Huns, Alans, Goths, and the Disaster at Adrianople

This is a Good Works Translation produced by the New Tianmu Anglican Church from the Latin text of Ammianus Marcellinus, Rerum Gestarum Book 31.

Book 31 is the last surviving book of Ammianus' history and one of the great late Roman accounts of the northern frontier crisis. It follows omens before the death of Valens, the Huns beyond the Maeotic marshes, the Alans or old Massagetae, the Gothic collapse under Hunnic pressure, the Danube crossing, Roman misrule, the widening war in Thrace, and the battle of Adrianople.

For the Scythian shelf, this book belongs to the late antique continuation of the steppe archive. Ammianus writes in Roman categories, but his map reaches through Maeotis, Tanais, Scythia, Sauromatae, Massagetae, Alans, Amazons, wagon nomadism, horse war, divination by rods, and the naked sword worshipped as Mars.

The English translation was newly made from the Latin Library Book 31 text preserved in the local Scythian source archive. Public-domain English translations were used only as controls.

Translation

Book 31, Chapter 1

Meanwhile the winged wheel of Fortune, always alternating adversity with prosperity, was arming Bellona, with the Furies called into alliance, and transferred mournful events to the East. The clear witness of omens and portents warned that they were approaching.

For after many things which seers and augurs had predicted truly, dogs answered the howling of wolves, and night birds rang out with a certain querulous and mournful sound; squalid risings of the sun dulled the morning brightness of day. At Antioch, through common quarrels and tumults, it had become a custom that whoever thought he was suffering violence cried out too freely, "Let Valens be burned alive." The voices of heralds were also heard continually, ordering wood to be gathered for the heating of the bath of Valentinus, founded by the zeal of the emperor himself.

These things showed, almost in open speech, that this end of life was hanging over him. Besides these, a ghostly image of the king of Armenia, and the miserable shades of men killed a little earlier in the affair of Theodorus, troubled many in sleep with dread terrors, shrieking certain songs too horrible to bear.

A little cow was seen lying dead with its throat cut; its death indicated broad and widely reported sorrows of public funerals. Finally, when the old walls of Chalcedon were being overthrown so that a bath might be built at Constantinople, and the order of the stones was taken apart, these Greek verses were found cut upon a square stone which had lain hidden in the middle of the structure, fully disclosing the future:

"When the cool nymphs dance through the city, delighting, and turn along the well-ordered streets, and the wall of the bath shall become a much-groaning defense, then countless tribes of far-scattered men shall cross with the spear the ford of fair-flowing Ister, and shall destroy Scythian land and Mysian earth; and when they have set foot in Paeonian places with maddened hopes, there they shall meet the end both of life and of strife."

Book 31, Chapter 2

We have found this to be the seed of the whole ruin and the origin of the different disasters which Martial madness, mingling everything in its usual fire, stirred up. The nation of the Huns, lightly known to ancient records, dwelling beyond the Maeotic marshes near the icy ocean, exceeds every measure of savagery.

Because, from the very first beginnings of birth, the cheeks of the infants are cut deeply with iron, so that the timely vigor of the hair as it comes forth may be dulled by wrinkled scars, they grow old beardless, without any beauty, like eunuchs. They all have compact and firm limbs, thick necks, and a prodigious and frightening form, so that one would think them two-footed beasts, or like those posts shaped in rough fashion for the edges of bridges.

Though they have the form of men, however unsightly, they are seen to be so hard that they need neither fire nor seasoned foods, but live on the roots of wild plants and the half-raw flesh of any kind of livestock, which they warm for a short time by placing it between their own thighs and the backs of their horses.

They are never sheltered by any buildings, but avoid these as tombs set apart from common use. Among them not even a hut roofed with reed can be found. Wandering over mountains and woods, they become accustomed from the cradle to enduring frost, hunger, and thirst. When abroad they do not go under roofs unless driven by the greatest necessity; for they do not think themselves safe under roofs.

They are covered with linen garments or with garments sewn together from the skins of wild field-mice. They do not have one dress for the house and another for outside; but once a tunic of faded color has been put over the neck, it is not taken off or changed until, by long decay, it has fallen away and broken down into rags.

They cover their heads with curved caps, protect their shaggy legs with goatskins, and their shoes, not fitted to any lasts, prevent them from walking with free steps. For this reason they are poorly suited to battles on foot. But they are almost fixed to their horses, which are hardy though ugly; and sometimes sitting on them in women's fashion, they perform their ordinary tasks. Any one of this nation, by night and by day, buys and sells on horseback, takes food and drink, and, bent over the narrow neck of the animal, is poured into so deep a sleep that it carries him through all kinds of dreams.

When deliberation has been proposed over serious matters, they all consult together in this posture. They are driven by no strictness of kingship, but content with the disorderly leadership of chiefs, they break through whatever lies in their way.

They sometimes fight when provoked; but when they enter battles they move in wedge formation, sounding dreadfully with various cries. As they are light and sudden in speed, so, when they have deliberately scattered, they suddenly gather strength again; and with an unformed line they range about with vast slaughter. Because of their excessive swiftness, they are hardly seen either attacking a rampart or plundering an enemy camp.

One would readily call them the fiercest warriors of all for this reason: from a distance they fight with missiles, in which sharp bones are joined with marvelous skill for the points; and after crossing the distance they clash hand to hand with the sword, without regard for themselves. While the enemy are watching the dangers of their blades, they throw twisted strips of cloth and bind them, so that, when the limbs of those who resist are lassoed, they take away the power of riding or walking.

No one among them ploughs or ever touches a plough-handle. They all roam without fixed dwellings, without hearth or law or stable food, always like fugitives, with wagons in which they live. In these their wives weave their foul clothing, mate with their husbands, give birth, and rear their children up to puberty. No one among them, when asked, can answer where he comes from: conceived in one place, born far away, and brought up still farther off.

In truces they are treacherous, inconstant, extremely changeable with every breath of new hope that arises, giving everything over to the most excited fury. Like unreasoning animals, they are utterly ignorant of what is honorable or dishonorable. They are twisting in speech and obscure, never restrained by any reverence for religion or superstition, burning with a boundless greed for gold, and so changeable and easy to anger that often on the same day they desert from their allies with no one provoking them, and likewise are appeased with no one calming them.

This swift and untamed race of men, burning with a monstrous desire for plundering others, advanced through rapine and the slaughter of neighbors as far as the Alans, the old Massagetae. Since the matter has come to this point, it is fitting to show where they come from and what lands they inhabit, after setting out that geographical complexity which, after long and acute investigation into many varied things, at last found the inner places of truth.

The abundant Hister, swollen by the greatness of its tributaries, flows past the Sauromatae, who reach as far as the river Tanais, which separates Asia from Europe. After this river is crossed, the Alans inhabit the immeasurably extended deserts of Scythia. They are named from the mountains, and little by little, through the frequency of their victories, they drew the neighboring nations, worn down, into the nationality of their own name, as the Persians did.

Among these peoples the Nervi inhabit inland places, close to high peaks, which the north winds bind fast, steep and numb with frost. After them are the Vidini and the very fierce Geloni, who strip the skins from slain enemies and make clothing for themselves and war coverings for their horses. The Agathyrsi border on the Geloni, staining their bodies and hair alike with blue color: the low-born with small and sparse marks, but the nobles with broad, dyed, and thicker signs.

After these we have heard that the Melanchlaenae and Anthropophagi wander in different places, living on human bodies. Because of this abominable food, all their neighbors abandoned them and sought lands far away. Therefore that whole region facing the summer east, until one comes to the Seres, remained uninhabitable.

On another side, near the seats of the Amazons, are the Alans, inclining toward the east, spread through populous and broad nations and turning toward the Asiatic tracts. I have learned that these extend as far as the Ganges, the river that cuts through the lands of the Indians and pours into the southern sea.

Divided between both regions of the world, the Alans, whose various peoples it is not useful now to enumerate, although separated by long distances, wander through immense districts like Nomads. Yet with the passage of time they have come together into one name; and in summary they are all called Halani because of their customs, their savage manner of life, and the same armament.

There are among them no huts and no care for turning the ploughshare. They live on meat and an abundance of milk, sitting upon wagons which, with curved coverings of bark, they drive through deserts stretched out without end. When they have come to grassy places, they arrange their wagons in a circle and feed in the manner of beasts. When the pasture is consumed, they carry away, as it were, cities placed upon carts. On these the males mate with the females; in these children are born and brought up. These are their perpetual dwellings, and wherever they have gone, there they consider their native hearth to be.

Driving herds before them, they pasture them with the flocks; and their more anxious care is especially for horses. There the plains are always green with grass, with fruit-bearing places set among them; and therefore, wherever they pass, they lack neither food nor fodder. This is produced by the moist soil and the frequent courses of rivers flowing past.

Therefore every age and sex that is unwarlike stays around the vehicles themselves and is occupied by soft duties. But the youth, growing together from earliest boyhood with the practice of riding, considers it contemptible to walk on foot, and all are skilled warriors by manifold training. Hence even the Persians, who are originally Scythians, are very expert in fighting.

Almost all the Halani are tall and handsome; their hair is moderately fair, their eyes are terrible with a measured fierceness, and they are swift because of the lightness of their arms. They are in every respect equal to the Huns, but milder in their food and manner of life. In raiding and hunting they range as far as the Maeotic marshes and the Cimmerian Bosporus, and likewise into Armenia and Media.

As leisure is pleasant to quiet and peaceful men, so dangers and wars delight them. Among them the man who has poured out his life in battle is judged blessed. Those who grow old and leave the world by accidental deaths they assail with savage insults as degenerate and cowardly. Nothing makes them boast more proudly than having killed any man; and, as glorious spoils, they tear the skins from the heads of those they have slain and fit them as trappings to their war animals.

No temple or shrine is seen among them, nor can even a hut roofed with straw be observed anywhere. Instead, according to barbarian rite, a naked sword is fixed in the ground, and this they worship with reverent awe as Mars, the presiding power of the regions through which they range.

They foretell the future in a marvelous way. Gathering rather straight rods of osier, and separating them at an appointed time with certain secret incantations, they know openly what is portended.

They did not know what slavery was, all being born from noble seed; and even now they choose as judges men tested by long practice in war. But let us return to the rest of the proposed narrative.

Book 31, Chapter 3

Therefore, after the Huns had invaded the regions of the Alans, whom custom called Tanaitae and who bordered the Greuthungi, and after they had killed and despoiled many, they joined the rest to themselves by a sworn agreement of concord. Aided by them, they broke more confidently in a sudden attack into the widely spread and fertile districts of Ermenrich, a most warlike king, feared by the neighboring nations for many brave deeds of different kinds.

Struck by the force of this sudden storm, although for a long time he tried to remain grounded and steady, nevertheless, as report spread more widely and increased the horror of what hung over him, he quieted his fear of great dangers by a voluntary death.

After his death Vithimiris was created king. For a little while he resisted the Alans, relying on other Huns, whom he had joined to his side for pay. But after many defeats which he suffered, he poured out his life in battle, overcome by force of arms. The care of his little son, named Viderich, was undertaken and guarded by Alatheus and Saphrax, leaders of the army and men known for firmness of heart. Since they were overtaken by a narrow moment and had cast away confidence in resistance, they withdrew more cautiously and reached the river Danastius, which flows between the Hister and the Borysthenes through broad stretches of plain.

When Athanaric, judge of the Thervingi, learned that these things had happened beyond expectation, he tried to stand on fixed ground. Against him, as was related earlier, Valens had long before moved his standards because of the help sent to Procopius. Athanaric intended to rise in strength if he too, like the others, should be attacked.

At last, after he had opportunely pitched camp near the banks of the Danastus and farther off near the valley of the Greuthungi, he sent Munderich, later commander of the frontier through Arabia, with Lagarimanus and other nobles as far as the twentieth milestone, to watch for the coming of the enemy. He himself, with no one meanwhile disturbing him, arranged his battle line.

But it turned out very differently from what he thought. For the Huns, being keen in conjecture, suspected that some larger force lay farther off. Passing by those whom they had seen, and who had settled into quiet as if no one opposed them, they pierced through the ford of the river while the moon broke the darkness of night. They chose what was most important: fearing that some forward scout might frighten off those acting at a distance, they struck Athanaric himself with a swift blow.

At the first attack they forced him, amazed and having lost some of his men, to hurry into the refuge of steep mountains. Bound by the novelty of this event and by a greater fear of what was coming, he raised walls higher from the brows of the river Gerasus as far as the Danube, skirting the lands of the Taifali. He thought that, with this defensive belt completed by swift diligence, his safety and security should be placed in protection.

While the effective work was being raised, the Huns pressed him with rapid steps and, as they came on, would already have overwhelmed him, had they not stopped, weighed down by the burden of plunder. Nevertheless, as the report crept widely through the remaining Gothic peoples that a kind of men never seen before had arisen from a hidden recess like a whirlwind of snow from high mountains, tearing up and ruining everything near it, the greater part of the people, which had deserted Athanaric when worn down by lack of necessities, began to seek a dwelling-place remote from every knowledge of the barbarians. After long deliberation about what settlements they should choose, they considered Thrace a refuge suited to them for two reasons: it has very fertile soil, and it is marked off by the wide streams of the Hister from fields already open to the thunderbolts of foreign Mars. The rest too thought the same, as if with a common mind.

Book 31, Chapter 4

And so, under the leadership of Alavivus, they occupied the banks of the Danube. Sending envoys to Valens, they begged with humble prayer to be received, promising that they would live quietly and would provide aid if the situation demanded it.

While these things were happening abroad, terrible rumors spread that new disasters, greater than usual, were overturning the northern nations: through the whole stretch that extends to the Pontus from the Marcomanni and the Quadi, a barbarian multitude of hidden nations, driven from their seats by sudden force, was wandering around the river Hister with those dear to them.

This matter was received scornfully by our men at the very beginning, for this reason: in those regions, men acting far away were accustomed to hear of wars only after they were finished or quieted.

