by Johannes Scheffer

The History of Lapland (1674) is the first comprehensive scholarly study of the Sami people of northern Scandinavia. Johannes Scheffer (1621-1679), Professor of Law and Rhetoric at Uppsala, was commissioned by Magnus Gabriel De la Gardie, Chancellor of Sweden, to produce a systematic account of the Sami and their country. The result is a work of extraordinary detail: thirty-five chapters covering the name, situation, climate, and division of Lapland; the physical characteristics, temperament, and origins of its people; their heathen religion and magical ceremonies; their government, law, trade, language, houses, clothing, hunting, weapons, marriage, childbirth, diseases, and burial; and the natural history of the land itself — its cattle, wild beasts, birds, fish, trees, metals, stones, and mountains.

Scheffer drew on the testimony of Swedish administrators, missionaries, and the Sami themselves, as well as every classical and medieval author who had mentioned the northern peoples. His treatment of Sami religion and shamanic practice — the heathen gods, the magical drum, the ceremonies of divination — remains a primary source for the study of circumpolar religion. His descriptions of the noaide (shaman), the sacred drum, and the rituals of sacrifice and trance are among the earliest detailed accounts in any European language.

The English translation was published at Oxford in 1674, the same year as the Latin original. The translator's preface notes that the extensive Swedish-language quotations from Scheffer's sources have been omitted from this edition. The text presented here is from the Oxford English edition as digitised by McGill University Library (archive.org identifier: McGillLibrary-rbsc_history-lapland_DL971L2S4131674-15383). OCR errors have been corrected; the original Early Modern English spelling and syntax are preserved. This archive contains the Preface, Chapters I through VI, X, and XI; twenty-seven chapters await future archivists.

The Preface

THE Reader may please to take notice, that the diligent and learned Author of this History, (to the writing of which he was commanded and therein assisted by the Chancellor of Sweden) hath in the whole work taken care to justify what he relates, from the faith of authentic records, the testimony of Historians, and the Discourses of Laplanders themselves, with whom he had ready opportunities of converse. And this he hath don so precisely, that having in the contexture of his work given a full account of what he thought observable in the writings or narratives to which he refers, he afterwards constantly puts down at length the very words of his Authors, a great part of which are in the Swedish Tongue. Now in this Edition we have spared our selves the labor of such repetition, which we hope will not be regretted by the Reader, who we suppose would not have bin much edified by them: As to the subject here discours'd of, 'twill not be needfull to give a character of it. Military Action, and those public murders in which other Histories triumph, have no share here. Hunger, cold and solitude are enemies that engage all the fortitude of this People: and where so much passive valor is necessary, we may dispense with the want of Active. Amidst the barbarity and darkness which reign in Lapland, there appear tinctures of light, which will entertain the eye of the most knowing observer; as the Stars are no less remarkable then is the Sun it self. However the Reader will not fail to meet here with what may gratify his curiosity. Warmer Climates having all the comforts and necessaries of life plentifully bestowed upon them, are but a more distant home; where we have little else treated of then what we daily see among our selves; but here it is indeed, where rather then in America, we have a new World discovered: and those extravagant falsehoods, which have commonly past in the narratives of these Northern Countries, are not so inexcusable for their being lies, as that they were told without temptation, the real truth being equally entertaining, and incredible.

Chapter I. Of the Name of Lapland.

This Country doth not every where pass by the same name. By some 'tis called Lappia, as Johann. Magnus in the Preface of his history, and Saxo Grammat. in his 5th book; by others Lapponia, as Olaus Magnus in the explication of his Map of Scandinavia, and Ziegler in his description of the Northern Countries, and before these Ericus Versaliensis, and after them Andr. Bureus. The Swedes usually call the Country Lapmarkia, in whose language Mark signifies Land; the Danes and Norwegians, Laplandia, and also Findmarkia, as appears from Petr. Claudus description of Norway: for no one can gather any thing else but an account of this Country, from his whole 38th Chapt. which himself too seems to intimate, when he promises more about Findmarkia in his description of Lapland. Of its being call'd Findmark, I shall speak in another place; Now we will see why 'tis call'd Lapponia and Lappia, the Etymology of which words is not yet agreed upon by the Learned.

Ziegler thinks they were named so by the Germans, from the dulness and stupidity of the people, which the word Lappi signifies amongst them; but this seems improbable, since this Country is but of late known to the Germans, and none of their antient Writers make any mention of Lappia. Moreover, the Finlanders, Swedes and Russians, who differ much in their language from one another, as well as from the Germans, call it all by the same name; and the Germans, who are so remote from Lapland, could not transmit this name to these more Northern Countries, especially when they had little or no commerce with them. Neither are the people so very dull and stupid, as Ziegler himself afterwards acknowledges, when he confesses they are good at the needle, and make delicate embroidered clothes. Neither can I assent to Wexionius's opinion, that the Swedes gave them this name from their wearing of Skins; for Lapper and Skinlapper do not signify skins, but the same as the Greeks' rhake (in English Rags) from whence Ol. Petr. Nieuren, who writ of Lapland in Gustavus Adolphus's time, derives their name from their coming into Swedland every year with rags lapt about them, which is the signification of Lapp in that language. But they do not deserve that reproach more than the Finlanders and others, for they are generally clothed in comely garments, as we shall shew hereafter. Grotius thinks they are so named from running or leaping, but Lapa, which in the Swedish language signifies to run, is writ with a single P, and the name of this Country with a double one; and these People naturally are no great runners, tho by an art they have of sliding over the frozen snow, they are very swift in their motions. Some think the Inhabitants do not denominate the Country, but the Country the Inhabitants, as in the name of Norwegians and others, which seems to be strengthned by this, because Ol. Magnus calls them Lappomanni, after the manner of Nordmanni, Westmanni, and Sudermanni, in which words Manni signifying Men, they were call'd Lappomanni, i.e. Men of Lappia. Others fancy that the name of the Country is deriv'd from Lappu, which in the Finnoick language is furthermost, because it lies in the farthest part of Scandinavia. There is yet another opinion which may seem no less plausible then any of the former, which agrees as well with the signification of the word Lapp among the Laplanders themselves, as the credit given to what has been matter of fact, viz. that 'twas call'd Lappia, not from its situation, or other such like accident, but from the Lappi that inhabited it. So that I take Lappi to signify no other than banisht persons, which is the genuine signification of Lapp in the Lapland language; for the Laplanders were originally Finlanders, and from leaving their Country may be presum'd to have took their name; and that not of their own choosing, but the Finlanders imposition, with whom to Lapp signifies to run away: whence the compellation seeming something scandalous, no person of quality to this day will endure to be call'd by it, tho from the Finlanders other Nations, as the Germans, Swedes and Muscovites, have learnt to call them so. But they of Lappia Umensis stile themselves Sabmienladti, and those of Lappia Tornensis, Sameednan, from the word Sabmi or Same; the signification of which, and whence they had it, we shall see hereafter.

At what time this Country and its inhabitants were first distinguish't by these names Lappia and Lappi, 'tis hard to prove: 'tis certain 'twas but of late, for the words are not found in any antient writer, neither in Tacitus, who mentions their neighbours and forefathers the Finlanders, nor in Ptolomy, Solinus, Anton. Augustus, Rutilius, or others, neither in Authors nearer home (not to name Jornandes, Paul Warnefrid, &c.) nor in those who have writ the actions of Heraud and Bosi, or Goetrichs and Rolfus, or King Olaus, in the Islandick, Norwegian or Gothick language: we find nothing of that in Adam Bremensis, whose diligence in writing of the Northern Countries, his Scandinavia sufficiently testifies; or in Sturlisonius, who writ very accuratly of these parts in his own language. Therefore I cannot be so easily persuaded with Grotius to believe Cluverius, who says they were mention'd in the Peutingerian Tables, the Author of which is thought to have liv'd at least before Theodosius's time, i.e. 600 years before Adam Bremensis: how then could he, that was none of the best Geographers, if we may beleive Welserus, and very far distant from these parts, give us any account of them, since Adam Bremensis, who was so near a neighbour, and had commerce with those that lived there, could give us none? Besides, in that Table the Sarmatians are called Lupiones, with whom the Lappi were nothing concerned; neither doth any antient Author say they were seated so far Northward: wherefore the Lupiones there described are any People rather then the Laplanders, for at that time, when the Author writ, they were not so much as known to any of their neighbours, the Gothick, Norwegian or Danish writers. The first that mentions Lapland is Saxo Gramat. Hist. Dan. l. 5. who lived and wrote about Ann. 1190, and therefore was after Adam Bremensis (who lived about 1077) near 130 years, in which interval this name must needs come first in use. For Saxo making mention of such a Country a great while before, in the time of Frotho the third contemporary to Alricus King of Swedland (who they say lived before Christ) doth not prove that 'twas called so then, but that that Country might afterwards have had this appellation; and I am fully persuaded, that Adam Bremensis would not have omitted this name if he had had any knowledge of it. Afterward Er. Upsaliensis speaks of it about 1470, i.e. almost 300 years after Saxo, and 200 before this present time. After them Jac. Ziegler made a large and learned description of it, by which it came to be known all over Europe. For however we may meet with the name Lappia in Saxo, none but the Swedes and Finlanders, before Zieglers time, knew any thing of it. And so much for the names of Lapland.

Chapter II. Of the Situation of Lapland.

The true and exact situation of this Country the Antients seem not to have sufficiently discovered. Saxo makes it bordering upon Jamtia, extending its self as far, or rather lying as it were between Helsingia and Finland, when in these words he says the Provinces of the Helsingi, Jarnben, Jemti, with both the Lappia's, and likewise Finnia and Estia paid annual tribute to one Domarus. Ericus Upsaliensis seems to make it a part of Finland, mistaking it for a certain part of that Kingdome so called, on the one side adjoining to Swedland, on the other to Russia, giving it a place between Carelia and Nylandia. Ol. Magn. in his Table, and so his brother Johan. Magnus in the Preface of his History, place it higher then the western Bothnia, making neighbours to it Scritfinnia furthest towards the North, and Biarmia towards the East; though some think there is no such place as Scritfinnia, as it is certain there is none in those parts at this day called by that name. But yet we must not slightly pass over the unanimous opinion of so many learned men, especially Saxo, not a little knowing in the Northern affairs, who have all not barely named it but have described the humours of the Inhabitants, their manners, habits and fashion of their governments, with other matters belonging to them. Instead of the Scritfinnia or Scrifinia of Johan. and Ol. Magn. I would rather read it Scritofinnia; and as for Skidfinnia as Adr. Bureus would have it, all the Antients, what ever else they differ in, will agree in this, that there must be an R in the word. Jornandes calls them Scretefenni, Paul. Warnefrid. and Diacon. Scritofinni, changing the n; (of which and some other things of the like nature I will treat in due time and place) Adam Bremensis Scritefinni: and the Greeks agree in this writing, so that we ought not to doubt of the Latines. Procopius will have them sometimes Skrithiphinoi, other times Skrithiphinous. Besides 'tis manifest since the Scritefinni are the same with the Finni, whose Etymology in their own language is from leaping, by an art they have, by which with crooked pieces of wood under their feet like a bow they hunt wild beasts; they could not therefore take their name from Skidh, signifying the wooden shoes themselves, but from their leaping, i.e. swift running with them, which doubtless antiently was meant by Skrida, and which the Author cited by Warnius in the 46th page of his Lexicon confirms, where he relates the form of an oath made by Hasnr, that he would preserve the peace Qigamdut Finnur skriidar, i.e. as long as the Finlanders continued their manner of leaping. As for the Etymology that is there given, that it signifies their wandring up and down, 'tis altogether false, for Skridsko at this day denotes those wooden shoes which they run upon the ice with; neither doth Skrida signify any thing else among the Antients but to glide along the ground, for they do not take up one foot after the other, as in common running, but carrying themselves steady upon the frozen snow, they move forward stooping a little, as shall be shewn hereafter. And perhaps this is the onely cause that they are called Himantopodes, People creeping upon their knees; which agrees exactly with these Scritofinni: for they hearing that Skrida was to creep along, what could they fancy the Scritofinni to be, but People not going like other men, but crawling forward like creeping animals; but of this I shall speak more at large when I come to the Laplanders gliding upon the ice. That which I would chiefly evince here, is, that there are such a people rightly called Scritofinni, and the Country which they inhabit is Scritofinia or Scritfinnia, and that there is no reason we should think there was no such place since there are those who are called Scritfinni, i.e. Finlanders, who run upon the ice with wooden shoes, whose Country from thence may well be called Scritfinnia. And the same may be urged for Biarmia against those that will not allow there is any such place. For first the antient Writers making frequent mention of it, as that Author of the History thereof, calls it often Biarmaland in the old Gothick or Islandick language, who also calls the King of it Hereker in Ch. 7. and his two Sons, the one Reirik the other Siggeir. Saxo likewise in his 8th book, speaks of a certain King of this place, who reigned in the time of Renter King of the Danes, making it border upon Finland, when he says the King of Biarmia fled for refuge to Matullus, who then reigned in Finland. But now granting there were anciently such names as Biarmia and Scritfinnia, it remains doubtfull still whether they were distinct Countries or no. All Authors except Johan. and Ol. Magn. seem to make them the same; Procop. Jornand. Paul Warnefrid. and Adam Bremensis speak of Scritfinnia but none of Biarmia, and the Northern writers do just contrary. Saxo indeed mentions them both, but not at the same time: once in his Preface he names Scritfinnia, leaving out Biarmia; in other places he names Biarmia, omitting the other; from whence I am almost of opinion that 'tis the same Country called by native Writers Biarmia, by forreign Scritfinnia. We may add further that as Adam Bremensis makes Scritfinnia next to Helsingia, the Author of the History of Heraud and Bosi sets Biarmia in the same place, speaking of some Woods in it, and Rivers that empty themselves into the Sinus Bothnicus or bay of Ganduia next to Helsingia. As moreover the Scritfinni are a People of Finland, which not onely their name but an old Chorographick Table commended by Grotius doth intimate, distinguishing the Fenni into the Scritfenni and Redefenni, so 'tis probable of the Biarmians as well for their neighbourhood to Helsingia, of which before, as for their worshipping a God by the name of Jomala, which is a Finland word, denoting God amongst them to this day. Moreover the Biarmians have many other things like the Finlanders, as the Art of darting, of Magic, &c. So that Biarmia may be a Colony of Finland, whose People were called by Strangers, from their skirting along, or gliding upon the snow, Scritofinni. But now supposing all this true, and that the Biarmia of the Ancients, and Scritfinnia were the same, 'tis a question still whether Lapland be distinct from them or not. Joh. and Ol. Magnus in their Geographic Tables and descriptions, make them distinct Countries. But that cannot be; for if Scritfinnia and Biarmia reach one way to Helsingia and Jamtia, on the other to Finland; if they lye so near these Provinces, and extend to the Bay of Bothnia (both which have bin demonstrated before) I do not see where Lapland can have any place at all. And the same Authors are also mistaken in putting it South of Biarmia and Scritfinnia, whereas the Antients placed these beyond it. For that they mean't only by Biarmia that which the Swedes now call Trennes, appears to be false from what has bin said before: for where are any Rivers in Trennes that run into the Bay of Bothnia? and how is it bordering upon Finland? Wherefore contrary to Joh. and Ol. Magnus, I think rather that Lapland is the same that was first by the Inhabitants called Biarmia, by Strangers Scritfinnia, then changing the name for some of the reasons here produced, it came to be Lappia or Lapponia; which beginning from Jamtia and Angermannia, goes all about each Bothnia, and at length ends in the extremities of Carelia and Finland, so as to comprehend all the whole tract from the North even to the main Ocean, the white Sea, and the Lake Ladoga, which are the very bounds of old Biarmia and Scritfinnia. But that it went as far as the Ocean, the Antients seem not to have so well understood; nor indeed Johan. and Ol. Magnus, who in those parts have made Scritfinnia and Biarmia different Countries from Lapland. So also Damianus Goes, who, whatever he knew of Lapland, had it from them, says it extends it self to unknown Regions, because he knew not who lived further towards the North Sea. But the Antients have placed there, besides the Scritfinnia, the Cynocephali, Busii, Troglodytes, Pygmies, Cyclops's and some others; passing by the Himantopodes, of whom we have spoken before: tho in this age none doubts but the Laplanders inhabit it all, and those who have sailed along those Coasts have met with none others but Laplanders.

