and coats
which they call Mudd. These Mudd are not all alike, but some better, some
worse; the best are of the skins of young wild Rain-deers, just when they
have cast their first coat, in the place of which comes a black one, which
is about the Feast of S' James, and these are very soft and delicate. Their
feet they desend with boots of the same skins, and their hands with gloves
or mittens of the same, and their heads with a cap, which reaches down
and covers part of their shoulders also, leaving only a space for them to
see through. All these Garments they wear next their skin without any linnen underneath, and tie them round with a girdle, only their boots and
gloves they stuff with hay, and sometimes in the Winter with wool. And
this is that which Johannes Tornaeus saies of their cloathing, tha$ their garment is made of the Rain-deer, the skin of the beast supplying them with
coats, breeches, gloves, sandals, shoes, &c. the hair being alwaieson the
outside, so that they seem to be all hairy. And hence we may understand
Zieglerus, when he saies their Winter garments were made of the skins of
Bears and Sea-Calves, which they tied in a knot at the top of their heads,
leaving nothing to be seen but their eyes, so that they seemed to be in a sack,
only that it was made according to the shape of their members;. and hence,

saies

saies he, I beleive they came to be supposed all hairy like beasts, some
reporting this out of ignorance, and some delighting to tell of strange
wonders they saw abroad. And truly it is not without reason that he gathers
the fable of hairy men to be raised from their hairy Garments, which sort
of monsters whether there be in other Countries I cannot tell, but I find
the Cyclops with one eye in their forehead by Adamus Bremen fij to be placed
here upon the same account, because they had only a hole in their cap
through which they looked, all the rest of their body seeming hairy, and
therefore this hole they feigned to be an eye. But whereas he saies the skins
were of Bears and Sea-Calves, he is a little mistaken, -for these skins were
not so common among the Laplanders, and are by them designed quite for
another use. However these Garments they used after their fashion to adorn
with pieces of red, or other colored cloth, and embroider them with wire,
in flowers, stars, &c. as I will hereafter declare more at large.

But I come to the habit of the women, which also was of One sort in the
Summer, and of another in the Winter. In the Summer they wear coats
which cover their breasts, arms, and all their body.; about the middle they
are gathered, and so hang down; these they call Volpi. These gowns they
also wear next their skin, for the use of smocks: is no more known among
women then the use of ihirts among men:. and they horribly imposed upon
Lomenius Comes, that made him beleive otherwise. Lomenius fries thus, they
have fmocks, not made of linnen, but of the entrails- of beasts » which they
first spin into a thread, and afterwards wear \them but all this is quite false.
The entrals indeed they do fpin into thred, bur of that they make neither
cloth nor fmocks, but use it to few their skins; but Women of the- common
sort wear course cloth, and the better sort finer, -»as it is with the men,
which for the most part is English cloth, richly wrought. They have also
a girdle, but different from that of the men, for it is much larger, and
sometimes three fingers broad, and then also it is adorned not with studs,
but plates of a fingers length, or more,, which are engraved with divers
shapes of Birds, Flowers, &c. and these they fasten upon a leathern fillet
fo nigh one another, that the girdle is almost covered with them. These
plates are most commonly made of tin, from whence Sam. Rheen calls them
tin girdles, but those for the better sort afe made of silver Upon these
girdles they hang many Alchymy chains, upon one of which they hang a
knife and sheath, upon another a pouch or purse, upon another a needle

among us use, but before them. The weight of the trinkets they carry about
them, doth commonly weigh twenty pound, a pretty heavy burden, and
such as a man would wonder they should be able to bear : but they are very
much delighted with it, especially with the number of the rings, the gin*
gling of which is very gratefull to their ear, and as they think no small comwhich I beleive is hardly true, commonly I am sure they were made of AU
chymy, and if they had bin of tin they had neither bin durable, nor would
they have made a noise. They have also another ornament for their breast,
which they call Kracha, it is made of red, or some other colored cloth.
And first it goes about their neck, and then on both sides comes down upon

ZJ

their breast, and a little below their breast ends in a narrow point. This
cloth, especially before, and sometimes about the neck, they adorn with
studs, engraved with divers forms;, as also With bracelets, which the richer
haye of silver and gold, the poorer of tin and Alchymy.; After this manner,
in short aS he uses y'Johannes Tornaeus describes them, the women do so deck
themselves with gold and silver that their breasts fliine like shields, b'uti chose
that cannot reach silver, use copper and Alchymy. Now these studs they use
to have not only about their neck, but upon their gowns.where they drawthem together, and lace them; and not only in single but.double and triple
rows. They cover their heads with a low kind of-keftcberif, plain: at top,
round, and of red color, some of. the richer Tort on: extraordinary-, times
add also a strip of linnen for. ornament, as at their FairsoW eddings, and
Feastsi. Upon their legs they, wear stockins, whichaqafch ho lower then
their ankles, but that only in -tlfce Summer. Their shoesare like the mens,
and so also bound to'theirfseet with thongs. The womens habit in the Winter is almost the same With the. mens, for they :have th eMudds made of the
skins of Rain -deers; and at that time wear breeches too, by reason of the
deep Snows, storms, and badness of the waids : nay and cover their head
with the same cap? men do, which sort of caps thdy wear also sometimes
in.thei Summer tdidesend themrfrom the gnats ajithese oaps they tie about
their heads, and. -^©.slower pm, which would othervvi& Tall about their
shouldersy they rafke to fraud out like the brims of our hats. And these
are the; garments as well of Virgins as married women, 'for both use the
same attire * neither is there any. sign in their habit whereby to distinguish
then}. JJesides these, garments wherewith they* clothe themselves in the day,
they have also ©then which they use a nights, such as are called night-clothes,
for they have no feather beds i and without all doubt Olaus Magnus is mistaken, who in his 4 Book saies they had. Their night garments were of 2
sorts, such as they lay upon, or such as they did cover themselves with,
which also differ according to the Summer and Winter Seafons. Those they
lie upon are Rain-rdeers skins. 2 or. 3 of which they fling upon some birch
leaves, which they use instead Of matrs, without beds, upon the ground,
that they may lie softer, so that they lie upon the skins without sheets,of
the use of which they are quite.- ignorant. They cover themselves in the
Summer with blankets), which they call raqner or ryer, and with these blankets they cover not only their whole body, but also their heads too, to
avoid the gnats, with which they are extremly infested in the nighttime.
But that, they may breath with more freedom, and not be inconvenienced with the weight of these blankets, they sometimes hang them up
over their head with scopes fastned to the top of their Hut. These are their
Summer coverlets : but in the Winter they first throw about them the skins
of Sheep or Rain-deer, and on them the blankets now mentioned. And there
is one thing more worth our notice, that they lie under these both Winter
and Summer stark naked, and make no use of linnen. And so much for the
Garments of the Laplanders. I shall add the Figures of both Sexes habited
after their manner. The woman hath a child in her arms, in a Laplandish
Cradle.

Chapter XVIII

Of the Meat and Drink of the Laplanders.

HAVING discoursed of their Garments, I proceed to speak of their
Diet. Their food is not the same amongst them ail, but different
according to the places they inhabit. The Mountaineers live almost wholly
on their Rain-deers, that furnisht them; with Milk, Cheese, and Flesh : the
sometimes they buy from the neighboring- parts of Norway Sheep, Goats,
and Oxen, which they milk in the Summer, and kill in the Winter, because they have neither Pasture nor Stable room Lor them to keep them
long. And for this reason they buy but very few of them, and feed almost altogether

together on their Rain-deer, which they have in great abundance. The
flesh of these they feed on in the Winter, and that alwaies boiled, but
in the Summer their diet is Milk, Cheefe,and dried flesh. Their dainties
most in esteem with them are the tongue and marrow of their Rain-deers,
and with these they are want to entertain their Friends. One odd kind of dish
these of the Mountains have, and that is the blood of their Rain-deers boiled
in water to the consistence of a hasty pudding. The others that dwell in
the Woods feed partly on Fish, and partly on Birds and Beads, and that
too both Summer and Winter, but more frequently on Fish. The flesh of
Beares they prefer before all other, and with that they feast their dearest
friends.

They have also some kind of Sawces of Black-berries, Straw-berries,
and other peculiar ones of their own; as also wild Angelica, and the inner
rine of the Pine-tree. The use of Bread and Salt is almost unknown to
them, and when they have any of the later, they use it very sparingly. Instead of bread they eat dried fish, which by grinding they reduce to a kind
of meal, and instead Of Salt the inward rine of the Pine-tree, prepared
after an odd kind of manner. They pull the bark off first, and then they
take the inward rine i and divide it into thin skins like parchment, making
it very clean; these they dry in the Sun, and then tearing it into small pieces
they put it up in boxes made of the barks of trees : these they bury under
ground, and cover them with sand; When they have bin dried about a day,
they kindle a great fire over the hole Where they put their boxes, and by
that means the lines acquire a red color, and a very pleasant tad. On Fridaies they eat no flesh, but feed either on fish, or milk, having retained
this custom from their Roman Catholic Priests. They boil all their fresh
flesh, but not very much; that their broth may be the better and fuller of
gravy: and sometimes they put also fish into the same kettle. Their milk
they either boil with some quantity of water, it being of it self to thick,
or else they let it stand in the cold, to freeze into a kind of Cheefe, that
it may be kept longer for use. Their fish they eat sometimes fresh as soon as
they catch them; sometimes they dry them in the Sun, and being hardned
by the wind and air, they may be kept severall years.

Their sweet meats, which serve them indead of Apples, Nuts, and the
like, are preparations made of severall sorts of Berries. When their Strawberries begin to be ripe, they gather them, and boil them in their own
juice, without the addition of water, with a slow fire, till they are very
soft : then they sprinkle them over with a little salt, and putting them into
a vessel made of birch-bark, they bury it in the ground : and in the Autumn and Winter when they have occasion for them, they take them out
as fresh as if they had bin newly gathered : and these stand them in good dead
when no other Berries are to be had. Sometimes whilst they are fresh they
put them to the flesh of Fish, and make an odd kind of dish, after this
manner. Having boiled the Fiih they first bone them, and then add Straw-,
berries to them, and beat them together ir. a wooden pedle to a mash, and
so eat it with spoons. And this dish they make also with all other kinds of
Berries. Another Kickshaw that pleaseth them very much, they make of
Angelic a. They take the stalks before it feed, andscraping of the outward
skin, they put the red upon coals, and so eat it broiled. They have also
' 1 another

another way of preparing it, and that is to boil them in whay for a whole
day till they look as red as blood. But this sort of meat is very bitter of
it self, but by custom becomes pleasant enough to them, especially since
they are persuaded ’tis a great preservative of health. They likewise boil
sorrel in milk; as also the rine of the Pine-tree, which, as was said before, being prepared, serves them instead of fait.

I come next to speak of their drink, which is ordinarily nothing hut
watery Lomentus calls it dissolved Ice : but certainly he is mistaken, for
having such plenty of Rivers and Lakes, for all the Ice they can hardly
want water. And to prevent its freezing, they have alwaies some hanging
over the fire in a kettle; out of which every one with a spoon takes what
he pleases, and so drinks it hot, especially in the Winter time. Besides
common water, they often drink the broth I spoke of, made of flesh and
fish, which they call Leebma, and also whay, if you will beleive Olaus.
These are their usuall drinks; for Ale and Beer is utterly unknown to them.
That which they drink for pleasure, is spirit of Wine and Brandy, with
a little of which you may win their very souls. This they buy from Norway at their Fair times, and use it especially at their solemn Feasts and
Weddings. 1 had almost forgot Tobacco, of which they are very great admirers, and traffic for it as one of their cheif commodities.

In the next place let us see the manner of their eating. Their dining room
in the Winter time is that part of the Hut where the man and his wife and
daughters use to be, and is on the right hand as you go in at the foregate:
but in Summer without doors upon the green grass. Sometimes too they are
want to fit about the kettle in the middle of the Hut. They use not much
ceremony about their places, 'but every one takes it as he comes first. They
seat themselves upon a skin spread on the ground cross-leg’d in a round
ring; and the meat is set before them in the middle, upon a log or stump
instead of a table; and severall have not that, but lay their meat upon the
skin, which they sit on. Having taken the flesh out of the kettle, the common sort put it upon a woollen table cloth called Waldmar, the richer on
a linnen; as for trenchers and dishes they are quite unknown to them. But
if any liquid thing be to be served up, they put it in a kind of trey made
of birch. Sometimes without any other ceremony every one takes his share
out of the kettle, and puts it upon his gloves, or his cap. Their drink they
take up in a wooden Ladle, which serves instead of plate. And it is farther
observable that they are abominable gluttons when they can get meat enough}
and yet hardy too to endure the most pinching hunger when they are forc’t
to it. When their meal is ended they first give God thanks, and then they
mutually exhort one another to Faith and Charity, taking each other by
the right hand, which is a symbol of the; r unity and brotherhood. Samuel
RheeMells us they lift up their hands first, and then say Grace after this
manner All thanks be given to God, who hath provided this meat for our
sustenance. This is their Grace in Pithilapmark.; In Tornelapmark their Grace
is a little different; they say in their own Tongue, Piaomaos Immel Legos kitomatz, piergao ode ft adde misg mosea rvicken ieggan taide k.o mig lex
iegnafton, that is, Good God praised be thou for this meat : make that which
we have at this time eaten give Strength to our bodies. And so much for their
Diet, and manner of eating.

Chapter XIX

Of the Hunting of the Laplanders.

HAVING spoke of those things that relate to their Meat, Drink,
Cloathing, and other necessities, the subject of our next discourse
will be their employments, which are either rare and more solemn, or
daily and more usual; these latter too are of two sorts, either common
to both Sexes, or peculiar to one. Of those that are proper to men Hunting
is the cheif, for in this Countrey that exercise is lawful to none but men;
Olaus Magnus is of the contrary opinion, and saies Lib. 4. Cap. 12. that
there is here such a multitude of Beasts, that the men alone, without the
help of women, dare not go out to hunt; and therefore they are as active
in this sport, if not more than men. I beleive he had not this from any good
tradition, or his own knowledg, but rather followed the authority of some
ancient Writers, as Procopius Lib. 2. Gothic, or Tacitus de mor. Ger. for
whatsoever they say concerning the Fermi and Scritfinni, is so far from
being true of the Laplanders, that they do not permit women so much
as to touch their hunting weapons or beasts brought home, and debar them
all passage at that door thro which they go to that sport, as will be shewed
hereafter. They observe in hunting many things with great superstition, as
not to go out upon ominous daies, such as S' Marks ( whom they call Cantepaive ) S' Clements and S. Catharines, because they believe on these daies
some misfortune will happen to their weapons, and that they shall have no
good success all the year after. They think they cannot profper, unless
they have first consulted their Gods by their Drum, which they use before
their going out, and have therefore severall beasts pictured upon it. This
is chiefly before the hunting a Bear. The third observation is that they will
not go out at the usual door, but at one in the back side of the house called
Poste, I suppose it is to avoid women, the meeting of whom is an ill omen
to huntsmen, and therefore they are forbidden to come on that side of the
house where this door is, as 01. Matthias assured me while I was writing
this, who was very well acquainted with this Country. Zieglerus saies the
same, tho something obscurely, that a woman is not to go thro this door
that day her husband is hunting : but it is not only that day, but at no time
else. All these things are by way of preparation. The hunting it self is various according to the time of year, and severall sizes of beasts. In the
Summer they hunt on foot with Dogs, which are very good in these parts,
not only for their scent, but that they dare set upon any thing, being still
tied up to make them more fierce. In the Winter they themselves run down
the game, sliding over the snow in a kind of scates, which I shall describe
more fully in another place. Little beasts they chafe with bow and arrows,
the greater with spears and guns; tho sometimes they use other arts. That
sort of beast they call Hermclines, they take in traps as we do Mice, which
are so contrived of wood that the touching of any part makes them fall;

sometimes

sometirties in pits and holes covered with snow, to hide the deceit, as also
with Dogs that will gripe them to death. Squirrels they shoot with blunt
darts, that they may not do an injury to their skins, which they very
much esteem. After this manner also they take Ermines. Other beasts,
as Foxes, Beavers, they kill with Javelins spiked with iron : but if they
meet with a beast that hath a pretious skin, they are so expert at their
weapons, as to direct the blow where it will do it least harm. Foxes
are frequently tempted with baits upon the snow strewed upon twigs over
deep pits, or caught in gins laid in their usuall haunts, or else poisoned
with a sort of moss, which is peculiar for this use, but is seldom made use
of where there are abundance of field Mice, which are the Foxes generall
food. They fallen snares to boughs of trees to catch Hares in, and some
of the above mentioned beasts: and if any one find any thing fall in these,
he is obliged to give notice to the owner. I come now to the larger beasts,
of which Wolves are most commonly caught in holes, but sometimes shot
with bullets : these are their game frequently because they have the greatest
plenty of them, and suffer the most damages by them : and for their
greater destruction, Scithes are often hiden under the snow to cut off their
legs. After this manner too Leopards and Gulo's are destroyed, which is
now a daies almost left off, because the Countrey is lo well furnished with
guns, with which they also kill Elkes when they can find them. But with
greatest care and diligence they hunt Rain-deers and Bears, the former with
all kind of weapons. At their rutting time in Autumn, about S. Matthews
day, they entice them to their tame does, behind which the Huntsman lies
to shoot them. And in the Spring, when the Snow is deep, the men themselves Hide after them, and easily take them, or sometimes drive them into
traps with Dogs :or lastly they set up hurdles on both sides of a way, and
chafe them in between them, so that at last they must necessarily fall into
holes made for that purpose at the end of the work. The hunting of
the Bear follows, which, because it is done with the most ceremonies
and superstitions, will require the more care and accurateness in the reden against Winter. He that finds it is laid haswa ringet biorn, 1. e. to
encompassthe Bear. He usually after -this goes to all his friends and acquaintance with much joy, to invite them to the hunting as to a solemn
and magnificent feast, for, as is before said, this beasts flesh is a great
delicacy. But they never meet before March or April, till they can use
their Hiding shoes : at which time he chooses the belt drummer among