But when confidence in the events was now coming to maturity, strengthened by the arrival of foreign envoys who asked with prayers and entreaty that their homeless people be received on this side of the river, the business became a matter of joy rather than fear. Learned flatterers raised the fortune of the emperor to a greater height, saying that from the farthest lands it was bringing him, without his expecting it, so many recruits that, by combining his own forces and foreign forces into one, he would have an unconquered army; and that, in place of the military supplement which was paid yearly province by province, a great heap of gold would be added to the treasuries.

In this hope different men were sent to transfer the savage people with vehicles. Diligent effort was spent so that no one who was going to overthrow the Roman state should be left behind, even if shattered by deadly disease. Therefore, after they had obtained permission from the emperor to cross the Danube and to cultivate parts of Thrace, they were carried across day and night, placed in companies on ships, rafts, and hollowed trunks of trees. And since the river, far the most difficult of all, was then swollen by frequent rains, many were swallowed up: some striving against the blows of the waters because of the excessive crowding, and some attempting to swim.

Thus, by the disordered zeal of the men pressing the matter, the ruin of the Roman world was brought across. This at least is neither obscure nor uncertain: the ill-starred ministers of transporting the barbarian people often tried to comprehend their number by calculation and gave up, defeated. "Whoever would wish to know it," as the most eminent poet records, "would likewise wish to learn how many sands of the Libyan sea are driven by the west wind." Let ancient memories revive at last, memories that lead Persian battle-lines to Greece: they record armies occupying the crossing of the Hellespont and, by a certain craftsman's sundering of the sea, a mountain shore sought by foot; and they record armies reviewed by squadrons at Doriscus, in agreement with all posterity, as things read like fables.

After innumerable multitudes of peoples had been poured through the provinces, spreading themselves over the broad spaces of the plains, and had filled all regions and all the ridges of the mountains, the trustworthiness of antiquity too was confirmed by a recent example. First Fritigern was received with Alavivus; the emperor had decided that food should be allotted to them for the moment and fields assigned for cultivation.

At that time, with the barriers of our frontier unlocked and barbarian power scattering armed columns like ashes from Aetna, when the difficult joints of necessity required some correctors of military affairs very well known for the distinction of their deeds, as if some unfavorable divine power were choosing, men stained in character were sought out together and placed over the military commands. Lupicinus stood before them, and Maximus: one count throughout Thrace, the other a destructive commander, both of rival rashness.

Their treacherous greed was the material of all evils. For, to omit other things which those men remembered, or certainly others with their permission, committed by ruined policies against the incoming foreigners who were still harmless, one sad and unheard-of thing will be told, which no indulgence could have acquitted even before judges of their own danger.

When the barbarians who had been brought across were tormented by lack of food, the most hated commanders carried on a disgraceful trade. As many dogs as their insatiability could gather from every side, they gave for individual slaves; among these even the sons of nobles were led away.

During these days Vithericus, king of the Greuthungi, together with Alatheus and Saphrax, by whose judgment he was ruled, and likewise Farnobius, approached the banks of the Hister and, sending envoys in haste, begged the emperor that he too might be received with similar humanity.

When they were rejected, as seemed to serve the common interest, and were anxious what to undertake, Athanaric, fearing the same things, withdrew. He remembered that long ago, when agreement was being made by treaty, he had despised Valens, declaring that he was bound by religion never to tread Roman soil, and by this excuse had forced the emperor to confirm peace in the middle of the river. Fearing that this hostility still endured, he turned with all his people toward the Caucalandensian place, inaccessible by the height of its forests and mountains, driving the Sarmatians out from there.

Book 31, Chapter 5

But the Thervingi, who had long before been permitted to cross, were even then wandering near the banks, bound by a double hindrance: through the destructive concealment of the commanders they were not aided with proper food, and they were deliberately held fast by abominable bargains in trade.

When this was understood, they muttered about turning to treachery as a remedy for the evils pressing upon them; and Lupicinus, fearing that they were now ready to revolt, brought up soldiers and forced them to set out more quickly.

The Greuthungi seized this opportune moment. When they saw that, with the soldiers occupied elsewhere, the boats which usually ran back and forth to prevent their crossing were at rest, they crossed on badly joined rafts and pitched camp very far from Fritigern.

But Fritigern, with his inborn skill in foreseeing events, was preparing for what might come, so that he could both obey commands and join himself to powerful kings. Slowing his advance and moving by slow marches, he came late to Marcianople. There another, more atrocious thing was added, which lit the Furies' torches for the common destruction.

Alavivus and Fritigern were invited to a banquet. Lupicinus kept the barbarian people far from the walls of the town by setting soldiers against them, though they were subject to our authority, in agreement with us, and continually asking by prayers to be allowed inside to buy the necessities of life. Greater quarrels arose between the inhabitants and those who were forbidden entrance, until it came to the necessity of fighting. The barbarians, growing more savagely enraged when they felt that their kin were being seized as enemies, plundered and killed a band of soldiers.

Lupicinus learned what had happened by a secret message while he had long been reclining at a prodigal table, with entertainments clattering, dulled by wine and sleep. Guessing the outcome to come, he killed all the attendants who, before the praetorium, were awaiting the leaders for the sake of honor and protection.

The people who were besieging the walls received this with grief, thinking that their detained kings had been killed. Gradually increasing, they threatened many savage things for revenge. Fritigern, being a man of ready counsel, feared that he might be held with the others in place of a hostage. He cried out that the fight would end in heavier ruin unless he himself, with his companions, were allowed to go out to calm the crowd, which, supposing under the appearance of humanity that its leaders had been killed, had blazed into tumult. When this was obtained, they all went out, were received with applause and joy, mounted their horses, and flew away, intending to move many different incitements to war.

When rumor, malignant nurse of reports, scattered these things abroad, the whole nation of the Thervingi burned with eagerness for battle. Among many fearful signs and forewarnings of the greatest dangers, they raised their standards in their custom, heard the trumpets sounding mournfully, and now predatory squadrons were running together, plundering and burning villas, and mixing everything they could find with vast disasters.

Against them Lupicinus, having gathered soldiers in disorderly haste, advanced more rashly than wisely and stood at the ninth milestone from the city, ready to decide the matter. The barbarians, seeing this, broke into our incautious masses; striking their small shields against opposing bodies, they pierced those who met them with spears and swords. Under the pressure of bloody fury both the tribunes and the greater part of the armed men perished, the standards were snatched away, and only the ill-starred commander escaped, intent on this one thing: while others were fighting, to tear himself into flight. He made for the city at a rapid run. After this the enemy, clothed in Roman arms, ranged through different places with no one stopping them.

And since, after many acts, we have come to these parts, we entreat those who will read this, if there ever are any, not to demand from us a scrupulous account of deeds or the number of the slain, which could not be grasped in any way. It will be enough, with truth veiled by no lie, to set out the summits of events themselves, since faithful completeness is owed everywhere to the memory of things that must be explained.

Those ignorant of antiquity deny that the republic was ever overshadowed by such darkness of evils, but they are deceived, fixed in amazement at recent calamities. For if earlier ages, or those lately past, are turned over, they will show that such and so sad movements of affairs have often occurred.

The Teutones with the Cimbri suddenly flooded Italy from hidden parts of the ocean; but after they had inflicted immense disasters on the Roman state, they were overcome in the final battles by the greatest commanders, and learned in their last perils what Martial power joined to prudence can accomplish, being torn out by the roots.

Likewise, when Marcus governed the empire, while the madness of discordant nations breathed as one, after immense crashes of wars, after the ruins of cities captured and plundered, and after the deaths and destruction driven down upon the provinces, that storm would have left only small parts of them untouched.

But soon after the calamitous losses, affairs were restored to wholeness for this reason: sober antiquity had not yet been infected by the softness of a looser life, nor did it gape after ambitious tables or shameful profits. Rather, the highest and lowest, agreeing with one another in a shared ardor, hastened toward a noble death for the republic as though toward some calm and peaceful harbor.

When the Bosporus had been broken through by two thousand ships, bands of Scythian peoples crossed to the shores of the Propontis and indeed produced bitter devastations by land and sea; but after losing the greatest part of their own men, they returned.

The emperors Decius, father and son, fell fighting with barbarians. The cities of Pamphylia were besieged, many islands plundered, all Macedonia set on fire; for a long time a multitude beset Thessalonica, and likewise Cyzicus. Anchialus was captured, and at the same time Nicopolis, which the emperor Trajan founded as a memorial of victory against the Dacians.

After many savage disasters received and inflicted, Philippopolis was destroyed, with a hundred thousand men slaughtered inside the walls, unless the annals invent it. Foreign enemies roamed too freely through Epirus, Thessaly, and all Greece. But when Claudius, a glorious commander, was taken into the empire, and after he was snatched away by an honorable death, through Aurelian, a keen man and most severe avenger of wrongs, they were driven off and remained motionless and silent for long ages, except that afterward raiding bands more rarely made incursions into nearby places, to their own destruction. But I shall pursue the things from which I turned aside.

Book 31, Chapter 6

When this sequence of events was carried around by frequent messages, Sueridus and Colias, nobles of the Goths, who with their peoples had been received long before and assigned to care for winter quarters near Hadrianople, considering their own safety the oldest of all concerns, watched all that was happening with idle minds.

But when the emperor's letters were suddenly brought, by which they were ordered to cross into the Hellespont, they asked without disturbance that travel money, food, and a delay of two days be granted to them. The magistrate of the city took this indignantly, for he was angry with them because his property in the suburbs had been devastated. He brought out all the lowest people together with the factory-workers, of whom there is a great multitude there, armed them for the destruction of the Goths, ordered the trumpets to sound the war-call, and threatened all of them with the last dangers unless they departed more quickly, as had been decreed.

Struck by this evil beyond expectation and terrified by a rush of citizens that was more hasty than considered, the Goths stood motionless. At last, torn by curses and insults and attacked by scattered missiles, they burst into open revolt. They killed many whom the too insolent attack had deceived, turned the rest back and pierced them with many kinds of weapons. Then, armed in Roman fashion after stripping the bodies, they saw Fritigern nearby and joined themselves to him as obedient allies; and they pressed the closed city with the miseries of siege. Placed too long in this difficulty, they rushed about everywhere and without order. The conspicuous daring of some perished without revenge, and many died by arrows and by stones whirled from slings.

Then Fritigern, seeing that men ignorant of siegecraft were struggling in vain with so many losses, advised leaving a sufficient force there and departing with the business unfinished. He declared that he had peace with walls, and urged them to attack and plunder rich and fertile regions, still empty of garrisons, without any danger.

The king's counsel was praised, for they knew he would be an effective partner of their plans. Scattered through the whole side of Thrace, they advanced cautiously, with surrendered men or captives showing them the wealthy villages, especially those where it was said an abundance of food could be found. Besides their inborn confidence, they were especially raised by this help: a multitude of the same nation flowed to them daily, men long ago sold by merchants, with many others added whom, at the first crossing, when they were dying of hunger, people had exchanged for very cheap wine or scraps of bread.

There were added to them not a few men skilled in following veins of gold, unable to bear the heavy burdens of taxes. Received by the willing agreement of all, these men were of great use to those wandering through unknown places, showing hidden stores of grain, hiding-places of men, and more secret refuges.

With these men going before, nothing remained untouched except what was inaccessible and out of the way. Without distinction of age or sex, everything blazed with the magnitude of slaughter and fire. Little children were torn from the very sucking of the breast and killed; mothers were carried off, bereaved of husbands slain before their eyes; and boys, both adolescent and grown, were dragged over the bodies of their parents.

Finally many old men, crying that they had lived to satiety, after losing their wealth, with beautiful women, their hands bound behind their backs, and after mourning the ashes of their family homes, were led away as exiles.

Book 31, Chapter 7

When these things were received from Thrace with great grief, they drew the emperor Valens into various anxieties. At once he sent Victor, master of the horse, to the Persians, so that he might settle the state of Armenia according to the measure of impending events. He himself was soon to leave Antioch and meanwhile make for Constantinople; but he sent ahead Profuturus and Traianus, both commanders, men panting rather high yet unwarlike.

When they had come to the places where the enemy multitude should have been diminished piece by piece, more by stealth and raids, they turned at the wrong time to what was ruinous: they opposed legions brought from Armenia to barbarians still breathing madness. These legions had often been rightly tested in the work of Mars, but they were unequal to the immense people that had occupied both the ridges of high mountains and the plains.

These units had not yet experienced what untamed rage could accomplish when joined with desperation. They drove the enemy beyond the cut-off rocks of Mount Haemus and forced them into steep defiles, where long famine might consume the barbarians enclosed in places and finding no exit anywhere. They themselves were waiting for the commander Frigeridus, who was approaching with Pannonian and transalpine auxiliaries; Gratian, at the request of Valens, had arranged for him to go into the campaign, to bring help to those who were being harassed to the point of final destruction.

After him Richomeres, then count of the domestics, moved from Gaul by order of the same Gratian and hastened to Thrace, leading some cohorts in name only, most of whom had deserted, as some boasted, by the advice of Merobaudes, because they feared that Gaul, left without supports, would be freely devastated if the Rhine were broken through.

But Frigeridus was hindered by pain in his joints, or certainly, as malicious detractors invented, was using illness as an excuse not to be present in heated battles. With all men governed by common judgment, Richomeres was joined to Profuturus and Traianus, who were extending their line near the town of Salices. Not far from there an immeasurable crowd of barbarians, arranged in a round form by the multitude of their wagons and confined as if inside walled spaces, enjoyed leisure and the abundance of plunder.

Therefore, with hope of better things going before them, the Roman commanders, ready to dare something glorious if chance should bring opportunity, watched sharply whatever the Goths were planning. They prepared this especially: if the Goths moved camp elsewhere, as they did very often, they would attack the backs of the last men, pierce many of them with confidence, and turn aside a great part of the spoils.

The enemy understood this, or learned it by indications from deserters, through whom nothing unknown escaped notice. They remained a long time in the same place. But constrained by fear of the opposing army and of other soldiers whom they already hoped would come to them, they gave the tribal signal and called back from different places the raiding bands scattered nearby. These, when they had received the orders of the nobles, at once returned to the wagon-ring, which they themselves call the carrago, with winged speed like burning firebrands, and added to their countrymen an incentive for daring greater things.