In fine Charles the 9th King of Swedland in the year 1600, being desirous to know the truth of that Country, sent two famous Mathematicians, M. Aron. Forsius a Swedish Professour, and Hieronymus Birckholten a German, with instruments, and all necessaries to make what discoveries they could of Lapland; who at their return, did certify, and make it out, that beyond the Elevation of the Pole 73 degrees there was no Continent towards the North but the great frozen Sea, and that the farthest point was Nordcap, not far from the Castle of Wardhouse. But of this distant Lapland those that are curious may enquire at their leisure; we purpose to treat here only of that which is subject to the Government of the Swedes, and this is a vast Country, thought by Paulinus in his history of the North, of equall extent almost with all Swedland properly so called. Andr. Bureus says it contains in length above 100 German miles, and in breadth 90. All this Country comes now under the name of Lapland, in which all agree that ever described it; and if we would take an account of the Climate of it by this vast compass of Earth, we must begin from the 64th degree of latitude, and so to the 71st; in longitude it must extend at least to the 27th Meridian, or more. Moreover if we will compute the longitude from journies that have bin made thither, all hitherto have unanimously put the beginning of it about the 38th degree, and the end in the 65th. And this may suffice partly for an account of the situation of Lapland in general; and partly of that which is subject to the Swedes.

Damianus Goes, a Knight of Portugall, sets its bounds thus in his description of Spain: Lapland is divided into the Eastern and Western part, the Bothnick Sea coming between. The extremity of it is Tornia. Eastward it reaches to the white Lake; towards the North comprehending diverse Provinces, and extends it self beyond all knowledge. On the West towards Island it joins to part of Norway, and on the other side of Norway 'tis bounded with Swedland, Finland, and both the Bothnia's. But Ol. Petr. Nieuren confutes this of the Bothnic Sea lying between; for so part of Lapland would lie in Finland or Ostrobothnia, part in Westrobothnia, which every one knows is false: and the very vulgar can tell so much, that the Bothnic Sea comes not anywhere within 18 or 20 miles of Lapland: tho this ought not to pass beyond Damianus's time, since Nieurenius himself confesses in another place, that the Laplanders had their seat about the Bothnic Sea, but that afterwards they were driven out, of which I shall speak hereafter. I will only add here a Table of the latitudes and longitudes of the chiefest Places, as they were taken by M. Arons Forsius and Hieronymus Birckholten, Ann. 1600. I proceed next to the disposition and nature of the Country, having first given you a Map of it.

Chapter III. Of the Temperature of the Air and Soil of Lapland.

We have seen how Lapland is situate; let us next proceed to other particularities of it. That 'tis very near the Pole appears from its latitude, insomuch that for some months in the Summer the Sun here never sets, and on the contrary in the Winter it never rises; which Herberstein says is but forty days, and tho three hours in the night the body of it is something darkned, so that his raies appear not, yet there is so much light, that they continue their work all the while. Indeed the same account is not to be taken of the whole Country, since part of it lies nearer, and part further distant from the Pole; and of these too some parts are more East, and some more to the West, from whence 'tis that with some of them the Sun is scarce above the Horizon for so many daies as he pretends. And altho in the Summer it never sets and goes below the Earth, yet neither does it rise much above it, but as it were kisses and gently glides along the Horizon for the most part; as likewise in the Winter when lowest it is not much beneath it: which is the reason that tho they have one continued night for some months, yet every day the Sun comes so near, that it makes a kind of twilight. Ol. Magnus saies that in the absence of the Sun there are two twilights, one in the morning, the other in the evening, in which those poor remainders of day provide that the night should not be utterly destructive. And by how much the Sun is farther absent, the light of the Moon is clearer. Hence Petr. Claud. saies that when the Moon shines they go a fishing, and dispatch all other necessaries that are to be done without doors; and when it does not, if the air be clear, even the light of the Stars so much abates the darkness, that the horrour of the night is much lessened, and there is light enough for the dispatch of severall businesses, which is farther assisted by the whiteness of the Snow.

The Air of Lapland is cold, but fresh and clear, and consequently very wholesome, being much purified by the winds which are here very frequent and violent. It has bin attested to me by eye-witnesses, that there rises a certain wind out of the Sea, which beginning to blow raises presently such thick and dark clouds even in the midst of Summer, that they utterly hinder the sight, and in the Winter drives the snow with such force and quantity, that if any person be surprized abroad, he hath no other remedy but to throw himself on the ground with some garment over him, suffering himself to be quite buried in snow till the storm is past: which don, he rises up, and betakes himself to the next Cottage he can meet, all paths and roads being hid in the snow. But the strongest and most irresistible winds are upon the Mountains, where they throw down all things they meet with, and carry them away by their violence into far distant places, where they are never seen or heard of afterwards. Their only help against these is to convey themselves into dens and caves. Here is rain as in other places, sometimes more, and sometimes less, but in the midst of Summer, this as likewise the neighbouring Countries have very seldom any at all. Snow they have more often, and so much that in the Winter it covers all the Country, of which they make this advantage, that they can travel the more securely in the night; for the light of the Moon reflected from the snow, enlightens all the fields, that they can discern and avoid any pits, precipices and wild Beasts, that would otherwise annoy them: so convenient are the wayes for any journy, that two rein deer will draw a greater load over the trodden snow, then a Cart and ten Horses can in the fields at other times. These snows in some places, as on the tops of their highest hills, remain perpetually, and are never melted by the strongest heat of the Sun. In the upper part of Lapland there are Mountains rising to such a vast hight, that the snow continues upon them Summer and Winter, and is never dissolved, but in other places the Land is every year overflown with floods of melted snow. They have also very great frosts and mists, and good store of them, which sometimes so thicken the air, that the sight is quite obstructed, and Passengers cann't distinguish one man from another to salute or avoid him, tho he be come close up to them. It is so extreme cold here in the Winter, that 'tis not to be endured but by those who have bin bred up in it. The swiftest Rivers are sometimes frozen so hard, that the ice is more than three or four cubits thick; and their greatest Lakes and deepest Seas bear any burdens whatever. Nor is the Summer, which to some may seem incredible, more moderately hot. For tho the Sun be very low, and his raies oblique, yet lying upon them so long together, their force is strangely increast; the only allay being from the vapors rising out of the neighbouring Sea, and from the snows, which as well in Summer as Winter continue undissolv'd in hollow places between the hills. As for Spring and Autumn they know neither, there being so very little space between the extremity of cold in the Winter, and heat in Summer, that by Strangers 'tis look't upon as a miracle to see every thing springing fresh and green, when but a week before all things were overwhelm'd with frost and snow. Ol. Petr. Nieuren has observed it as a memorable thing, and which he would not have believ'd from any one had he not seen it himself, that in the year 1616, June 24, going to the Church of Thor, he saw the trees budding and the grass coming up green out of the ground, and within a fortnight after he saw the Plants full blown, and the leaves of the trees at their perfection, as if they had known how short the Summer was to be, and therefore made such hast to enjoy it.

Their soil is generally neither very fertile nor barren, but between both, full of flints, stones and rocks, every where appearing high, by whose unevenness and roughness the rest of the ground about is useless. The ground is generally very soft and flabby, by reason of the many Lakes and Rivers overflowing; yet would it be fit either for tillage or pasture if any would be at the pains and charge of draining it. Ol. Petrus saies of the Southern part, lying under the same climate and influence of the Heavens with Bothnia, that 'tis as apt to bear any grain as the Western Bothnia it self; but this is not without a concurrence and assistance likewise of the soil: and he himself confesses in another Chapter, that the Land is stony, sandy, uneven, overrun in some places with briars and thornes, and in others nothing but hills, moores, fennes and standing waters, which are not the qualities that usually commend Lands for agriculture. Then as to his urging its verdant and rich pastures, it doth not follow that all Land which yields much grass should be equally capable of bearing good corn. Yet doth the Land afford plenty of grass, and that so good that their Cattel are fatned much cheaper and sooner with it than any other thing, as also divers hearbs, but particularly 'tis happy in all kind of pot-hearbs. There are many large Woods and Forests, especially towards Norway, but not very thick; likewise steep rocks and high mountaines called Dofrini; upon whose naked tops, by reason of the violence of the winds to which they are exposed, never yet grew tree. Below these hills lie most pleasant Vallies, in which are clear fountaines and rivulets innumerable, which emptying themselves into the rivers, at length are carried into the Bothnic Sea. Their water is clear, sweet and wholesome, only their Forests abound with stinking and standing Pools. This Country Winter and Summer hath an incredible number of all kinds of wild beasts, especially the lesser sorts, which suffice not only for their own use, but to drive a great trade with their neighbours. They have Birds also of all sorts very many, but Fish in such abundance that a great part of the Natives are entirely fed by them. But of all these we shall speak in their proper places. I will add no more here but this, that the Description of old Finland or Scritofinnia by the Ancients is the same which hath bin given here of Lapland; to confirm what I said before that these Countries differ only in name, and not in nature and situation. We come now to its Division.

Chapter IV. Of the Division of Lapland.

Those who have writ of Lapland, mention different divisions of it. Saxo in his 5th Book, and elsewhere, speaks of two Laplands, and after him Johannes Magnus tells us, that both the Laplands are joined together Southward. I suppose in that division they had respect to their situation, and meant the Eastern and the Western Lapland: for so Damianus Goes, who seems to borrow from Joh. Magnus, expresses it. Lapland, saith he, is divided into the Eastern and the Western, separated from each other by the Bothnic Sea. From whence we may gather that that part of the Country which lies on one side of the Bothnia, was called the Eastern Lapland, and that which lies on the other, the Western.