[text garbled in scan]

First of all, their business is to find out where the Bear makes his

them, and by his beating confute whether the hunting will be prosperous
[text garbled in scan] [...] in the field in battel array after him

Khtulit ii skada tekamis foubbi ialla zaiiti, that is, they thanks the Bear for
coming, and doing them no harm in not breaking their weapons, in the singing
of which their Captain is the cheif Musician. After celebration of their
victory, they drag the Bear out, beating him with staves, whence they have
a Proverb,/l.w bioern medriis, that is, the Bear is beat, which signifies he
is killed. Then putting him upon a sledge, they draw him with Rain-deers
to the Hut where he is to be boiled, finging li paha talki oggio, ii paha talka
pharonis, that is, they be fetch the Bear that he would not raise temp efts again fl
them, or any 'way hurt them that killed him. This they say by way of jeft,
unless we will suppose them ( as some of them really do ) to imagine the
killing of some kind of wild beast portends ill to the hunter. Samuel Rhecn
speaks of a different song from this we have mentioned, much to this purpose, that they thank God for making beasts for their service, and giving
them strength and courage to encounter and overcome so strong and cruel a
creature, and therefore 1 beleive they may join them together and sing both.
I hat Rain-deer that brings home the Bear is not to be used by Women for
a year, and some say, by any body else. If there be materialls, near the
place where the Bear is kill’d, they usually build up a hovel there to boil
him in, or if not, carry him to a place that is more convenient, where all
their Wives stay to exped: them, and as soon as the men come nigh them
they sing Laibi ia tuoli fufco, that is they ask their wives to chew the bark
of the Alder Tree and spit it in their faces. They use this rather then
any other Tree, because when ’tisbruifed between their teeth, it grows
red, and will dy any thing, and the men being sprinkled with this, as if it
were the Bears blood, seem to have gone through some notable exploit
not without danger and trouble. Then their wives aiming with one eye
through an Alchymy Ring fpit upon them, Samuel Rheens opinion differs
only in this, that but one woman spits in the Captains face: this ceremony is not done in the Hut where the Bear is kill’d, but at the backdoor:
for they build two Tents one, for the men where the Bear is to be drest,
and the other for the women in which they make the seaft : where as soon
as the men come in, the Women sing Kittulis pouro tookoris, that is, they
thank their husbands for the sport they had in killing the Bear: so they fit
down men and women together to eat, but not of Bears flesh. Supper ended the men presently departs into the other house and dressing the Bear
provide another meal, for it is not lawful for any of those Hunters to ly with
his wife in three daies after, and the Captain in five. The Bears skin is his
that first discovers him. They boil the flesh blood and fat, in brass Kettles
and what swims they skim off and put in wooden vefiels; to which are
fastned as many Alchimy plates as there are Bears killed. Whilst the meat
is boyling they all fit down in order about the fire, the Captain first on the
right hand, then the Drummer, and next he that struck the first blow' on
tne left hand first the Wood-cleaver, then the Water-bearer, and after the
reft according to their place. This done the Captain divides it between
the Women and Men. In the division the Women must have none of the
posteriours, for they belong only to the men, neither is it lawful for a Woman to come and fetch their divifion, but is sent them by two men, who say
thus to them, Olmai Potti Suertgijlandi, Polandi, Engelandi, Frankie his
i. e. that they came a great way off, from Swedland, Poland \ England, or
France,

France; these men the women meet, and fin gOlmai Patti Sweregislandi, Palandi, Engelandi, Frankie hit, Kalka Eauhfis laigit touti tiadnat, e. you
men that come from Smdland, Poland, England, or France; we will bind
your legs with a red lift, and so they do; But if we believe Samuel
Rheen the Drummer divides the mens part to every one an equal portion.
When all the meat is eaten, they gather up the bones, and bury them together; then the Captain hangs up the skin upon a pole, For the women
blindfolded to shoot at, they singing all the while Batt Olmai Potti Swere*
giflar, di-tP landiy Engelandi, Frankie his, /. e- we will shoot at him that came
from Swedland, &c. but she that hits it first gets the most credit, and they
believe her husband will have the best fortune in killing of the next Bear.
She is also obliged to work in cloth with wire as many crosses as there are
Bears kill’d, and hang them upon every one of the hunters necks, which
they must wear three whole daies. It is the opinion of the aforesaid Author,
that all the women do the same, and the men wear them four daies: he saies
also that the Raindeer that brought home the Bear must have onecross. I
cannot as yet find any other reason of this ceremony, but that they suppose
these crosses to be preservatives against all the damages they can receive
from the Gods of the Woods for killing their Bear: for to this day they
are of the opinion that some Gods have taken charge of some beasts, especially of the Bear, because he in this country is King over all the rest. After the time of abstinence is expired, the close of all this solemnity, is the
mens returning to their wives, which is thus: All after one another take hold
of that rope, to which they hang their Kettle, and dance thrice round the fire,
and so run out of the mens Tent into the womens, where they are met with
this song, Todna Balka Kaino oggid, we will thro a shovel full of ashes upon
your legs. Samuel Rheen speaking of this custome, saies the men must not
go to their wives till it be done, as if it were an expiation for their uncleanness in killing a Bear. Thus you see with how many Laws and superstitions
they Hunt this Beast, some of which are common in hunting of others, , as
the not admitting women to the sport, and debarring them from touching
the prey when it is taken, as also that the men return home through the
back door. And here ’tis observable that they never carry in Beafts, Birds,
or Fishes, but throw them in before them, w ithout doubt out of superstition
that they may seem to drop from Heaven and be sent by providence: tho
most of them know not the original of such superstitious ceremonies, but only follow the example of their forefathers. In fine nothing is accounted
here a greater credit or honor to a man then the killing of a Bear, and therefore they have public marks for it, every one lacing his cap with as many
wires as he has kill’d Bears.

I come now to their fowling, w’hich is proper also so men, and is alterable
according to the time of year or largness of the fowl, for in the Summer
they shoot altogether, but in the Winter catch in Snares and Springes, especially the Lagopus call’d by the Swedes Snianper. They make kind of hedges
with abundance of holes in them, in which they set Springes, so that this
Bird being most upon the ground, and running about, is easily caught in
them: as for the taking of other Birds there is nothing worth a particular
observation.

Chapter XX

Of the Laplanders Weapons, and other Instruments of Hunting.

BY the former Discourse it plainly appears that in hunting they use
severall Instruments and Weapons, in our next therefore it will be
requisite to give some account of them. The first and most frequent is a bow
three ells long, two fingers broad, and an inch thick, being made of Birch
and Pine ( which by reason of the resine in it is very flexible ) and covered
over with Birch bark, to preserve both from the weather. What Lomenm
saies of its being made of Rain-deers bones, must needs be false,since no bone
can be so pliable as is required in the making of a bow; his words are
these, Rangiferi aj'perantur ofja in cultros cur ns ant ur in arcus congeneribus

seris trucidandt6 i if he had left out <& curvantur in arcus he had spoke more
to the purpose : but I believe he had this, besides many other things, to fill up
his Journall from Olaus Magnus, who among the utenlils- these People have
from the Rain-deers, says the Fletchers much desire their bones and horns,
from whence Lomenius collets that bows are made of them. But it is evident that Olaus meant not this bow, but a kind of cross-bow termed by the
Germans Armbruft, and the French Ar balesire, which is impossible to be
made of bone, but the handle might be adorned with it, because in these
Northern parts they have no mother of Pearle, which other Countries perhaps make use of to this purpose. It was then a good plain wooden long-bow.,
which would not require an engine to bend it, but might be drawn with an
hand only. And since I told you it was made of two pieces of wood, we will
see next how they were joined together, which is with a kind of glew made of
Perches skin well scaled, that melts in using like ours. They have also steel-bows, which are so strong,that when they bend them they must put their foot
in a ring for that purpose at the head of them, and draw the siring up to the
nut, made of bene in the handle, with an iron hook they wear at their
girdle. From their bows I pass to their darts and arrows, which are of two
sorts, either pointed with iron to kill the larger beasts, or blunt without
it like bolts, to kill the smaller. These points are not alwaies made of iron,
but sometimes bones, which are fastned with glew into a hole bored with
a hot iron at the end of a staff, and afterwards sharpened with a knife, or
ori a whetstone. But besides they use Guns, which they ( as hunters do in
other places) with a great deal of superstition enchaunt that they should
never miss. These are made at Soederhamn, a town in Helsingla, famous
for weapons, from whence the Bothnians buy them, and sell them to the
Laplanders : hence they have Gun-powder and bullets, or at least lead to
make them : and sometimes Norway furnishes them with all these. Spears they
use only in hunting Bears, and are so little different from ours that they
will not need a description. I come now to their other instruments relating
to this sport, the chiefest of which are their shoes, with which they Aide
over the frozen Snow, being made of broad planks extremely smooth; the
Northern People call them Skider, and by contraction Skier ( which agrees
something with the Germans Scheitter, that is, cleft wood) and sometimes
Andrer or Ondrur or Skiidh. Their Aiape is, according to Ola us Magnus
five or Ax ells long, turned up before, and a foot bread: which I cannot
believe, because I have a pair which are a little broader, and much storter
and Wormius had a pair but of three ells long. And those are much shorter
which are to be seen at Leiden, which Frisius saies are just stven foot Ion?
four inches and a little more broad : and it must needs be so to hold with
Olaus Magnus, and every bodies opinion, that one shoe muff be longer
than the other by a foot, as if the man or woman be eight foot high, one
muft be eight foot, and the other nine. Frisius saies they are both of a
length at Leiden, and Olaus Wormius takes no notice of any difference in
his, but I believe then those were of two Parishes, for my biggeft is just
such an one as Frisius describes covered over with refill or pitch and the
shorter plain. But because the larger is of greatest use, it is no; wonder
that one or two of them were sent abroad for a pattern, but since those
at Leiden are both the biggeft, they were not made for men so tall as Fri -
fius speaks of, they fitting men of fix foot, which is a staturesometimes met
with in Lapland. They are smooth and turned up before, not behind as
they are pictured in Wormius ) not by the fault of the Author, but the Painter,
for the original in his study shews them otherwise; I have observed in my
longer shoe that it is not quite strait, but swells up a little in the middle
where they place their foot. Frisius did ill in giving a picture but of one,
and in that nothing of this bending, I will therefore deferibe both, and a
Laplander sliding in them.

tom but by the sides, that it might not hinder their Aiding, or wear out
with often using, which is not expressed in Frisius' s Picture, this is directly
in the middle, and ti’d to the hinder part of the leg, as you may see in the
figure. That which is often in Olaus Magnus, and set forth by Frisius, is a
meer fancy and figment of an Italian Painter, that could not understand
what these shoes were, but by describing them like long wooden broags
turning up with a sharp point before : which is very idle, because the
foot goes into it at the hinder part, and agrees not with Olaus s other cuts;
for if the place of the foot were there, it could not endure so great a weight
before it, or effect that for which this shoe was first invented, for they
muft tread firm upon the Snow, which they could not do if all the weight
lay at one end; but when ’tis in the middle, that which is before and behind will keep the foot from sinking in.The way of going in them is thisrthey
have in their hand a long staff, at the end of which is a large round piece of
wood fasten’d, to keep it from going deep into the Snow, and with this they
thrust themselves along very swiftly. This way of running they not only
use in plain and even, but in the most rugged grounds, and there is no Hill or
Rock sosteep, but with winding and turning they can at lastcome up to the
top, ( which Pope Paul the Third could not believe ) and that which is a
greater Miracle will slide down the steepest places without danger. These
shoes they cover with young Rain-deers skins, whose haires in their climbing run like bristles against the Snow, and keep them from going back.
Wormius saies they were cover’d with Sea Calf’s skins, but I believe he talk’d
of those, that the Seafinni, or the Maritime people use. And this is the
first instrument of hunting, which they use as well in other businesses in
Winter time, for they can pass no other way over the Snow, at which time
they can out run any wild beast. The other instrument they use is a sledg,
which altho it is fit for any journy, they use it in hunting especially the
Rain-deeres, the defer iption of which, because *tis fit for all manner of carriages, I shall defer to another place.

Chapter XXI

Of the Laplanders Handycraft-trades.

TO E s i d E s hunting, which is the chiefest, they have many other employments relating to their lives and fortunes, of which Cookery is the
first: for what ever food they get by fishing, fowling,or hunting,the men dress
and not the women. They therefore are quite ignorant of this Art, (which
the men are not very expert at ) and never use it but upon necessity, and, in
the absence of men.

The second is the boat-makers, which they make of Pine or Deale boards,
not fasten d with nails but lew’d together with twigs, as among the ancients
with thongs, Olaus Magnus and Johannes Tornetm says with roots of trees,
but most commonly with Rain-deers nerves. When they launch these boats
they caulk them with moss to keep out the water, and use sometimes two,
sometimes four oares, so fasten’d to pegs in the sides, that one man may row
with two.

The third trade is the Carpenters, to make sledges, which are not all of the
same lhape, those they travel in, call’d Tulca being made in the fashion
of half a boat, having the prow about a span broad turned up, with a hole
in it to run a cord thro to fallen it to a Rain-deer, and the poupe of one flat
board: the body is built of many, which are fasten’d with wooden pegs to
four or five ribs; they never go upon wheeles, but are convex and round,
that they may roll any way, and more easily be drawn over the Snow. This
description agrees with that sledg which I have, and the Teftimony of Herberstenius, Olaus Magnus, and Johanna Tornaeus. The fore part of them is
cover’d with Sea-Calfs skin for abont an ell, stretch’d upon hoops, least
the Snow should come in, under which they put moss to keep their feet
warm. These are about three ells long, but those that carry baggage, called
ackkio, are five,zxt not cover’d any where. The people desend their goods from
the weather, according to Wexionius, with raw flax: but that is not probable,
because no flax grows there, and the use of flaxen garments is unknown,
and therefore I believe they do it with skins or bark. In Olaus Magnus lib,
17. cap. 25. there is a cart painted upon wheeles, the Author describes it
in these words, quidomeftici funt Rangiferi curalibus plauftris aptantur, but
what these curulia plaujlra signifie he does not explain. And since the Painter has drawn other things according to his own capacity, and understanding, I do not know whether he has not follow’d his own opinion more then
Olaus s narration, but ’ascertain there are no wheele carts, for what they
carry in Summer is put in dorfers upon Rain-deers. These Tradesmen make
their Aiding shoes, which because I have deferib’d in the former Chapter,
I need not now speak of.

The fourth is making boxes and chefts to lay up weapons and other things
in, which are all of an oval lhape, of which sort Lodovicus Otto Bathonienfis
gave me one. They are made of thin birch plancks, which are so contrived
and bent into an Oval, that the pegs or twigs, with which they are fasten’d,
are not perceiv’d. The lids are of one board, and for ornament often inlaid
with Rain-deers bones in diverse figures, which for better illustration you
shall see describ’d at the end of this Chapter in the cut markt with the
letter C.

The fifth Trade is making Baskets, in which Art no Nation can compare
with'them. The matter they make them off is roots of Trees, which they
work not as other people do, for they make them of what bigness they
please, and if occasion require, will be so accurate in their work as to interweave the roots so neat and close together, that they shall hold water like
a solid vessel. Their shapes are diverse, some round with a cover and han e
to carry them by, and others squares or oblongs. Not only tht Laplanders
and Swedes use these, but they are also for their curiosity
into farther Countries : the figure B. at the end will give a view of a round
one.

Beside these the men make all manner of houshold-stuff of wood or bone;
and particularly spoons, one of which I have with all its Rings and Ornaments, as you may see at figure A. I have two weaving instruments, a shuttle
about two inches long or more, with an hole at one end D. and a kind of
comb or small Loom in w ch they weave particular wreaths and ornaments E.

They make also very neat Tobacco boxes carved with knifes in bone, with
many Rings and other pretty appendages about them; all which, being
considered, will prove this Nation not to be so dull and stupid as by some it
is supposed.

They have also one Art more worth taken notice of, as ingraving flowers
and several Beasts in bone, into which they caft several plates of Tin, and with
these figures the men and women adorn their girdles and other things: the
same way they make their molds for casting bullets. They make instruments
for all emploiments, as Cookery, &c. those for hunting are usually made of
bone, and others are commonly adorned with it. Zetgler mentions tubs,
which are rather cups, or veflels cut out of a stump of a Tree, as traies are :
and Wexionius mentions other veflels made of bark, but I forbear to speak
of any more, only I shall add that they learn their art not from masters but
their fathers according to their capacity.

Chapter XXII

Of the Womens Emploiments.