After this nothing was relaxed between the parties except short truces. When those whom necessity had called away returned, all the people, still crowded inside the circuit of enclosures, roaring savagely and stirred by fierce spirits, hastened to try the last dangers; nor did the chiefs of the nation who were present refuse. Since these things were happening at sunset and approaching night held them, unwilling and gloomy, to rest, they took food in quiet and remained without sleep.

On the other side, when the Romans learned these things, they too were sleepless. They feared the enemy and their half-mad leaders as one fears raging beasts. Though quite inferior in number and the outcome uncertain, they nevertheless awaited success with fearless minds because their cause was more just.

And so, when the day immediately grew bright and the signal to take up arms was given on both sides by the trumpets, the barbarians, after an oath had been sworn among them according to custom, tried to seek the hilly places, so that from there, over the slope, they might roll down like wheels with sharper force against those who met them. When this was seen, each soldier hurried to his own maniples, stood with steady step, and neither wandered nor ran forward after leaving the ranks.

Therefore, when the battle lines on both sides had advanced more cautiously and stood with motionless step, the warriors looked at one another with sidelong eyes in mutual fierceness. The Romans, singing out on every side with the voice of Mars, rising from the usual lower note to a higher one, which they call by the tribal name barritus, lifted up their strong spirits. The barbarians, meanwhile, screamed the praises of their ancestors with unshaped cries, and amid various noises of discordant speech lighter skirmishes were attempted.

Now, harassing one another from a distance on both sides with javelins and other missiles, they came together threateningly to join hands; and with shields joined into the form of tortoises, foot was set against foot. The barbarians, always restorable and quick, hurled huge clubs, burned at the ends, against our men and struck their points against the breasts of those resisting more fiercely. They broke through the left wing; and when it bent, a very strong body of reserves, roused bravely from the nearby side, sustained it when death was already clinging to their necks.

Then, as the battle burned with thick slaughters, whoever was readier rushed into the packed masses and fell under missiles and swords flying everywhere like hail. Horsemen on this side and that followed the backs and necks of fugitives, cutting them down with great strength; likewise footmen on both sides cut the hamstrings of those who had fallen and were hindered by fear.

When everything was filled with the bodies of the slain, some lay among them half-alive, vainly taking up the hope of life; others were fixed by sling-bullets or by reeds armed with iron; the heads of some, divided by a blade through the middle of forehead and crown, hung down on either shoulder with great horror.

The parties, not yet tired by the stubborn contest, afflicted one another on both sides with equal Mars, and no one relaxed from native hardness while eagerness stirred the powers of their spirits. Yet the day, yielding to evening, broke off the battles of mutual slaughter; and all departing in disorder by whatever way each man could, all the survivors returned to their tents more sorrowful.

Finally, after certain honored men among the dead had been buried according to the conditions of place and time, the remaining bodies of the slain were consumed by dreadful birds, accustomed at that time to feed on corpses, as the plains white with bones still indicate now. It is agreed, however, that the Romans, far fewer in number, struggled with that abundant multitude and suffered many funeral losses; nevertheless, not without mournful hardships, they shook the barbarian people.

Book 31, Chapter 8

After these misfortunes of battles had ended so mournfully, our men sought the nearest retreats of Marcianople. The Goths, of their own accord thrust within the windings of their vehicles, never dared from then on for seven days either to go out or be seen. Therefore the soldiers found an opportunity and shut other immense bands of barbarians among the narrow passes of Haemimontus by throwing up high mounds, clearly with this hope: that the destructive multitude of the enemy, packed between the Hister and the deserts, and finding no exits, would perish of hunger, since all useful things for living had been carried into strong cities. They had not yet tried to besiege any of these cities, being utterly ignorant how to devise such things.

After this Richomeres returned to Gaul to bring supports from there because of the greater roar of battles that was expected. These things were being done when Gratian was consul for the fourth time and Merobaudes with him, as the year was turning toward autumn.

In the meantime Valens, hearing the mournful outcome of wars and plunderings, sent Saturninus, temporarily entrusted with the care of the cavalry army, to bring help to Traianus and Profuturus.

By chance, in those same days, throughout the regions of Scythia and Moesia, after everything that could be eaten had been consumed, and with savagery and want pressing equally, the barbarians burned to break out in great masses. After they had often attempted this and had been overwhelmed by the strength of our men resisting firmly through the rough and stony places, driven by the last necessity, they called some of the Huns and Alans into alliance by hope of immense plunder.

When Saturninus learned this, for he was now present and was arranging forward defenses and rural stations, he gradually gathered his men and prepared to withdraw by no absurd plan: lest a sudden multitude, like a river released by the broken barriers under the force of its waves, should tear apart with little trouble all those who were watching dangerous places too sharply.

Then, after the passes had been opened and the soldiers had withdrawn in good time, the confined men, in disorder, each by whatever way he could, with no one stopping them, pressed upon the disturbance of affairs. All, spreading in devastation across the breadths of Thrace without punishment, beginning from the very regions past which the Hister flows and reaching as far as Rhodope and the strait which separates immense seas, mixed everything most foully with plunder, slaughter, blood, fires, and violations of freeborn bodies.

Then one could look with groaning upon deeds dreadful to tell and see: women stunned with fear driven by cracking whips; women still pregnant with unborn children enduring many impious things before those children came into the light; little ones entangled with their mothers; the laments of noble boys and girls, whose hands savage captivity was binding.

After these, grown maidenhood and the chastity of married women, with downcast faces, were led away weeping to the last extremities, soon to have their modesty profaned, wishing that death, even if by torture, might come first. Amid these things, while a freeborn man, rich and free only a little before, was being dragged like a beast, he complained of you, Fortune, as cruel and blind: you had stripped him in a brief point of time of wealth, the sweetness of dear ones, and the home which he had seen collapse into ash and ruins, and had devoted him either to be torn limb from limb or to serve under whips and torments a brutal victor.

The barbarians, however, like beasts with their cages broken, stirred more widely through the breadths of space, attacked a town named Dibaltum. There they found Barzimeres, tribune of the Scutarii, with his men, the Cornuti, and other infantry units pitching camp; a commander trained in the dust of war.

At once, as the necessity of imminent ruin compelled, he ordered the trumpet to sound the war-call, strengthened his flanks, and rushed forth with men ready and girded for battle. By resisting bravely he would have departed with equal fortune in the fight, had not the attack of many horsemen surrounded him, breathless and exhausted. And so he fell, after not a few barbarians had been killed, whose loss the greatness of their forces hid.

Book 31, Chapter 9

When the matter had been carried out in this way, the Goths, uncertain what they should attempt next, were looking for Frigeridus, as a strong barrier, to find and destroy him. After taking somewhat more civilized food and sleep for a little while, they followed him like wild beasts, having learned that, by Gratian's warning, he had returned into Thrace, pitched a camp near Beroea, and was watching the uncertain outcomes of affairs.

They indeed were hastening by rapid movement to accomplish their purpose. But he, not ignorant of how to command and preserve soldiers, suspected what was being planned, or else was clearly instructed by the report of scouts whom he had sent. Through the heights of mountains and the thicknesses of forests he returned to Illyricum, lifted up by an excessive prosperity which chance unexpectedly offered him.

For while he was going back and advancing gradually with his men gathered into wedges, he surprised Farnobius, a noble of the Goths, roaming too freely with bands of ravagers and leading the Taifali, lately admitted into alliance. These, if it is worth saying, had crossed the river to plunder places empty of defenders, after our men were scattered by terror of unknown nations.

When their bands were suddenly seen, the most cautious commander prepared and began to fight at close quarters. Attacking the ravagers of both nations, who even then were threatening bitter things, he would have slaughtered them all to a man, so that not even a messenger of the disaster would afterward appear, had he not, after Farnobius was killed with many others, spared the survivors when they begged him with earnest prayer. Farnobius had previously been a feared kindler of disturbances. Frigeridus banished all the survivors alive to the Italian towns around Mutina, Regium, and Parma, to cultivate the fields.

We have learned that the people of the Taifali were sunk in shameful crimes of obscene life: among them, young men are joined to males by a bond of unspeakable intercourse, to spend the green strength of their age in those polluted uses. Further, if any man, now grown, has caught a boar alone or killed a monstrous bear, he is freed from the filth of that incest.

Book 31, Chapter 10

These deadly whirlwinds were sweeping through Thrace as autumn was turning toward winter. The madness of those times, as if the Furies were stirring everything, advanced also to far regions and crept widely.

Already the Lentienser Alamannic people, bordering the tracts of Raetia, had violated a treaty long ago conceived and, by deceitful raids, was testing our borderlands. This disaster took its deadly beginning from here.

A certain man of this nation, serving among the emperor's guards, returned home when business required it. Since he was rather loose in speech, when many asked what was being done in the palace, he told them that Gratian, summoned by his uncle Valens, would soon move his standards toward the East, so that, with doubled forces, the inhabitants of the border regions who had conspired for the destruction of Roman affairs might be driven back.

The Lentienses greedily received this news. Seeing these things, as it were, as neighbors, and being swift and rapid, they gathered into raiding bands. In the month of February, when the Rhine was passable by frozen frost, they were advancing; near the Petulantes, the Celtae turned them back, not without loss to themselves, after they had been heavily struck by the enemy's matured strength.

But the Germans, forced to retreat, learned that the greater part of the army had gone ahead into Illyricum, as the emperor was soon to be present there. They blazed more fiercely. Conceiving greater plans, and gathering the inhabitants of all their districts into one, with forty thousand armed men, or seventy thousand as some boasted in order to heighten the prince's praise, they were lifted into pride and broke more confidently into our lands.

When Gratian learned this with great fear, he recalled the cohorts which he had sent ahead into Pannonia and summoned others which a prudent arrangement had kept in Gaul. He gave the business to Nannienus, a commander of sober courage, and joined to him, with equal power as colleague, Mallobaudes, count of the domestics and king of the Franks, a warlike and brave man.

Nannienus, weighing the changeable turns of fortune, thought they should delay. Mallobaudes, carried away by a high desire for battle, as was his habit, was tormented by impatience to go against the enemy without delay.

Accordingly, with a dreadful crash terrifying the opposing side, first at Argentaria, after the signal was given by the horn-blowers, they began to clash. Under frequent blows of arrows, javelins, and other missiles, men were struck down more thickly on this side and that.

But in the very heat of battle, when the soldiers saw the endless multitude of enemies, and avoided open dangers, they scattered by whatever way each could through narrow paths planted with trees. A little later they stood more confidently; and by the similar brilliance and far-shining gleam of their arms they cast into the barbarians the fear that the emperor had arrived.

The enemy suddenly turned their backs, though sometimes resisting so that they might omit nothing of a final plan. They were cut down so thoroughly that, from the number stated before, not more than five thousand, as was estimated, escaped under cover of the thick woods. Among many other bold and brave men, King Priarius too was killed, the stirrer-up of destructive battles.

Raised by the joyful confidence of this success, Gratian, now tending toward the eastern parts, turned his route secretly to the left, crossed the Rhine, and, more strongly stirred by good hope, resolved, if fortune favored the attempt, to destroy the entire faithless and greedy people.

When the Lentienses learned this by message after message pressing upon them, fixed in place by the miseries of their people, almost destroyed to the last man, and by the sudden coming of the prince, they were uncertain what they should undertake. Since they could find no opening, however brief, either for resistance or for doing or attempting anything, they moved with a swift rush toward hills enclosed by pathless crags. Standing on cliffs broken off around the circuit, they defended with all their strength their goods and dear ones, whom they had brought with them.

After this difficulty was weighed, five hundred armed men were chosen from each legion to be set against them like barriers of walls, men found prudent by experience in war. Their confidence was increased because the prince was seen moving keenly among the standard-bearers. They strove to climb the mountains, as if they would at once carry off hunting prey without any battle if they had stepped upon the higher places. The battle, begun when the day was turning toward noon, was overtaken also by the darkness of night.

For the fight was waged with great destruction on both sides. Not a few of our men cut down and fell; at the same time the arms of the imperial escort, glittering with gold and the brightness of colors, were broken by the dense throwing of heavy missiles.

When Gratian had long considered the matter with his nobles, it appeared destructive and useless to contend with untimely obstinacy against the roughness of the projecting heights. After many opinions were varied, as happens in such a business, it was decided that, with the soldier at rest, the barbarians should be surrounded and worn down by hunger, since they were defended by the unfairness of the places.

But when the Germans, resisting with similar obstinacy and knowing the regions well, sought other mountains higher than those they had occupied before, the emperor turned there with the army and, with the same courage as before, sought paths that led to the heights.

When the Lentienses saw him intent on their throats with every effort of perseverance, after obtaining surrender by suppliant prayer and offering, as ordered, their strong young men to be mixed into our recruits, they were permitted to go unharmed to their native lands.

This timely and fruitful victory, which dulled the western peoples, Gratian accomplished by the nod of the eternal divinity; it is incredible to say with what force and how great a vigor, with speed exerted, he hastened elsewhere. He was a youth of brilliant nature, eloquent, moderate, warlike, and merciful, advancing toward rivalry with chosen princes while beautiful down was still creeping over his cheeks. Yet his nature bent toward ridiculous actions; with those nearest him relaxing him, he turned himself toward the empty pursuits of the Caesar Commodus, although he was without bloodshed.

For as Commodus, because he had been accustomed to kill very many beasts with javelins while the people watched, and because he cut down a hundred lions released at the same time in the circle of the amphitheater with different kinds of weapons, with no wound repeated, exulted beyond human measure, so Gratian too, inside the enclosures called hunting parks, killed toothed beasts with frequent arrow-shots. He held many incidental things cheap, and serious things too, at a time when even if Marcus Antoninus were ruling the empire, he could scarcely have softened the mournful disasters of the republic without similar colleagues and great sobriety of counsels.