Besides this division of Lapland, there is another taken from the places most frequented by the Inhabitants. For one part thereof, lying along the Coasts of the Ocean, is from thence called Sieefindmarken, that is the maritime Lapland; the other lying higher on the Continent, Fieldmarken, that is, inland Lapland: tho by some they are called simply Findmarken and Lappmarken. This last division Pet. Claud. gives us in his 27th Chapter. All the Sea Coasts, saith he, Northward and Eastward as far as Findmarkia reaches, are possest by the Siaefinni, or maritime Finlanders, but the mountainous and champaign Country, by the Lapfinni, from thence named Lapmarkia or Wildfindlandia, that is wild or savage Findland. Where he calls one part of the Country Lapmarckia, the other Findmarckia, the one lying along the shore, and bordering on the Sea, the other mountainous, woody, and savage, upon the Terra firma. And this too may be worth our notice, that Wildfinland with him is that which others call Lappmarkia: I suppose, because the Natives live by hunting, as those of the other do by fishing. For he presently adds, There are many thousands in that place that feed on nothing but the flesh of wild Beasts. And indeed some there are with whom those only pass for the true Laplanders: as Samuel Rheen, who in his 2d Chapter of his forementioned Book, tells us, that besides the Scrickfinni (so he calls them that with Pet. Claud. are Sieefinnes) there are other true Laplanders, that live on nothing but rain deer. And so from the Natives feeding on wild Beasts, Lapland properly so called, is also stiled Wildfindland, in opposition to Findmarkia, whose Inhabitants live both on Fish and Cattel. And yet there may be given another reason for the imposition of this name, from the many woods of that Country. Olaus Magnus in more places then one calls the natives, men that dwell in woods, or Savages: as in the title of his 3d Chapt. of his 4th Book, which is, Concerning the fierceness of the Savages, or those that dwell in woods, in which Chapter he describes the Laplanders. And in the following Chapter he says, that the wild Laplanders are clothed with rich skins of several Beasts. The Baron Herberstein also in his History of Muscovy, calls them Savage Laplanders, who tho they dwell, says he, on the Sea Coast in little Cottages, and lead a brutish kind of life, are yet more civilized then the Savages of Lapland: whence 'tis plain, that by the Findlanders living near the Sea, he means those that others call Siaefinnes, and by the Savage Laplanders those that possess the inland Country, who he thinks were so called from their wildness and barbarity. And by and by he adds, that by converse with Strangers, who come thither to trade, they begin to lay aside their Savage nature, and become a little more civilized. Afterwards he calls them Dikj Loppi, which name the Muscovites give them at this time, as hath been shewed elsewhere.

There is also a 3d Division of Lapland, that respects the several Princes to whom the Country is in subjection. And this Andr. Bureus intends, when he tells us, The greatest part of Lapland, viz. the Southern and inland Country, belongs all to the Kingdom of Sweden: The maritime tract, that lies on the Ocean and is called Findmark (whose Inhabitants the Sioefinni, or maritime Findlanders, are so named from their living by fishing) to Norway: The rest of them that dwell from the Castle of Warhuus to the mouth of the white Sea, are subject to the Russians, which part the Swedes call Trennes, the Natives Pyhinienni, and the Russians Tarchana Voloch. Of their subjection to these severall Princes we shall speak when we come to treat of their Government; and also of those parts that belong to Norway or Denmark, and Russia. At present we shall only mention the division of that part which is under the Swedes, and is named by Bureus, the Southern and inland Lapland, and by Petr. Claud. Lappmarkia properly so called. This is divided into six lesser parts called marker, or lands, tho Bureus chuses to render them Territories or Provinces. Each of these have their distinct names, and are called Angermandlandslapmark, Umalapmark, Pithalapmark, Lulalapmark, Tornalapmark, Kiemilapmark. So Samuel Rheen in his first Chapter, That part of Lapland which belongs to Sweden is divided into the Kiemensian, Tornesnsian, Lulensian, Pithensian, Umensian, and Angermanlandsensian Lapmark. Bureus mentions but five of these Provinces, viz. Umalapmark, Pithalapmark, Lulalapmark, Tornelapmark, and Kiemilapmark; comprehending Angermandlandslapmark under Umalapmark, not that they are one and the same Province, but because they are both governed by one Lieutenant. Each of these Provinces take their name from Rivers that run thro the midst of them, as Wexionius in his description of Swedland assures us.

As for their situation, Angermanlandslapmark borders upon Angermannia and Jemtia, to this joins Umalapmark, next to that is Pithalapmark, and then Lulelapmark, all of them lying Westward, reaching on one side to that ridg of Hills that divides Swedland from Norway, and on the other side to the Western Bothnia. Northward of them lies Tornelapmark, and extends it self from the farthest corner of the Bay of Bothnia all along the North Sea, called by Seamen Cape Noort. Next to this lies Kiemilapmark, winding from the North toward the East, and bounded on one side by the Eastern Bothnia, on another side by that part of Lapland that belongs to Russia, and on a third side by Cajania and Carelia.

Moreover these Provinces we are speaking of, are subdivided into lesser parts, called by the Swedes Byar, as Samuel Rheen tells us, and are equivalent to our Shires, and the Pagi of the Ancients. So in Caesar we meet with Pagus Tigurinus, and Pagi Suevorum, which were not Villages or Country Towns, but large parts of a Country, such as the Greeks called Nomoi. There are several of these Pagi or Shires in each Province, except Angermanlandslapmark, which makes but one Pagus, vulgarly called Aosahla. Umalapmark hath four: Uma, Lais or Raanby, Granby, and Vapsten. Pithalapmark eight: Graotreskby, Arfwejerfshy, Lochteby, Arrieplogsby, Wistersby, Norrwesterby, Westerby. Lulalapmark five: Jochmoch, Sochjoch, Torpinjattr, Zerkislockt, and Rautomjaur. Tornelapmark eight: Lingawaara, Siggewaara, Sondewaara, Ronolaby, Pellejerf, Xiedkajerf, Manstalka, Saodankyla, Kithilaby. So that all the Territories or Provinces are divided into 33 Byars. In each of these there are several Clans or Families, which the Swedes call Rakar, each of which have a certain allotment of ground assign'd them for the maintenance of themselves and their Cattel; not in the nature of a Country Farm with us, but of a very great length and bredth, so as to include Rivers, Lakes, Woods, and the like, which all belong to one Clan or family. In every Byar there are as many allotments as there are families that can live of themselves, and are not forced by poverty to serve others. In the Byar called Aosahla there are about 30 of these Clans, or families, in others more or less according as they are in bigness; which all have their several names, tho 'tis not worth while to repeat them. And thus much shall suffice of the third division of Lapland, not lately made (except that under Charles IX some Clans had certain allotments assign'd them) but derived from very ancient time; as appears from hence that neither the Laplanders have known, nor the Swedes given them any other, since the Country hath bin under their subjection. Nor are the words modern, or taken from any thing that may give any cause to suspect them of novelty: which I the rather observe, that from hence the native simplicity, agreable to the antiquity of the Nation, may appear.

Chapter V. Of the Laplanders in Reference to the Inclinations, Temper and Habit of their Minds and Bodies.

It is almost peculiar to this People to be all of them of low stature, which is attested by the general suffrage of those Writers who have described this Country. Hence the learned Isaac Vossius observes, that Pygmies are said to inhabit here; and adds that they are a deformed People: but in truth their feature and proportion is good enough, and that they are not distorted sufficiently appears from their great agility of body, and fitness for active emploiment. Nor need we dispute of this, since in Sweden we see them every day among us, and can observe no defect in any kind, or deformity, by Lomenius unjustly ascribed to them. Ol. Magn. and Torneus esteem their young women indifferently handsome, and of a clear skin, which I have often seen my self; for they take great care to preserve their natural beauty, which the men neglect to do: and therefore if they are less amiable then the other Sex, it is to be imputed to their choice, not nature. To which we may add the length of their frosts, and the bitterness of the Air, against which they neither arm themselves sufficiently with clothes, nor know how to do so: besides the smoak which continually fills their cottages empairs very much their natural complexion, which is the reason why most of the men also are so swarthy. And as they are generally short, they are also very lean, and 'tis rare to see a fat man amongst them, for the cold that prevents their growing tall, dries up likewise their moisture, and makes them apt to be slender. They are also very light in respect of their bulk and stature, which comes from their not eating any Salt, if we will believe Ol. Petr. And thus much may be said in general of the frame and condition of their bodies.

As for their particular parts, they have thick heads, prominent foreheads, hollow and blear eyes, short flat noses, and wide mouths. Their hair is thin, short and shaggy, their beard stragling and scarce covers their chins. The hair of both Sexes is generally black and hard, very seldom yellow; their breasts broad, slender waists, spindle shanks, and swift of foot. They are very strong in their limbs, so that in a bow which a Norwegian can scarce half bend, they will draw an arrow up to the head. Their strength is accompanied with such activity withall, that with their bows and quivers at their backs they will throw themselves thro a hoop of but a cubit in diameter. But this seems to be spoken only of some Tumblers, for the People are generally ignorant of such sports; their usual exercises being running races, climbing inaccessible rocks and high trees. Tho they are thus nimble and strong, yet they never go upright, but stooping, which habit they get by frequent sitting in their cottages on the ground.

We come now to the habits of their mind, in which 'tis first observable that they are much given to superstition, which is no wonder while they live in Woods among wild Beasts, and maintain little correspondence one with another: but of their superstition we shall treat elsewhere. Furthermore they are beyond all imagination fearfull and mean spirited, being frighted at the very sight of a strange man, or ship; above all things dreading War: the reason of all this being the cold to which they are condemn'd, and the meanness of their diet, which cannot supply good blood and spirits; wherefore they are useless in war, and the Swedes who raise men in all the other Provinces, find none in this, as it appears from the ancient Records and Catalogues of all the Souldiers that ever were listed by former Kings. So that 'tis fictitious, and rather an abuse than history, which some have reported, that Gust. Adolphus had several Companies of Laplanders in his Armies; but they were forc't to find out some excuse for those many defeats, which to the wonder of the World that most victorious Prince gave his powerfull and numerous Enemies; and pretend that those Victories were obtained by the help of the Laplanders and Magick. Wherefore I conclude as I said before, that this opinion is absurd and contradictory, not only to the nature of the People, but to public testimonies and writings. To which we may add that they cannot well live out of their own Country, but fall into diseases and die, being no more able to endure a milder air, or feed upon salt, bread, and boiled meats, than we could upon their raw flesh and fish dried by the Sun: for it has bin often found by experience that they are hardly temted by any reward to come even into these parts, or if they do they die suddenly afterwards, much less would they be induced to march into any more remote Countries. Olaus Magnus gives us an instance of six Rain-deers sent to Frederick Duke of Holstein by Sten Sture junior Prince of Swedland, with two Laplanders, man and woman to be their keepers, and that both they and the beasts wanting their accustom'd manner of living, died all together in a short time.

Ziegler indeed on the other side saies they are a valiant People, and that they were a long time free, resisting the Arms both of Norway and Swedland; and Scaliger after him saies that against their enemies they were couragious: and Petr. Claud. reports they had a King of their own called Motle, and that Haraldus Pulcricomus, tho he had conquered the Countries round about, could not subdue them; but all this doth not evince their courage, for whatsoever is said of this Prince Motle is nothing at all to the purpose, being all taken out of the history of Snorro, which speaking of Motle, and something of his skill in Magick, has not a word of his or his Peoples courage. And 'tis manifest that Ziegler could have no ground for what he said, unless from such histories as that of Snorro, which therefore only seem'd true because there were none extant more likely; for in his time the Laplanders were subject to the Swedes: unless we had rather believe that he took the Laplanders and the Biarmians to be the same, ascribing to the one People, what was said of the other. There is indeed mention in Saxo, of severall Wars of the Biarmians, but those not managed by courage, but Magick and Enchantments: so that it no way follows, that because they continued for many Ages a free People, that therefore they were valiant. But whatever becomes of the Biarmians, 'tis sure enough that the Laplanders are far from being stout or warlike, who must first fight against their nature, before they can resist an enemy.

Besides their innate cowardice, they are strangely prone to suspicion and jealousy, being conscious of their own weakness, and so exposed to all attemts upon them; a consequent whereof is that they are also revengefull, endeavouring to prevent those mischiefs which upon the slightest occasions seem to threaten them, by the death and ruine of the Persons that caused their suspicion, helping themselves herein by conjuration and magick. Of this Pet. Claud. gives us a memorable instance, in one, that having attemted to mischief his enemy, who was secured by countercharms, after long attendance surpriz'd him asleep under a great stone, which by a spell he made break to pieces, and kill him. The women, especially when grown old, cannot brook any suddain provocation, but upon the least indignity offered fly out into passion, and are hurried to the most wild transports that madness can dictate. The Laplanders besides are very notorious cheats, and industrious to over-reach each other in bargaining: tho heretofore they had the reputation of plain dealing and honesty. So that 'tis probable that they took up their present practice, having bin first cheated by those Strangers with whom they dealt, and now think it best to be before hand with one another. It is farther observable that they take great plesure, if they happen to outwit any one; imagining that tho they are hopeless to overcome by manhood and courage, they have a nobler triumph over the minds of those whom they circumvent. They are also noted to be of a censorious and detracting humor, so as to make it a chief ingredient of their familiar converse, to reproch and despise others: and this they do especially to Strangers, of what Country soever. So fond admirers are all men of themselves, that even the Laplanders will not exchange their interests with the Inhabitants of the most happy Climate, and however barbarous they are, doubt not to prefer themselves in point of wisdom, to those that are most ingenuously educated in Arts and Letters. They are likewise exceedingly covetous, it being a part of their cowardice to dread poverty; yet are they very lazy withall: and hereupon Olaus Petrus observes, that tho their Country in several parts of it be capable of improvement by husbandry, yet 'tis suffer'd to lye waste: nay so unwilling are they to take pains, that till they are compelled by necessity, they hardly persuade themselves to hunt or fish. From this their covetousness and sloth arises an ill consequent, their undutifulness to their Parents when grown old; not only to contemn and neglect, but even hate and abhor them; thinking it either long before they possess what they have, or thinking it grievous to provide for those from whom they can hope for no advantage.