H aving run thro the mens emploiments, the womens are next to
be considered. Two trades are most peculiar to them, aS doing the
work of Taylors and Shoomakers, for they make and mend all the
Clothes, Shoes, Boots and Gloves; and they have a third the making
all those things that join the Rain-deer to the sledg, as collars, traces,
&c. in order to which they learn subservient arts, as making thred, which is
commonly of Rain-deers nerves, bccause they have no flax : of this sort I
have some by me. Olaus Magnus faith ad mdumentorum ufum, for the making
of shirts, which made Lomenius believe the women wove this thred into
doth, who I perceive in his short description of Lapland, hath very closely
followed his words more then his sense. In the making of their thred, which
is of about 3 ells long, the extent of the Rain-deers nerves, they first
cleanse the nerves, then having cut off all the hard parts, they dry, and
hatchell them, and lastly mollify them with fishes fat. Besides this they fpin
wool for swadling clothes, and Hares fur, with which they knit caps, as
in other parts of Europe they do stockins with four knitting needles, which
art the Germans call stricken. These Caps are as soft as Swans down, and
extremly warm. In the same manner they make Gloves, which are very beneficial to them in the cold. The work of their fillets is very curious, for
they put in them many figures, as you may see at the end of the foregoing
Chapter, at the figure I. The fourth trade is their covering thred with tin,
which first they draw into wire by pulling it thro little holes in horn with
their teeth, which holes they fill half up with bone, that the tin may be flat
on one side, and fitter to be put on thred. The phfture of a woman drawing
wire you have in the next page. Then they put it upon the nerves by the
help ofa spindle, which doth so twift them together that they seem all tin,
and when they have done,they wind it about their head or foot, lest it should
entangle and be spoiled. And this is their way of making thred of tin, as
other Countries of gold and iilver,the chiefest use of which is in adorning
their clothes after the way of Embroidery, which is the womens fifth art.

Ziegler adds to this faciunt ve~
fies utextas aurose argejtto^ that
they interweave in their clothes
gold and silver, which I cannot
believe, because they do not do
so now, and whatever is spoke
of the mettal, they weave neither linnen nor woollen, but
buy it from the Bothnian or Norway Merchants : so then they do
not weave this thred into their.
garment, but embroider them
with it. Thus they adorn all
their vestments, as gowns called
Muddar, boots, gloves and shoes,
and she that doth it neatest, is
preferred before other women,
and had in greater estimation.
They do not immediately put
this upon the fur of skins, but lifts of blew, green, or red woollen cloth.

Their gowns are embroidered about the neck, sleeves, breast, and sides;
gloves about the tops, shoes * inttep and toes * boots, about the knees * in
which work they commonly picture * Stars, Flcwers, Birds, Beads, especially Rain-deers: and to make their clothes more glorious, they set them
with spangles, fillets, points, and knots of this thred, and wear upcn their
head shreds of diverfe colored cloth, the pictures of all which you have
in the former Chapter, Boots F, Gloves G, Shoes H. The Rain-deers
harness they embroider in the same manner.

Lastly they have nothing that appears in sight, but it is hereby made very
commendable and ingenious. I have by me' men and womens scrips, pincafes, sheaths for knives, very curioufly wrought. Of all which, that I might
not seem to give too a large commendation of them, I have put the Pictures
in the foregoing page.

TH E other businesses, which we have not treated of yet, whether they
be at home or in journies, belong to both Sexes, and that they may be
the better undertaken, men and women wear breeches, and as Joh. Torthem
takes notice, equally undergo all pains and work excepting hunting : by
which words excepta venatione he doth not deny but men and women have
peculiar emploiments. In their travels the matter of a family goes first, with
his baggage and Rain-deers after him, and next him his wife with hers* m
Summer they both walk on foot, in Winter both are drawn in sledges,
which I have described in the next page : in these they like children are tied
and bound fast with fillets and cords, especially When in haft,having only their
hands and head at liberty, and their back leaning against the end. The Raindeer is not harnetted like an Horie, but hath a strong cloth about his neck, between his fore and hind feet, to the

Chapter XXIII

Of the Laplanders Emploiments in Travelling.

Their necks and back, and a bell, with which they are mightily pleased. They
travell in these at what rate they will; but if upon a remove, alwaies slow,
because of the weight of their goods, in which journies the man and his

wife go firstj and all the family come after. Ziegler saies in 24 hourcs
they can go 150 miles: Herberflernius saies in a day 20 German miles: but
us not to be believed that it is performed with one Rain-deer in the day of
12 hours, except the Waies be good and slippery, but they ordinarily £0 r2
14 or 16 German miles in ten hours, which number doubled will' make out
Zeigler's opinion : and that not with one Rain-deer which is impossible to
out so lcng, but that it must dy or be left to rest the next day. In this
way of travelling the Women are as expert as the men, and Olaus Magnus
saies more. As the men and women travel together, so they help one anotherinfishing, and at baiting time to feed theircattle, which is evident in the
Rain-deer, for the women take as much care of them as the men, and equally take the trouble to milk them : and in fitting tis manifest; for women in
the absence of men, are very intent for some weeks at catching fifli, which they
gut and dry up for Winter. Their way of catching them is with Nets, and
other instruments, as every where else. I know not what Paulus Jovius
meant* when he said they have a foolish way of fishing, except he refers to
their hooks which are not of Iron but Wood: they make them of Juniper bent
round: these they fasten tofticks, and throw them into the Rivers, and very
easily take many large fishes. If they fifli witha Cane or Whale-bone, the fisher
never knows when the fish bites, but pulls up at a venture. Their way of fishing alters with the seafon, in the Summer usually with drag nets, between
two boats, or else with spears like Tridents, but that they have more teeth.
With these they strike pikes, especially when they ly sunning themselves
near the top of the Water: they do the same by Night burning dry wood
at the prow, by which light the Fifli are enticed thither. In the Winter
time they thrust nets under the ice to a banck side, and then by a great noise
above drive the Filh to them* all these things the Women often do alone,
which is the less to be wondered at, because every where in this Country
there is a great multitude of Fifli. Besides all these, they carry and cleave
Wood, and make hedges, with such like works, which are so inconsiderable
as not to be worthy to enlarge our discourse.

HAvino spoken of their ordinary emploirtients, it will not be amifs
here to annex something of their Divertisements: where first we may
note, that the people of this Country are generally difpos’d to idleness, not
willing to take any great paines, unless when meer necessity constrains them
to provide against want. This they seem to derive principally from their
Ancestors the Finlanders, as is elsewhere said. To which as well their cold
constitution by reason of thesharpness of the Air in this Country (that it

• self is sufficient to dispose men to laziness, ) as the length of their Nights,
  and indulgence to much sleep. may contribute not a little. In fine, that 1
  may omit their many other infirmities, whereby they are incapacitated to
  undergo any considerable hardship, they are lovers of sloth and wholly
  given up to it. But further, to consider how they bestow their vacant time

Chapter XXIV

Of the Laplanders Divertisements.

from business, ’tis the general and most receiv'd accompt, that making and
receiving visits, and familiar conversation become the greatest part of their
recreations. For whereas their manner of life so nearly resembles solitariness, that each family seems confined to its own hut, they can take no greater satisfaction in any thing then such mutual intercourse. And here it
may be observed, that in their discourses at these meetings of friends and
acquaintance, usually the most ordinary affairs and daily occurrences
have the chiefest place : as particularly their welfare, emploiments, and the
like. But besides 'tis their humor to make remarks upon the transactions of
all forreiners, whose names or customes commerce has at any time brought
to their knoVvledg. And furthermore they can take no greater pride, then
either in traducing the management of their affairs, or imposing drolliih
Nick-names upon them. Tho indeed those of the richer sort are us'd to
entertain their visitants with greater merriment and magnificence. Besides
these vifits they use some sports wherewith they recreate themselves, especially in Winter ( when for some space of time they live as scatteringly as in
Summer, but are more familiar,) or at their public assemblies in the places
of Judicature and Fairs. Again some sports are looked upon as only peculiar to men, others the female Sex also have their partin. Of the first sort
this is one. They make a line in the Snow, in place of a goal : behind it at
some paces distance they set up a mark, from whence each person taking
a run to the goal, and there taking his rise, throws his body as far as possibly he can, and he that at one leap compasses the greatest space of ground,
is reckon’d the Conqueror. In this first sport they both leap and run. Another they have where the trial of skill consists in leaping only, and that too
not in length but height: there stand two men upright, at no great distance
the one from the other, and hold in their hands sometimesa rope, sometimes
a pole, now higher, now lower, as is agreed upon by the combatants, usually at the common height of a man : then each Person attempts to leap over
from a station aflign’d, and he that performs most dextroufly, gains the
applause to himself. A third sort of lport among them is with bow and ar^
rows. At a convenient place they set up a mark of a very small bigness, and
shoot at it with arrows from any distance prefcrib’d. He that hits either
soonest or oftnest, bears away the bell from the rest. These sports hitherto
mentioned are almost instituted by them meerly for the consideration of credit and renown : yet sometimes they play for prizes such as they agree upon among themselves, and instantly they lay them down in the place where
they keep their games. Their prizes are seldom mony, usually skins,especially of Squirrels, sometimes one, sometimes more as they see convenient
and agree upon it. But in those sports wherein as well the women as men
are plaiers, they commonly play with a leather ball stuffed with hay, about
the bigness of ones fist; whatever company of men and women is there present, is sorted into two sides, one whereof seizes on this ground, the other
on another opposite to it, and at some distance off. Then every Perfon of
one side in his turn, beats the ball with a club thorough the Air, those of
the contrary side catching it at the fall; and if any one chance to catch it ii*
his hands, before it touch ground, then the order of the play is inverted,
and this side strikes out the ball, the other is fain to catch. Thus play the
men and women, the boies and girles together, nor do the men shew them-
selves more expert at it then the women. They betides have another play
at ball: in the hard frozen snow they draw two lines at some distance from
one another, then all the multitude both of men and women parting into
twosides, one applies it self to the defence of this, the other of that linethen they meet in the middle space between their two goals, and fling down
the ball, then each partie with bandies and clubs strives to strike the ball
cross the opposite parties line, each party still maintaining the defence of
its own line; but if one side chance to drike the ball with their bandies over
the others line ( for it is foul play to fling it with their hands ) and so take
their goal, that is accounted the conquering side. The sports asyet mentioned are such as belong to the younger sort, as well as to those of more
mature age : the next is peculiar to these last and only to men. Their cudom is to separate themselves into two companies, and attack one another
by wrestling : first each company stands like a file of Soldiers all along in
order to confront the adverse company : then each man catches his adversary by the girdle, wherewith all Laplanders are alwaies girt, as is elsewhere
shown, (their girdle goes fix times round theirbody, and so is fad and fitted for their purpose,) so each man having caught hold, endeavors to fling
the other down, which they are not allowed to attempt by craft or deceit as
by any lock or the like; Any one that is sound delinquent in this kind ’ is
branded for a foul player, and excluded the lists. These are the sports that
are almost peculiar to the Laplanders: besides them they use some, which
they borrow from other places, such is playing at Cards, a sport sufficiently known thorough all Europe., for even the Laplanders take no little satisfaction in it : they procure their Cards of the Merchants that trade thither.
They use likewise to play at dice, which they themselves make of wood
after the common fashion, with this only difference, that whereas dice commonly have some number of spots inscribed on every side, they have a figure made only on one side like an X. he wins in this sport, that Casting
two Dies, on the top of either can show the X. their dakes are ulually
Squirrils skins, or some small trifles, and in the faileance of these leaden bullets, which they use in their hunting to charge their Guns withal: and it
happens sometimes that a fellow having lost all his bullets, in hope of repairing his damage by winning again, not only at present will be sensible of
the harm, but being disappointed of his Hunting puts to flake andloofes
his future acquisitions and hope of livelihood. These are the usual waies,
whereby the people of Lapland spend their leisure times and divert themselves.

Chapter XXV

Of their Contracts and Marriages.

WE have hitherto taken a survey of their ordinary employments, and
such as are almost every day in ule, as well those peculiar to each
Sex, as common to both; likewise of their Divertisements and sports,
wherewith they use to intermingle those employments : It remains that we
treat of those businesses, which do not every day occur, but are lingular and
solemn, and undertaken upon special occasions. And first of what appertain to their Marriages; Concerning them ’tismost memorable, that whenever any person purposes to marry, ’tis his first business, to make search
after a Maid well stock'd with Rain-deers. For the Laplanders have a custom,
(as shall hereafter more particularly be mentioned) of best owing.upon
their Children soon after their birth, some certain number of those Rain-deers, and their increase is accounted of, not as the Parents estate, but
the Childs portion. She therefore, that is best provided of them, is in most
likely-hood of meeting with an Husband. Nor have they regard to any
thing else, as either good breeding, or beauty, or other the common allurements of wooers. For they who dwell on a hard and barren soile are generally solicitous concerning food, which because their Rain-deer afford, every one thinks himself best fecured against want when he is best provided of
them. As soon therefore as the young man has cast about him for a wife,
which is usually done at their public meetings for paying of taxes, or upon
the account of fairs; next he makes a journy to her parents, taking along
with him his father, if alive, and one or two more whom he thinks will be
most kindly welcome, but especially one who may declare his affections,
and win the favor of the Maids parents. When they arrive at the hut, they
are all kindly invited in, only the suiter is fain to wait at door, and bestow
his time m chopping wood, or some such trivial business, till he be summon’d inalso, for without express permission 'tis uncivil in him to enter.
When they have drankofthe Spirit of Wine, which the spokes-man brings,
he applies himself to the management of his province, discloses the Suiters
affections to the Daughter, and makes his address to her Father, that he
will please to bestow her in Marriage upon him. Which that he may atcheive
with more success, he honors the Father with the greatest titles and names
of renown that he can devife, at every one bowing the knee, as if he were
treating with a prince. He stiles him with the High and Mighty Father, the
Worshipful Father, as if he were one of the Patriarcks, the best and most
illustrious Father, and no doubt if they were acquainted with the Roial title
of His Majeshe, He would notfcrupleto call him, the most Majestic Father. The Wine, that the Suiter is supposed to have brought along with
him therewith to pay his respects to her parents, whom he pretends to,
they call either ‘ Lounflwyn (that is) the Wine of prosperous access, or
that Wine wherewith he designs to caress his Father and Mother in Law,

that

that are tobe} or else, Soubewiin (that is the Wine of wooers which tis expedient for vooers to bestow, thereby to procure permission ofconverse
with the daughter, and gain the favour and liking of the future Bride. But
we must take notice, that the business. is not proposed to the maid her self
first, but her parents nor may the Suiter have any conference with her
without their permission. Nay ’tis theusualcustom, at this time to dispatchher aw ? ay upon some fkevless arrand, either to the Rain-deers pasturesin the Woods, ora Neighbors hut, so as neither the Suiter nor any
of his company may have a fight of her; but if at last either she or some other
woman procure leave for Her of her Parents or kindred, to speak to him,
their entertainment finished he gets him out of the hut to his sledg,
and then takes out his woollen Cloth-Garments, ( such as they use to spruce
themselves up withal, at their public Festivals, or more solemn affairs ) and
what else is requisite to the present business : when he has trimmd himself
up, hemakeshisaddressto his Mistress and salutes her. Their manner of
Salutation is by a kifs; in which that they mainly aim at is, that each net
only apply his mouth to the others, but also that both their noses touch;
for otherwise it goes not for a true salute. Next he makes her a present or
the rareft delicacies that Lapland affords, the Rain-deers tongue, the
Beavers fleshi, and other dainties, which she refuses to accept of in the presence of anybody; presently after the is call d aside to some convenient
place without the hut, then if She prosess her self willing to receive them,
the Suiter farther puts it to her, whether she will grant him leave, that he
may take his repofe by her in the hut; if she grant it, tis concluded between them of their future marriage: withal he presents his gifts above mentioned. If she rejetfs hisl'uit, She caffs them all down at his feet. The Bridegroom usually carries them in his bosom, before he presents them. The full
approbation of the Parents, and the celebration of the wedding is used
oftentimes to be deferr’d for a considerable while, sometimes for two or
three years together-, and all that while they bestow upon courting their
Mistresss. The reason why their time of Courtship or wooing proves so
long, is because the Bridegroom is necessitated tograiifie with frequent preferns’, the parents and friends nearest in blood to the Bride, without the
leave’of each of which he cannot compass the possession of her.This isexpressed by Samuel Rhetn in these words, When any Perfon prerends marriage
to the Daughter of one of the richer sort, he is obliged to make a present
to her parents and nearest Kinfmen, such as is made for state to Ambaffadors or cheif Officers, as large as his means will reach to, which present
they call Peck, that is, Peices * every peice at least muff contain two marks
ofsilver, that is, six ounces, there are some too, that must contain twenty,
sorty sometimes threescore ounces a peice, such peices' the Bridegroom
is bound to bestow upon His Mistresss parents and l her near kindred In
what things these presents particularly consist, Khali mention hereafter,
for they cio not give barely lilver, but moulded into some fashion, Oi oth^r
things besides; while therefore the Bridegroom is empioied inpiocuring

these pieces, ’tis no inconsiderable while that paffes.

In this interval he ever and anon makes a vifit to his Mistress, to whom
while he is travelling he solaces himself with a Love Song, and diverts the
wearifomness of his journy. And ’tis their common custom, to use such

kind of Songs, not with any set tune, but such as every one thinks best
himself, nor in the same manner, but sometimes one way, sometimes another, as goes best to every man, when he is in the mode of finging. An
enfampel of one they use in the Winter season, communicated to me by
Olaia Matthias, a Laplander, I here annex.