Therefore, after arranging what the affairs and calculations in Gaul required according to the capacity of the times, and after punishing the Scutarius traitor who had informed the barbarians that the prince was hastening to Illyricum, Gratian departed from there and made his way by extended marches through the camp called Felix Arbor and through Lauriacum, to bring help to the oppressed part.

In those same days, while Frigeridus was thinking through many useful things with great skill for the common security and was hastening to fortify the narrow passes of Succi, so that light-roving enemies might not wander too widely through the northern provinces like torrents boiling over with force, a successor named Maurus was sent to him, a count of saleable ferocity in appearance, changeable and uncertain in everything. This is the man whom we have reported in the earlier narrative, when he was serving among the guards of Julian Caesar, as having arrogantly and confidently offered him a neck-chain drawn from his own neck while Julian hesitated about putting the crown upon his head.

And so a cautious and diligent commander was removed in the very whirl of perishing affairs, although, even if he had long before departed into retirement, the greatness of events ought to have recalled him to the campaign.

Book 31, Chapter 11

By chance, in these days Valens at last stirred from Antioch. After measuring the length of the roads, he came to Constantinople, where he stayed very few days and was struck by a slight popular disturbance. Sebastian had recently been sent from Italy, as he had requested; Valens entrusted to him, a commander of known vigilance, the care of the infantry army which Traianus had governed before. Then Valens himself went to Melanthiada, a Caesarian villa, and supported the soldiers with pay, food, and frequent kindly speeches.

From there, when he had come by a route announced through the watchword to Nice, as that station is called, he learned by the report of scouts that the barbarians, full of rich plunder, had returned from the regions of Rhodope near Hadrianople. When they learned of the emperor's movement with abundant soldiers, they hastened to join their countrymen, who were stationed with fixed garrisons around Beroea and Nicopolis. Immediately, as the ripeness of the offered opportunity demanded, Sebastian was appointed to hasten with three hundred soldiers chosen from each unit, promising that he would do something useful for the public affairs.

When he hastened his marches and was seen near Hadrianople, the gates were barred by force and he was prevented from approaching. The defenders feared that he came captured by the enemy and suborned, and that something might happen to the ruin of the city like what had occurred through Count Actus: he was captured by fraud by the soldiers of Magnentius, and the barriers of the Julian Alps were opened.

Nevertheless Sebastian was recognized, though late, and permitted to enter the city. After caring, according to available supply, for the food and rest of those whom he was leading, at first light he burst out in a secret attack. As evening came on, near the river Hebrus, he suddenly saw Gothic raiding wedges; hidden for a little while by mounds and thickets, and moving with suspended steps in the dark night, he attacked them while they were disordered. He overthrew them so completely that, except for a few whom swiftness of foot had snatched from death, all the rest perished. He drew back an uncountable amount of plunder, which neither the city nor the broad plain of fields could contain.

Fritigern was moved and frightened by this, lest the commander, whom he had often heard was hard to resist, should consume the scattered bands of his men, who were freely intent on plunder, by attacking them unexpectedly. Recalling all his men, he quickly withdrew near the town of Cabyle, so that, while acting in open regions, they might be harassed neither by hunger nor by hidden ambushes.

While these things were happening in Thrace, Gratian informed his uncle by letter by what skill he had overcome the Alamanni. Then by a land route, sending baggage and packs ahead, he himself, with a lighter hand of soldiers, crossed the Danube, was carried down to Bononia, and entered Sirmium. After staying there four days, he descended by the same river to the Camp of Mars, afflicted by intermittent fevers. In that tract he was attacked by a sudden assault of Alans and lost a few of those following him.

Book 31, Chapter 12

In those same days Valens was stirred by a double reason: he had learned that the Lentienses had been defeated, and Sebastian, writing repeatedly, exaggerated deeds with words. He moved his standards from Melanthiada, hastening to equal by some splendid deed the young son of his brother, whose virtues burned him. He was leading many forces, neither contemptible nor sluggish, for he had joined to them very many veterans, among whom were other men of higher honor and also Traianus, lately master of arms, now restored from disgrace.

And since it was learned by careful reconnaissance that the enemy intended to close the roads by strong garrisons, through which necessary supplies were carried, this attempt was met competently: infantry archers and a troop of cavalry were sent more quickly to retain the advantages of the narrow places that were nearby.

During the next three days, while the barbarians advanced with gentle step and, fearing an eruption through pathless places, sought the station called Nice, fifteen miles from the city, the scouts affirmed, by some uncertain error, that the whole part of the multitude which they had seen numbered ten thousand. Struck by a certain bold heat, the emperor hastened to meet them.

Accordingly, advancing in a square formation, he came near the suburb of Hadrianople, where, after strengthening a camp with stakes and ditch, he impatiently awaited Gratian. He received Richomeres, count of the domestics, sent ahead by that same emperor with letters indicating that he too would soon come.

Asked by the text of these letters to wait a little for a partner in the dangers, and not to commit himself alone and rashly to abrupt perils, Valens summoned various high officers into counsel and deliberated what ought to be done.

Some, with Sebastian as their authority, pressed that they should go at once to battle. But Victor, master of the horse by name, a Sarmatian but a delayer and cautious man, with many thinking the same, judged that the partner of empire should be awaited, so that, when the reinforcements of the Gallic army had been added, the blazing swelling of the barbarians might be crushed more easily.

Yet the deadly determination of the prince prevailed, and the flattering opinion of certain courtiers, who urged haste at a rapid pace so that Gratian would not become partner in a victory almost already obtained, as they thought.

While the necessary things were being prepared for decision, a presbyter of the Christian rite, as they themselves call it, sent by Fritigern as envoy with other humble men, came to the prince's camp. Received gently, he offered writings from the same leader, openly asking that Thrace alone be granted as a dwelling-place to himself and his people, whom rapid incursions of wild nations had driven as exiles from their ancestral hearths, together with all their livestock and crops. If this were obtained, he promised perpetual peace.

Besides these, the same Christian, as one conscious of secrets and faithful, offered other private letters from the same king. Fritigern, too skillful in cunning and varied mockery, taught Valens, as if he were soon to be his friend and ally, that he could not otherwise soften the savagery of his people or draw them toward conditions useful to the Roman state, unless the emperor repeatedly showed an armed army near them and, by threatening them with fear of the imperial name, called them back from a destructive eagerness for fighting. The envoys, held as ambiguous, departed in vain.

When dawn rose on the day which the annual reckoning marks as the fifth before the Ides of August, the standards were moved too hastily. The baggage and packs were placed near the walls of Hadrianople with a suitable guard of legions, for the treasures and the other signs of the prince's fortune were held within the circuit of the walls with the prefect and the consistorians.

After rough stretches of road had been traversed and the hot day was advancing toward noon, at last, at the eighth hour, the enemy wagons were seen. The report of scouts affirmed that they had been turned and arranged into the appearance of a circle. As is the custom, the barbarian people howled a wild and mournful sound, and the Roman commanders drew up the line: the right wing of cavalry was put in front first, while the greater part of the infantry waited behind.

But the left wing of cavalry, many men still scattered along the roads, was brought up with the greatest difficulty and hurried by rapid steps. While this wing was still being extended with no one yet disturbing it, the barbarians, terrified by the dreadful crash, the whistling arms, and the threatening beat of shields, sent envoys to ask for peace, because part of them, acting far away with Alatheus and Saphrax and already summoned, had not yet arrived.

While the emperor despised the low rank of these men and demanded that suitable nobles be sent, so that what was to be agreed might be firm, the barbarians deliberately delayed, so that during the false truce their cavalry, whom they now hoped to be near, might return. Meanwhile the soldier, heated by summer heat, with dry throats, was withering in the shining breadth of the fields because of fires which the same enemies were burning after putting dry wood and fuel beneath them so that this would happen. To this evil another deadly thing was added: men and animals alike were tormented by heavy hunger.

Amid these things Fritigern, a clever guesser of the future and fearful of uncertain Mars, sent one man of the common people, as if a herald, at his own judgment. He demanded that certain noble and chosen men be sent to him soon as hostages; he himself would then carry military threats without fear, and the necessary things.

The proposal of the feared leader was praised and approved. With all agreeing, the tribune Aequitius, to whom care of the palace was then entrusted, a relative of Valens, was quickly designated to go in place of a pledge. When he resisted, because he had once been captured by the enemy and had slipped away from Dibaltum, and feared their irrational movements, Richomeres offered himself of his own will and promised gladly to go, thinking this too a beautiful deed and fitting for a brave man. He was already going, bearing the marks of dignity and birth.

As he was moving toward the enemy rampart, the archers and shieldmen whom Bacurius, a certain Iberian, then commanded, and Cassio, advanced too eagerly with hot impulse and were already joined with the enemy opposite them. Just as they had burst out prematurely, so by a useless withdrawal they fouled the beginnings of the war.

By this hindrance of an untimely attempt, the eagerness of Richomeres was broken, and he was not permitted to go anywhere. The Gothic cavalry returned with Alatheus and Saphrax, mixed with a band of Alans, and like a thunderbolt hurled near high mountains, disturbed with excited slaughter whomever it could find at close quarters in a swift charge.

Book 31, Chapter 13

When arms and missiles were being shaken from every side, and Bellona blew the mournful trumpets for Roman disasters, raging more monstrously than usual, our men, giving way while many shouted among them, stood again; and the battle, growing like fire, terrified the spirits of the soldiers, some fixed by whirling blows of javelins and arrows.

Then the lines collided like beaked ships and, pushing one another in turn, were tossed back and forth with movements like waves. Because the left wing had advanced as far as the wagons themselves, and would have gone farther if anyone had brought help, it was deserted by the rest of the cavalry and, under the pressure of the enemy multitude, was crushed and cast down like the ruin of a great embankment. The infantry stood unprotected, with the maniples packed so tightly together that scarcely anyone could draw a blade or draw back a hand. Now the sky could no longer open to sight because of the obstruction of dust, resounding with dreadful cries. For this reason missiles vibrating death from every side fell aimed and harmful, because they could neither be foreseen nor avoided.

But when the barbarians, poured out in immense columns, were trampling animals and men, and no place could be opened anywhere for retreat by the packed ranks, and the thicker crowding took away the chance to escape, our men too, with final contempt of falling, met them with drawn swords and cut them down. Helmets and cuirasses were broken by mutual blows of axes.

One could see a barbarian, tall in ferocity, with his cheeks clenched in a grinding sound, though his hamstring had been cut or his right hand severed by iron, or his side pierced, even on the very borders of death turning his fierce eyes around threateningly. By the mutual collapse of the fighters, with bodies strewn on the ground, the fields were filled with the slain; and the groans of the dying and of those pierced through with deep wounds were heard with enormous fear.

In so great and so confused a tumult, the infantry, exhausted by labor and dangers, when neither strength nor minds for counsel were any longer enough for them, most of their spears broken by constant collision, were content with drawn swords and plunged themselves into the packed enemy squadrons, unmindful of safety, looking around and seeing that every refuge of escape had been taken away.

And because the ground, covered with streams of blood, overturned slippery steps, they tried in every way to spend life not unavenged. With such great strength of spirit they opposed those pressing upon them that some even died by their own weapons. Finally, with the black face of gore throwing everything into confusion, and wherever eyes turned heaps of slain men piled up, lifeless bodies were trampled without restraint.

The sun, now higher, having passed through Leo and moving toward the house of the heavenly Virgin, burned the Romans more severely, worn thin by hunger and thirst and exhausted also by the heavy burdens of arms. At last, under the weight of the barbarians pressing on them, the lines of our men bent; and what was the only relief they had in their last evils, each man turned to flight in disorder by whatever way he could.

While all were scattered and giving way along unknown tracks, the emperor, surrounded by dreadful terrors and gradually climbing over mounds of the dead, fled to the Lancearii and Mattiarii, who, as long as the hostile multitude could be endured, had stood with fixed bodies, unshaken. When Traianus saw this, he cried out that all hope was consumed unless the prince, deserted by his guards, were at least covered by unexpected aid.

Hearing this, Victor, count by name, hurried to gather the Batavi, placed not far away in reserve, quickly for the emperor's protection. When he could find no one, he departed, going backward. In the same way Richomeres also withdrew himself from danger.

And so the barbarians, with fury shining from their eyes, followed our men, already stiffening as the heat of their veins left them. Some fell by uncertain slayers, some were crushed only by the weight of those pressing upon them, and some were butchered by the blow of their own men. For no way was often yielded to those who resisted, and no one spared those who yielded.

In addition to these things, many lying half-dead blocked the roads, complaining of the torments of their wounds. With them also heaps of horses, strewn with corpses, filled the fields. Night, shining with no brightness of moon, broke off these losses never to be weighed, which cost Roman affairs so greatly.

In the first darkness, the emperor, among common soldiers, as could be supposed, for no one asserted that he had seen him or been present, fell after being dangerously wounded by an arrow. His spirit was soon spent, and he died, and afterward he was nowhere found. For although a few of the enemy moved for a long time among the dead in those places for the sake of plunder, none of the fugitives or inhabitants dared approach there.

We have learned that Caesar Decius fell by a similar disaster while fighting sharply with barbarians: his horse fell, and he could not hold it back in its heat; he was thrown into a swamp and could neither emerge nor be found.

Others say that Valens did not breathe out his life immediately, but was carried with a few candidates and eunuchs to a rustic hut nearby, strongly built with a second story. While he was being tended by unskilled hands, he was surrounded by enemies who did not know who he was, and so was removed from the disgrace of captivity.

For when those who had followed tried to break through the barred doors and were attacked with arrows from the hanging part of the house, the enemy, lest they lose the chance of plundering through inextricable delays, piled up bundles of straw and wood, set fire beneath, and burned the building with the men inside.

From there one of the candidates slipped through a window, was captured by the barbarians, and disclosed the fact. This afflicted them with grief, since they had been cheated of great glory because they had not captured the ruler of Roman affairs alive. This same young man later secretly returned to our men and narrated that these things had happened so.