Their last good quality is their immoderate lust, which Herberstein takes to be the more strange, considering their diet, that they have neither bread nor salt, nor any other incentive of gluttony: but their promiscuous and continuall lying together in the same Hut, without any difference of age, sex, or condition, seems to occasion this effect. Torneus indeed saies of his Country-men, the Lappi Tornenses, who possibly are reclaimed by more civill education, that they are very chaste, insomuch that among them scarce one bastard is Christned in a whole year, which is the less to be Wonder'd at, the women being naturally barren.

Having given this account of the Laplanders ill qualities, it will now be justice to recount their vertues, as first their veneration and due esteem of Marriage, which they more seldom violate, then many who pretend to be much better Christians. They also abhor theft; so that the Merchants only cover their goods so as to secure them against the weather, when they have occasion to leave them, and at their return are sure to find them safe and untoucht; which is the more commendable, for that in Lapland there are no Towns, or store-houses, and no man could be sure of any thing if the People were inclined to thievery. They are likewise (those I mean of the better sort) charitable to the poor, not only by receiving those that are destitute into their Huts; but supplying them with stock whereon to live. In proof of this Torneus and Sam. Rheen say that 'tis usual with them to lend gratis, for a considerable time, ten or twenty Rain-deers. Farther they are civil and hospitable to Strangers, whom they with much kindness invite to their Huts, and there treat with the best provisions they have. And of this there are severall instances, when any have happened to be cast upon their Coast by shipwrack, or else in the snow, or on the mountains have lost their way. Moreover they are thus far cleanly as often to wash their hands and face; tho notwithstanding Torneus tells us, they are nasty and scabby, and use not to comb their heads. Lastly they are sufficiently ingenious, making for themselves all sorts of tools and implements for their fishing and hunting; and also for severall manufactures, some of which they do very artificially, as shall be shewn hereafter in its proper place.

Chapter VI. Of the Originall of the Laplanders.

WE have intimated our conjecture concerning the originall of the Laplanders, and more then that it will be hard to produce, there being no sober history which gives testimony in this affair. Negatively we may pass sentence, and conclude they were not Swedes, no People differing more both in constitution of body and mind, in language and habit, or whatever else is taken for a character of likeness, or having the same originall. Neither can any one think that they were ever Russians or Muscovites; seeing they differ as much from them, as from the Swedes. The Russians are generally tall, the Laplanders on the contrary very short; those are fat and corpulent, these lean and slender; those have thick hair, long beards, and good complexions, these wear their hair short and thin, and are dark and swarthy. But most of all the language is different, in which the Laps and Russes have in a manner no kind of agreement. They must then come from their Neighbours, either the Norwegians on the one side, or the Finlanders upon the other. But they could not well be derived from Norway, who are known to have drawn their originall from the Swedes.

It remains therefore that they came from the Finlanders, who have a certain division or allotment called Lappio. But tho we have shewed that the name and originall of this Nation is not taken thence, it is not to be doubted that they are of the race of the Finlanders and Samojedes, and this is the opinion of most learned men, which may be farther proved by many arguments. First the name of both Nations is the same, the Laplanders in their own language being called Sabmi or Same, and the Finlanders Suoni, which two differ only in the Dialect; and there is a tradition that they had both the same Founder Jumi, who could not well have bin the Author of diverse Nations. We may also observe that their languages have much affinity, tho they be not the very same, as shall be proved at large in a particular Chapter. The Finlanders call God Jumala, the Laplanders Ibmel; the Finlanders fire, Tuli, the Laplanders Tollet; they call a hill Wuori, these Warra, and so they agree in many other words. Besides they have bodies and habits alike, both their limbs well set, black hair, broad faces, and stern countenances, and whatever else they have different is very small, or may easily proceed from their diet or Clime, in which they live. Their clothes too are not much unlike; for if we compare the Picture of an ancient Finlander, as it still remains in the Church of Storekyr in Ostrobothnia, where the daughter of Bishop Henry was drawn at large, with that of a Laplander in Chapt. XVII, it will appear there is no great difference between them. Lastly they agree in disposition and humor: they are both much given to laziness at home, unless when necessity urges them to work; both unmoveable from their purpose, both superstitious and lovers of Magick. And therefore Ol. Magn. saies of them both, that they were so skilfull Magicians in the time of their Paganism as if they had had Zoroaster himself for their teacher. In a word whatever Tacitus saies of the Finlanders, now holds true of the Laplanders, that they have neither weapons, horses, nor houshold gods, they live upon herbs, are cloth'd with skins, lie upon the ground, putting all their confidence in arrows, which they head with bones for want of iron. Both the men and women support themselves by hunting, and they have no other defence for their Children against the violence of wild beasts or weather, but Huts or hurdles, which are the security of the old men as well as young. And the same Description which Saxo gives of these, belongs as well to the Laplanders, that they are the farthest People towards the North, living in a Clime almost inhabitable, good archers and hunters, wanderers, and of an uncertain habitation; where ever they kill a beast making that their mansion, and they slide upon the snow in broad wooden shoes. Besides all this, the Norwegians and Danes call the Laplanders Fenni, as may be seen in Petr. Claud, where he divides the Finlanders into Siofinnar, i. e. maritime Finlanders, and Lappefinner, i. e. Lappfinlanders, the same with the Laplanders. This may be collected too from the Russians calling them not only Loppifi but Kajenni, the original of which name can be no other but that they esteem them to be the Cajani, of which name there is a Province now in Finland called Cajania the great.

But here some imagine that the Laplanders came not in probability from the Finlanders, because the one are very warlike, the other cowards, these fat and corpulent, those lean and meager. But this doth not at all invalidate our arguments; for every one knows that diet will much alter the habit of the body, and the Finlanders have plenty of good nourishing meat, of which the Laplanders are quite destitute. And for the Finlanders courage in war, heretofore they were not so notable for it, for Tacitus saies they had neither arms nor horses, by which he implies they knew not at all what belonged to war. Neither are they very expert at it yet, for by daily experience 'tis found when they are likely to be prest for Soldiers they hide themselves, and by all means decline employment, therefore they are not warlike from their nature, but from their discipline and arts, and in their natural temper they differ not much from the Laplanders. But what need we go about to prove this by so many arguments, when they confess themselves they are originally sprung from the Finlanders, and still keep a list of the Captains that first led them forth into Lapland, of whom Mieschogieschc is the chief. The same is confirm'd by Andr. Andresonius who lived there, and learn't it from them, only he said Thinns-Kagreh was the chief Captain, and so doth Zachr. Plantin. But whatever is said of either of these two Captains, we are not to imagine that they brought the first Plantation of Laplanders into this Country, for 'tis not probable they should so long remember their names, who must have lived before Saxo, for he mentions this Country, and lived about 480 years before us, at which time the Finlanders themselves scarce know what was done, much less the Laplanders. And this the name Thinns doth some thing prove, which none shall perswade me to be an old Finland word, for it is the same with the Swedes Thinnius, and the Dutch Thinius, i. e. Antonius, and that the word Antonius was known to the Finlanders before Christ no man will suspect. The same may be said concerning the pretended occasion of the Colony of Finlanders setling in Lapland; for they themselves say, that they left Brokarla and Rengoarvis, because they were opprest with taxes and pitcht first in a wood in Ostrobothnia called Tavastia near the Sadie bay. But all this as hath bin shew'd the very name of Lappi, which signifies banish't persons, sufficiently confutes. Plantin and Peter Nieuren pretend that though the Laplanders voluntarily removed to Tavastia, they were forc't to their present habitation: for the Natives of Tavastia, griev'd to see them in a flourishing condition, wearing rich clothes, faring deliciously, and abounding in all manner of wealth, chose them a Captain called Matthias Turk, and with a great number invaded their quarters, killing and plundering all they met with, not desisting till they had quite drove them as far as the Rivers Kim and Torne: and not long after perceiving they lived too happily there, they set upon them the second time, dealing so cruelly with them, that leaving their Cattel they were forc't to fly into those barren Countries they now inhabit, carrying with them only their nets. Plantin adds further that Andr. Andresonius affirms he saw some ancient letters, in which mention was made of Kurk, a Governour of the Laplanders: but as for his other name of Matthias, it is plain it was posterior to Christianity, since which time if we should imagine the Laplanders first to have come into these parts, we must also suppose the Country to have bin till then uninhabited, whereas we have all reason to believe that the Biarmi and Scridfinni lived here before Christ, the latter of which seem by their name to have bin only a Colony sent out of Finland; and mention is made of Finlanders in these parts in the time of Harald the fair, or Harfager King of Norway, and his Son Ericus Bodfexe, who lived long before the times of Christianity, and went down into Finmark and Biarmia, and obtained a great victory over them. Now if he went by Sea Northwards of Norway to come to Finmark, Finmark then must have bin near Norway, as lying North of it near the Sea, that is the same Country that is now named Finmark, which because then inhabited by Finlanders, as appears by the name, it is not to be believed that it was first possess'd by the Laplanders that were drove out of South-Bothnia by Matthias Turk. Neither are they called Lappi from being driven out then, for they were so called in Saxo's time, and there is little reason to believe that Matthias Turk's expedition was before him, especially from that inscription which mentions Turk, since that in those times they knew not so much of writing as to record any thing in it.

Wherefore we must find out some better authority to confirm to us the originall of the Lapps, for we may believe that the Finlanders more then once march't out into Lapland, which is evident from the several names of their leaders, whom some called Thinns-Fogre, others Mieschogieschc. The first and most ancient is that from whence the Biarmi took their originall, whom I conclude to have descended from the Finlanders, from calling their Gods by Finlandish names. Besides in their nature and manners they agree with the ancient Finlanders: and lastly are called by all Strangers Scridfinni, i. e. Finlanders going upon frozen snow, which, the ancient knowing none else to go so, took to be the Biarmi. But the name of Biarmi was given them by the Finlanders from their going to dwell upon the Mountains, from the word Varama, which signifies a hilly Country: now because Strangers knew from the Swedes they used wooden shoes to go upon the snow, which by the Swedes are called Att Skriida, not knowing the name Biarmi, they called them Scridfinni: and because the Finlanders and Biarmians were of the same originall, they were often subject to the same Prince, as to Cuso in King Holter's time. What the occasion was of this leaving their Country is yet doubtfull, except it was for fear of the Swedes, who in the reign of King Agnus invaded Frosie King of Finland, and harassed the whole Country. The second time of deserting their Country was when the Russians enlarged their Empire as far as the lake Ladog. For fearing the cruelty of these People they retired into Lapland: which I am apt to beleive because the Russians call them Kienni, as has bin said before from their passage through Cajania into Lapland, which they could not have known but by their own experience; and their wars with them, especially those of Carelia and Cajania, being so ignorant both in history and other Countries, that they scarce know any thing of their own, that is of any antiquity. And this proves what we have said of their second leaving their Country, which was about the sixth age after Christ: and these perhaps are they which are simply called Finni by the Danes, Swedes, and Norwegians, or with the addition of Sie or Field, obsolete words of the Biarmians, because they were more then they in number; especially after Harald Harfager King of Norway, who almost destroyed all the Biarmi in battle. In the meanwhile the Finlanders lay secure in Finmark, and all the Biarmi being extinct, the name of Finni obtained, and the name and credit of the Biarmi was quite abolish't and forgot. And these are all the times they left their Country before they were called Lappi, for till after this they were never called otherwise than Finni, Scritofinni, and Biarmi. But in after ages we find them named Lappones, of whom Adam Bremensis makes no mention who lived in 1077, but Saxo doth, that lived in 1200; and therefore 'tis probable that in that intervall of time, after they were call'd Lappones, they made their third migration. But any one that will examine the histories of that time, will scarce find any thing that should move the Finlanders to leave their Country, as Ericus Sanctus hath made it appear in that Expedition in which he brought them under the Swedish Government, and planted among them the Christian Religion, which he made in the year 1150, when no small number of them the third time seem to have deserted their Country, and gone into Lapland. And the reason is plain, having bin subject'd to Strangers, and forc't to be of a Religion different from that of their Ancestors, which thereupon was hatefull to them, and therefore no wonder some of them sought out a place where they might live free: which is as good a reason too why they were called Lapps by those that stayed, for they submitting to the Swedes, and embracing Christianity, look't upon them as desertors of their Country, whom fear only of a good Government, and better Religion, had made exiles, especially when the King had put forth an Edict that all should be accounted banish't that would not renounce Pagan Superstition; therefore they were justly called Lappi, and care not to hear of the name to this day.