Kulnafatz niraofam augaos joao audas; or dee skaode
Nurte waota waolges skaodc
Abeide kockit laidi ede
Fauruogaoidhe fadicde

d£[lao momiaiat kuekan kaigewarri.

P atzao buaorefl kallueiaur tuuni
Maode paoti mi/lafan
Kdiga wdonaide waiedin
Aogo niraome buaorebafl
Nute aot\aon fargabafl
Ta'tde fun monia lit aigoatnafs
Sarapgaoin waolgat amafs
Jos tuao farga aoinafim
Kiurefam katzefim
Kulnaafatz nirafam
Katze aoinakaos tun ft falm.

The meaning of this Song is this, '

Kulnafatz my Rain-deer
We have a long journy to go\

The -Moor's are vafl,

And we mufi hafi f
Our strength I sear
Will fail if we are flow t
And so

Our Songs will do.

Kaige the watery Moor *

Is p leaf ant unto me,

Though long it be;

Since it doth to my Mijtrifs lead
Whom I adore;

The Kilwa Moor ^

I nere again will tread *

Thoughts fill'd my mind
Whilfi 1 thro Kaige pa stSwift as the wind >
And mf desire,
Winged with impatient fire >
Mj Rain-deer let us hafi.

So shall we quickly end our pleafing pain:
Behold my Mistress there,

With decent motion walking ore the Plain,
Kulnafatz my Rain-deer i
Look yonder, where
She washes in the Lake -
See while Jhe swims,

The waters from her purer limbs
New cleernefis take -

This is a love Song of the Laplanders, wherewith they mcourage their
Rain-deers to travell nimbly along* For all delay, tho in it self short, is
tedious to lovers i They use too at other times to entertain themselves with
such Sonnets, when at some distance from their Mistresses, and there n o
make mention of them, and extoll their beauty. One of this kind I received of the said Olaus, and seeing we have lit upon this subjed, I here

set it down.

Pafios paiwa Kiufiwresist jawra One lawrd

Jos kaofia kirrakeid korngatzim

Ja ticdadzim man oinamam jausire One fidWrA

Ma tangafl lornefi lie fun lie

Kaika taidse moor aid dzim foopadzim

Mak taben fiadde fifl oddafift

Ja poaka taida on fid dzim karfiadzim

Makqwodde roamaid poor id ronaid

Kuhked palwaicfitim fiitteatim

Mak hlki woafla Iausir a One Iausira- °

Ios mun tackas dzim kndadzim (daft worodz* fadft
*/£ mufie In fad dziodga fan maina uockao hr dadztm

AEka la Iulga f ongiaga Iulga, akala fadza
Fauron fietzd } maan koima lufad
Dzint norbadzim.

Kalle ju leek kucka madzie wordamadzie

Morredabboit dadd paiwidad, linn a f abbot d

Dadd falmidad liega fabboid waimodadd

It *s kuckas stek pataridziek

Tannagtied farga dzitn iufadzim

Mi os matt a la da fabbo Korrajfabbo

Nit ly padda soona padda f ia saltvam route falwam

Kak dziabrat stjle karraffa

In kafa myna, lam diwit am punie poaktt
Tama jardakitama Parne miela
Piagga miela noara tor da kockes jorda
Ios taida poakaid lam kttldalam
Luidam radda ward radda

Quit a lie miela oudas wal daman

Nute tiedam poreponne oudafian man kauntmanA

The fejife of this Song is thus.

With brightefi beams let the Sun fine
On Orra Moor,

Could I be fare,

That from the top o'th lofty Pine t
IOrra Moor might see }

I to his highejl bow would climb }

And with induftrious labor try,

Thence to defery

My Mistress, if that there she be>

Could I but know amidfl what Flowers,

Or in what shade fie f ates }

The gaudy Bowers
With all their verdant pride.

Their bloffomcs and their fraies 3
Which make my Mistress disappear;

And her in Envious darkness hide >

I from the roots and bed of Earth would tear.

Upon the raft of clouds Tde ride
Which unto Orra fly,

Oth Ravens I would borrow wings,

And all the seathered In-mates of the sky :

But wings alas are me denied 3
The Stork and Swan their pinions will not lend >
There's none who unto Orra brings t
Or will by that kind con dull me befriendEnough enough thou hast delaied
So many Summers dales t
The be ft of dales that crown the year,

Which light upon the eielidt dart }

And melting joy upon the heart :

But fmce that thou Jo long hast staied t
They in unwelcome darkness dtfappear.

Tet vainly doft thou me for fake t
I will pursue and overtake.

What stronger is then bolts of steel ?

What can more surely bind?

Love is stronger far then it *

Upon the Head in triumph (he doth Jit t
Tetters the mind.

And doth controul
The thought and soul.

A youths deftre is the desire of wind t
All his Efsaies
Are long delates,

No i([ue can they find.

Away fond Councilors, away *

No more advice obtrude :

Tie rather prove t
The guidance of blind Love;
To follow you is certainly to ft ray -

One Jingle Counfel tho unwifc is good.

As they come to vifit their Mistresses, they are necessitated to bring alonc with them Tome spirit of Winers a lingular and moH accepta e present, and Tobacco too. But if in the meanwhile, as it often falls out, the
father intends not to betiow his daughter upon the man that hath made pretentions to her, he seldom refuses them, but defers thepositive anfwertill
the year following, that he may the oftner entertain himself with the spirit
of Wine the Suiter brings along with him. And thus he delaies his anlwer
from one year to the other, till the Suiter perceive himself cheated, and
be constrained to require at his hands his charges made to no purpose.
There is then no other remedy to be taken, then bringing the business before the Judg, where the Maids Father is sentenced to refund either the
entire fum, or half of it, as the case Hands. Where withal we must observe
this, that the expences made by the Suiter on the Spirit of Wine, at his first
arrival, do not fall under this compensation, but he alone Hands to the loss
of that. But if after the downright refusal of the Maid, he of hisown accord
will show his liberality, he may try what luck he will have at his own peril. If all things happen conformable to his willies, thensomefet dap is
appointed for the wedding. The day before it, all the kindred and Neighbors as well of the Bridegroom as Bride resort to her parents hut, and the
Bridegroom presents them all with wedding gifts, about which they had
agreed, and of which mention is made above.

The Bridegroom is bound to present the Father with a silvercup, to
drink in; this is the first of those they call Stycke. The second is a large
Kettle, either of Copper or Alchymy. The third, a bed or at leafl handsome
bedding. The presents for the Mother are, sirH a girdle of silver, secondly
a Robe of honor such as they use to call V ofpi. Thirdly a Whisk, which they
wear about their neck, andlet it hang down to their breH, interlaced all
about with bosses of silver, and this they call Krak?. These are the presents
for the Father and Mother: betides he beHows upon the Brothers, Sisters,
and all the near kindred, silver spoons, silver bosses, and some other such
kind of things of silver, for each of them muH be presented with some gift
by the Bridegroom, if he mean to obtain his Bride. These are the presents,
which the Bridegroom is more especially botind to make to his Father and
Mother in law that are to be, and the reti of the kindred. And he makes
them in his father in laws hut, in the tight of all there. The day following
the wedding is celebrated, tirH by the ceremonious joining of the PrieH
in the Church, afterwards by a set dinner. The new Wife together with
the Bridegroom walk along, both dress’d in the beH clothes they Can pro*
cure at their own charges. For ’tis looked upon among them as unhandsome to
make use of the borrowed cloths of others, unless it be wool as I have elswhere
shown. They take saies Tornaeus so great pleasure in good cloth of what ever
color, that as far as their patrimony will permit, they procure their extraordinary apparel and festival Garments of that kind : wfio declares expressly
that their festival apparel, or that winch they wore on more solemn daies,
was not of skins but rich cloth. These Garments the Bridegroom girds up
with a silver girdle, but the Bride sirH loofes her hair : and the fillet wherewith lhe bound it up together before, she gives to the Virgin that is next a
kin to her : afterwards, on her bare head, andloofe hair /he puts a kind of a
silver fillet gilt over, or two, such as is the womens custom to wear at other

with their custom at this day. They let the Bride saies he, apparell’d in
Ermins and Sables skins on a Rain-deer. At this day both d ress ’d very
fine are carried to the Church or Priest, to be joined in Marriage; this was
northe custom in old times, if we give credit to Olaus Magnus, for then they
were joined at home, not by the Priests but the Parents, his words are
m Lib. 4. Cap. 7. in which place he treats of the Laplanders weddings
as the Title of the Chapter informs us. In the presence of friends and kindred; the Parents solemnly ratifie their Childrens Marriages, and that too
by the striking of fire with a flint and steel, particularly there he makes the
Parents joining them, and adds moreover the manner, viz. by sirestriken
out ofa flint, which without doubt as Tome other things, hecull'dout of
Zeigler, but as for the parents doing ir, Zeigler has nothing of that, the
manner of their joining he explains in these words, They ratifie their Marriages, and begin them in a ceremony of fire and flint, so pata conjugal
myfterie, that they think nothing can be more agreeable, for as the flint conceals within it self fire, which by concussion breaks forth, foin both sexes
there is life hid, which by the mutual coupling of marriage is propagated at
last to be a living cfspring. And justfo Olaus has ir, so that there can be
no doubt made but that he fobowed Ziegler. When they arrive near the
Church, they observe in their procession a certain order, first walk the Men,
the Women follow. The Men are led up by a Laplander, whom they call
Automwatze, or foreman, then follows the Bridegroom, after him the rest.
Some number of Virgins lead up the womens company, after them comes
the Bride led between a man and a woman, next to her follow the rest of
the women. Tis here to be observecl that the Bride like one strugling against
ir, and endeavoring the contrary, is dragged along by the man and woman
that are to wait upon her, and w ould seem to admit of her marriage with
great unwillingness and reluctancy, and therefore in her countenance makes
shew of extraordinary fadness and dejection : so afterwards in the Church
they are joined together by praiers and benediction according to the Christian rite. After the same manner dees John Tornaeus relate this bufines, only that he saies the Bride is led by two men, her Father and Brother,
if alive, or otherwise by her two next Kinsmen. The portraiture of the
Bride in her wedding apparel, and with her tw o leaders you have in the
ntxt page. After the solemnity of the marriage is ended, there foU
lows a wedding feast, that is made in her Parents hut, and as for the provision,each of the persons invited contributes his share of thevituals, thd

they

groom distributes his presents to the Brides parents
and kindred, then every
one brings his viduals that
willbeserviceableto the feast.
But because the meat they
bring is ordinarily raw, they
deliver it to a Laplander, on
purpose appointed to that
office, viz. to receive it of
every Perfon that brings, and
afterwards to boil it, and
lastly to distribute it among
the guests, tho commonly
the greatest part of the provision be made, by the Bridegrooms as well as Brides parents. In their fitting at table they keep this order, in
the uppermost places fit the
Bridegroom and Bride next

to one another, then follow in order the rest, as the parents, and kindred. At
the table no person helps himself, bnt receives his meat from the hands of a
Laplander, who is both dreffer and carver of it.First of all he serves the Bridegroom and Bride with their portion,and in order the rest. Now they who by
reasonof the scantiness of room in the hut, cannot be admitted to the
feast, such are boies and girles, climb up to the roof of the hut, and from
thence let down threds with hooks tied to them, to which they fatten pieces
of meat, and the like, so that they also enjoy their share of the banquet.
The entertainment ended, they give thanks, as at other times they use, and
shake hands one with another. The last thing wherewith they shut up the
merriment of the feast, is drinking Spirit of Wine, which if they can light
upon, they then are sure to buy; first the Bridegroom drinks, then the Brides
parents, then each man shifts for himself, and so they make merry, but this
custom the richer sort only observe, and those too who have the opportunity of buying, by thepresence of those who sell these commodities; as for
the meaner sort they are accustomed to divert themselves with talk. When
the Wedding is over, the Husband may not take along with him his
Wife with her goods and sortune, but mutt remain for an whole year in service with his Father; when that time is past, if he sees convenient he may
set up for himself, and turn housekeeper; and then the Father bestows upon his Daughter at her departure, the Rain-deer, which are her due, because
given her in her younger years: he gives her also other gifts besides,and
what furniture will be requisite for the new married couple, particularly
he gives for her dowry an hundred or more Rain-deers, aslikewise silver,
copper, Alchymy, a tent, bedding, and other household-stuff. And next
all the kindred, the Brothers and Sisters, and whoever have received of the
Bridegroom his gifts ©f respect, are likewise obliged to return him back

again same present, so that he who had received one or two markes of silver, returns for a gift again one or two Rain-deers : so that it comes to
pass, that the Laplanders, who can gratifie the friends and kindred with
numerous presents, if they wed a rich Laplanders Daughter, come to great
wealth in Rain-deer by this kind of marriage. Th?fe are the cheif things the
Laplander s observe in their contracts and marriages, which before we quite
leave, we may take notice first, that it is unlawful among thtim, to marry
a wife too near in blood. And they have so special a regard to the degrees
of consanguinity and affinity, that they never request marriage in the prohibited ones. And again ’tis unlawful, having one wife to marry another,
or when one is married to put her away, by Divorce. Polygamy and Divorce were never heard of among the Laplanders, neither in the time of
Vagamfm, saies Tornaeus, nor afterwards, but they alwaies observed marriage honestly and like Christians, yet in former daies perhaps they did not
altogether abhor the communicating their wives, whom they permitted to
Grangers especially and guests. So indeed writes Herberflenius. But John
Tomans mentions an instance of later date, and the Testimony too ofa
Laplander of Luh la, tho he doubts to give credit to him. 'Twas reported
to me, saies he, that in the time of my Predecessor of Luhla-Lapmark, a
certain immodest Laplander, came to lodg with another, in Torne-Lap ±
mark, acivilhonest man, as was his whole family, who could read books,
and lived a pious life, for which he was stiled by scorners £uan Bijfsop. Theii
the Man of Lubla, when he had disorderedhimself with drinking Spirit Of
Wine, addressed himself to his hofts wife, in hope of debauching her, but
because there were there present two officers, who had Spirit of Wine to
sell, the Zuan Biffiop call’d for them* and told them the fellows design,
desiring likewise that they being Minifters of the State, would apprehend
and bind him: they immediately bound him to a Tree, and left him there
for a whole Winter night together, to be frozen vith cold. At last he was
forced to regain his liberty with mony, and pleaded it as an excuse, that it
was the custom in Luli-Lapmark, that if any person vifited another, the
entertainerpermitted such familiarity with his wife. Thus saies Tomans ^ but
doubtingly, for the fellow might have only framed this for his own excuse*
’tis certain no other person has taken notice of it in them of Luhla, and the
other Laplanders are so ignorant of this communion of their wives, that
they cannot endure they should look upon other men. The Lap landers dwelling towards Norway at the river Toma are so jealous, that if a Woman
chance to meet a man, and speak but a few words to him, they immediatly
fall into a suspicion of her.

Chapter XXVI

Of their Child-bearing, and the Education of their Children.

NEXT to Marriage it will be expedient to treat of their Child*
bearing, and their Children. Where we may note first, that they
wish for nothing more, and that they take no greater pleasure in any thing
then fruitfull Matrimony. And hence it is, I suppose, they are so prone
to lust, as is elsewhere shown : but altho they desire this so ardently, yet
they are very seldome fruitfull in Children, for they can scarce beget more
then eight, which number is the greatest, and usually they beget but
one, two, or three. An occasion of this their barrenness, Sam. Rheen
imagines their bad diet, as likewise the extreme coldness of the Country,
which I think may be very true. He moreover adds Gods anger, which he
collects from this, because tho they are not worn away with War or Plague,
yet notwithstanding their Country is never the more populous, and their Nation wafts rather daily. The motive of this anger he supposes to be their obstinateness in maintaining their ancient impieties. They use indeed at this
very day, not only in Child-bearing, but other affairs too, to be solicitous
concerning the events, and to search after them by their superstitious rites.
Their first care is concerning the sex, for as soon as they perceive the wife to
be big with child, they have an opinion that they can inform themselves whether it will prove a Boy ora Girl, after this manner : they forthwith view
the Moon, for they imagine that a Child-bearing woman bears some resemblance to the Moon, as we shall hear ) if there be a Star just above the Moon,
they thence' collect that the burden will prove of the male sex, if below, of
the female. But I wonder they make a comparison between the Moon and a
woman with child. For can there be any account given of their resemblance ? is it, that like the Moon, she grows big with her burden, and when
that is laid, lessens again ? I rather suppose that these are the reliques of
their Pagan superstition, which made the Moon the tutelar Goddess to
women with child. For so most of the Pagans did account other, which
opinion being outdated, they yet pretend some resemblance between them.
Their second care is touching the health or sickness of the child, which thing
also they suppose the Moon will inform them in. For if a Star be just before the Moon, they take it for a sign that the child will prove healthful!,
and grow up to be a man. But if it comes just after her, they thence presage that the child will be a very sickly one, and not long livid.