By a like disaster, when Spain was recovered, we have learned that one of the Scipios, having fled into a tower, was consumed by enemy fire when the tower was burned. Yet this is certain: neither Scipio nor Valens received burial, which is the final honor.

In this manifold slaughter of illustrious men, the death of Traianus and Sebastian stood out. With them thirty-five tribunes without commands and commanders of units met death, and Valerianus and Aequitius, one of whom had charge of the stable, the other of the palace. Among these also Potentius, tribune of the Promoti, fell in the first flower of age, respected by every good man, commendable for the merits of his father Ursicinus, once master of arms, and for his own. It is agreed that scarcely a third part of the army escaped.

In the annals no event except the battle of Cannae is read as having been carried out so much to annihilation, although the Romans, often mocked by the deceits of Fortune blowing against them, yielded for a time to the unfairness of wars, and the legendary songs of the Greeks lamented many battles.

Book 31, Chapter 14

Valens perished by this end, near his fiftieth year, after he had ruled for almost fourteen years.

We shall state his good qualities, known to many, and his faults. He was a faithful and firm friend, a sharp avenger of ambitions, a severe corrector of military and civil discipline, always watchful and anxious that no one should put himself too high by putting forward kinship. In granting or taking away powers he was too slow. He was a very fair guardian of the provinces, each of which he preserved unharmed as though it were his own house, softening the burdens of tribute with a certain singular care, admitting no increases of taxes, not troublesome in converting arrears of debt into money, and a harsh and vehement enemy to thieves and judges caught in embezzlement.

The East remembers that under no other prince did it fare better with itself in business of this kind. Beyond all these things he was generous with moderation. Though examples of this abound, it will be enough to set down one. As there are in palaces some men greedy for the property of others, if anyone had asked for a lapsed estate or some other thing for his own use, Valens, after making a great distinction between just and unjust claims and preserving an opportunity for objection, gave it to the man who had asked, sometimes joining three or four absent persons as partners in what had been obtained. In this way restless men acted with more restraint, seeing by this device that the gains they gaped after were diminished.

Concerning the buildings which, throughout different cities and towns, he either restored or built from the first auspices, I am silent, lest I become too long, allowing the things themselves to show this more openly. These things, as I think, should be imitated by all good men. Now let us run through his faults.

He was an immoderate seeker of great wealth, impatient of labors, and, affecting harshness, rather inclined toward monstrous cruelty. He had a somewhat rustic mind and was educated neither in military nor liberal studies. He gladly sought profit and gain from the groans of others, and was more intolerable when, dragging incidental crimes toward contempt or injury of the prince's majesty, he raged into the blood and losses of wealthy men.

This too could not be borne: although he wanted to seem to commit all lawsuits and investigations to the laws, and entrusted cases to judges designated and chosen, as it were, to examine them, he allowed nothing to be done against his own desire. At other times he was insulting and angry, and was very easily open to accusers without distinction between true and false. This stain of faults is greatly to be feared even in private and daily affairs.

He was delaying and sluggish; dark in color, with the pupil of one eye obstructed, yet in such a way that it did not appear from a distance; of well-compacted bodily shape, neither tall nor short in stature, with curved legs and a belly moderately protruding.

It will be enough to have said these things about Valens, which memory, equal to us in time, fully testifies to be true. But this should not be passed over: when, from the oracle of the tripod which we have shown Patricius and Hilarius to have moved, he learned those three prophetic verses, of which the last is "on the plains of Mimans, where Ares rages," because he was unfinished and unpolished, in the beginning he despised it. But as the greatest griefs went forward, becoming abjectly fearful, he shuddered at the name of Asia by recollection of the same lot, since he heard from learned men that both Homer and Tully had written of Mount Mimans rising over the Erythraean town.

Finally, after his death and the hostile withdrawal, near the place where he was thought to have fallen, a stone base of a monument is said to have been found. A stone fixed to it, with Greek letters cut in it, indicated that a certain ancient nobleman named Mimans was buried there.

Book 31, Chapter 15

After the destructive battle, when night had already filled the lands with darkness, those who survived were carried off, some to the right, some to the left, or wherever fear had drawn them, each seeking those nearest to him. Each could see nothing except himself, thinking that the sword was clinging to his own neck. Yet, though farther away, there were heard the miserable wails of those left behind, the sobs of the dying, and the tortured weeping of the wounded.

When light began, the victors, like beasts made more savage by the provocation of blood, driven by the allurements of empty hope, moved in dense columns toward Hadrianople, intending to destroy it even with the last dangers. They had been taught by traitors and deserters that the highest ranks of the greatest powers, the signs of the prince's fortune, and the treasures of Valens were hidden there as in a difficult stronghold.

Lest their ardor grow cool through intervening delay, at the fourth hour of the day the circuit of the walls was enclosed and the fight was waged most fiercely: the attackers hastening by their inborn ferocity to headlong ruin, while on the other side the vigor of the defenders was stirred by strong force.

Because a great number of soldiers and camp-followers with their animals had been forbidden to enter the city, they clung to the walls and the continuous buildings and, because of the low nature of the place, fought bravely. The rage of those threatening prevailed until the ninth hour of the day. Suddenly three hundred of our infantry, from those who had stood near the very breastworks, packed into a wedge, deserted to the barbarians. The barbarians greedily snatched them and immediately slaughtered them, by what design is uncertain. From then on it was observed that no one thought of doing anything of this kind even in the last desperation of affairs.

While this heap of so many evils was burning, suddenly rains poured from black clouds with a heavenly crash and scattered the bands roaring around the city. Returning to the rampart measured out in the rounded form of wagons, the barbarians, stretching their monstrous spirits more widely, ordered our men through threatening letters, after receiving a pledge that the envoy's safety would be maintained.

But when the man who was sent did not dare to enter, the writings were carried and read aloud by a certain Christian. After they were examined as was fitting, the whole day and night were spent in preparing works. For inside, the gates were blocked with great stones, the unsafe parts of the walls strengthened, engines were fitted in suitable places for sending missiles or stones in every direction, and a sufficient amount of water was brought near. On the previous day, some of the combatants had been tormented by thirst to the very injury of life itself.

On the other side, the Goths, considering the difficult outcomes of Mars, anxious as they saw their stronger men being struck down and wounded and their strength torn away little by little, entered upon a cunning plan, which was made public by justice itself as informant.

They enticed certain candidates from our side, who had deserted to them the day before, to pretend flight as if returning to their own people, arrange to be received inside the walls, and, once they had entered, secretly set fire to some part of the city; so that, with a sign raised more secretly, while the multitude of those shut in was distracted around extinguishing the fire, the city might be broken through undefended.

The candidates went, as had been arranged. When they came near the ditches, stretching out their hands and begging, they asked to be admitted as Romans. They were received, because there was no suspicion to prevent it; and when they were questioned about the counsels of the enemy, they varied their answers. Therefore, tortured in a bloody investigation, they perished with their necks cut off, having openly confessed what they had come to do.

And so, with every apparatus of war set in advance, as the third watch approached, the barbarians, having abolished fear of their previous wounds, flooded in multiplied ranks against the barred approaches of the city. With the obstinacy of the leading men greater, armed provincials and palace soldiers rose more eagerly to overwhelm them; and in so great a multitude, missiles of every kind, even if sent at random, could not fall harmlessly.

Our men noticed that the barbarians were using the same missiles with which they themselves were being attacked. Therefore the order was given that arrows should be released from the bow after the strings binding iron and wood had been cut before the shot. Flying, they preserved their whole force; but when fixed in bodies they lost none of their power, or certainly, if they fell in vain, they immediately broke.

In this blaze of affairs a very unexpected accident gave a heavy weight to events. A scorpio, a kind of engine which common speech calls an onager, was placed opposite the dense enemy line and hurled a huge stone. Although it seemed to have struck the ground in vain, it so terrified them with fear that, stunned by the sight of the new thing, they tried to move away from the middle.

But when the trumpets sounded by the warning of the nobles, the battle was renewed, and the Roman side stood superior in like manner, scarcely any other missile or sling-cord being shaken out in vain. For the ranks, following the leaders who went before them and whose desire to seize Valens by evil vigils of calculation was inflamed, showed clearly that they had equaled the dangers of their betters. Some, half-dead or crushed by great weights or pierced by javelins, rolled their bodies about; others, carrying ladders and preparing ascent against the walls from every side, were overwhelmed under the very burdens by stones, fragments of columns, and cylinders driven down the slope.

Nor did the dreadful sight of blood turn any of the raging men away from eagerness for brave action until late in the day. They were stirred also by seeing from a distance that very many of the defenders too were falling by different blows. Thus, without any rest or measure, with great spirits, the fight was waged before the walls and against the walls.

Since the fight was now not by any order but by rushes and masses, a sign of the last desperation, when the day turned toward evening all withdrew and returned sadly to their tents, one accusing another of unconsidered madness because they had not everywhere avoided the miseries of siege, as Fritigern had earlier advised.

Book 31, Chapter 16

After this, through the whole night, which was not long because it was summer, they turned to the care of wounds and to their native arts of healing. When light returned, they were drawn apart into different roads of counsel, uncertain where they should tend. After many directions had been given and disputed, they resolved to occupy Perinthus, and then whatever places were full of riches. Deserters taught them everything, knowing the interiors even of houses, not to mention cities. Following this opinion, which they thought useful, they advanced by slow marches, mixing everything with plunderings and fires, with no one resisting.

Those who were besieged at Hadrianople, however, after they perceived the enemy's departure and scouts reported with trustworthy certainty that nearby places were free of the enemy, went out in the middle of the night. Avoiding the public roads through wooded and pathless places, some ran to Philippopolis and then to Serdica, others to Macedonia, with the untouched wealth they had, every effort for haste having been devised, as if they would find Valens in those regions. They were utterly ignorant that he had died amid the whirlwinds of battle, or at least had fled to the hut where he was thought to have perished by the force of flames.

But the Goths, mixed with Huns and Alans who were excessively warlike and brave, and hardened by the difficulties of harsh affairs, whom Fritigern's skill had joined to himself with marvelous enticements of rewards, fixed their camp near Perinthus. Remembering their former disasters, they did not dare either to approach or to attempt the city itself; but they devastated the fertile fields, stretched widely and far, to the last extremity of want, killing or capturing the cultivators.

From there they hastened more quickly toward Constantinople, gaping after its very great heaps of supplies, preserving the forms of square columns for fear of ambushes, and intending to attempt many things for the destruction of the famous city. As they bore themselves forward without measure and almost struck the barriers of the gates, heavenly divinity drove them back by this chance.

A wedge of Saracens, about whose origin and customs we have reported more in different places, better suited for stealing expeditionary supplies than for pitched battles, had recently been summoned there. When a barbarian mass was suddenly seen, it burst out confidently from the city to meet it; and after a stubborn contest had been extended for a long time, the parties departed with equal balances.

But the eastern troop overcame by a new event, one not seen before. For a certain long-haired man from it, naked in everything except the groin, making a hoarse and mournful noise, drew a dagger, threw himself into the middle of the Gothic line, and put his lips to the throat of a slain enemy and sucked out the flowing blood. Terrified by this monstrous wonder, the barbarians afterward, when they sought to do something, did not rage according to their custom but advanced with uncertain steps.

Then, as the process went on, their boldness was broken. When they considered the circuit of the walls, oblong with immense spaces of districts, the inaccessible beauties of the city, and the immense population dwelling in it, and when near the strait which divides the Pontus and the Aegean they had scattered the engines of war they were preparing, after receiving greater losses than they inflicted, they departed from there in loose disorder through the northern provinces. They roamed through them freely as far as the roots of the Julian Alps, which antiquity called the Venetian Alps.

In these days the effective action of Julius, master of the soldiery beyond Taurus, shone out as saving and swift. For when he learned the fated outcome in Thrace, he sent rather secret letters to all the Roman commanders of Goths who had previously been received and scattered through various cities and camps. On one and the same day, something that rarely happens in these times, as if one standard had been raised, he ordered all the Goths to be killed, after they had been brought out to the suburbs, secure in expectation of promised pay. When this prudent plan had been completed without noise or delay, the eastern provinces were rescued from great dangers.

These things, as a former soldier and a Greek, beginning from the principate of Caesar Nerva down to the death of Valens, I have set out according to the measure of my powers: a work professing truth, never, as I think, knowingly daring to corrupt it by silence or by a lie. Let better men write the rest, flourishing in age and learning. If it pleases them to approach this, I advise them to forge their tongues to a greater style.

Colophon

This Good Works Translation was prepared for the Scythian shelf by the New Tianmu Anglican Church from the Latin source text printed below. The translation was made against the Latin Library Book 31 text preserved in the local Scythian source archive, with public-domain English translations used only as controls.

The local Latin Library witness moves from 31.4.6 to 31.4.8. The source appendix preserves that numbering as received rather than inventing a 31.4.7 section.

Compiled and formatted for the Good Work Library by the New Tianmu Anglican Church, 2026.

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Source Text: Ammianus Marcellinus, Rerum Gestarum 31

Latin source text from Ammianus Marcellinus, Rerum Gestarum Book 31, preserved in the local Scythian source archive from The Latin Library. Presented here for reference, study, and verification alongside the English translation above.

31.1.1

Interea et Fortunae volucris rota, adversa prosperis semper alternans, Bellonam furiis in societatem adscitis armabat maestosque transtulit ad orientem eventus, quos adventare praesagiorum fides clara monebat et portentorum.

31.1.2

post multa enim, quae vates auguresque praedixere veridice, resultabant canes ululantibus lupis, et querulum quoddam nocturnae volucres tinniebant et flebile, et squalidi solis exortus hebetabant matutinos diei candores, et Antiochiae per rixas tumultusque vulgares id in consuetudinem venerat, ut quisquis vim se pati existimaret "vivus ardeat Valens" licentius clamitaret, vocesque praeconum audiebantur adsidue mandantium congeri ligna ad Valentini lavacri succensionem, studio ipsius principis conditi.

31.1.3

quae hunc illi inpendere exitum vitae modo non aperte loquendo monstrabant. super his larvale simulacrum Armeniae regis et miserabiles umbrae paulo ante in negotio Theodori caesorum per quietem stridendo carmina quaedam nimium horrenda multos diris terroribus agitabant.