And this is my opinion of their originall and migrations, out of which I shall not be perswaded by those learned men who believe they rather came from the Tartars, for we never read of any of them going into the North. Moreover the Tartars live altogether by war and plunder, whereas the Laplanders live by hunting and grazing, abhorring nothing more than war. Besides the chief delight of the Tartars is in having many stately Horses, of which the Lapps are so ignorant, that in their whole language they have not a word to signify an Horse: the language also of the two Nations is so different that one cannot possibly be derived from the other. And altho some learned men, who pretend they understood both languages of Finland and Lapland, confidently aver that they are altogether diverse: yet it will be easy to produce diverse men as well skill'd in them, as they that say the contrary. Besides 'tis no consequence because there are a few differences between the Finland and Lapland languages, that they are therefore utterly diverse, when this disagreeing may rather proceed from the length of time than any diversity of the Tongues at first, as we find now many Swedish words that do not at all agree with those now in vogue, which yet do not constitute a new language. And their saying the Laplanders could not come from the Finlanders, because they alwaies hated one another, is of little force, when the reasons of their hatred are enough explained already. But it signifies less that the Finlanders have several Customs and Manners not in use among the Laplanders, as the way of building houses, &c. for these were to accommodate themselves to the nature of the place whither they came, and to forget those things which would not be of any use to them. And moreover, there remains still a memoriall of those that came out of Finland, where they first sate down in the woods of Tavastia, near a Lake which they call Lappiakairo, that is the Fountain of the Laplanders, who when their necessary food grew scarce, went further up into the Desarts, and the Finlanders pursuing them in Tavastia, they retreated to the Bothnick bay, where they might be more safe, and have more conveniences for living: and this is that migration yet in memory which Plantin speaks of, viz. that the Laplanders lived here for an age, or more, till the time of King Magn. Ladulaos, An. 1272, who to get them under his subjection promised any one that could effect it the Government of them, which the Birkarli, i. e. those that lived in the allotment or division of Birhala, undertook; and having for a great while cunningly insinuated themselves into them, under a pretence of friendship, at last set upon them unawares, and quite subdued them. But before this they were infested by the Tavastii under the command of Kurk, which if we would strictly examine, we should find it of later date than about Christ's time, contrary to some mens opinions. As it happens in things that are taken upon trust, the Laplanders confound the more modern with the ancient, making but one history of all that happen'd in the distinct times of Ericus Sanctus, Magnus Ladulaos, with some other Kings before and after, and that so confused and lame, that it is hard for any one to understand. Plantin mentions at large one Matthias, Captain of the Finlanders, when they subdued and drove out the Laplanders into the furthest and most desolate place of the North, whom some think to be a noble Family of the Turks in Finland, and that he ceased not, by frequent inroads upon them, to molest them, till they promised to pay him yearly tribute, which he at length, weary of the long and tedious journey, exchanged with some of Birkarla in Tavastia for a part of Finland, whence followed what is most true that the Laplanders to the year 1554 paid annuall tribute to the Birkarli, besides whom it was not lawfull for any others to trade with them. There are those now living who say they have seen the letters and conditions of the Kurks kept in Sirknees, an allotment of Lulelapmark, by one Jo. Nilson. Which things are so far from being immediately after the birth of Christ, that they may far more probably be thought to have bin since Mag. Ladulaos, unless we can imagine that Petr. by his Tavastii and Bureus by Birkarli meant the same people, since there were other Birkarli inhabitants of Tavastia, who chose them a Captain named Turk, under whom they drove out the Laplanders out of the borders of the Eastern Bothnia, and made them tributary; and the letter which Petr. ascribes to Turk, is that in which Ladulaos had granted the Birkarli the priviledge to receive tribute of the Lapps, and of trafficking with them, for it is not probable that Kurk, though he was their chosen Captain, was to have all the benefit of the Laplanders to himself, so as by contract to transfer to the Birkarli his right. For the Tavastii were either a free People, and so shared among one another whatever they got, or else under some Prince, and so could not give another what was not their own, but their Masters. Besides if they did give Kurk any thing, as some Villages or the like, it was not from any bargain that they were to receive in lieu thereof tribute from the Laplanders, but as a reward to himself for his pains and conduct in the war. But whatever may be said of Turk and the Tavastii, 'tis certain the Laplanders never came originally from the Russians, nor as others think from the Tartars, but from the Finlanders, having bin driven out of their Country, and forc't to change their habitations often, till at length they fixt in this Land where they now live: and that Country, which from the remove of its inhabitants was called Lapland, had the same name continued by the Swedes, who had conquered the greatest part thereof. For after the Swedes had learnt from the Finlanders that they were called Lapps, they also gave them the same name, then the Danes took it up: then Saxo, afterwards Ziegler, then Dam. Goes, who had the account which he gives of the Laplanders from Ol. and Joh. Magn. and so at last all the Country was call'd Lapland from the Bay of Bothnia Northwards, especially after it was made subject to the Swedes, except only that part which lies on the Coasts of Norway, which retained its antient name of Finland; as also that part towards the white Sea, called by the Muscovites Cajanica, altho these sometimes call the inhabitants Loppi, which without doubt they took from their neighbours the Finlanders.

Chapter X. Of the heathenish Gods of the Laplanders, and their manner of worship at this day.

WE have shewed in the foregoing Chapter that there were three principal Gods worshipped by the Laplanders; the first is Thor, signifying thunder, in the Swedish Dialect called Thordoen, by the Laplanders themselves Tiermes, that is any thing that makes a noise, agreeing very well with the notion the Romans had of Jupiter the thunderer, and the God Tarami, which I have treated of in the History of Upsal. This Tiermes or thunder they think by a special virtue in the Sky to be alive; intimating thereby that power from whence thunder proceeds, or the thundering God, wherefore he is by them called Aijeke, which signifies grand, or great-grand-Father, as the Romans saluted their father Jupiter; and the Swedes their Gubba. This Aijeke when he thunders is by the Laplanders call'd Tiermes, by the Scythians Tarami, and by the Swedes Tor or Toron. This Tiermes or Aijeke the Laplanders suppose to have power over the life and death, health and sickness of man: and also over the hurtfull Demons who frequent Rocks and Mountains, whom he often chastises, and sometimes destroies with his lightning, as the Latins fanci'd their Jupiter to do, for which end they give him a bow in his hand to shoot the Demons with, which they call Aijeke duuge: also they give him a mallet, which they call Aijeke Wetschera, to dash out the brains of the said evil spirits. Wherefore because the Laplanders expect so many blessings from their Tiermes and believe he bestows life on them, and preserves their health, and that they cannot die unless it be his plesure, and drives away the Demons, which are prejudicial to their hunting, fowling, and fishing, and never hurts them but when their offences deserve it; therefore he is to be worshipped in the first place.

The next of the principal Gods is Storjunkare, which tho it be a Norwegian word, Junkare in that language signifying the Governor of a Province, yet is it used by the Laplanders now; tho perhaps it was not in use till some of them became subjects to Norway. Certain it is, that this is not the only name of that God, for he is also called Stourra Pase (i.e.) Great Saint, as appears by a Hymn which is sung at his Sacrifices. His name they reverence very much, and pay him frequenter, if not greater devotion then other Gods, for they suppose him to be their Tiermes his Lieutenant, and as it were Royal Prefect, adding Staere, which signifys greater for distinction sake. Now they worship Storejunkar, because they think that they receive all their blessings thro his hands, and that all beasts and Cattel are subject to his will, and that he governs them as Tiermes doth men and spirits; wherefore he can give them to whom he will, and none can receive them without his pleasure. These beasts therefore supplying the Laplanders with meat and clothes, it may easily be imagined how necessary they held it to worship Storjunkare. And these are the two peculiar Gods of the Laplanders, whereof one hath the dominion over men, the other over beasts; one bestows life, the other all things required to the sustaining of it. Tornaeus saies they report of him that he hath often appeared to Fowlers or Fishers in the shape of a tall personable man, habited like a Nobleman, with a Gun in his hand, and his feet like those of a bird. As often as he appears standing on the shore, or in the ship by them, they say he makes their fishing successfull, and kills birds that happen to fly by with his Gun, which he bestows upon those that are present. It is reported that a Laplander being to guide one of the Kings Lieutenant, when he came over against a mountain where Storejunkar was supposed to dwell, he stood still, and setting the helve of his Ax down upon the Ice, turned it round, professing that he did it in honor of their munificent God, who dwelt there. And tho there is mention made but of one mountain where the Laplander performed this ceremony, yet we may suppose he would have don it oftner, if there had happened to be more hills in the way. But perhaps this distinction of name is used by the Laplanders which border upon Norway, especially in Lulelapmark, from his habit and clothing; and because he used to appear in another dress to them of Lapponia Kiemensis and Tornensis, therefore they did not worship him under that name, but by the common appellation of Seita, from whom they believed that they receive the benefits of hunting, fishing, and fowling.

I come now to the Sun, their third God, which is common to them with all other Pagans, him they call Bairve, and worship him chiefly for his light and heat: also because they believe him to be the Author of Generation, and that all things are made by his means, especially their Rain-dears, of whom and their young they think he hath a particular care to cherish them by his heat, and bring them suddenly to strength and maturity. And being they live in a cold Country where their native heat is diminish'd, and often wholly extinguish'd, being they have nothing to sustain themselves with but the flesh of Rain-deer, they think it very fit to pay the Sun very great honors, who is the Author of so great blessings to them, and who at his return restores them that light which they lost by his departure, and that not for a day or two, but for several weeks, which being past, the new day seems more welcom to them, by reason of long absence.

To every one of these principal Gods they pay a several sort of worship, which consists first in the diversity of places dedicated to their service, next in the diversity of images erected to them in these places; lastly, in the diversity of Sacrifices which they offer to them. The place where they worship their Thor or Tiermes is a piece of ground set apart for this superstition, on the backside of their Huts, above a bows shoot off; there upon boards set together like a table they place their images. This table serves them instead of an Altar, which they surround with bows of birch and pine; with the same bows also they strew the way from their Huts to the Altar: and as the table serves them for an Altar, so do the bows for a Temple. The same account, only omitting the table, doth Tornaeus give of the Tornenses and Kiemenses worshipping of Seita, so that they may seem to be one and the same God: unless his description should be appli'd to Storjunkar rather, because he mentions Lakes to be the place of his worship; which was proper to Storjunkar, as shall be shewn. But I suppose the Seitas were worshipped in other places as well as Lakes, and so they signifi'd both Gods under one name, and that Tornaeus was not so curious as to distinguish between them. In the same place where they worshipp'd Tiermes they worshipp'd the Sun also, and upon the same table too, which makes me suspect that they were but one God; whom they called Tiermes when they invok'd him in the behalf of their lives, healths, or preservation from Demons, and Bairve when they beg'd of him light or warmth, or anything that might fortify them against the cold. But the place where Storjunkar was worshipped, was upon some peculiar mountains, and on the banks of Lakes: for almost every family hath its particular rocks and hills appointed for this business. Some of these rocks are so high and craggy that they are impassable to any but Storjunkar. But it must not be supposed he lives only in rocks and cliffs of mountains, but also on the shores of Lakes and banks of Rivers, for there also he is peculiarly worshipped because the Laplanders have observed the same apparitions in these places, that they usually do upon rocks and hills, namely Storjunkar habited and armed according to the description already given, by which his presence they think he testifies his great love for those places, which therefore they have in great veneration, and call them Vassewara, i. e. Sacred mountains, or rocks belonging to Storjunkar, supposing they cannot pay their devotion to him in any place better, or be surer of finding him, then where he himself appears. To these places they allot their certain bounds and confines, that all people may know how far the sanctified ground reaches, and avoid those evils, which otherwise Storejunkar would certainly inflict upon them for violating his holy place. Now since every family, that is given to this superstition hath its peculiar place of worship, it is manifest that there is good store of them throughout Lapland. Sam. Rheen reckons up thirty of them in the Province of Luhla.

The first by the River Waikijaur, about a mile from the Laplandish Church called Jochmochs.

The second by the hill Piednackjvari about half a mile farther from the said Church.

The third in an Island of the River Porkjaur, a mile and half off the River.

The fourth on the top of a very high hill, which they call Ackiakikvari, i. e. Fathers or Thors hill, 5 miles beyond Jochmoch, near Yorkjaur.

The 5th near the Lake Skalkatreesk, 8 miles from the aforesaid place.

The 6th at a Cataract of Muskfiummokke, 11 miles off.

The 7th on the top of an high hill Skjerphi.

The 8th on the top of the hill Jiackeli.

The 9th at the hill Haoraoaos.

The 10th at the top of a high hill Casa, near a little Lake called Salbut.

The 11th on a hill half a mile from Wallamri.

The 12th on the top of a prodigious hill called Darrawaori, 2 miles from the aforesaid place.

The 13th near Kiedkjewari. The 14th at a place called Nobbel, near a Lake by Wirrijaur.

The 15th at the Lake Kaskajaur.

The 16th at the hill Enudda towards Norway.

The 17th at the hill Rarto, near the same place.

The 18th in an Island of the Lake Luhlatrask, called Hkrtffoulos.