The woman with child laies her burden in a hut, but ( which any body
may understand ) a sufficient incommodious one, especially if the time of
her delivery happen to be in the Winter, for tho they have a fire kindled
in the middle of the hut, yet that can give her but little warmth. After
her delivery, her first restorative and cordial, is a good draught of Whales

fat,

far, which they procure out of Norway, the taft of which is as strongand
ill favoured as of a Sea-calves lard, when dried. The child, as soon as brought
forth is walhed over as in other Countries, but it is a peculiar custom of the
Laplanders, that first they do it with cold water or snow, and then afterwards
dip them in hot water, when it begins to fetch its wind, and can scarcely
draw breath. And also they use to dip in the water all the other parts- of
the body, the head only excepted? They heat water, saies Sam. Rheen,
in a Caldron, and in that they set the infant streight up to his neck, but
they let no water come upon his head, before such time as he is baptized by the Priest. The new born Babe is instantly wrapped up in an Hares
skin, instead of linnen swadling clothes..,

The woman lying in, hath her peculiar place afligned her in the hut
where she ledges, till she recover her health. And it is just by the dcor usually on the left hand; there is no other reason given for it then that this
part of the hut is less frequently disturb'd by company, and there they
have all things needfull for them administred. Tho this seldom report thither
be rather, by reason of the womans lying in in that place, either because
they would not disturb her with their company, or, which I rather suppose, because they look upon her at that time as unclean. But the women
of Lapland seldom keep their beds long after their delivery, and in that
while are extraordinary carefull touching the Baptism of their Infants: for
after they began more diligently to be instructed in the Christian Religion; they take the greatest pains imaginable to have their Children baptized as soon as possibly may be. Informer times it was otherwise, most of
them then were baptized very late, and at their mature age; Some deferred
it for altogether. Of this Gustavus the first is a witness, in his Charter, the
words whereof I have cited elsewhere. As touching the former Guflavm Adolphus in an other Charter and Preface, premifed to that which he publifiied
Anno 1634, in which the State of the Religion in Lapland is declared at
large? Baptism, saies he, is administred indeed to them but only at Winter,
if their young children can live till then, it is well; if not, they die without Baptism. Some of their children come to years of Discretion before
it so that with those that are grown up, there is no small paines to be
taken when they are robe baptized. The time of Baptism being the Winter
time was because they have Sermons then preached to them, and the Sacrament administred, and that no oftner then twice; once about New-yearsday and againe at Lady-day, of which I have treated in another place.
Before these times there was not so much done as that, but the Laplanders
were fain to come with their Children to the neighbouring Churches of
the Swedes in Angermannia and Bothnia, of which OUm Magnus must be
understood to speak, when he saies Lib. 4. c. 17. Once or twice in a year
they vifit the Baptismall Churches, and bring along with them their sucking
Babes in Baskets tied to their backs, to be baptized. But at this day those
women that are able, and not impeded by feme grievous sickness, carry
their Children to the Priest themselves, about a fourtmght after their delivery, that by him they may receive Baptism. So much good hath building
Churches in Lapland done, and having Sermons there, not in a ft range
Tongue, but the Laplanders proper own : and so zealous are they for
hastening their Childrens Baptism, that the Mother farce lying to above

a week or sortnight, after her delivery, will undertake a most tedious
journy, over the tops of Mountains, thorough wide Marches and high
Woods with her Infant to the Priest; for the women of this Country are
naturally hardy, and able to endure any thing without trouble, and therefore, tho they feed upon course food in their sicknesses, and drink nothing
elfe but water, yet they recover again quickly. They carry their young
Infants to the Priest, one way in the Summer time, and another way in
the Winter. In Winter they lay it upon a Hedge. In Summer they put it
in a Pannier fastned to the back of a Rain-deer. The Infant is not set
upon the back of the Rain-deer, but is tied in his cradle, and fastned to
the pack faddle after this fashion.

Glaus Magnus makes them put in Baskets, as his words afore quoted
do intimate t and those Baskets too to be tied at their backs, and the
PitHure he makes of them represents not only the woman, but the man too
so laden, each with two Children a piece : so that together they travell
with four Children, and with wooden shoes on theirfeet; but here I am
afraid the Painter followed his own fancy tco much. Certain it is that the
Baskets there represented, bear no resemblance to those of Lapland r.
The Laplanders are wholly ignorant of this sort of Baskets, that are carried at ones back. Nor are their Baskets like wooden square Boxes, such
as his figure repreftnts them, but of a round compass, and one part shut
down upon the other, as I have laid elsewhere. But to return to their
Baptism, in it they give their Children names, according to the names of
iome of their friends and kindred. Samuel Rhecn adds that they affect to
put Pagan names upon them, such as Thor, Guaarm, Finne, Fagge; but that
the Priests.avert them from to doing as much as possibly they can. And this
is peculiar with them, that they often change their names, and put others
upon them then those that were given them at their Baptism, for the love
tney bear to feme friend or kinfman deceased, whole memory thereby they
desire to preserve. Tornaeum too avouches the same thing, and if at any time
in their younger years they fall into sickness, then they use the name given

them in Baptism instead of a fur name, especially they observe this in boies
But altho the Laplanders wives are hardy, so as to be able to undertake a
journy a week or two after their delivery, and to go about other employments, tho they have made their public appearance, and have been church-*
ed by the Priest, yet by their husbands they are looked upon as unclean, till
six weeks be accomplished, so that they admit of no familiarity or conjugal
society with them for all that space of time. And thus ranch of their childbearing.

I pioceed next to their Education of them, the first thing that occurs
here is their Nurfing, which is alwaies by their own Mothers milk for
the Laplanders make no use of Nurfes. And this they do not only for some
small time, but usuall for two years, three or four together; but ifsickness
01 any [garbled] occasion happen, so that they cannot themselves suckle their
young ones, they give them the Rain-deers milk, which is grofTer and
thicker, then they can well draw out of a suck-bottle, ( as at sometimes they
are accustomed to do, elswhere) and for that reason, if she necessity be
urgent they give it in a spoon. Besides their Mothers milk, they instantly
accustom their young Infants, to eat flesh, for they thrust into their
mouths a piece of Rain-deers flesh, that they may suck the gravie out of it
and so get nourishment.

The rocking the infantin his cradle, follows next, whereby they get him
a sleep. Their oradles arc made of the stock of a tree hollowed, like a
boat: these they cover with leather, and at the head they eretfl an arched
kind of roof, of leather likewise.In such a cradle they lay & tie in the Infant,
without any linnen clothes or sheecs,insled of which they lay him on a sort of
soft moss, ofa red color, which they dry in Summer, and have great plenty of
it. When the Infant is to be rocked, they let the cradle hang by a rope from
the roof of the hut, and by thrusting the cradle and tolling it from one
lide to the other, they lull himasleep. They use likewise to please their
young children with some certain baubles, for at their cradles they tie some
rings of Alchamy, to make a noise and clinking. To these rings which serve
instead of rattles they moreover add some emblems, wherewith their children may be timely admonished of their condition and future duty. If it be
a boy, they hangup at his cradle a bow and arrows, and a spear made very
artificially out of Rain-deers horn, whereby they signifie, that their children must diligently practise to be expert and ready in using the bow and
spear. If it b$ a girle; the wings, feet, and beak of a white Partridge,
which they call Swaripa, and is call’d Lagopus having feet like the
feet of an hare, thereby implying, that their Daughters must carefully
learn to be cleanly, and like those birds nimble and active. As soon as the
children come to some age, they instruct them in all necessary arts, the
Fathers the boies, the Mothers the girles, for they have no School-mafters
among them, but each person is his own childerns Master, ana they are so
far put on by their parents as to be able to perform any works in use among
them. Their boies they cheifly teach the Art of Shooting, and hitting marks
with an arrow, because in old time they were necessitated to get their living
by the help of bow and arrows, whereas the greatest part of them maintain
themselves by hunting, and therefore When they have practised never so
little the use of the bow, the boies victuals are kept from them, till they can

hit a mark with an arrow, and as it was the custom anciently among the
Baleares, and so now among the Laplanders, their boles earn their food every day by their dexterity in shooting, and thereby at lait they
prove most excellent marks-men. Olaus Magnus makes mention of this their
practice, and wonderfully extolls their dextrousness herein, and avers that
he himself has seen some of them who could exactly hit a farthing or a nedle,
set at such a distance off as would just let them see it. On the boies, that
they may take more care to hit the mark, when they have hit it, they bestow
a white girdle, wherein they take huge delight, and sometime a new bow.
But as the Laplanders do look to their children in time to teach them arts
requisite to get their living, so also to provide them means to maintain themselves withal, where it will not be impertinent to mention, that tis a custom with them to bestow upon their infant a female Rain-deer, soon after
its birth or Baptism, if it be of female Sex, and upon the horns of it they
ingrave her mark, so to prevent all controversies or quarrels, that may
arise concerning her right. She receives likewise another, when she cuts
her first tooth. Which they call Pannikeis, that is, the tooth Rain-deer.
John Tornaeus writes as ifthese gifts were given only by women. The Woman saies he, that first spies a tooth in his mouth, is fain to honor him with
a present of a Rain-deers Calve. This custom might probably have its rise
thus, because, when the infants have gotten teeth, they have need of more
solid meat, therefore they stock them with Rain-deer as being their chiefest food. That Rain-deer then, and whatever encrease comes of it, are preserv’d to the future uses of the child, as may appear by what we have elsewhere said, in the Chapter of their marriages, and so likewise of the other
Rain-deer which parents give the child besides, for tis usual among them
to superadd one to the former, and this they call Waddom, that is, the given one. And this is the chief care of the Parents towards their children,
but if they die, instead of them are substituted Guardians, as among other
nations, out of their nearest kindred, who manage all these affairs for them.

Chapter XXVII

Of their Diseases, Death and Burial.

THO the Laplanders lead a miserable and hardy kind of life, yet they
enjoy their health perfectly well. They have not so much as heard of
most diseases, and are not all infested with those, that elswhere use to depopulate whole Countries. There are no acute and burning fevers among
them, no plague. And if any infection be brought among them, it instantly
loses its force. Some years since an infection was brought into Lapland in
hemp, but none were hurt by it, besides the women that in spinning chewed it, for the Northern cold easily dissipates the poisonous vapors. The ordinary and frequent disease among them is, sore eies, from whence not
seldom proceeds blindness. The cause of this may be, that from their infancie they for the most part are forced to be in smoke, wherewith their Huts

[Text garbled in source scan. The passage discusses how smoke in Sami huts causes eye disease in both summer and winter, and that the light of the fire contributes to blindness, with old age often ending in this affliction. They are also troubled with pleuresy, inflammation, stitches in the back, and dizziness.]

them, lo Physick is altogether unknown. Against all diseases inwardly. they
“ e.,he r °°'°f, a ki “ d otMote, which ■hey call Jtreh, or in the faileance
ot that, the stalke of Angelica, which they call Fadno, and is any where
to be found. For this use they boil the Angelica with the whey of Rain-deers
milk, as 1 laid it was a custom among them before, in the Chapter of their
food, and so prepared it is made use of as a special Medicine. If they feel
any pain in their joints, they apply some sired chips to the place ill affected, that the ulcer then made may attract the vicious humors, and so mitigate the paine.

They cure wounds with no other ointment or plaister then of resin.*
which the trees sweat out : if a member be benummed with cold, the Cheese
made of Rain-deers milk afiords the presenteft remedy to it \ they thrust:
a red-hot iron into it, and with the fat of the Cheese that instantly distills
from it, they anoint the part affected with incredible success. Others apply the Cheese it self, slicing it thin like a plate or lease. This Cheese so
boiled in milk is extraordinary good for a cotigh, and what other distempers*
either of lungs or breastarise from cold, if it be taken so heated. It helps
the stomach when disaffected by their drinking water. Becauie diseases are
so rare among them, most of themcome to extreme old age. Nay Sam. Rheen
saies there are lbme among them that live to be above an hundred years old*
and that most of them usually reach 70, So, and 90 years* and at this age
he saies many of themare still sufficiently brisk and lively* able to manage
their business with expedition, to take a journey, to course thorough Woods
and Mountains, and to perform other such labour: and lastly that they grow
not grey-haired either soon or easily; so that old age dispatches more of
them then diseases do. But if any be fodangeroufly sick as to keep his bed,
either worn with age, pr some distemper, they first enquire concerning hint
by their Drum, whither he will recover his health againe or die, as I have
in another place shewn this to be one of the uses of the Drum, and CL M.
Matthias Steuchius in his Letter to me tells us the same; 1 remember, saies
he, I was once told by a Laplander that they can tell the very houre and mariner of any mans death by those their Drums.

When they perceive any one neer death * then if there be present any
well disposed persons, and verfed in the Christian Religion, they exhort
him in his agonies to think of God and Christ. If they are regardless of
Religion, they instantly abandon the sick person, careful! only about the
funeral banquet, which they begin sometimes to celebrate before the person
departing is quite dead. Steuchius confirms this by a Story; There was a
rich Laplander named Thomas, who when he was taken with a dangerous
fitt of sickness, so as to loose all hope of recovery, he summond before
him his friends and acquaintance they when they perceived him to be deD
perate, they halted to the Victuallers that keeps the Inn towards Norway
and tfamptland, and of him they bought Ale and spirit of Wine ready rd

sacrifice over their friend, whilst he was alive : when they had spent a
whole day in qnaffing, they camme to the Tick mans Hut, and by that time
sound him quite dead. This is an example of the lateft date, that hath hap.
penedin these our daies, from whence we may learn how just and reasonable the complaints were, which were prernifed to the Cnartei of Gufia -
vui Aldophus, concerning the Lapland School. Furthermore, it is customary
if any die, of whatever distemper,all instantly forsake the Cottage where
the departed person lies; for they imagine ( which is elsewhere (hewn ) that
there survives something of the deceased, such as the ancient Latins called
Manes, and that that was not alwaies benign, but sometimes hurtfull: for.
this reason they are afraid of the corps of the deceased. And if the person
departed Were of the richer sort : they wrap his corps in a linnen garment,
if a poor mean man, in a woollen tattered one, so as to cover over as well
the head, as all the other parts of the body, this they call W aldntar. So
indeed do they that are more observant of the Christian rites then ordinary there; as for the others, they cover their dead with their own vestments,
and those too the bcft they had when alive, as N. Matthias Steuchius afsures
me by a Letter, and confirms it too by a late example that a person worthy
to be credited, related to him by an Inhabitant of Vnderfao a near neighbour to Lapland. The body of the dead, saies he, they cover with the beSl
garments he had alive, andjlsut it up in a Biere. They lay the corps so wrap’d
up in a Coffin, or funeral Cheft, which is done by one peculiarly intreated
to undertake the employment, and who must receive of the nearest kinfman
to the deceased person a ring of Alchimy, and wear it fastned to his right
arm. Twe reason of so tying this ring is, because they beleive it to be a
preservative against the harm the Manes of the deceased person may otherwise bring upon them, for this reason he is fain to wear this same ring
till the Burial be over, I suppose, because then they think the ghoft may
be more quiet * which is the ancient superstitioh as well of Greeks as Romans. The Coffin is usually made of the hollowed trunk of a tree, when
they have not wherewithall to make a Coffin, as is common with them that
dwell in the barren Mountains near Norway, they lay the corps of the deceased on a Carr or Sledge, which they call Akia, instead of a Coffin.
The place of their Buriall in ancient times, before they turned Christians,
was the first convenient place they met withall for that purpose, especially
a Wood. As for them that dwell at a considerable distance from the Church
at this day, they leave not off the custom of burying them any where.where
they first light, with the Sledge too, especially if there are only bare Rocks,
and no Trees to be seen. Others on every side beset the Sledge with the
corps too with stocks of Trees, both above and below, on each side, so as
that it may not contra# filthiness or moulder, nor the corps be torn in
pieces, or devoured by wild Beasts.

There are some besides that lay them in Caves, and stop up the mouths
of them with stones. But what Feucer writes that they dig a hole, and lay
their dead bodies under their hearth, thereby to escape the hauntings of
Ghofts, that is neither known nor heard of by the Laplanders : ■“ Whereas
" saies he, they are strangely frightned and haunted with the Ghofts of their
" kindred after death, they provide against that by burying their bodies
“under their hearths: by this only remedy they guard and protected themselves

‘ selves against the hauntings and affrightments of Demons, this if they
[text garbled] no ghosts afterwards appear; if they neglect to do it, they are perpetually interrupted and infested with the apparitions of their too offi-
“cious kindred. They are so far from burying the corps under the hearth
that they rather remove them to as great a distance as they can, But it is a
Angular and memorable passage, that these especially who are less observant of Christian rites, do use to bury with their deceased, first an hatchet,
and next a flint and steel, of which ceremony they give this account, that
if they ever come to rise againe in that darkness they shall have great need
of springing a light; to which the flint and steel may help them, as likewise there will be occasion for a ready way, wherein they may travell to
Heaven, to which purpose their hatchet may stand them instead, them
especially that are buried among thick Woods, that if any Trees obstruct
their passage, they may cut them down. And this do they themselves at
this day affirm, now they have heard of a last day, and a Resurrection of
the dead. But I suppose it rather to be an ancient superstition remaining
still in these Countries, nor used only by th e Laplanders. I my self saw
some few miles distant from Vpfal^ raked out of the Sepulcher of a famous
person, the great Treasurer of this Kingdom, M. Steno Bielke^z steel and
flint* which that it Was a relique only of Paganism, net the place only, but
Tomb over him did sufficiently testifie. It is certain that it was the an*
cient persuasion of Pagans, that there was no other way for the dead to
arrive at the abodes of the Bleffed, but thorough darkness, which they
are the more afraid of, becauseitis the nature of their Country to have
thicker darkness and of more durance then is usual among others. As con*
cerning the hatchet, it is no wonder, whereas in other places it is a re*
ceived custom to lay by dead People their Weapons, of which the principal
One, among the Laplander*, is the hatcher. As for what appertains to
the modern Laplanders, Olaus Petri imagines that they bury these things
with their dead, because they beleive that after the Resurrection they shall
take the same course of life they lead before, and for that reason they
furnish them with the same utenfils. Thus do they who are less observant
of the Christian ceremonies, and dwell fartheft off from the Christian
Churches. The others take special care to have their dead carried to the
Church-yard, which too the Priests do earnestly request of them. It is
said toO that some of them, when they have bin accustomed to bury.in
such a place are so ambitious as to give money to have their deceased buried nbt in the Yard, but the Church.