31.1.4

vaccula gurgulione consecto exanimis visa est iacens, cuius mors publicorum funerum aerumnas indicabat amplas et pervulgatas. denique cum Chalcedonos subverterentur veteres muri, ut apud Constantinopolim aedificaretur lavacrum, ordine resoluto saxorum in quadrato lapide, qui structura latebat in media, hi Graeci versus incisi reperti sunt, futura plene pandentes:

31.1.5

All'hopotan nymphai droserai kata asty choreiei terpomenai strophoontai eustrepheas kat'agyias kai teichos loutroio polystonon essetai alkar, de tote myria phyla polyspereon anthropon Istrou kallirooio poron peraonta syn aichme, kai Skythiken olesei choren kai Mysida gaian, Paionies d'epibanta syn elpisi mainomeneisin autou kai biotoio telos kai deris ephexei.

31.2.1

Totius autem sementem exitii et cladum originem diversarum, quas Martius furor incendio solito miscendo cuncta concivit, hanc conperimus causam. Hunorum gens monumentis veteribus leviter nota ultra paludes Maeoticas glacialem oceanum accolens, omnem modum feritatis excedit.

31.2.2

ubi quoniam ab ipsis nascendi primitiis infantum ferro sulcantur altius genae, ut pilorum vigor tempestivus emergens conrugatis cicatricibus hebetetur, senescunt imberbes absque ulla venustate, spadonibus similes, conpactis omnes firmisque membris et opimis cervicibus, prodigiosae formae et pavendi, ut bipedes existimes bestias vel quales in conmarginandis pontibus effigiati stipites dolantur incompte.

31.2.3

in hominum autem figura licet insuavi ita visi sunt asperi, ut neque igni neque saporatis indigeant cibis sed radicibus herbarum agrestium et semicruda cuiusvis pecoris carne vescantur, quam inter femora sua equorumque terga subsertam fotu calefaciunt brevi.

31.2.4

aedificiis nullis umquam tecti sed haec velut ab usu communi discreta sepulcra declinant. nec enim apud eos vel arundine fastigatum reperiri tugurium potest. sed vagi montes peragrantes et silvas, pruinas famem sitimque perferre ab incunabulis adsuescunt. peregre tecta nisi adigente maxima necessitate non subeunt: nec enim apud eos securos existimant esse sub tectis...

31.2.5

indumentis operiuntur linteis vel ex pellibus silvestrium murum consarcinatis, nec alia illis domestica vestis est, alia forensis. sed semel obsoleti coloris tunica collo inserta non ante deponitur aut mutatur quam diuturna carie in pannulos defluxerit defrustata.

31.2.6

galeris incurvis capita tegunt, hirsuta crura coriis muniendis haedinis, eorumque calcei formulis nullis aptati vetant incedere gressibus liberis. qua causa ad pedestres parum adcommodati sunt pugnas, verum equis prope adfixi, duris quidem sed deformibus, et muliebriter isdem non numquam insidentes funguntur muneribus consuetis. ex ipsis quivis in hac natione pernox et perdius emit et vendit, cibumque sumit et potum, et inclinatus cervici angustae iumenti in altum soporem ad usque varietatem effunditur somniorum.

31.2.7

et deliberatione super rebus proposita seriis, hoc habitu omnes in commune consultant. aguntur autem nulla severitate regali sed tumultuario primatum ductu contenti perrumpunt quicquid inciderit.

31.2.8

et pugnant non numquam lacessiti sed ineuntes proelia cuneatim variis vocibus sonantibus torvum. utque ad pernicitatem sunt leves et repentini, ita subito de industria dispersi vigescunt, et inconposita acie cum caede vasta discurrunt, nec invadentes vallum nec castra inimica pilantes prae nimia rapiditate cernuntur.

31.2.9

eoque omnium acerrimos facile dixeris bellatores, quod procul missilibus telis, acutis ossibus pro spiculorum acumine arte mira coagmentatis, et distantia percursa comminus ferro sine sui respectu confligunt, hostisque, dum mucronum noxias observant, contortis laciniis inligant, ut laqueatis resistentium membris equitandi vel gradiendi adimant facultatem.

31.2.10

nemo apud eos arat nec stivam aliquando contingit. omnes enim sine sedibus fixis, absque lare vel lege aut victu stabili dispalantur, semper fugientium similes, cum carpentis, in quibus habitant: ubi coniuges taetra illis vestimenta contexunt et coeunt cmn maritis et pariunt et ad usque pubertatem nutriunt pueros. nullusque apud eos interrogatus respondere, unde oritur, potest, alibi conceptus, natusque procul, et longius educatus.

31.2.11

per indutias infidi inconstantes ad omnem auram incidentis spei novae perquam mobiles, totum furori incitatissimo tribuentes. inconsultorum animalium ritu, quid honestum inhonestumve sit penitus ignorantes, flexiloqui et obscuri, nullius religionis vel superstitionis reverentia aliquando districti, auri cupidine inmensa flagrantes, adeo permutabiles et irasci faciles ut eodem aliquotiens die a sociis nullo inritante saepe desciscant, itidemque propitientur nemine leniente.

31.2.12

Hoc expeditum indomitumque hominum genus, externa praedandi aviditate flagrans inmani, per rapinas, finitimorum grassatum et caedes ad usque Halanos pervenit, veteres Massagetas, qui unde sint vel quas incolant terras - quoniam huc res prolapsa est - consentaneum est demonstrare, geographica perplexitate monstrata, quae diu multa indagans acute et varia, tandem repperit veritatis interna.....

31.2.13

Abundans Hister advenarum magnitudine fluenti Sauromatas praetermeat ad usque amnem Tanaim pertinentes, qui Asiam terminat ab Europa. hoc transito in inmensum extentas Scythiae solitudines Halani inhabitant, ex montium appellatione cognominati, paulatimque nationes conterminas crebritate victoriarum adtritas ad gentilitatem sui vocabuli traxerunt, ut Persae.

31.2.14

inter hos Nervi mediterranea incolunt loca, vicini verticibus celsis, quos praeruptos geluque torpentes aquilones adstringunt. post quos Vidini sunt et Geloni perquam feri, qui detractis peremptorum hostium cutibus indumenta sibi, equisque tegmina conficiunt bellatoria. Gelonis Agathyrsi conlimitant, interstincti colore caeruleo corpora simul et crines, et humiles quidem minutis atque raris, nobiles vero latis, fucatis et densioribus notis.

31.2.15

post hos Melanchlaenas et Anthropophagos palari accepimus per diversa, humanis corporibus victitantes, quibus ob haec alimenta nefanda desertis finitimi omnes longa petiere terrarum. ideoque plaga omnis orienti aestivo obiecta usque dum venitur ad Seras, inhabitabilis mansit.

31.2.16

parte alia prope Amazonum sedes Halani sunt orienti adclines, diffusi per populosas gentes et amplas, Asiaticos vergentes in tractus, quas dilatari ad usque Gangen accepi fluium intersecantem terras Indorum, mareque inundantem australe.

31.2.17

Bipertiti per utramque mundi plagam Halani - quorum gentes varias nunc recensere non refert - licet dirempti spatiis longis, per pagos ut Nomades vagantur inmensos, aevi tamen progressu ad unum concessere vocabulum et summatim omnes Halani cognominantur ob mores et modum efferatum vivendi eandemque armaturam.

31.2.18

nec enim ulla sunt illisce tuguria aut versandi vomeris cura, sed carne et copia victitant lactis, plaustris supersidentes, quae operimentis curvatis corticum per solitudines conferunt sine fine distentas. cumque ad graminea venerint, in orbiculatam figuram locatis sarracis ferino ritu vescuntur, absumptisque pabulis, velut carpentis civitates inpositas vehunt, maresque supra cum feminis coeunt et nascuntur in his et educantur infantes, et habitacula sunt haec illis perpetua, et quocumque ierint, illic genuinum exi stimant larem.

31.2.19

armenta prae se agentes cum gregibus pascunt, maximeque equini pecoris est eis sollicitior cura. ibi campi semper herbescunt, intersitis pomiferis locis: atque ideo transeuntes quolibet, nec alimentis nec pabulis indigent, quod efficit umectum solum et crebri fluminum praetermeantium cursus.

31.2.20

omnis igitur aetas et sexus inbellis circa vehicula ipsa versatur, muniisque distringitur mollibus: iuventus vero equitandi usu a prima pueritia coalescens, incedere pedibus existimat vile, et omnes multiplici disciplina prudentes sunt bellatores. unde etiam Persae, qui sunt originitus Scythae, pugnandi sunt peritissimi.

31.2.21

Proceri autem Halani paene sunt omnes et pulchri, crinibus mediocriter flavis, oculorum temperata torvitate terribiles et armorum levitate veloces, Hunisque per omnia suppares verum victu mitiores et cultu, latrocinando et venando ad usque Maeotica stagna et Cimmerium Bosporum, itidemque Armenios discurrentes et Mediam.

31.2.22

utque hominibus quietis et placidis otium est voluptabile, ita illos pericula iuvant et bella. iudicatur ibi beatus qui in proelio profuderit animam, senescentes enim et fortuitis mortibus mundo digressos ut degeneres et ignavos conviciis atrocibus insectantur, nec quicquam est quod elatius iactent quam homine quolibet occiso, proque exuviis gloriosis interfectorum avulsis capitibus detractas pelles pro phaleris iumentis accommodant bellatoriis.

31.2.23

nec templum apud eos visitur aut delubrum, ne tugurium quidem culmo tectum cerni usquam potest, sed gladius barbarico ritu humi figitur nudus, eumque ut Martem, regionum, quas circumcircant, praesulem verecundius colunt.

31.2.24

futura miro praesagiunt modo. nam rectiores virgas vimineas colligentes, easque cum incantamentis quibusdam secretis praestituto tempore discernentes, aperte quid portendatur norunt.

31.2.25

servitus quid sit ignorabant, omnes generoso semine procreati, iudicesque etiam nunc eligunt diuturno bellandi usu spectatos. sed ad reliqua textus propositi revertamur.

31.3.1

Igitur Huni pervasis Halanorum regionibus quos Greuthungis confines Tanaitas consuetudo nominavit, interfectisque multis et spoliatis, reliquos sibi concordandi fide pacta iunxerunt, eisque adiuti confidentius Ermenrichi late patentes et uberes pagos repentino impetu perruperunt, bellicosissimi regis et per multa variaque fortiter facta vicinis nationibus formidati.

31.3.2

qui vi subitae procellae perculsus quamvis manere fundatus et stabilis diu conatus est, inpendentium tamen diritatem augente vulgatius fama, magnorum discriminum metum voluntaria morte sedavit.

31.3.3

cuius post obitum rex Vithimiris creatus restitit aliquantisper Halanis, Hunis aliis fretus, quos mercede sociaverat partibus suis. verum post multas, quas pertulit clades, animam effudit in proelio, vi superatus armorum. cuius parvi filii Viderichi nomine curam susceptam Alatheus tuebatur et Saphrax, duces exerciti et firmitate pectorum noti, qui cum tempore arto praeventi abiecissent fiduciam repugnandi, cautius discedentes ad amnem Danastium pervenerunt, inter Histrum et Borysthenem per camporum ampla spatia diffluentem.

31.3.4

haec ita praeter spem accidisse doctus Athanarichus Theruingorum iudex - in quem, ut ante relatum est, ob auxilia missa Procopio dudum Valens commoverat signa - stare gradu fixo temptabat, surrecturus in vires, si ipse quoque lacesseretur, ut ceteri.

31.3.5

castris denique prope Danasti margines ac Greuthungorum vallem longius oportune metatis, Munderichum ducem postea limitis per Arabiam, cum Lagarimano et optimatibus aliis ad usque vicensimmn lapidem misit, hostium speculaturos adventum, ipse aciem nullo turbante interim struens.

31.3.6

verum longe aliter, quam rebatur, evenit. Huni enim, ut sunt in coniectura sagaces, multitudinem esse longius aliquam suspicati, praetermissis quos viderant, in quietem tamquam nullo obstante conpositis, rumpente noctis tenebras luna vado fluminis penetrato, id quod erat potissimum elegerunt, et veriti ne praecursorius index procul agentes absterreat, Athanaricum ipsum ictu petivere veloci.

31.3.7

eumque stupentem ad impetum primum, amissis quibusdam suorum, coegerunt ad effugia properare montium praeruptorum. qua rei novitate maioreque venturi pavore constrictus, a superciliis Gerasi fluminis ad usque Danubium Taifalorum terras praestringens, muros altius erigebat: hac lorica diligentia celeri consummata, in tuto locandam securitatem suam existimans et salutem.

31.3.8

dumque efficax opera suscitatur, Huni passibus eum citis urgebant et iam oppresserant adventantes, ni gravati praedarum onere destitissent. Fama tamen late serpente per Gothorum reliquas gentes, quod invisitatum antehac hominum genus modo nivium ut turbo montibus celsis, ex abdito sinu coortum adposita quaeque convellit et corrumpit: populi pars maior, quae Athanaricum attenuata necessariorum penuria deserverat, quaeritabat domicilium remotum ab omni notitia barbarorum, diuque deliberans, quas eligeret sedes, cogitavit Thraciae receptaculum gemina ratione sibi conveniens, quod et caespitis est feracissimi et amplitudine fluentorum Histri distinguitur ab arvis, patentibus iam peregrini fulminibus Martis: hoc quoque idem residui velut mente cogitavere communi.

31.4.1

Itaque duce Alavivo ripas occupavere Danubii, missisque oratoribus ad Valentem, suscipi se humili prece poscebant, et quiete victuros se pollicentes et daturos, si res flagitasset, auxilia.

31.4.2

dum aguntur haec in externis, novos maioresque solitis casus versare gentes arctoas, rumores terribiles diffuderunt: per omne, quicquid ad Pontum a Marcomannis praetenditur et Quadis, multitudinem barbaram abditarum nationum vi subita sedibus pulsam circa flumen Histrum vagari cum caritatibus suis disseminantes.