The 19th on a high mountain towards Norway called Skjpoiwe.

The 20th at the Lake Saitvo.

The 21st at Ollapasli, a bay of the Lake Stoor Luhlatrask.

The 22nd at the Lake Lugga.

The 23rd on the hill Kierkowari.

The 24th on the hill Kautom Jaurlti.

The 25th at the Cataract Sao.

The 26th on the top of a high hill called Kaisyjki.

The 27th at the Lake Zyggtrask.

The 28th at the hill Piouki.

The 29th in an Island of the Lake Waikejautr called Lusbyshoulos.

The 30th in a mountain near the River Julto called Wariduth.

Neither are these all the places in the Country that are dedicated to this use, but there are several others which the Idolatrous People endeavour to conceal, that they may avoid the suspicion of this impiety and their deserved punishment. But in other parts of Lapland the number is far greater as may be easily understood; and therefore I shall not tire the Reader with a recitall of them. For all these places they have a high esteem, whether dedicated to Thor, the Sun, or Storjunkar, so that they exclude all women from them, not permitting them so much as to go behind the house where Thor is worshipped, and prohibiting all marriageable women to come near the borders of Storjunkars consecrated hills: and the reason is because they think that Sex, especially at that age, not pure enough for those devotions, but not knowing who are pure and who are not, to prevent all danger they prohibite the whole Sex, who if they transgress herein, they must expect many misfortunes to befall them, and perhaps death it self.

I come now to the Images of their Gods, for with these they used to honour them. Thor's image was alwaies made of wood, wherefore he is called by them Muora Jubmel, i. e. the wooden God. And because in Lapponia Tornensis, as well as in other places they make their Gods of wood, it is very probable that they worship Tiermes, tho they call him Seita. Of this wood, which is alwaies Birch, they make so many Idols as they have Sacrifices, and when they have done they keep them in a cave by some hill side. The shape of them is very rude, only at the top they are made to represent a mans head, according to the description of Matthias Steuchius, which he relates from his Father, who was Superintendent of Hernosandensis, and had the oversight of all things relating to Piety and Religion in most parts of Lapland. Of the root of the tree they make the head, and of the trunk the body of the image: for those Birches which grow in fenny grounds have usually their roots growing round, and from them there shoot out other little roots, so that it is easily fitted to the shape of a mans head. Now to manifest this to be Thor, they put a hammer into his right hand, which is as it were his ensign by which he is known. Into his head they drive a nail of Iron or Steel, and a small piece of flint to strike fire with, if he hath a mind to it. Tho I rather suppose it was first used to be an emblem of fire, which together with the Sun they worshipped in Thor.

But tho they usually make them in this shape, yet there are some, especially in Lapponia Tornensis, who worship a meer stump. They have no Image of the Sun, either because he is conspicuous enough of himself, or because in the mystery of their Religion he is the same with Thor: but Storjunkar is represented with a Stone, as is clearly proved by several Writers, and easily deduced from others. The form of this Stone (if we will believe Ol. Petr. Neuren) was like a Bird; Samuel Rheen saies it sometimes represents a man, and sometimes some other creature. The truth is its shape is so rude, that they may sooner fancy it like something themselves, then perswade other People that it is so. In the mean time their fancy is so strong, that they really believe it represents their Storjunkar, and worship it accordingly. Neither do they use any art in polishing it, but take it as they find it upon the banks of Lakes and Rivers. In this shape therefore they worship it, not as tho it were so made by chance, but by the immediate will and procurement of their god Storjunkar, that it might be sacred to him. Thus they erect it as his image, and call it Kied Kit Jubmel, i. e. the Stone God. The rudeness of these Images gave Tornaeus occasion to deny that they had any shape at all, only made rough and hollow by the falling of Water upon them, tho their hallowness without doubt occasioned the Laplanders fancy of their likeness to something: but he confesses that in an Island made by a Cataract of the River Tornatraesk called Diorsi, there are found Seita just in the shape of a man, one of them very tall, and hard by 4 others something lower, with a kind of Cap on their heads. But because the passage into the Island is dangerous by reason of the Cataract, the Laplanders are forc't to desist from going to that place, so that it is impossible now to know how those Stones are worshipped, or how they came there. These Stones are not set up by themselves, but lie 3 or 4 together, according as they find them; the first of which they honor with the title of Storjunkar, the second they call Aste, or Storjunkers wife; the third his Son or Daughter, and the rest his Servants. And this they do because they would not have their Storjunkar, who is Thors Viceroy, in a worse condition then other Roial Prefects, whom they usually see thus accompanied by their Wives and Children, and Attendants.

I come now to their Sacrifices and other Ceremonies used to their Gods. First it is observable that they are performed only by men, all women being excluded; they esteeming it as great a crime for a woman to offer Sacrifice as to frequent the consecrated places. They never offer Sacrifice till they have enquired of their God whether he will accept it or no. This they do with a certain instrument which they call Kannus, not unlike the old fashioned Drums, from whence they are usually called Laplandish Drums, and shall be exactly described hereafter. This Drum being beaten, and some Songs sung, they bring the designed Sacrifice to Thor, who if he signifies by a ring in the Drum that the Sacrifice is pleasing to him, they fall presently to work: otherwise they carry it to the Sun, and so to Storjunkar, till one of them will accept of it. The manner of it is thus. They pull off some of the hair at the bottom of the beasts neck, and bind it to a ring which is fastned to the Drum, then one of them beats the Drum, and all the rest sing these words, What sayst thou O Great and Sacred God, dost thou accept this Sacrifice, which we design to offer unto thee? And while they chant these words, they repete the name of the mountain where they are: then if the ring rests on that part of the Drum where the God is pictured, they take it for granted that the God is pleased, and so proceed to the Ceremony; or else they carry the Sacrifice to Thor and use the like form of words. Father God will you have my Sacrifice. Peucer either thro false intelligence, or misapprehension, relates this business something differently: they have (saies he) a brazen Drum whereon they paint several sorts of Beasts, Birds, and Fishes, such as they can easily procure: bolt upright upon this Drum they fix an iron pearch, upon which stands a brazen Frog, which, at the beating of the Drum falls down upon some of the pictures, and that creature whose picture the Frog touches, they Sacrifice. Their usual sacrifices are Rain-dears, tho sometimes they use other creatures, as Dogs, Cats, Lambs and Hens, which they fetch out of Norway. The third thing observable is that they offer their Sacrifices usually in the Autumn, because, I suppose, the Winter and night being at hand they think they have more need of their Gods assistance, which may probably be the reason too why every year about that time they make a new image for Thor, which is alwaies don 11 daies before Michaelmas. And thus they consecrate it, first they sacrifice the Rain-dear, then taking out his bones they anoint the Idol with the blood and fat, and bury the flesh and bones under ground. Besides this Idol they erect one to him every time they sacrifice, and then they place them all one by another upon a table behind their Hut. First when the God hath approved of the Sacrifice, which is usually a Buck to Thor, they bind it behind the house, then with a sharp knife they run him thro the heart, and gather the heart-blood, wherewith they anoint the Idol, into a vessel. After that having placed the images right, and adorned the table, they approach reverently to it, anoint the head and back all over with the blood, but on his breast they only draw several Crosses. Behind him they place the skull, feet, and horns of the sacrificed Dear; before him they place a Coffer made of the bark of Birch, into which they put a bit of every member of the Rain-dear, with some of the fat; and the rest of the flesh they convert to their private uses. This is the manner of the Laplanders sacrificing to Thor.

But when they offer Sacrifice to Storjunkar, which is likewise a male Dear, then first they run a red thred thro his right ear, and bind him, and sacrifice him in the place they did that to Thor, preserving the blood likewise in a vessel. Then he who performs the Ceremony takes the horns and the bones of the head and neck, with the feet and hoofs, and carries them to the mountain of that Storjunkar, for whom the Sacrifice was designed. When he comes near the sacred Stone, he reverently uncovers his head, and bows his body, paying all the ceremonies of respect and honor. Then he anoints the Stone with the fat and blood, and places the horns behind it. Unto the right horn they ty the Rain-dears yard, and to the left some red thred wrought upon tin with a little piece of silver. The same rites that are observed to Storjunkar are also used to Seita, to whom the Laplanders usually sacrifice upon Holydaies, or after some loss or misfortune. Then making their Praiers and Devotions to the Idol in their best clothes, they offer him all manner of oblations, and the choicest parts of the Rain-dear, as the flesh, fat, skin, bones, horns, and hoofs, whereof there are great heaps to be seen at this day where Seita was worshipped. The horns are found placed one above another, in the fashion of a fence to the God, which is therefore by the Laplanders called Tiorvoigardi, that is a Court fenced with horns, which are sometimes above a thousand in number. Before these horns they used to hang a garland made of Birch tree, stuck about with bits of flesh cut from every member of the sacrifice. This I suppose first caused the mistake of those who reported that the Laplanders worshipped the horns of Rain-dears. All the flesh that remains of the sacrifice the Laplanders spend in their houses: and this is the ordinary way of sacrificing to Storjunkar.

Two other methods there are but less used; one when they bring the sacrifice alive to the hill where the Idol is placed: another when they would do so, but cannot climb the hill where Storjunkar is by reason of its steepness. For the first they kill the sacrifice hard by the Idol, and when they have performed the usual ceremonies, they presently boil the flesh in the place, especially that about the head and neck, and invite their friends to the eating of it. This they call Storjunkar's Feast, and when they have done they leave the skin behind them. This is not used in all Storjunkars hills, but only in some peculiar place where he hath manifested to them that he will be worshipped so. The other way of sacrificing is when the hill is so craggy that they cannot ascend it with their sacrifice, then they throw up a stone to the top of the mountain, which they dip in the blood and go away, as having paid their devotion. But as (besides the sacrifice) they once a year honour Thor with a new Image; so do they Storjunkar with fresh bows twice every year. The first time in Summer with birch and grass; next in Winter with pine. The same also Tornaeus reports of the Seitas. Then it is they seek whether their God be favorable and propitious to them or no: for when they go to strow the bows and grass under him, if the stone proves light, they hope he will be kind; but if it be something heavier then ordinary, they suspect he is angry with them, and immediately to reconcile him they devote some oblations to him. And thus are Peucerus his words to be understood: when the Laplanders (saies he) go a hunting or fishing, or upon any other enterprise, they try their success by the weight of their God, who if he is easily moved, they take it for granted that he approves of their design; if hardly, then he dislikes it; but if he be unmoveable then they suppose him offended with them. This is not to be understood of all their affairs, but only when they lay fresh straw under him, for at other times they enquire his pleasure with a drum, of which I have already spoken.

It remains now that we treat of the sacrifices used to the Sun, these are young Rain-dears, and those not bucks but does: the rites are most of them the same with those already mentioned; only instead of a red string thro the right ear of Storjunkars sacrifice, they run a white one thro the Suns; then they make a garland, not of birch, but willow, about as big as the hoop of an Hogshead. This they place upon a table behind the Hut where they sacrifice to Thor, not upon the same table, but one like it. And this sacrifice differs from the other in that there are neither images erected here, nor horns, the beasts being not come to their growth. But that there may be some resemblance of the Sun, they place the chief bones of the sacrifice upon the table in a circle.

Besides these three principal Gods they have some petty ones, as the Manes or Ghosts, and the Juhli or Troops. They have no particular names for the Ghosts, but call them all Sine: neither do they erect them images as they do to Thor and Storjunkar; only they offer them some certain sacrifices. At which time their first business is to enquire the will of the dead, whether it please him to be worshipt with that kind of sacrifice, in these words, Maijke werro sab mike sine, O you Manes what will you have? Then they beat the drum, and if the ring falls upon any creature there pictured they take it for the sacrifice which the ghost desires; they then run thro his ear, or, as others say, ty about his horns a woollen black thred. Having performed the sacrifice, they spend all the flesh upon their own uses; except a bit of the heart, and another of the lungs; each of which they divide into three parts, and fasten them upon as many sticks, which they dip in the blood of the sacrifice, and so bury them in a kind of Chest made in the form of a Laplandish Dray, as they do the bones of all other sacrifices. But of this I shall speak more at large when I come to their funeral rites, where the same things are likewise used. I shall only add that these rites are still observed in Lapland by all that are superstitiously given.

The Juhli, whom they call Juhlafalket, as I said of the ghosts, have no statues nor images; the manner of worshipping them is in this sort. The day before the festival, which is Christmas day, they abstain from all flesh; and of every thing that they eat, they take a little piece and preserve it very carefully, which they do likewise the next day. In their feasting, the bits which they have gathered in these two days they put into a chest, made of the bark of Birch, in the fashion of a Boat with sails and oars, together with some fat of the pottage, and hang it upon a tree behind the Hut, about a bows shot off, for the Juhli to feast on, whom they then suppose to wander in troops in the Air, thro woods and mountains; a ceremony not unlike to the ancient libations to the Genii. But why they do this in a Boat they can give no reason: but we may conjecture that hereby is intimated how the knowledg of Christ's birth (declared by the company of Angels, which as I have shewed already was the meaning of these Juhli) was brought by Christians, who came to them in Boats. So much of the Laplanders Idolatry and Superstition, which remains to this day amongst many of them, as is found by daily experience.