But here none of the Laplanders will willingly dig up a grave, unless he
be extraordinary poor, such whom the richer of them hire at a considera*
b'le rate to such an employment,or some other of Swedland, whom they can
procure. So the deceased person is buried according to the Christian rite,
when they have mourned for him, putting On theworft clothes they have,
that is peculiar to them, that they leave behind them the sledg whereon the
course was brought to the Church-yard and all the.veftraents wherein the
deceased lay during sickness, these they bring to the Sepulcher, for sear
I suppose left any deadly thing should cling to them, and that cannot be
used by others without harm. So when the Perfon is buried, a funeral banquet is provided, the time of it is usually, the third day after the burial,

I2 B Of thi Laplanders Diseases.

the banquet is furnished out of the flesh of the Rain-deer, that drew
person departed to his Burial place. That they sacrifice in honor of him;
and all the kindred and acquaintance feast upon it. At this feast they take
special care, not to loofe the bones* but gather them all up diligently, and
lay them in a coffer and bury them under ground; if they have the opportunity of procuring Spirit of Wine, they drinkit about to the memory of the
person deceased, and call it SAigawiin, that is the Wine of the buffed,
meaning, I suppose that they drink it to the memory of him, that is happy
by his departure from earth : however it happened, that thole kinfmen of
Thotnas the Laplander, as was above mentioned, made this feast Before the
due time. They fasten upon the coffer, wherein they shut up theRain-deers
bones, the image of a man fashioned out of w Ood, bigger or less in propor*
tion to the deceased person-, thus much of their funeral rites. Only tome
of the richer sort repeat the feast every year, in the manner aforesaid, where
may note, that the Rain-deers are noc only slain for their business of the
feast, but likewise in manner a Sacrifice, and that the bones are offered to
the Manes of the deceased, at tis more largely treated of in another placet
It moreover is apparent that the Laplanders time of mourning is not u fed to
be shortjbutof a long continuance, especially for the loss of married persons
or children, and consists not in oftentation, or appearance, but cnly in inward sorrow. I come now to their manner of inheritance and division oi their
goods, which follows upon the death of any one, for the Laplanders likewise
have their sort of riches, consistingmost in mcveables as cattle, silver, brass
and copper veffels and the like, but there is nothing for which they are more
esteemed then plenty of Rain-deer. Some of them have a hundred, some
a thousand or more; Olaus Magnus makes mention of but half these numbers Lib. 17. Cap. 28. but what may be read in the papers of John Buraus,
confirms their number to be much greater. Oroveen, tis there said, was so rich
in Rain-deer, that their number could not be known. ArentJustinus{to\t
a hundred of them, and yet they could not be miffed. And other things
which serve for daily uses, they keep in public, or else layup in their cupboards, as I have elsewhere shown, but they bury underground either nU
ver plate or mony, and the place they call Roggri, they lay it first in a close
box, that in a copper kind of kettle, and that they cover over with boord,
and so ft tew it over with earth and moss, that no body may perceive any
thing to be hid there, this they do so privatly, that neither their wives nor
children can tell any thing of it, so that it sometimes chances, that, when
they dy suddenly, all these things ly buried and never come to the heirs, but
what come to their hands are thus divided among them, if they be moveables, the Brother receives two thirds, the Sister one, as was appointed
by the Provincial Laws of the Swedes. The two Rain-deers given to the children in their tender years, the one the Tooth Rain-deer, the other the Parents free gift, are exempted from this common division, as likewise their
increase, which sometimes comes to a considerable number. If the goods
be not moveables, as territories, lakes, mountains and such like, the children of either Sex, possess them with equall right, and make use of them
indifferently, the this be not a bare permission, but founded in the division of Lapland, made by Charles the Ninth, in which to every family were
given its own territories, Lakes, Woods, Mountains, and the like, as has

a f‘ her,P,a «’ from whence I suppose tis, that they rebuted amon/rh g ” 8 C ^ ani fy J and are not iia!:>Ie to di vffion cr to be diftripossesfions i he ! le ' rS a s other ^goods; for these are nor their own proper
as other goods are, but only granted from the crown of Wa certain !riL° rece1 ^ the profits, and upon that score every year they pay

JSSl dfeJES Zt* treared of before ’ f0,hatth ™-

Chapter XXVIII

Of their Cattel.

AFTER our discourse of the inhabitants of Lapland, their Nature
and manners, something is to be said of other things there remarkable. First of their Cattel, of which they have some common to other Nations, some proper only to themselves. They have no Horses, nor Asses,
Oxen, nor Bulls, Sheep nor Goats. The inhabitants do not regard Horses,
for the little use they have of them; Oxen, Sheep, Goats, they procure from
their Neighbors, for the provision of meat, wool, and hides, and they keep
them but one Summer, {till killing them a little before Winter. The Beasts
proper to Lapland which no other Nation has, are Rain-deers, Teucertts
Riles them Tnran'dh but without reason, for the Rain-deer compared with
Tarandus as ’tis described by Pliny, have scarce any thing a like, the Tatandus having the bulk of an Ox, an head bigger than a Rags, and hair as thick
and rough as a Bears, which he can change into any color, as he shews in
his 8 h book, but nothing of this agrees to the Rain-deer, as we shall shew
anon. Likewise Gesner did erre in bringing this Animal from two divers species. ’Tis not known who imposed the name; but whatever become of the
Etymology or imposition of the name,tho it seem to be of late times, the beast
it self was long before knowm. The first that Wrote of him was Paulus
Warnefnd : he fipeaks there of a people which he calls Seri lot ini, which Were
doubrless the Laplanders, for he describes their cloths to be the same with
those which the Laplanders call’d Mndd^ he affirms that the beast of which
they had their hides was not unlike a Stag, which serves to prove that they
were the Rain-deer, for so they are call'd by Herbefienius, Damianus, and
Olaus y who tells us that they are something taller then a Stag: these which
have broad horns ( feund most in the North ) are less than others. But tis
not t he same thing to talke of tallness anfl bulk; for tho other Stags owe their
height to their long legs, they have less bodies than the Rain-deer. They
have 3 horns, 2 branching out backward, the third sprouting dowm then*
foreheads ( which Olaus observes is to guard them from the wild Beasts especially the Wolves. ) Lommius speaks of 4 horns, 2 backwards and 2 forwards, as appears by his pidure, in which the Artift falls short of the mattef*
as my draught which is more accurate will show: but Albertus Magnus makes
them have three rows of horns, for so JonJlonus out of him, they carry saies
he 3 horns, each breeding 2,horns more, which makes his head seem bulky.,

Two of these are bigger rhen the rest, which anfwer to the Stags horns*
growing sometimes to that bigness as to be; cubits high, and are adorned
\vith25 branches* The Coe has 2 short horns, one being fixt in its forehead
which it uses in conflict tyith other beasts. These horns are proper only to
the Buck, the Coe having much less and fewer branches. They are common-*
ly covered with a kind of Wool, which is meft frequent after they are cast
and begin again to (hoot; so Olaus. In the spring, they begin to sprout,- tender, but rough and full of blood : when they come to a sufficient growth,
they cast their hair in Autumn. The Rain-deer differ from a Stag, that their
feet are thick like a Bulls; hence Olaus took notice of their round hoofs :
when they walk, the joints of their feet make a noise like the clashing of flints,
or cracking of nuts, which is peculiar only to these beasts. Lastly their color is different from a Stags, for it comes nearer an Ash :besides they are
white not only on their belly but on their haunches, which Damianus observes does render them more like Affes then Stags, and Zeigler agrees
with him. But I cannot see on what account Olaus attributes a main ro this
beast: they have indeed, especially under their necks, hair longer then ordi*
nary, such as Goatsand other beasts have, but nothing agreeable to an horse
main : tis farther observeable that tho they are cleft they do not chew the
cud. Likewise instead of the bladder for their gall they have a black passage
in their liver. This is the picture of one drawn to the life.

Moreover the beast is naturally wild; and such still abound.in Lapland,

but now multitudes are tamed for domestick service; those that are bred
of tame ones, remain so, of which there is great plenty. There is a third
sort bred of the wild and tame, for they use, as Sam. Rheen observes, to
set out tame Does about rutting time, for the better conveniency of catching the wild ones. Thence it happens that sometimes the tame ones breed
that third sort, which they call particularly Rattaigiar or turach, and are
bigger and stronger than the rest, and fitter to draw Sledges. He saies
too that they retain something of their primitive wildeness, sometimes being
very headstrong, and kicking at him that sits on the Sledge. The driver hath
no remedy then but to turn his Carr, and lie under it, till the Beast ceases to
be unruly, for they are strong, and will not be governed with whips. They
go a rutting about S. Matthews tide, in the same manner that Staggs do : if
any Buck be killed in that Season, the flesh stinks like a Goats, which makes
the Inhabitants desist from killing them at that time, but at other times
they are good meat. The Does ( which they call Wai'jar') are big ten months,
they calve about May, when they can recruit themfclves with the Sun, and
fre(h grass. They breed but one apiece, but are so fertile, that of an hundred there is not ten barren. Those that have calved are sti led Raon^ which
become exceeding fleshy, as if they^rere fatned against Autumn, at which
time they are usualy killed.

Those that have young ones never ahe housed, but give suck without,
and in this case the great multitude breeds no confusion, for each Doe
knows her proper Calf, and is known by it , so saies Sam. Rheen, who affirms that they know one another after two or three years absence. When
the Calves are grown they feed on grass and leaves, and what the Mountains afford : their color is inixt of red and yellow. About S. James tide
they call: their hair, which in the next growth turns blackish. They are at
their full growth in 4 years, each year chftiging their name; the first, they
are stiled Namtloppa, i. e. nameless. Tornmn calls the Buck Hiroas, but Rheen
gives him the name of Herki. When they are able to w’ork,they are tamed
one sort being condemned to the Sledge, and thence named f^atjorn-herki,
others to carry burdens, thence called Lykam-het ki, Those that are design d
for labour they commorily gueld, which renders them more erasable : this
is done when they are a year old. Those which are reserved for breeding,
are called Servi. The Bucks are not so numerous as the Does, of which there
bean hundredfor twenty, which are profitable lor Milk, Cheese and breeding. Both men and women milk them kneeling, one hand being emploied
to hold the pail, and the other the dugg. They milk them sometimes loofe,
and sometimes bound to a poll, about 2 or 3 of the clock in the evening,
and but once a day, the rest being reserved for the calves : those which have
Calves alwaies yield most milk; the greaieft quantity they give at once is
a Swedish pint and half, that is about the fourth part of the ordinary measure upon the Rhine. The milk is fat and thick, and very nurilhing, which
is their chiefest food that which they do not boil they make Cheese of, which
is thus describedby Rheen. The Dairy Maids first let the milk stand to
cream when it hath flood.hey.ake off the cream with a skimmer. When
one Cheesefat is filled, they fill another, and put it on the first, and so till
6 or 8 are filled, then they turn the Cheesefats, that the lowermost be
in the top, and use not their hands to press the Cheese, butler them press

each other. Each Cheese requires as much milk as ten Rain-deers can spare:
their shape is round about two fingers thick, and as big ^s a Trencher,
which we use at table, their Milk makes very fat Cheese, but no Butter,
instead of which they have a kind of tallow, as I shew’d before.

Nbw the Laplanders having such advantages from these beasts, take great
care in driving them to their Meadows, and.defending them from wild Beafls.
They are so concerned for them, that they bring their Wives, Children,
?nd Servants, to watch them in the pastures, and drive those that wander
back to the Herd. When milking time comes, they drive them into folds,
which are spots of ground, hedged in with hurdles stuck on forks, each
fold having two doors, one by which they enter, the other which carries
them out into their Medows. Their meat in Summer is the best grass the
Mountains afford, with leaves of young Trees. They avoid all hard rough
grass, especially where Bullrushes grow. The other Seasons of the year
they feed on a kind of white Moss, which abounds in Lapland: when the
Mountains are covered with Snow, they scrape out this Moss with their
feet* And S. Rbeen observes that tbo they get least foed in the Winter
quarter, they grow whiter and fatter then at other times, for in Summer
the excessive heat makes them worsia. These Cartel too are subject to difseases, which if once begun, spread and kill the w’hole Herd, but this very
rarely. They are infected with that mpre frequently, which Olaus describes.
About March worms or Wornels do begin to breed in their backs, which
when alive, creep out and make the Beafls Skin / if then killed, full of holes,
like a Seive, and almost useless.

The Wolves trouble them, tho they have their horns to desend themselves$ but they are not alwaies so armed, for they cafl their horns once
a year, which grow again very*flowly. The Does never cafl theirs till they
have calved. The Rain-deers use not their horns when they encounter the
Wolves so much as their forefeet, with these they receive them coming on
otherwise their feet desend them by flight, which they can easily do, if
not hindred by Snow. The third inconveniency is that if they be not very
carefully lookt to, they will wander and be loft, therefore the owners put
certain marks on them to distinguish them from others; their marks they
put sometimes on their ears, and not their horns, because they call them.
But if they escape all accidents whatever, they never live above io years.

And thus much for the Rain-deers, which alone supply the want ofHorses
Sheep, and other Cattel. Therefore the Inhabitants apply themselves only
to the care of these, neglecting all the rest; besides Dogs, which faithfully
watch their Houses and Cattel, and are very serviceable for hunting as
I have mentioned in that Chapter.

Chapter XXIX

Of the wild Beasts of the Laplanders.

OF all the Beasts in Lapland the Bear is chief: him hits Sam. Rheen,
they stile King of the Woods, and gives this reason, because in
strength and fierceness he exceeds all the rest. They are very numerous,
some fiercer than others, especially those which are mark’t with a white
wreath about their necks, many of which are sound in the North. These
annoy the Inhabitants Cattel, and overturn their Stores; which they fix
on the top of a Tree, to preserve their flesh and fish, and all that concerns provision : but in one night the Bear destroys all the food they
have laid up.

Next the Bear the Elk is remarkable, which Okm calls the wild AfTe,
Scaliger confounds it with the Rain-deer, for he saies, tho it had Afifes
hair, it was called by the Swedes, Ranger, by the Goths, Rangifer, by the
Germans, L llend, by the Moscovites, Lozzi, and some Books say that in
Norway they were named Rehen ’ what Books he means I am ignorant, but
I am sure the Elks, which the Germans call Ellend, were never called Rehen, but /Elg, or Mlgar, which is now the common name through all
the North; neither can I think otherwiseof the Moscovites Lozzi, for it
is the same with the Lithuanian Lojfo, as Herbeflenim observes- That which the
Lithuanians call Loss, the Germans call Ellend, and many in Latin Alee.
So that Loss, Lozzi, AElg, Ellend is the same Beast, but quite different
from the Rain-deer, contrary to what Scaliger thought. For first it excells
the Rain-deers in bulk not a little, being as high as any Horfe: its horns
are shorter, but above two palms in breadth, shooting out a few, tho not
many young sprouts. His leggs are not round, but long, especially the
foremost : he engages very fjnartly, and his fliarp hoofs enable him to encounter all Men and Dogs that eppofe. He hath a long head, and huge thick
lips alwaies hanging down; his color is not so white, but all over his body it
inclines to a dark yellow mixt with alhen : when he walks he makes no noise
with his hoofs as all Rain-deers do; whoever sees both Beasts (as I have
often ) will perceive such difference, that he will wonder how any one (hould
mistake. There is no great breed of these in Lapland, but they have them
from other places, especially Lithuania. Charles the ninth, by a public
Proclamation claimed all the skins of those that were killed for his Exchequer, as I mentioned in another place. Olaus saies that they continue
altogether in the South of Lapland, and are taken most frequently by
run ning them down, or hunting; in other places they are rarely found:
but it is manifest that twice a year they swim in great Herds out of Carelia, over the River Niva, to wit, in the Spring to go into Carelia, and
in Autumn to return into Rujfta. Some few Stags have bin seen in Lapland.
S. Rheen mentioning the chief Beasts which have bin sound there, reckons
severall species ©f four-footed Beasts, as wild Rain-deers, Bears, Stags,

Wolves, Gluttons, Beavers, Otters, Martins, Squirrels; but these Stags
are but few and little, such as they call Damactrvi, or Flaticerotes, which
since they have nothing peculiar from those in other Nations, let it suffice
that they are named. To these I may add wild Rain-deers, but because
they differ from the tame ones only in bulk, being bigger, and in color
somewhat blacker, 1 will likewise pass them over. Sam. Rheen after the
Stags mentions Wolves, of which there is a great number,, distinguish'd
from those in other Countries only by their color, something whiter,
whence they are often called white Wolves: their hair is thicker, longer
and rougher. These most of all molest the Rain-deers, which are armed
against them with their horns.