31.4.3

quae res aspernanter a nostris inter initia ipsa accepta est hanc ob causam, quod illis tractibus non nisi peracta aut sopita audiri procul agentibus consueverant bella.

31.4.4

verum pubescente iam fide gestorum, cui robur adventus gentilium addiderat legatorum, precibus et obtestatione petentium citra flumen suscipi plebem extorrem: negotium laetitiae fuit potius quam timori, eruditis adulatoribus in maius fortunam principis extollentibus, quod ex ultimis terris tot tirocinia trahens ei nec opinanti offerret ut conlatis in unum suis et alienigenis viribus invictum haberet exercitum, et pro militari supplemento, quod provinciatim annuum pendebatur, thesauris accederet auri cumulus magnus.

31.4.5

hacque spe mittuntur diversi, qui cum vehiculis plebem transferant truculentam. et navabatur opera diligens nequi Romanam rem eversurus relinqueretur, l vel quassatus morbo letali. proinde permissu imperatoris transeundi Danubium copiam colendique adepti Thraciae partes, transfretabantur in dies et noctes, navibus ratibusque et cavatis arborum alveis agminatim inpositi, atque per amnem longe omnium difficillimum imbriumque crebritate tunc auctum ob densitatem nimiam contra ictus aquarum nitentes quidam et natare conati, hausti sunt plures.

31.4.6

Ita turbido instantium studio orbis Romani pernicies ducebatur. illud sane neque obscurum est neque incertum, infaustos transvehendi barbaram plebem ministros, numerum eius conprehendere calculo saepe temptantes, conquievisse frustratos, "quem qui scire velit" ut eminentissimus memorat vates "Libyci velit aequoris idem discere, quam multae zephyro truduntur harenae." reviviscant tandem memoriae veteres, Medicas acies ductantes ad Graeciam: quae ductum Hellesponti occupanteset discidio quodam fabrili maris, litus montanum pede quaesitum exponunt et turmatim apud Doriscum exercitus recensitos, concordante omni posteritate ut fabulosae sunt lectae.

31.4.8

nam postquam innumerae gentium multitudines per provinciascircumfusae, pandentesque se in spatia ampla camporum, regiones omnes et cuncta opplevere montium iuga, fides quoque vetustatis recenti documento firmata est. et primus cum Alavivo suscipitur Fritigernus, quibus et alimenta pro tempore et subigendos agros tribui statuerat imperator.

31.4.9

Per id tempus nostri limitis reseratis obicibus atque, ut Aetnaeas favillas armatorum agmina diffundente barbaria, cum difficiles necessitatum articuli correctores rei militaris poscerent aliquos claritudine gestarum rerum notissimos: quasi laevo quodam numine deligente in unum quaesiti potestatibus praefuere castrensibus homines maculosi: quibus Lupicinus antistabat et Maximus, alter per Thracias comes, dux alter exitiosus, ambo aemulae temeritatis.

31.4.10

quorum insidiatrix aviditas materia malorum omnium fuit. nam - ut alia omittamus, quae memorati vel certe sinentibus isdem alii perditis rationibus in commeantes peregrinos adhuc innoxios deliquerunt - illud dicetur, quod nec apud sui periculi iudices absolvere ulla poterat venia, triste et inauditum.

31.4.11

cum traducti barbari victus inopia vexarentur, turpe commercium duces invisissimi agitarunt, et quantos undique insatiabilitas colligere potuit canes, pro singulis dederunt mancipiis, inter quae et filii ducti sunt optimatum.

31.4.12

Per hos dies interea etiam Vithericus Greuthungorum rex cum Alatheo et Saphrace, quorum arbitrio regebatur, itemque Farnobio propinquans Histri marginibus, ut simili susciperetur humanitate obsecravit imperatorem legatis propere missis.

31.4.13

quibus, ut communi rei conducere videbatur, repudiatis, et quid capesserent anxiis, Athanarichus paria pertimescens abscessit, memor, Valentem dudum cum foederaretur concordia despexisse, adfirmantem se religione devinctum, ne calcaret solum aliquando Romanum, hacque causatione principem firmare pacem in medio flumine coegisse. quam simultatem veritus ut adhuc durantem, ad Caucalandensem locum altitudine silvarum inaccessum et montium cum suis omnibus declinavit, Sarmatis inde extrusis.

31.5.1

At vero Theruingi iam dudum transire permissi prope ripas etiam tum vagabantur, duplici inpedimento adstricti, quod ducum dissimulatione perniciosa nec victui congruis sunt adiuti, et tenebantur consulto nefandis nundinandi commerciis.

31.5.2

quo intellecto ad perfidiam instantium malorum subsidium vertendi mussabant, et Lupicinus, ne iam deficerent pertimescens, eos admotis militibus adigebat ocius proficisci.

31.5.3

Id tempus oportunum nancti Greuthungi cum, alibi militibus occupatis, navigia ultro citroque discurrere solita transgressum eorum prohibentia quiescere perspexissent, ratibus transiere male contextis castraque a Fritigerno locavere longissime.

31.5.4

At ille genuina praevidendi sollertia venturos muniens casus ut et imperiis oboediret et regibus validis iungeretur, incendens segnius, Marcianopolim tarde pervenit itineribus lentis. ubi aliud accessit atrocius, quod arsuras in commune exitium faces furiales accendit.

31.5.5

Alavivo et Fritigerno ad convivium conrogatis, Lupicinus ab oppidi moenibus barbaram plebem opposito milite procul arcebat, introire ad conparanda victui necessaria, ut dicioni nostrae obnoxiam et concordem, per preces adsidue postulantem, ortisque maioribus iurgiis inter ha bitatores et vetitos ad usque necessitatem pugnandi est ventum. efferatique acrius barbari cum necessitudines hostiliter rapi sentirent, spoliarunt interfectam militum manum.

31.5.6

quod accidens idem Lupicinus latenti nuntio doctus dum in nepotali mensa ludicris concrepantibus diu discumbens vino marcebat et somno, futuri coniciens exitum, satellites omnes, qui pro praetorio honoris et tutelae causa duces praestolabantur, occidit.

31.5.7

hocque populus, qui muros obsidebat, dolenter accepto ad vindictam detentorum regum, ut opinabatur, paulatim augescens multa minabatur et saeva. utque erat Fritigernus expediti consilii, veritus ne teneretur obsidis vice cum ceteris, exclamavit, graviore pugnandum exitio, ni ipse ad leniendum vulgus sineretur exire cum sociis, quod arbitratum humanitatis specie ductores suos occisos, in tumultum exarsit. hocque impetrato egressi omnes exceptique cum plausu et gaudiis, ascensis equis evolarunt, moturi incitamenta diversa bellorum.

31.5.8

haec ubi fama rumorum nutrix maligna dispersit, urebatur dimicandi studio Theruingorum natio omnis et inter metuenda multa periculorumque praevia maximorum, vexillis de more sublatis auditisque triste sonantibus classicis iam turmae praedatoriae concursabant, pilando villas et incendendo vastisque cladibus quicquid inveniri poterat permiscentes.

31.5.9

adversus quos Lupicinus properatione tumultuaria coactis militibus temere magis quam consulte progressus, in nono ab urbe miliario stetit paratus ad decernendum. barbarique hoc contemplato globos inrupere nostromm incauti, et parmas oppositis corporibus inlidendo obvios hastis perforabant et gladiis, furoreque urgente cruento et tribuni et plera que pars armatorum periere signis ereptis praeter ducem infaustum, qui ad id solum intentus, ut confligentibus aliis proriperet ipse semet in fugam, urbem cursu concito petit. post quae hostes armis induti Romanis, nullo vetante per varia grassabantur.

31.5.10

Et quoniam ad has partes post multiplices ventum est actus, id lecturos - siqui erunt umquam - obtestamur, nequis a nobis scrupulose gesta vel numerum exigat peremptorum, qui conprehendi nullo genere potuit. sufficiet enim, veritate nullo velata mendacio, ipsas rerum digerere summitates: cum explicandae rerum memoriae ubique debeatur integritas fida.

31.5.11

negant antiquitatum ignari tantis malorum tenebris offusam aliquando fuisse rem publicam, sed falluntur malorum recentium stupore confixi. namque si superiores vel recens praeteritae revolvantur aetates, tales tamque tristes rerum motus saepe contigisse monstrabunt.

31.5.12

inundarunt Italiam ex abditis oceani partibus Teutones repente cum Cimbris, sed post inflictas rei Romanae clades inmensas, ultimis proeliis per duces amplissimos superati, quid potestas Martia adhibita prudentiae valeat, radicitus extirpati discriminibus didicere supremis.

31.5.13

Marco itidem moderante imperium, unum spirando vesania gentium dissonarum, post bellorum fragores inmensos, post ruinas urbium captarum et direptarum, et pessum + concitas procuratoris interitus partes eorum exiguas reliquisset intactas.

31.5.14

verum mox post calamitosa dispendia res in integrum sunt restitutae hac gratia, quod nondum solutioris vitae mollitie sobria vetustas infecta nec ambitiosis mensis nec flagitiosis quaestibus inhiabat, sed unanimanti ardore summi et infimi inter se congruentes ad speciosam pro re publica mortem tamquam ad portum aliquem tranquillum properabant et placidum.

31.5.15

Duobus navium milibus perrupto Bosporo et litoribus Propontidis Scythicarum gentium catervae transgressae ediderunt quidem acerbas terra marique strages; sed amissa suorum parte maxima reverterunt.

31.5.16

ceciderunt dimicando cum barbaris imperatores Decii pater et filius. obsessae Pamphyliae civitates, insulae populatae conplures, inflammata Macedonia omnis, diu multitudo Thessalonicam circumsedit itidemque Cyzicum. Anchialos capta et tempore eodem Nicopolis, quam indicium victoriae contra Dacos Traianus condidit imperator.

31.5.17

post clades acceptas inlatasque multas et saevas excisa est Philippopolis, centum hominum milibus - nisi fingunt annales - intra moenia iugulatis. vagati per Epirum Thessaliamque et omnem Graeciam licentius hostes externi, sed adsumpto in imperium Claudio glorioso ductore et eodem honesta morte praerepto per Aurelianum, acrem virum et severissimum noxarum ultorem, pulsi per longa saecula siluerunt inmobiles, nisi quod postea latrocinales globi vicina cum sui exitio rarius incursabant. verum ea persequar unde deverti.

31.6.1

Hoc gestorum textu circumlato nuntiis densis Sueridus et Colias, Gothorum optimates, cum populis suis longe ante suscepti et curare apud Hadrianopolim hiberna dispositi, salutem suam ducentes antiquissimam omnium, otiosis animis accidentia cuncta contuebantur.

31.6.2

verum imperatoris litteris repente perlatis, quibus transire iussi sunt in Hellespontum, viaticum cibos biduique dilationem tribui sibi sine tumore poscebant. quod civitatis magistratus ferens indigne - succensebat enim isdem ob rem suam in suburbanis vastatam - imam plebem omnem cum Fabricensibus, quorum illic ampla est multitudo, productam in eorum armavit exitium, iussisque bellicum canere bucinis, ni abirent ocius, ut statutum est, pericula omnibus minabatur extrema.

31.6.3

quo malo praeter spem Gothi perculsi et concito quam considerato civium adsultu perterriti steterunt inmobiles, laceratique ad ultimum detestatione atque conviciis et temptati missilium iactibus raris ad defectionem erupere confessam, et caesis plurimis, quos impetus deceperat petulantior, aversisque residuis et telorum varietate confixis, habitu iam Romano cadaveribus spoliatis armati, viso propius Fritigerno iunxerunt semet ut morigeri socii urbemque clausam obsidionalibus aerumnis urgebant. in qua difficultate diutius positi, passim et promiscue ruebant, eminensque aliquorum audacia peribat inulta, multique sagittis et rotatis per fundas lapidibus interibant.

31.6.4

tunc Fritigernus frustra cum tot cladibus conluctari homines ignaros obsidendi contemplans, relicta ibi manu sufficiente abire negotio inperfecto suasit, pacem sibi esse cum parietibus memorans, suadensque ut populandas opimas regiones et uberes absque discrimine ullo, vacuas praesidiis etiam tum adorerentur.

31.6.5

laudato regis consilio, quem cogitatorum norant fore socium efficacem, per Thraciarum latus omne dispersi caute gradiebantur, dediticiis vel captivis vicos uberes ostendentibus, eos praecipue, ubi alimentorum reperiri satias dicebatur, eo maxime adiumento praeter genuinam erecti fiduciam, quod confluebat ad eos in dies ex eadem gente multitudo, dudum a mercatoribus venundati, adiectis plurimis, quos primo transgressu necati inedia, vino exili vel panis frustis mutavere vilissimis.

31.6.6

quibus accessere sequendarum auri venarum periti non pauci, vectigalium perferre posse non sufficientes sarcinas graves, susceptique libenti consensione cunctorum, magno usui idem fuere ignota peragrantibus loca, conditoria frugum occulta et latebras hominum et receptacula secretiora monstrando.

31.6.7

nec quicquam nisi inaccessum et devium praeeuntibus isdem mansit intactum. sine distantia enim aetatis vel sexus caedibus incendiorumque magnitudine cuncta flagrabant, abstractisque ab ipso uberum suctu parvulis et necatis raptae sunt matres et viduatae maritis coniuges ante oculos caesis, et puberes adultique pueri per parentum cadavera tracti sunt.

31.6.8

senes denique multi, ad satietatem vixisse clamantes, post amissas opes cum speciosis feminis, manibus post terga contortis, defletisque gentilium favillis aedium ducebantur extorres.

31.7.1

Haec ex Thraciis magno maerore accepta Valentem principem in sollicitudines varias distraxerunt. et confestim Victore magistro equitum misso ad Persas, ut super Armeniae statu pro captu rerum conponeret inpendentium, ipse Antiochia protinus egressurus, ut Constantinopolim interim peteret, Profuturum praemisit et Traianum, ambo rectores, anhelantes quidem altius sed inbellis.