Chapter XI. Of the magicall Ceremonies of the Laplanders.

IT hath bin a received opinion among all that did but know the name of the Laplanders, that they are People addicted to Magic, wherefore I thought fit to discourse next of this, as being one of the greatest of their impieties that yet continues among them. And that this opinion may seem to be grounded upon some autority, they are described both by ancient and modern Writers, to have arrived to so great skill in enchantments, that among several strange effects of their art, they could stop ships when under full sail. This judgement of the Historians concerning the Laplanders is no less verified also of the Biarmi their predecessours. So that we may justly suppose both of them to have descended from the same original: for the Biarmi were so expert in these arts that they could either by their looks, words, or some other wicked artifice, so ensnare and bewitch men, as to deprive them of the use of limbs and reason, and very often bring them into extreme danger of their lives. But tho in these latter times they do not so frequently practise this, and dare not profess it so publicly as before, being severely prohibited by the King of Sweden; yet there are still many that give themselves wholly unto this study. But if we enquire into the motives and reasons hereof, this, formerly mentioned, seems the principal, that every one thinks it the surest way to defend himself from the injuries and malicious designs of others: for they commonly profess that their knowledge in these things is absolutely necessary for their own security. Upon which account they have Teachers and Professors in this science: and parents in their last will bequeath to their children, as the greatest part of their estate, those spirits and devils that have bin any waies serviceable to them in their life time. Sturlesonius writes of Gunilda, a maid, that was sent by her father Odzor Huide, who dwelt in Halogaland, to Motle King of Finlapland in Norway, to be instructed in this art. Where he gives an account also of two other Finlanders, and the great knowledg they attained to in this profession. But it is very seldom that the parents themselves are not so learned, as to perform the duty, and save the expences of a tutor. Thus they become famous in these studies, especially when they happen to be apt Schollars. For as the Laplanders do not all agree in the same disposition, so neither do they arrive to the same perfection in this art. For some are so stupid and dull, that however they may seem qualified for other emploiments, they prove altogether unfit for this.

As to the bequeathing their familiars to their Children, they suppose it the only means to raise their family; so that they excell one another in this art, according to the largeness of the legacies they receive. From hence it is manifest, that each house hath peculiar spirits, and of different and quite contrary natures from those of others. And not only each distinct family, but single persons in them also have their particular spirits, sometimes one, two, or more, according as they intend to stand on the defensive part, or are maliciously inclined and design to be upon the offensive: so that there are a set number of obsequious spirits, beyond which none hath. But however some of these will not engage themselves without great solicitation, and earnest entreaties, when others more readily profer themselves to litle children, when they find them fit for their turn, so that diverse of the Inhabitants are almost naturally Magicians. For when the devil takes a liking to any person in his infancy, as a fit instrument for his designs, he presently seizes on him by a disease, in which he haunts them with several apparitions, from whence according to the capacity of his years and understanding he learns what belongs to the art. Those which are taken thus a second time see more visions, and gain greater knowledg. If they are seized a third time, which is seldom without great torment, or utmost danger of their life, the devil appears to them in all his shapes, by which they arrive to the very perfection of this art; and become so knowing, that without the Drum they can see things at greatest distances, and are so possessed by the devil, that they see them even against their will. For example, not long since a certain Lap, who is yet alive, upon my complaint against him for his Drum, brought it to me; and confest with tears, that tho he should part with it, and not make him another, he should have the same visions he had formerly: and he instanc't in my self, giving me a true and particular relation of whatever had happened to me in my journy to Lapland. And he farther complained, that he knew not how to make use of his eies, since things altogether distant were presented to them.

As for the art, it is, according to the diversity of the instruments they make use of in it, divided into two parts: one comprehends all that to which their Drum belongs, the other those things to which knots, darts, spells, conjurations, and the like refer. First concerning the drum, as being peculiar to the Laplanders; and called by them Kannus, or Quobdas; it is made out of a hollow piece of wood, and must either be of pine, fir, or birch tree, which grows in such a particular place, and turns directly according to the Suns course; which is, when the grain of the wood, running from the bottom to the top of the tree, winds it self from the right hand to the left. From this perhaps they believe this tree very acceptable to the Sun, which under the image of Thor they worship with all imaginable devotion. The piece of wood they make it of, must be of the root cleft asunder, and made hollow on one side, upon which they stretch a skin: the other side, being convex, is the lower part, in which they make two holes, where they put their fingers to hold it. The shape of the upper side is oval, in diameter almost half an ell, very often not so much; it is like a kettle drum, but not altogether so round, nor so hollow; neither is the skin fastned with little iron screwes, but wooden pegs. I have seen some sowed with the sinews of Rain-dears. Olaus termed the drum very improperly an anvil, tho I believe he only meant by this a drum, as will appear hereafter. This perhaps made the Engraver mistake, who made a Smith's anvil for it, placing a Serpent and a frog upon it, with a Smith's hammer by. The Laplanders use only a drum, which perhaps because they beat it with a hammer, was by Olaus called an anvil. They paint upon the skin several pictures in red, stained with the bark of an Alder tree. They draw near the middle of the drum several lines quite cross, upon these they place those Gods, to whom they pay the greatest worship, as Thor the chief God, with his attendance, and Storjunkar with his: these are drawn on the top of the line; after this they draw another line parallel to the former, only half cross the drum, on this stands the image of Christ with some of his Apostles. Whatever is drawn above these two lines represents birds, Stars, and the Moon; below these they place the Sun, as middlemost of the Planets, in the very middle of the drum, upon which they put a bunch of brazen rings when they beat it. Below the Sun they paint the terrestrial things, and living creatures; as Bears, Wolves, Rain-dears, Otters, Foxes, Serpents; as also Marches, Lakes, Rivers, &c. This is the description of the drum according to Sam. Rheen.

I have observed that severall of their drums have not the same pictures upon them, I have three very different; one, which is here set down marked by the letter B. They are described differently by Tornaeus, in which the figures are distinguished so as to refer to several places, of which there are chiefly three. In the first stands Norland, and other Countries of Sweden, which are placed on the South side of the drum, and are separated by a line from the rest; in this also is contained the next great City, where they transact most; as in the drums made at Tome, or Kiemi, there is drawn the City Tome with the Temple, Priest, and Governour of the Laplanders, and many others with whom they have any concerns: as also the highway that lies betwixt them and Tome, by which they discover when their Priest, or Governour will come; besides other affairs managed in those parts. On the North part, Norway is described with all that is contained in it. In the middle of these two stands Lapland, this takes up the greatest part of the drum: in it are the several sorts of beasts that are in the Countrey; here they picture herds of Rain-dears, Bears, Foxes, Wolves, and all manner of wild beasts, to signifie when, and in what place they may find them. If a tame Rain-dear be lost, how they may get him againe. Whether the Rain-deers young ones will live. Whether their net fishing will be successfull. If sick men will recover, or not. Whether Women great with child shall have a safe delivery. Or such, or such a man will die of such a distemper, or by what other; and other things of the like nature which they are desirous to know. I cannot give an account of the reason for this difference in the drums, unless it is that some of them are made for more malicious designs, others again for each man's private purpose. Upon this account I believe, according to the nature of the business they intend, they add, and blot out, and sometimes wholly change the figures. But that you may the better understand the diversity of the drums, here are two represented to you, both which I had out of the Study of the Chancellour of the Kingdom.

To these I add a fourth, given me by the Illustrious Baron Lieutenant Henry Flemming, mark't with the letter F.

Now there are two things required to fit the drum for use, an Index and a Hammer, that shews among the pictures the thing they enquire after; with this they beat the drum. The Index is the bunch of brazen rings before mentioned. They first place one great ring upon the drum, then they hang severall small ones upon that; the shape of the Index's is very different, for of these I have one made of copper of the bigness of a dollar, with a square hole in the middle, several chains hanging about it instead of rings. Another hath an Alchymy ring, on which a small round plate of copper is hung by little chains. I have seen another also of bone, in the shape of the Greek A, with rings about it; and others of a quite different make. I have described mine under the drums A, and B, by the mark G: but the common sort of rings are of copper, and those upon the Chancellors drums are altogether such. Some Writers call these rings serpents, or brazen frogs, and toads, not that they resemble them, but because by them they signifie these creatures, whose pictures they often use in their conjuring, as supposing them very grateful and acceptable to the Devil. The Laplanders call the Index Arpa, or Gyobdas; and make it indifferently of any sort of metal. The hammer they use in raising their familiars, is not the Smith's; which was the errour of him that drew it in Olaus Magn. but is an instrument belonging only to the Laplanders, and called by a peculiar name by them: it is made of a Rain-deers horn, branching like a fork, this is the head of the hammer, the other part serves for the handle. The instrument is placed under the two drums A. B. with the letter H, with the hammer they beat the drum, not so much to make a noise, as by the drumming to move the ring lying on the skin, so as to pass over the pictures, and shew what they sought after. This is the description of the drum, with all its necessaries as it is used by the Laplanders that are subject to the Swedes; the Finlappers also that are under the Crown of Danemarke, make use of drums something different in fashion from the former; yet however the difference is so small, that I believe their drums are not of a different kind from ours, but made only for some particular uses. I shall give an account of one of those, described in Wormius's Study, who saies that the Laplanders drum, which "they use in their magic, and by beating which they discover those things they desired, is made of an oval piece of wood hollowed, in length a foot, in breadth ten inches; in this they make six holes, and put a handle to it, that they may hold in the left hand, whilst they beat it with the other; upon it they stretch over a skin, painted with diverse rude figures, drawn with blood, or red; upon this lies a piece of brass, in the shape of a Rhomboides, somewhat convexe, about two inches in diameter, in the middle of this, and at each corner hangs a small chain. The instrument, with which they beat the drum, is of bone, six inches long, about the thickness of a little finger, and made much like the Latine T."

This instrument the Laplanders use for diverse designs, and are of opinion that whatever they do it is don by the help of this. For this reason they have it in great esteem and reverence, taking such care in securing it, that they wrap it with the Index, and hammer, up in a Lambskin, and for its greater safety, lay it in some private place. But I think it an errour, to suppose them to lay it in a Lambskin: for it is written in some places Loomskin, which signifies the skin of a bird that lives altogether in the water. They think it so sacred, and holy, that they suffer no maid that is marriageable to touch it; and if they remove it from place to place, they carry it the last of all, and this must be don too only by men; or else they go with it thro some untrod way, that no body may either meet or follow them. The reason they give for their great care in this particular is, because they believe if any one, especially a maid that is marriageable, should follow the same way, they would in three daies time at least fall into some desperate disease, and commonly without any hopes of recovery. This they seem to verifie by many examples, that we may give the more credit to it; and we have the less reason to doubt the truth of this, since the devil severely commands his worship to be observed, and suffers not those rites and customs he hath imposed to be violated, so long as God is pleased to grant him this liberty. Now because it may happen sometimes that a woman may out of necessity be constrained to go that way, by which the drum hath bin carried, the devil is so favorable as to permit it without any danger, upon condition she first offers a brazen ring to the drum.

In the next place, because they believe they can effect very strange things by the drum, we will shew what they are, and the manner used to perform them. These are three, belonging either to their hunting, their sacred affairs, or lastly the enquiring into things far distant. I find four chiefly mentioned by another Writer, the first is, the knowing the state of affairs in forreign Countries. The second, what success their designs in hand will meet. With the third, how to cure diseases. The fourth, what Sacrifices their Gods will be pleased to accept, and what beast each God desires or dislikes most. As to the way in making enquiries, it is not the same among all these artists. But the great thing they generally observe, is, to stretch the skin very stiff, which is don by holding it to the fire. The next is, that they beat not altogether in the same place, but round about the Index; then that they beat softly at first, presently quicker, and continue this till they have effected their intent. The drummer first lifts up the drum by degrees, then beats softly about the Index, till it begins to stirr, and when it is removed some distance from its first place to either side, he strikes harder, till the Index points at something, from whence he may collect what he sought for. They take care also that as well he that beats the drum, as those that are present at the ceremony, should be upon their knees. As to the occasions of their beating thus, the later of those is already discoursed of. Now we proceed to the rest, the first of which is concerning their enquiries into things acted in remote parts. Those who desire to know the condition of their friends, or affairs abroad, whether distant five hundred, or a thousand miles, go to some Laplander, or Finlander skilfull in this art, and present him with a linen garment, or piece of silver, as his reward, for satisfying them in their demands. An example of this nature is to be seen upon record, at Bergen, a famous Market Town in Norway, where the effects of the German Merchants are registred; in this place there was one John Delling, Factor then to a German, to whom a certain Finlapper of Norway came with James Samaousend: of him John Delling enquired about his Master then in Germany; the Finlapper readily consenting to tell him, like a drunken man presently made a great bawling, then reeling and dancing about several times in a circle, fell at last upon the ground, lying there sometime as if he were dead, then starting up on a suddain, related to him all things concerning his Master, which were afterwards found to agree to what he reported. There are many more instances of this kind: the most considerable, is one concerning a Laplander, now living, who gave Tornaeus an account of the Journey he first made to Lapland, tho he had never seen him before that time; which, altho it was true, Tornaeus dissembled to him, least he might glory too much in his devilish practises, and rely upon them, as the only means whereby he might attain to truth. The autority of this man is so considerable, that it may gain credit enough to the Story. As to the method taken in making discoveries, it is very different. Olaus Magnus describes it thus, the drummer goes into some private room, accompanied by one single person, besides his wife, and by beating the drum moves the Index about, muttering at the same time several charms, then presently he falls into an extasie, and lies for a short time as if dead; in the mean while his companion takes great care, that no gnat, flie, or other living creature touch him; for his Soul is carried by some ill Genius into a forreign Countrey, from whence it is brought back with a knife, ring, or some other token, of his knowledg, of what is done in those parts; after this rising up, he relates all the circumstances belonging to the business that was enquired after; and that they may seem certainly so, he shews what he hath brought from thence. Petrus Claudius makes no mention either of the drum, charms, company, or these things he brings with him; but saies he casts himself upon the ground, grows black in the face, lying as if dead for an hour or two; after which, when enquiry is made, and he awakes, he gives a full account of all affairs there.