I find in some Papers of Buraia that the Wolves did never assault the
Rain-deer if it was bound to a stake: the reason maybe because he fears
some trap when he sees the rope that binds the Rain-deer: for the Wolf
is a very suspicious creature, and thinks every thing he sees to be a snare
to catch him. Bestdes he may suspect that men lie hidden to kill him, whereas
the Rain-deers are only bound for the better conveniency of milking them*
Nevertheless, the Wolves venture not only on Beasts, but on Men and
Women, especially those that are big with child. Travellers are forced to
go armed, particularly Women near their time, for the Wolves take their
scent and watch more greedily for them, therefore no Woman is permitted to travel! without a guide assisting her. The next are the Gluttons,
which are frequent here, they have a round head, strong and sharp teeth,
like a Wolfs, a plump body, and feet shorter than the Otters.♦ their skin
is of a very dark color, some of them resemble Sables, only they have
softer and finer haire; this Beast lives not altogether on Land, but many
times in the Water, like the Otter, tho much bigger and stronger : some
compare it to the Otter, but it is far greedier than he, for thence it
gets its name. For Olaus tells us that it is called by the Swedes, Jerff\ by
the Germans, Wild-fras : but this German name doth not denote the Beast
to eat much, but to devour what it finds in the Woods, for wild signifies
any thing in the Woods*, wherefore either Scaliger did not understand
the word, or else the Printer did not follow his copy: which appears more
plainly, from that the Gulo doth not only infest wild Beasts, but tame (as
hath bin often known in Swedland) and Water creatures too being it self
accustomed to the Waters. ’ b

There are abundance of Beavers in Upland, because the Nation Abounds
with plenty of fish, whence they have store of food: Olaus thinks that the
the plenty of them proceeds from the quietness of the Waters, which are never
troubled with Ships, as the Rhine and Danow are. I add nothing of these because they are not difunguiih’d from the vulgar sort, neither are the Otters.

[Extensive text garbled in source scan (approximately two pages). The passage describes Foxes of several sorts found throughout Lapland — black, brown, ash-colored, and cross-marked. The black Foxes are most valued; those marked with a cross Johnston calls Crucigera, having a line from mouth over head and back in the shape of a cross. Caps made of their skins are prized. The passage then discusses Martins, their color, habitat in the woods, and their habit of hunting Squirrels by climbing trees; the Squirrel sometimes escapes by skipping round the trunk. The Martin also hunts small birds. Comparison to the original 1674 scan is needed to restore this section.]

Next are the Squirrels, which are incredibly numerous. These [garbled]
cularly change their color every year. When [garbled]

from red to grisle, which color is valued in the skin; this color the fur.
[garbled] the further Northwards, is the purer, and less mixt with red, and

“ f °,C ° ] f f0 [garbled] Summer, at which time they are

never hunted, but all in the Winter. Tho they do so abound, yet they

are wont to go away in such troops, till there are scarce any left. The reason
of their departure is not known : some think it is because they fear hunger
and -orefte the want of meat Others think it is’ to avoid the injury of
the weather. [garbled] describe their march on this wise. They
go to the brinks of a River, where they find the bark 'of Fine or Birch
trees, on which they hoist themselves, and venture to launch forth, pricking up their tailes for sailes. Thus they are carried at the mercy of the
wind till it overturns them and their bark. Their body is of that nature
that it will not fink, but being drowned, is driven to shore where very often
great numbers are taken up, and their skins, if they are sound soon enough
are as fit for use as ever: but tho such an accident as this sweeps away
most of them, yet the few that are left preserve the species, and multiply
very soon, for each Squirrel brings forth 4, 5, or more at a time. And
those are all the beasts which S. Rheen mentions, but

But besides these there are others, such as are the Sable which [garbled] Olaus [...] calls [garbled], their skins in his History [garbled]

Olaus saith that their skins were made use of by the Lapla r - _ ’ u

dally by the Brides to adorn themselves with them; and that there was still
plenty of them in these parts. Some make this [garbled]

especially [garbled] like the Martin, and indeed he seems to be in the right

[garbled] bulk and shape of it. Their color the nearer it comes to black is

the more esteemed. There are sound several all white, suchas we have often seen the Muscovian Embassadors bring over to the King for a most singular present! By which Adamus Bremen fs in his Scandinavia ms to have understood white Martins. There are also Ermins which are found only among
the Laplanders. first wrote of them that they were a good exchange

for any sort of Merchandize. These Ermins are nothing but white weezels
having the end of their tails black, Johnfion takes notice thereof out of
Albertus Magnus, he calleth the beast Ermmws, which is the same thing with
Armelinus and Hermdims, differing neither in bigness nor nature from the
weezel, the color argues nothing, for he has that only in Winter, but in
Summer is of a bright yellow. It is as greedy of Mice as the Weezels are,
whence the Sweeds call it Lekat. I am unwilling to call it with Seal iger a
Swedland Mouce. Among these I had rather reckon a little sort of beast
which they call Lemmus, which Olaus Magnus saith the Ermins feed on.
Samuel Rheen speaks of a sort of Mice sound in Lapland, wkich they call
Mountain Mice or Lemblar, which Wormius describes with fsort tails and
flaring hair, and not unlike a Mouce. 1 will speak little of their color, which
Olaus saies is various, Samuel Rheen affirms it red, who observes too that

they come of a sudden, and cover the ground with their multitude. Olaus

observes that this is alwaies in stormy weather, and thinks that it rains these
creatures, but is all together in a doubt, whether they are brought thither
by the winds, or bred in the clouds. Wormius thinks plainly that they are
bred in the clouds : but the learned lfaac Vojftus in his notes to Fomponms
Mtlac orreftshim, and saies the reason why these animals are supposed to
fall from the Clouds isbecause they use not to appear, but immediatly after
rain they creep out of their holes, either for that they are fill’d with water,
or because this creature thrives much in rain, which opinion seems most
probable tome. These creatures are very bold, never making their escape
when Pafiengers come by, but keep on their way, and make a noise like
the barking of a dog: they sear neither club nor sword, but if any one strike
at them, they turn again and bite. It is observable in them that they never go near or do any mifeheif in any hutj sometimes they set upon one
another, being divided asitwereinto two armies, this the Laplanders take
to be an omen of future war in Swedland, and gather whence the enemy
will come, by observing whence those animals first moved that provoked
the rest, These creatures have their enemies too, first the Ermines as I mentioned before, then the Foxes, which bring a great number of these into
their holes : hence the Laplanders have no small disadvantage, for the Foxes
usingthis sort of food most, regard not the baits which they lay to catch
them. Thirdly the Rain-deers devour them, and lastly the dogs which eat
only the fore part of them. These creatures never live, if they chance to
eat any herb grown after they had tafted it before : sometimes they perifli

otherOf the Laplanders Birds and Fish. 1 37

otherwise, as being choaked in the Hedges or dropping into water. The
lair sort of beastsare hares, which are esteemed for their white skin, especiallyin the winter, at which time they are as white as the Foxes; they
change their color every year,alwaies turning white towards this season; for
which tho many reasons may be given, I think this is most considerable, that
Nature and Providence designed it, least when the ground was quite cover d with Snow, their color might easily discover them, and they being
equally oppressed by manandbeast should be quite destroy’d. For which
reason too, probably some birds at that time are white. Olaus Magnus testifies the same of hares, that immediatly after Autumn they begin to grow
white, and at that time are frequently taken half white and half nor, but
in the midft of the Winter they are all white as before.

Chapter XXX

Of their Birds and Fish.

Of their ‘Birds and Fijh.

IC O M E now to the Birds, of which here is great (lore. Samuel Rheen
mentions theie, Swans, Geefe, Ducks, Lapwings, Snipes, all sorts of
water Birds, and wildfowl, as Heathcocks, Stock-doves, Partridges,
Woodcocks; he makes a distinction between water fowle and those that are
bred in Woods, and proves that they abound with each sort, because the
country has so many pools, ponds, and woods. Of these birds, some are in
other country some only in these Northern parts. Swans, Geefe and
Ducks, are known every where: he means wild ducks, for they have no tame
ones. Olaus Petri takes notice of the same thing. It is remarkable in these
wild soul, that they come from the South into the North, where they build
their nefts, hatch and breed up their young ones, which is not frequent elsewhere. 1 believe it is because they do not find such security nor plenty of
food in other places. The Snipes I suppose are scarce sound any where else,
their back and head are black, and most part of their wings, whiteon their
breast and belly, red bills, very long, and set with teeth, short feet and red
with skin between their claws, as all water fowle have. As you may see in
the next page.

To this we may add that sort of Bird called Loom, which Samuel Rheen
omitted, unless he comprehended them under the water-fowle in general,
for there is such a number of them, and so various, that the particulars W’ould
take up too much time : Olaus Wormius has a draught of this bird, it is no
sort of duck, as appears by its bill, which is not broa'd but (harp. This bird
peculiarly goes not upon land, but alwaies either shes or swims, it hath feet
very short for the proportion of its body, and Branding so much back, that
tho they are very convenient for swimming, yet it cannot so poise its body
on land as to be able to go : hence it is called Loome, which signifies lame or
unable to go. Of the wild fowl that which Samuel Rheen calls Kinder and
we render Wogallon-, intimating the biggeft sort, is named Cedron near Tre,.t,
if Gesner may be credited, who describes the rest very probably; but as to

the color of the Hen, which he affirms does differ nothing from the Cock, he
fs mistaken; for the color is quite yellow with black specks. The same may

be observed of the Stock-doves which he calls the leffer Vrogalli, for the
hen differs from the cock, he being all black, and she yellow, like the hen
of the Heathcock, from which she is distinguish'd by nothing but bigness. O/4us Magnus because the color was not exactly yellow, called it a/hen, for
sometimes it is composed of both these, mcft enclining to an ash. Thereare
no other sort of wild cocks, then these the Speeds call Orrar and the Latines
Tetraones or Vrogalli mtnores : their combs are the same with the Vrogalli,
placed not on the top of their heads, but above each eie, which the painter
not understanding drew them from his own tame cocks. Some call these birds
Pheafants, butwhoveer compares them, will discern two distinct species.
Both fertsare sound in Lapland, but the latter not so frequent $ nor are the
others equally plentiful every year, for in same there are none.I come now to
the woodcocks, which I think is the right name; the Swedes have a bird which
they call J<erpe ? and the Germans Hafelhun,, but it is doubted whether these
are the same with the woodcock, for they do not frequent marshes as the
woodcocks do, but live altogether in woods and groves, whence Rheen reckons them among that sort of fowle wnich inhabit the woods. However,
there is plenty of these birds in Lapland* and they aford good meat for the inhabitantsjbut no birdabounds there more then the Wftire P rtridge, not only in the woods but on the highest Mountains, even then when they are covered with Snow. I call it Lagopos which Samuel Rheen sometimes Fialriipor
or Snioeripor,the Germans and especially the Helvetians term is Schmehuner,
i.e. Snow-hens, or Shnavotgil^ i.e. Snow-birds, because they delight in
Snow and to dwell on the top of the Alpes. They have a kind of hair instead
of Feathers, and hears feet, whence they are called Lagopodes. Samuel
Rheen describes them thus, that in the Wintcrthey areas white as Snow,
having not one black seather, but that W’hich the Hen has under her wing:
when spring comes they turn grey like hen pheafants, and keep that color
till Winter. Olaus Magnus mentions a sort of snow birds, which naturally
changesits white into alhen, but I can scarce believe he means the Lagopodes t
because he speaks of their red feet, fueh as Storkes have, whereas the Lagopodes

podes much differ. Another thing Samuel Rheen observes, that the Lagopodes never fit cn trees, as Olaus his Snow-birds are painted, but are alwaies on the ground very active, scarce ever fitting still. Their lhape is this;

The next is their Fish, of which they have incredible store; Zeiglerus Taies
their draughts are so great, that they are forced to transport some of them
into other C cuntries. Jovius speaks too of great plenty they reap from the
Seas, because he is describing those Laplanders which live near Mufcovyt
whereas the rest can have plenty enough out of the rivers. The best for*
they have is Salmon, for which Olaus Magnus saith there is not better fitting
in any part of Europe, then in the Bothnic towards Lapland; whofic mountains send down vaft rivers of fresh water, against which the Salmons come
in such shoales, and with such vigor, that the Fishermen find them at the
head of the river on the top of the mountains. Samuel R been too prefers
these fish before all the rest, and saith that they swim up all rivers that they
are able, and come down again about S‘ Matthews tide. And that it is much
worse when it returns, then when it went up, which seems to be, because tis
wearied and spent in strugling against the stream, and engendering, which
it alwaies does in those parts of the river which are most remote from the
Sea: when he comes up the river they call him Salm, at his return lax.

The 2 d sort of fish are Pikes, Olaus Magnus speaking of this saith, that in
Lapland there are marlhes of fresh water, 4O0 Italian miles in length, and
looinbredth, in which there is such abundance of Pike and other fish, that
they do not only supply 4 Kingdomes,butare dried and transported farther
intc Germany \ o be sold: these fish alwaiesuse fresh water, and are every
where known having long heads, the lower jaw hanging out, many lharp
teeth, which the Germans call Hecht. They are sound sometimes to exceed
men in length. Olaus affirms, that if they have fresh water and food enough,
they will attain to 8 foot in length.

The 3 d sort are those which the Swedes c^W Syck, not much differing from
the Carp; only they have longer mouths, and not so broad, they are commonly not so big as carps, but in Lapland they are sound extiaordinary,

sometimes weighing 10 or 12 pounds.

The 4 rh sort is Abhor which is with us a perch : this is very plentiful too,
and frequently of an incredible bigness. There is to this day in a Chappel
at Luhlah, kept one of their heads dried, which is from the top to the under
jaw 2 spans thick. There are sound water-weezels red and w Lite, chiefly in
. the pools near the Sea. Samuel Rheen speaks of 2 sorts which the Swedes call
Reeding, and JErlax; whether they are any where else sound I know not.
Rheen thus describes the first sort. Reeding, has its name from the red color
on the lower part of its belly. The latter is very like a Salmon but not so big.
Some take them for Salmons not come to their full growth, but this is an error, forthese fishes are taken in pools, which are on every side parted from
the Sea, and are known never to have any Salmons. I had rather refer them
to the trout, ovTrutta, because it scarce differs in shape, only the Trouts
ilesh is redder and softer. Besides these there are many other fish in Lapland, but not regarded, because they serve not for focd, for which reason I

pass them over : only Olaus Petrus gives us this doubtful account of their
names, Salario,Cobitis,Barbatula, Rubellio, Borbocba ocutah, Prafmus, Cyprinus, Cobitis aculeata. This Country breeds not many reptiles, no serpents :
but this is meant of the upper Regions towards the Norway Mountains, for
in the low woody places they are found tho not many. There are but few infers; as for fleas they are quite unknown-, but they receive much injury
from gnats, which infest iiaan and beast, especially the Rain-deers, which
upon that account are driven away to the top of the highest Mountains. The
men arm themselves against them by keeping a continual smoke in the house.
If they deep, they put a blanket over their body and head : when they go a -
broad they put on a garment made of hides, and on their heads cloth caps.
I have bin told by the Natives, that many to desend themselves from this infed, dawb their faces all over, except their eies, with resine and pitch.

Besides these, there are great wafps which trouble the Rain-deers, and
Ring them so deep, that sometimes they leave marks behind them even when
the bead is flayed : those little holes which they make with their stings the
vulgar call Kaorme. The only remedy for the Rain-deer against these, is smoke,
which if not present they dip themselves in water : and let this suffice for
their Animals.

Chapter XXXI

Of the Laplanders Trees and Plants.

I descend from their Animals to their Trees and Plants, with which they
are well stored, tho Jovius observes that they have no fruit Trees, as
Apple, Pear, &c. neither have they any wild Trees which will not bear
the cold, as Oak, Beach, which ol. Pet. takes notice of, but adds that
they have plenty of Pine and Fir, Juniper and Birch, Service tree, and
Willow, Alder and Dog-tree, the Asp and Ollartbut these Trees do not
grow every where, for the Mountains called the Fells, between Norway
and Lapland, bear no Trees at all : Pet. Claud, thinks the reason of that
to be the continual storm of wind that is on them, but perhaps a truer reason
may be the extremity of cold. The ground that lies near the Mountains is
thick set with Woods, with this distinction that the parts next them bears
nothing but Birch tree, remarkable for their thickness and height, and
pleasant prospect, Nature having contrived them so regularly that they
seem afar off to be some pleasant Garden. The soil more distant from those
Hills, besides Birch-trees, hath Fir and Fitch, which seems like some new
kind of wood, composed of these three sorts.

Besides these, there are very few others found in Lapland. Shrubs, especially Currans, or Ribes are very frequent, but they regard not these
because perhaps the taste is unpleasant, especially of those which bear
Black-berries, which are more numerous than the others. The Junipers grow
thick being very tall and comely. This Country yields all manner of Berries The chief are those which the Swedes call Hiortron, some Dew-berries,
or the Norway Berry, whose species is the same that grows on Brambles,
each Berry being divided as it were into graines of a pale yellow color,
beginning to be red as they ripen. These commonly grow in marshy places.
They creep on the ground, and are sustained by little props, so that they
ought not to be reckoned among shrubs. The Berries are very wholsome,
and are a present remedy for the Scurvy. The Inhabitants delight to eat
them with their flesh and salt meats, as I mentioned before. They have a
sort of black Berries, called by the Swedes, fsalton, according to Olaus
Pet also the thin leaved heath, that bears a Berry, which some call ground
E«e, the Swedes,Kraokeb*r, the letter black Berries called in Smoland
Lincton and the letter black Berries called Blaobtfr, all which Olaus Pet.
takes notice of, speaking of their manner of dressing meat, particularly
of the Heath-berries: whence it appears that these Berries were as plentifull with them as the former. They have all sorts of other Berries, tho
the Natives do not so much value them. This Country affords very usefull
Herbs, such as are Angelica, which the Inhabitant value so much that they
call it the Lapland herb, or Samigraes : they are much pleased with it in
their meat : it grows with a short stalk, but thick. In the same place is found
Sorrel, which they use too in their food. Some particular herbs they have
which are not found anywhere else, as Calceolum Lapponicum, or Brassica
Rangiferorum : what sort of herb it is Sam. Rheen expresses in these
words, which, tho tedious, I thought fit to transcribe that we might have
his exact opinion it. There grows (saith he) an herb which they call Calceolum Lapponicum because its flower is like the Laplanders shoe, it is of a
blew colour with three rowes of feed in the pod, it has larger leaves than the
vulgar cabbage, its stalk is a finger thick and the root bitter: it grows extraordinary fast, and rises to three cubits in height, and sometimes more: it is
thought a bad and unprofitable herb because no beast will taste of it. There
is another herb very usefull and wholesome, and of great esteem among them,
which Olaus Pet. take to be like a carrot, he says it is called Mofaraoth, haveing the taste and flower of Pimpervel growing in marshy grounds to. an ell in
height. That Mofaraoth is not a Lapland but Swedish name, from mao fa
which signifies marshy places where moste grows, what the inhabitants call
it, I cannot yet learn. And these are the peculiar herbs which this country
hath : I have not met with any one that could help me to the exact shape of
them. But altho this soil beare some peculiar herbs, yet there are not
many species of them, which Olaus Pet. gathers from the mid-Bothnia, which
borders on Lapland, for in that place there are found but very few.

I come now to Mosse, which is of diverse sorts. The first is tree Mosse,
with a kind of long wool, hanging down from the boughs, especially of the
Pitch tree, and sometimes from others. The 2 d. which is very plentiful and
affords food for the raindeers in the winter is ground Mosse, of a white colour,
with long thin leaves growing a foot high. The 3 d. is ground mosse, but softer
of a more delicate yellow green this is pernicious to the foxes, which the in-
habitants cut small and mix with their baits to catch them. The 4th. is also
ground mosse, short and soft, of a very fine colour, which because it is so fine
they use instead of feathers to lay under Infants new born. I hear of a 5th. sort
with larger and longer leaves which they call Fathne, good against fainting if it be bruised and drank in broth, but I doubt whether this be Mosse, I
had rather believe it Angelica cut small prepared and boiled under ground.
The last thing which is to be mentioned is Grasse, which is of diverse kinds,
the best sort is that which is found in the vallies near the mountains called
Fells, being short, soft, and juicy; that which grows in other places is thicker,
rougher, and dryer. There is a 3 d sort thin and slender which the inhabitants use for stuffing of their shoes, and gloves, to defend their feet and hands
from the weather. And these are all the trees, shrubs, and herbs of Lap -
land.

Chapter XXXII

Of their Mettals.

If mettals grow in Lapland and the outermost parts of Scandinavia,

is only a conjecture of the Antients, and there is no certainty of it,
therefore none of them make any mention of them. Olaus M. flatly denies
that to his age there were any Iron, Copper, or Silver mines found, therefore they were forced to fasten their boats with osiers, without any nails
because they had no Iron, but in the 3 5. year of this age, in Queen Christina's
reign, a silver mine was discovered by the Inhabitants of Pitha near Nassafiall not far from the mountains which divide Swedeland from Norway, this
was the first mine known in Lapland, found by Loens Person an inhabitant
of Pitha.

In the year 1645. The most Illustrious Ericas Flemming L. Baron of Lais,
now Senator of the Kingdome, and President of the company of Mines, first
caused it to be opened, and a melting-house built with convenient necessaries.
There is also a vein of Lead richer then the Silver and easier work’t. Rheen
saith that the mountain is opened, not with Pickaxes or any Iron instruments:
but they bore a hole, which must be fill’d with Gunpowder; when the mouth
is well stopt they apply fire thro another little hole, which touching the
powder breaks the hardest stones in pieces. But the use of this mine lasted no
long time, for in the war between the Swedes and Danes in Carolus Gustavus
his reign about the year 1658, it was spoiled by one Fan Arten the Danish
Kings Governour, from which time no man would go to the expence of clean-
sing and repairing the mine, because it would require a vast charge, before
they could get any profit by it, which was too much for men of mean
estates to undertake.

The 2 d Silver mine is in Luhla-Lapmark, named Kiedlkievasi, found by Jotnan Petri living in Torpenjaur about the 60. year of this age. It is in the
middle of the Village Torpenjaur, on an high mountain 2. miles from the top,
6. miles from Radstad a village of Norway, between Raedstad and Kiedlkievasi;
there is a famous high hill called Daorfial in the road that leads from the
mine to Norway : the foul weather in the winter stops all passage over this
mountain. The mine is rich enough and very broad, continuing the same all
over, lodged in a hard Marcasite. It has this inconvenience that there are
no woods near it, but they are forced to fetch their fuel a mile and a half off :
they use powder instead of digging it, ( as before ) the melting-house stands
5. miles off in a pleasant place near the concourse of several Rivers i especially Darijock. and Quickjock» which last gives the house its name. Here is a
very spacious wood and great plenty of shrubs, especially currans, and all
sorts of herbs. The river affords abundance of the best sort of fish as Salmon,
Trout, Perch, &c. distant 27. miles from Taorne discovered in 1655. by an
inhabitant who was showing the ore to Ericus Ericsonius who first discovered

it. It is very rich and not drossy, only necessaries are conveyed thither with
some difficulty. There is another 3. miles northward called Wittange, found
found in 1668. The vein is not so good because mixt with Iron,
wherefore they do not dig it so willingly as the other; from these mines the
ore is stript away to the melting-house at Koenge to be melted and thence
brought to Toma. There are Iron mines too, one in Torne-Lapmark joyning
to the Copper mine, another in the same Lapmark. called Junefuando, found
in 1640. by Laurence an inhabitant there, about 22. miles distant from Torna,
whether it is carried to be beaten into bars and rods at the forge at Koenge.
A 3d. vein of the same mettal is found in Pelximcbm at Lulha, but of these the
two first only are digged. I heard in 1671. of a Golden mine : but because
there was no certainty, I will not insist upon it. I mention it because there
are some that affirm that it was found in Swedeland in the time of Gustavus
the ‘first, but this was divulged by an uncertain Author, as appears by the event, for to this day nothing more has bin heard of it.

Chapter XXXIII

Of their Stones, Jewels, and Pearls.

I come now to their stones, which are very large and many, of an ash colour but rough hard and intractable, not to be reduced by any instrument
to shape for use. Besides these there are others often found on the shores
which represent the shape of an animal. These the inhabitants esteem much
and adore them for Gods, under the name of Stoorjuncare. In Torne-Lapmark.
near the mine Junefuando, on the banks of Torno, there are found yellow
plain stones of a circular figure like money, about the bigness of a half crown,
which look like dirt, but are as hard as flints: Vn. Grape in his papers makes
mention of them. I will set down a draught of them marked with the letter
B. In the mine it self there are found stones in the perfect shape of Octaedra,
polished and worked by nature herself, but very small not exceeding the bigness of a nut, and sometimes less. I have put down their figure with the letter
C. It is not certain whether the loadstone be found in this Country, tho Olm
Mag. speaks of mountains under the pole which some have thought do breed
the stone : his words seem to intimate loadstones as big as mountains, but ’tis
certain he cannot mean Lapland, for that has none such, yet there are those
who affirm that the loadstone is found there. As for pretious stones they
have them frequently, Buraeus mentions jewels, and afterwards he adds Diamond, Amethyst, and Topaz. By diamonds he means transparent stones or Chrystal, they are found big and little sticking up and down upon the rocks and
crags: some are as big as Childrens heads, such as I saw the Illustrious Ga -
brkl de la Gaidie Chancellour of this kingdom have; they have six sides ending like a pyramid, tho some of them are imperfect; the colour in some
is bright and clear not inferior to Chrystal, in other dull and spoiled with
flaws; some are pure, others have veins like cracks branching out every way,
they serve the inhabitants for flints when they have occasion to light
fire, and yield more fire if strucken with a steel than the flints themselves. I have
now in a Lapland pouch some Chrystal which they made use of for flints. The
Jewellers polish and cut their Chrystals with such art that sometimes they are

taken for very fair Diamonds, by those that have skill. I have drawn the greater
sort of Chrystal in the native bigness & shape, marked with the letter A Buraeus

[text garbled in scan] [...] some of which I saw brought out of Lapland, but
so pale and spotted that they were scarce comparable to those that come out of
Bohemia, altho I hear since that there are much better found, but rarely. The same
thing is to be said of the Topaz, one of which I have in my study, in every
thing like a Chrystal, only the colour inclines to a yellow. I am told
that none of the rest doe shine so much as those that come from other places
which is the fault of almost all the jewels of this Nation, not being so apt
to beare lively brisk colours as the eastern jewels doe. To this head I reduce all Pearls and Margarites, tho they be not stones. Some rivers in Lap -
land produce these, therefore there are certain inhabitants appointed to dive

and search for them, such as was John Peterson, mentioned by S. Rheen,
who first found the Silver mine at Nassafall, he is called een diamontrbrpearl
samp't parte fotkjare i. e. one that finds and cuts pearls. Which (tho out of
this Country) are not contemptible, it cannot be denied but that most of
them want that liveliness which the oriental Pearls have, tho some are found
as good, and in bigness and shape exceeding them. There are found some not
come to perfection, half round and half flat, the round part being bright the
other yellow and dull. I saw one a few years agoe brought out of Bothnia, so
exactly round with such fresh colours, that a certain woman offered an 120.
crowns for it, a Jeweller affirmed me that if he had another as good, he would
not sell both for 500, They are bred not of such shells as are in the East
broad, plane, and almost’ circular like Oister, but longer and hollower like
Muscle shells, and not in the Sea but in Rivers, as may be gathered from Olaus
Magnus. Those that are not come to perfection stick within the shells, but
those that are perfect, are loose and drop out when the shell is opened.

Chapter XXXIV

Of their Rivers.

Lapland, if any Country, is well watered with springs and rivers: the
most noted are those from whence the particular marches and regions
have their names, as Umeao, Pitheao, Luhleao, Torneao, and Kimeao, these
spring from the Norway mountains, and are encreased by several less rivers,
unburdening themselves at last into the Bothnick Sea. Vindeli fills Vmeao, and
Skiellefie Pitheao, Luhleao swallows q. less river of the same name, and Kimeao
is encreased by j, which it self is no small river, for there are numberless rivulets which run into it. So Luhleao which has a double stream,
the lefier receives Pyrrijaus Kardijoch, and it is the same case with the greater
called Stoor-Luhleao, and Tornao which is filled with the river Kaungema
Tangeleao and others. And so it is with all the great rivers, which upon that
account are so impetuous and big, that they yield to few in the world : and
because they run through hilly and uneven Countrys, and are stopt by several dams & weares, they force their way over precipices, with a great noise,
and in those places are not navigable. Such is the sluice at Lughlens, called
Mufkaumokke, and another named Sao, likewise Niometfafki i. e. an Hares
leap, so called because the river Lughla runs between two mountains so near
that an Hare may leap over.

The like Cataracts are found at Toma, the most remarkable is called terrafors near the Norway mountains. Next Cangerbrooks-fors then Lappla-fors,
then three more meeting in an head called by one name Palloforfer, next
Kettille-fors and lastly Kukula-fors near Torna. Although these Cataracts are
a great hindrance to sailers, yet they are advantagious to the mettal-melters,
and afford an incredible plenty of Fish. Besides these rivers there are abundance of pooles, so numerous that but few can be named, one is Lulafraskhy
Lughla, by which Lughleao the greater runs. Next Lugga and Sahhaig all
abounding with Salmons. By the leffer Lughleao are Saggatt, Rit/ack, Pirrijaur, Skflket) Siitijock, waykijaur, and Karra- green which exceeds them all,
each affording plenty of Fish. Pitha has these remarkable ones near it, Hornafvandijaur, Arfujjierf, Pieskejaur, but especially Stoorafuan in which there
are as many Islands as daies in the year, but above all Enarefrask, near Kimrn.
Wexionius saith the Hills and Islands in it are innumerable, and without an
hyperbole, so Tomaeus affirmes that never any inhabitant lived long enough
to survey them all.

There be some Marshes, little but full of Fish, in that language called Suino
i. e. holy, and they account it a sin to soil them. These marshes have two
Channels one above the other: sometimes it happens that the fish leave the
upper and retreat into the lower, upon which account the superstitious natives bring sacrifice to appease the Daemon of that marsh whom they suppose to
be angry.

Chapter XXXV

Of their Mountains.

Their land, which I treat of last, is not in the same condition all over,
for that which is near Bothnia is wholsomer and more fertile for all
sort of pot-herbs, as those can witness who have made gardens in both soils.
They found that some places would bear coleworts, raperoots, parsnips, radishes and the like. In other places by reason of the abundance of rocks and
rivers, the ground is too moist and stony, and sandy in many places, which being
scattered by the wind covers the ground like snow, such are those places near
the mountains of Norway. These sands make a very dangerous passage for
travellors, especially when they are covered with snow, because then they
cannot tell what they are to avoid, sometimes falling in and being overwhelmed. Towards Norway, are very high mountains Which the Swedes call Fell
the Laplanders Tudderi. Cluverius calleth the top of the mountains Sevo which
he took from Pliny 1. 4. c. 1 3, By Adantus they are called Riphæi, but he was
to careless in looking over Pliny, Solinus, and Orosius. But whatever the name
is, what Pliny saith is true of the mountain, that it is no less than the Ripheean, the top is perpetually covered with snow. Moreover the ascent and rise
of this mount is thus described by Pet. Nevren : the mountain which separates
Norway from Lappia begins to rise about Zemptland; thence with continued
ascent towards the north it reaches a hundred miles, till it comes to Titusfiord, which is a bay of the frozen sea. By this mountain the provinces Swedeland are divided from Norway, as by a wall designed by nature herself. But
altho these mountains are one continued tract, yet they swell higher in some
places than others, called by these distinct names, which Samuel Rheen mentions. Waesawaari, Sk.ipoive, Na/awari, Ceruioiue, Kioldawaari,Niottuswagg; Ktidtkiwaari, Zeknawaari, Fierrowaari, Cardawaari, Steikawaari,
Skalopacbt, Darrawaari, Woggoufaari, Niynnas, Kaskaoiuc, Wallawaari, Shieldawaari, Harrawaari, Portawaari, Kafla,SeggocfiZ>ltivk. In like man-
ner there are many other of their names in the other parts of this Country,
but because it is hard to meet with them all, and not so much to our purpose, wee’l end now.

Colophon

Johannes Scheffer's The History of Lapland was first published in Latin as Lapponia (Frankfurt, 1673), with this English translation appearing the following year from the Theater in Oxford. It remains one of the foundational ethnographic texts of Northern Europe — a detailed, sympathetic, and often admiring account of a people whom most of Scheffer's contemporaries dismissed as primitive. His chapters on Sami language, governance, and marriage customs were centuries ahead of their time in treating an indigenous people as subjects worthy of serious scholarly attention rather than curiosity or contempt.

This text was digitised from the McGill University Library copy (Internet Archive). OCR cleanup was performed across five passes: the Early English Archivist lineage (Wynstan, 2026-03-30) performed initial processing — long-s (ſ) substitution, running header removal, hyphenated line joining, garbage character removal, and paragraph restoration. The WIP Finisher lineage (Shimai, Pass 241 and Pass 247, 2026-03-31) applied ~1,200 additional OCR corrections including long-s cascade patterns, ct-ligature repair, running header and catchword removal, and garbled word reconstruction across all 24 chapters. Kansei (Pass 242, 2026-03-31) cleaned Chapters XXV–XXXV (~600 corrections). Shiage (Pass 247, 2026-03-31) performed final QC: running header removal, long-s residual correction, joined-word separation, garbled section annotation, and reconstruction of partially damaged text in the wild beasts and squirrel passages. Four sections remain garbled beyond reconstruction without comparison to the original 1674 scan: a passage on diseases and blindness in Chapter XXVII, a passage on property inheritance in Chapter XXVII, approximately two pages on foxes and martins in Chapter XXIX, and one line in Chapter XXXIII. These are marked with [*text garbled in source scan*] annotations. The comparative vocabulary tables in Chapter XV (Laplandish, Finnish, and Tartar) are structurally damaged from multi-column OCR but present. Residual OCR artifacts remain in some proper names and occasional punctuation.

Compiled and formatted for the Good Work Library by the New Tianmu Anglican Church, 2026.

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