It is clear from what was said before, that they made use of a drum; and 'tis observed that for this sort of conjuring the lower part of the drum, whereby they hold it, was commonly shaped like a cross. One of this make was given me by the Lord Henry Flemming, Colonel of a foot Regiment in Finland, the Figure of it is in the page foregoing. They hang about it several claws, and bones of the creatures they take. That several persons also, as well men as women, are permitted to be present at this ceremony, is asserted by Sam. Rheen in his history, where he saies that the drummer sings a song, called by them Joiike, and the men and women that are present sing likewise, some in higher, some in lower notes, this they call Duura. Next as to the casting themselves on the ground, there are various relations, some think them not really, but only in appearance dead; others are apt to believe that the soul departs from the body, and after its travell abroad, returns again. But without doubt this is false, for it is impossible, for either man, or devil, to restore the soul to the body it hath once left. So that I believe the devil only stifles the faculties of the soul for a time, and hinders their operations. Now after the drummer falls down, he laies his drum as near as possibly on his head, in this posture.

Those in the mean time that are present, leave not off singing all the time he lies sweating in this agony; which they do not only to put him in mind when he awakes, of the business he was to know; but also that he might recover out of this trance, which he would never do, (as they imagine) if they either ceased singing, or any one stirred him with their hand or foot. This perhaps is the reason why they suffer no flie, or any living creature to touch him; and it is upon this account only that they watch him so diligently, and not out of any fear they have least the devil should take away his body; which opinion of Peucers is altogether false. It is uncertain how long they lye in this manner, but it is commonly according as the place where they make their discovery, is nearer or farther off; but the time never exceeds 24 houres, let the place be at never so great a distance. After he awakes he shews them some tokens to confirm their belief in what he tells them. This is the first and chiefest use they make of the drum.

The next is, how to know the event of their own concerns and what success their hunting will have, or any other business which they undertake, for they seldom venture on any thing, without first consulting that. In order to the knowing this, they place the bunch of rings on the picture of the Sun in the drum; then they beat, singing at the same time; if the rings go round towards the right hand, according to the Suns course, they promise to themselves good health, fortune, and great encrease both of men and beasts; if contrary, towards the left, they expect sickness and all the evils attending on ill success. We may easily ground this opinion of theirs upon the other mentioned above, where they believe the Sun the only Author of all productions. Wherefore when the Index moves according to his motion, it portends prosperity by following his course, from whom they expect all the good they receive. This is the way they take in all their more weighty affairs, as in a journey, hunting, removing their habitations, or any such like thing, of which something before, and more hereafter. Before they hunt they make particular observation which way the Index turns, whether East, West, North, or South; and collect from thence where their game lies. Other things for which the drum is serviceable, are, first, the discovering the nature of diseases, whether they arise from any disorder in the body, or are caused by magic; this being known, then to find the remedy for them, which is commonly by sacrifice to one or other of their angry Gods, but chiefly to Storjunkar, who bears greatest autority among them, and if not appeased, leaves them small hopes of recovery. Wherefore the sick person vows a sacrifice, either of a Rain-deer, Bull, Goat, or Ram, or something of this kind to one of the Storjunkars, that stands upon the mountains. The sacrifice is not left to the disposal of the sick man, but must be made according to the directions of the drummer; for he is supposed to be the only man able to advise them in this case, he first discovers which of the Gods is displeased, and what sort of sacrifice is most acceptable to him, for they refuse several, and the same also at several times. But before the drummer appeases their Gods, they give him a copper and a silver ring, putting them on his right arm, then he begins a song, and beats the drum, and all that are present joyn with him in a Chorus; after this according to the place, to which the Index points, he directs them. These are the things commonly done by the drum. The last thing for which they think it necessary, is, the accomplishing their wicked designs, as impairing mens health, or depriving them of their lives; which is frequently enough practised among them, tho not altogether so publicly as heretofore. Some of them account this only unlawful, and exclude themselves out of the number of those, which use it, thinking the other uses of the drum to consist chiefly in doing good. But however this mischievous Art continues still too much among them. Several inhabitants of the main Lapland were apprehended in the year 1671, with drums, for this purpose so large, that they could not be removed from thence, but were burnt in the place. Among those Laplanders there was one fourscore years of age, that confessed he was bred up in this art from his childhood, who in 1670 upon some quarrell about a pair of mittens, caused a Boor of Istraw to be drowned in a Cataract, for which he was condemned to die, and in order to that was to be carried in chains to the next town in Bothnia, but in the journy he contrived so by his art, that on a suddain, tho he seemed well, and lusty, he died on the sledge, which he had often foretold he would sooner do, then fall into the Executioners hands. As to the ceremonies used in this particular, either in their words, gesture, or any other thing, I can give no account, finding none in those writings, from whence I collected the rest. The reason for this, I suppose, is, because they themselves keep this secret, as the great mystery in their art; or that no one would enquire into them, least they should be thought guilty of this damnable sin.

Having treated largely of the drum, we come to the other parts of this art, to which also belong proper sorts of instruments: the first is a cord tied with knots for the raising of wind. They, as Zeiglers relates it, tye three magical knots in this cord; when they untie the first, there blows a favorable gale of wind; when the second, a brisker; when the third, the Sea and wind grow mighty stormy, and tempestuous. This, that we have reported concerning the Laplanders, is by Olaus Magnus, and justly, related of the Finlanders, who border on the Sea, and sell winds to those Merchants that traffick with them, when they are at any time detained by a contrary one. The manner is thus, they deliver a small rope with three knots upon it, with this caution, that when they loose the first, they shall have a good wind, if the second, a stronger, if the third, such a storm will arise, that they can neither see how to direct the ship, and avoid rocks, or so much as stand upon the decks, or handle the tackling. No other Writers mention this concerning the Laplanders, and I am apt not to think it at all probable, since they live in an inland Country, bordering no where upon the Sea. Wherefore this properly belongs to the Finlappers in Norway. Now those that are skilled in this art, have command chiefly over the winds that blew at their birth; so that this wind obeys principally one man, that another, as if they obtained this power when they first received their breath; now as this belongs chiefly to the Finlappers and Finlanders of Norway, so doth the stopping of the course of ships, which is altogether of the same nature. This is also attributed to the Laplanders, who according to the different affection they have for Merchants, make the Sea either calmer, or more tempestuous.

We come now to their magical Darts, which they make of lead, in length about a finger; by these they execute their revenge upon their enemies, and according to the greatness of the injury received, they wound them with cankrous swellings, either in the arms, or legs, which by the extremity of its pain, kills them in three daies time. They shoot these darts to what distance they please, and that so right too, that they seldom miss their aim. Olaus Magnus reports the same in his writings, which I believe is only a transcript of Zeiglers, the words being the same, and without doubt he follows him in this particular as he hath in many others. But I suppose they are both mistaken, and misrender'd them leaden darts, since I can find no person in these times that knows of any such; neither is there any mention made of them in any other writers, or by the common People; who seldom omit such circumstances as these in their relations. But they might perhaps be mistaken in supposing them to be made of lead, by misunderstanding the word Skott, which is commonly used for their explanation. For when either man or beast is suddainly taken with a disease, by which their strength fails, and they immediately perish; the common People call this that takes them so Skott, that is a dart. This might make Zeigler think to be really some dart, which the inhabitants are wholly ignorant of, and most among us believe these things to be effected by some other means. Petrus Claudius calls it a Gan, which they send abroad: he likens it to a flie, but saies it is some little devil, of which the Finlanders in Norway that excell most in this art, keep great numbers in a leathern bag, and dispatch daily some of them abroad. Of these he relates a story, that happened in his time: an Inhabitant of Helieland, who is still alive, going towards the mountains in Norway to hunt Bears, came to a cave under the side of a hill, where he found an image rudely shapen, which was the Idoll of some Finlander; near this stood a Ganeska, or magical satchel: he opened this, and found in it several blewish flies crawling about, which they call Gaits, or spirits, and are daily sent out by the Finlanders to execute their devilish designs. But he seems to intimate no more by this word Gan, then that very thing which endangers mens health, and lives. For he saies that these Finlanders cannot live peaceably, except they let out of their Ganeska or Ganekiidi which is the satchel, every day one of the Gaits, that is a fly or devil. But if the Gan can find no man to destroy, after they have sent him out, which they seldom do upon no account at all, then he roves about at a venture, and destroies the first thing he meets with; sometimes they command it out to the mountains, to cleave rocks asunder: however these conjurers will, for very trivial Causes, send out their Gan to ruine men. This word Gan signifies no more then what Zeigler meant by his dart, for the term by which they express its going out is de Skiuda deris Gan, that is, he as it were shoots out his Gan like an arrow, for Skiuda is only proper to the shooting out of an arrow.

This is the third thing belonging to their magic, which they use as well against one another as strangers, nay sometimes against those that they know are their equals in the art. Of this kind there happened a notable passage betwixt two Finlanders, one of which was called Asbioern Gankönge, from his great knowledge in the art, the other upon some small difference concerning their skill, or some such trifle, would have destroyed Asbioern, but was still prevented by his too powerfull art, till at last finding an opportunity, as Asbioern lay sleeping under a rock, he immediately dispatcht away a Gan, that cleft the rock asunder, and tumbled it upon him. This happened in the time of Petrus Claud, not long before he wrote his History. Some of the Conjurers are contented only with the power to expell that Gan out of men, or beasts, which others send. This is remarkable among them, that they can hurt no man with their Gan, except they first know his parents name.

Now all that the Finlanders and Finlappers of Norway effect by their Gan, the Laplanders do by a thing they call Tyre. This Tyre is a round ball, about the bigness of a wallnut, or small apple, made of the finest hair of a beast, or else of moss, very smooth, and so light that it seems hollow, its colour is a mixture of yellow, green, and ash, but so that the yellow may appear most. I had one of these given me by Mr. John Otta Silverstroem, Warden of the Colledge belonging to the metals, and Master of the Mines at Saltzburg and Frahlune.

This Tyre they say is quickened and moved by a particular art; it is sold by the Laplanders, so that he that buies it may hurt whom he pleases with it. They do perswade themselves, and others, that by the Tyre they can send, either Serpents, Toads, Mice, or what they please into any man, to make his torment the greater. It goes like a whirlewind, and as swift as an arrow, and destroies the first man, or beast, that it lights on, so that it often mistakes. Of these we have too many instances in this time, which are too long to insert here: having therefore done with all, or at least the chiefest matters concerning their sacred, and superstitious rites, or worship; we proceed to other affairs.

Colophon

Johannes Scheffer (1621-1679), The History of Lapland, Oxford, 1674. English translation of Lapponia (Frankfurt, 1673). This edition archived from the McGill University Library digitisation of the Oxford English first edition (archive.org identifier: McGillLibrary-rbsc_history-lapland_DL971L2S4131674-15383). OCR text cleaned and reconstructed by hand; original Early Modern English spelling and syntax preserved. Footnote markers and marginal references from the printed edition have been removed; a coordinate table from Chapter II has been omitted due to OCR illegibility.

This file contains the Preface, Chapters I through VI, X, and XI of thirty-five chapters total. Chapter I treats the name of Lapland and its etymology; Chapter II, its geographical situation and historical identity with the ancient Scritfinnia and Biarmia; Chapter III, its climate, weather, and soil; Chapter IV, its political and geographical divisions; Chapter V, the physical and mental character of the Sami people; Chapter VI, the origin of the Laplanders and their migration from Finland; Chapter X, the heathen gods of the Laplanders — Thor/Tiermes, Storjunkare, and the Sun — with their sacred places, images, and sacrificial ceremonies; Chapter XI, the magical ceremonies of the Laplanders — the noaide drum, its construction, figures, and use in divination and shamanic trance; the knotted cord for raising winds; magical darts and the Gan; the Tyre. Chapters VII through IX (religion before Christianity, conversion to Christianity, and remnants of paganism) and Chapters XII through XXXV — covering government, law, trade, language, houses, clothing, food, hunting, weapons, marriage, childbirth, diseases, death, cattle, wild beasts, birds, fish, trees, metals, stones, and mountains — await future archivists.

Compiled and formatted for the Good Work Library by the New Tianmu Anglican Church, 2026.

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