31.7.2

qui cum ad loca venissent, ubi particulatim perque furta magis et latrocinia multitudo minui deberet hostilis, ad id, quod erat perniciosum, intempestive conversi, legiones ab Armenia ductas opposuere vesanum adhuc spirantibus barbaris, opere quidem Martio saepe recte conpertas sed inpares plebi inmensae, quae celsorum iuga montium occuparat et campos.

31.7.3

hi numeri nondum experti quid cum desperatione rabies valeret indomita, trusos hostes ultra Haemi montis abscisos scopulos faucibus impegere praeruptis, ubi barbaros locis inclusos, nusquam reperientes exitum diuturna consumeret fames et opperirentur ipsi Frigeridum ducem, cum Pannonicis et transalpinis auxiliis adventantem, quem petitu Valentis Gratianus ire disposuit in procinctum, laturum suppetias his qui ad ultimum vexabantur exitium.

31.7.4

post quem Richomeres a, domesticorum tunc comes, imperatu eiusdem Gratiani motus e Galliis, properavit ad Thracias ductans cohortes aliquas nomine tenus, quarum pars pleraque deserverat - ut iactavere quidam - Merobaudis suasu, veriti ne destitutae adminiculis Galliae vastarentur licenter Rheno perrupto.

31.7.5

verum articulorum dolore Frigerido praepedito, vel certe, ut obtrectatores finxere malivoli, morbum causante ne ferventibus proeliis interesset, universos regens ex communi sententia Richomeres Profuturo sociatur et Traiano, tendentibus prope oppidum Salices: unde haut longo spatio separatum vulgus inaestimabile barbarorum ad orbis rotundi figuram multitudine digesta plaustrorum tamquam intramuranis cohibitum spatiis, otio fruebatur et ubertate praedarum.

31.7.6

Praevia igitur spe meliorum Romani duces, si fors copiam attulisset, ausuri aliquid gloriosum, Gothos, quicquid molirentur sagaciter observabant: id scilicet praestruentes ut, si aliorsum castra movissent, quod fecere creberrime, terga ultimorum adorti plures perfoderent confisi magnamque spoliorum averterent partem.

31.7.7

hoc intellecto hostes vel transfugarum indiciis docti, per quos nilul latebat incognitum, in eodem loco diu manserunt: sed oppositi exercitus metu praestricti aliorumque militum, quos adfuere iam sperabant: tessera data gentili, per diversa prope diffusas accivere vastatorias manus, quae iussis optimatum acceptis statim ut incensi malleoli, ad carraginem - quam ita ipsi appellant - aliti velocitate regressae incentivum audendi maiora popularibus addiderunt.

31.7.8

nihil post haec inter partes praeter indutias laxatum est breves. reversis enim his, quos necessitas evocarat, plebs omnis intra saeptorum ambitum etiam tum contrusa, inmaniter fremens animisque concita truculentis, experiri postrema discrimina, nec principibus gentis, qui aderant, renuentibus, cruditate festinabat. et quoniam haec sole agebantur extremo noxque adventans ad quietem invitos retinebat et maestos, capto per otium cibo, somni manserunt expertes.

31.7.9

contra Romani his cognitis ipsi quoque exsomnes verebantur hostes et male sanos eorum ductores ut rabidas feras: eventum licet ancipitem ut numero satis inferiores, prosperum tamen ob iustiorem sui causam mentibus exspectantes inpavidis.

31.7.10

Candente itaque protinus die, signo ad arma capienda ex utraque parte per lituos dato, barbari postquam inter eos ex more iuratum est, tumulosos locos adpetere temptaverunt: quo exinde per proclive rotarum modo obvios impetu convolverent acriore. hocque viso ad suos quisque manipulos properans miles, stabili gradu consistens nec vagabatur nec relictis ordinibus procursabat.

31.7.11

ergo ubi utrimque acies cautius incedentes gressu steterunt immobili, torvitate mutua bellatores luminibus se contuebantur obliquis. et Romani quidem voce undique Martia concinentes, a minore solita ad maiorem protolli, quam gentilitate appellant barritum, vires validas erigebant. barbari vero maiorum laudes clamoribus stridebant inconditis, interque varios sermonis dissoni strepitus leviora proelia temptabantur.

31.7.12

iamque verrutis et missilibus aliis utrimque semet eminus lacessentes ad conferendas coiere minaciter manus, et scutis in testudinum formam coagmentatis pes cum pede conlatus est. barbarique ut reparabiles semper et celeres, ingentes clavas in nostros conicientes ambustas mucronesque acrius resistentium pectoribus inlidentes, sinistrum cornu perrumpunt: quod inclinatum subsidialis robustissimus globus e propinquo latere fortiter excitus haerente iam morte cervicibus sustentavit.

31.7.13

fervente igitur densis caedibus proelio in confertos quisque promptior ruens, ritu grandinis undique volitantibus telis oppetebat et gladiis, et sequebantur equites hinc inde fugientium occipitia lacertis ingentibus praecidentes et terga, itidemque altrinsecus pedites lapsorum, timore impeditorum, secando suffragines.

31.7.14

et cum omnia caesorum corporibus opplerentur, iacebant inter eos quidam semianimes, spem vitae inaniter usurpando, alii glande fundis excussa vel harundinibus armatis ferro confixi, quorundam capita per medium frontis et verticis mucrone distincta in utrumque humerum magno cum horrore pendebant.

31.7.15

et pertinaci concertatione nondum lassatae, aequo Marte partes semet altrinsecus adflictabant, nec de rigore genuino quisquam remittebat, dum vires animorum alacritas excitaret. diremit tamen interneciva certamina cedens vespero dies, et cunctis, qua quisque potuit, inconposite discedentibus residui omnes repetunt tentoria tristiores.

31.7.16

humatis denique pro locorum et temporis ratione honoratis quibusdam inter defunctos, reliqua peremptorum corpora dirae volucres consumpserunt adsuetae illo tempore cadaveribus pasci, ut indicant nunc usque albentes ossibus campi. constat tamen in numero longe minores Romanos, cum ea copiosa multitudine conluctatos, funerea multa perpessos: non tamen sine deflendis aerumnis exagitasse barbaram plebem.

31.8.1

His casibus proeliorum ita luctuose finitis nostri proximos Marcianopoleos petivere secessus. Gothi intra vehiculorum anfractus sponte sua contrusi numquam exinde per dies septem egredi vel videri sunt ausi, ideoque oportunitatem milites nancti, inmensas alias barbarorum catervas inter Haemimontanas angustias clauserunt aggerum obiectu celsorum, hac spe nimirum ut inter Histrum et solitudines perniciosa hostium multitudo conpacta nullosque reperiens exitus periret inedia, cunctis utilibus ad vivendum in civitates validas conportatis, quarum nullam etiam tum circumsedere conati sunt, haec et similia machinari penitus ignorantes.

31.8.2

post quae re petivit Gallias Richomeres ob maiorem proeliorum fremitum, qui sperabatur, inde adminicula perducturus. haec Gratiano quater et Merobaude consulibus agebantur, anno in autumnum vergente.

31.8.3

Inter quae Valens audito lugubri bellorum direptionumque eventu Saturninum, equestris exercitus ad tempus cura commissa, suppetias Traiano ferentem misit et Profuturo.

31.8.4

forteque isdem diebus per Scythiae regiones et Moesiae omnibus, quae poterant mandi, consumptis, feritate urgente pariter et inopia, barbari erumpere molibus magnis ardebant. hocque saepe temptato cum obruerentur vigore nostrorumper asperitates scruposas valide resistentium, adacti necessitate postrema, Hunorum et Halanorum aliquos ad societatem spe praedarum ingentium adsciverunt.

31.8.5

Quo cognito Saturninus - iam enim aderat et praetenturas stationesque disponebat agrarias - paulatim conligens suos, digredi parabat consilio non absurdo: ne subita multituclo uti amnis inpulsu undarum obicibus ruptis emissus, convelleret levi negotio cunctos, suspecta loca acutius observantes.

31.8.6

deinde post reseratas angustias abitumque militis tempestivum, incomposite, qua quisque clausorum potuit, nullo vetante turbandis incubuit rebus: et vastabundi omnes per latituclines Thraciae pandebantur impune, ab ipsis tractibus, quos praetermeat Hister, exorsi, ad usque Rhodopen et fretum, quod immensa disterminat maria, rapinis et caedibus sanguineque et incendiis et liberorum corporum corruptelis omnia foedissime permiscentes.

31.8.7

tunc erat spectare cum gemitu facta dictu visuque praedira, attonitas metu feminas flagris concrepantibus agitari, fetibus gravidas adhuc immaturis, antequam prodirent in lucem, impia tolerantibus multa: implicatos alios matribus parvulos et puberum audire lamenta puellarumque nobilium, quarum stringebat fera captivitas manus.

31.8.8

post quae adulta virginitas castitasque nuptarum ore abiecto flens ultima ducebatur, mox profanandum pudorem optans morte, licet cruciabili, praevenire. inter quae cum beluae ritu traheretur ingenuus paulo ante dives et liber, de te Fortuna ut inclementi querebatur et caeca, quae eum puncto temporis brevi opibus exutum et dulcedine caritatum domoque extorrem, quam concidisse vidit in cinerem et ruinas, aut lacerandum membratim, aut serviturum sub verberibus et tormentis crudo devovisti victori.

31.8.9

Barbari tamen velut diffractis caveis bestiae per spatiorum amplitudines fusius incitati, oppidum petivere nomine Dibaltum, ubi tribunum Scutariorum Barzimeren inventum cum suis, Cornutisque et aliis peditum numeris castra ponentem adsiliunt, eruditum pulvere militari rectorem.

31.8.10

qui confestim, ut adigebat necessitas instantis exitii, iussa canere bellicum tuba, lateribus firmatis, praerupit cum promptis adcinctis ad proelium: fortiterque resistendo pari pugnandi sorte discessisset, ni eum equitum adcursus complurium anhelum circumvenisset et fessum. et ita cecidit interfectis barbarorum non paucis, quorum clades copiarum magnitudo celabat.

31.9.1

Re in hunc modum peracta, Gothi, quid postea molirentur incerti, quaeritabant Frigeridum, tamquam obicem validun, ubi reperirent, excisuri: et cultiore victu somnoque parumper adsumpto, eum sequebantur ut ferae: docti quod Gratiani monitu reversus in Thracias, et prope Beroeam vallo metato, eventus rerum speculabatur ancipites.

31.9.2

et hi quidem ad patrandum propositum discursione rapida maturabant. ille vero regendi conservandique militis non ignarus, id quod cogitatum est suspicatus, vel exploratorum relatione, quos miserat, aperte instructus, per montium celsa silvarumque densitates ad Illyricum redit, erectus prosperitate nimia, quam ei fors obtulit insperata.

31.9.3

repedando enim congregatosque in cuneos sensim progrediens, Gothorum optimatem Farnobium cum vastatoris globis vagantem licentius occupavit, ducentemque Taifalos nuper in societatem adhibitos: qui, si dignum est dici, nostris ignotarum gentium terrore dispersis, transiere flumen direpturi vacua defensoribus loca.

31.9.4

eorum catervis subito visis certare comminus dux cautissimus parans adortusque nationis utriusque grassatores minantes etiam tum acerba, trucidasset omnes ad unum, ut ne nuntius quidem cladis post appareret, ni cum aliis multis perempto Farnobio, metuendo antehac incensore turbarum, obtestatus prece impensa superstitibus pepercisset, vivosque omnes circa Mutinam Regiumque et Parmam Italica oppida, rura culturos exterminavit.

31.9.5

Taifalorum gentem turpem obscenae vitae flagitiis ita accepimus mersam, ut apud eos nefandi concubitus foedere copulentur maribus puberes, aetatis viriditatem in eorum pollutis usibus consumpturi. porro siqui iam adultus aprum exceperit solus vel interemerit ursum immanem, conluvione liberatur incesti.

31.10.1

Haec autumno vergente in hiemem funesti per Thracias turbines converrebant. quae temporum rabies velut cuncta cientibus Furiis ad regiones quoque longinquas progrediens late serpebat.

31.10.2

et iam Lentiensis Alamannicus populus, tractibus Raetiarum confinis, per fallaces discursus violato foedere dudum concepto, conlimitia nostra temptabat, quae clades hinc exitiale primordium sumpsit.

31.10.3

ex hac natione quidam inter principis armigeros militans, poscente negotio reversus in larem, ut erat in loquendo effusior, interrogantes multos quid ageretur in palatio, docet arcessitu Valentis patrui Gratianum orientem versus mox signa moturum, ut duplicatis viribus repellantur plagarum terminalium adcolae, ad Romanorum rerum excidium coniurati.

31.10.4

quibus avide Lentienses acceptis, ipsi quoque haec quasi vicini cernentes, ut sunt veloces et rapidi, conferti in praedatorios globos, Rhenum gelu pervium pruinis Februario mense . .. tendentes prope cum Petulantibus Celtae, non sine sui iactura adflictos graviter adultis viribus averterunt.

31.10.5

verum retrocedere coacti Germani, noscentesque exercitus pleramque partem in Illyricum, ut imperatore mox adfuturo, praegressam, exarsere flagrantius: maioraque conceptantes, pagorum omnium incolis in unum conlectis cum quadraginta armatorum milibus vel septuaginta, ut quidam laudes extollendo principis iactarunt, sublati in superbiam nostra confidentius inruperunt.

31.10.6

Quibus Gratianus cum formidine magna compertis, revocatis cohortibus, quas praemiserat in Pannonias, convocatisque aliis, quas in Galliis retinuerat dispositio prudens, Nannieno negotium dedit, virtutis sobriae duci: eique Mallobauden iunxit pari potestate conlegam, domesticorum comitem, regemque Francorum, virum bellicosum et fortem.

31.10.7

Nannieno igitur pensante fortunarum versabiles casus ideoque cunctandum esse censente Mallobaudes alta pugnandi cupiditate raptatus, ut consueverat, ire in hostem differendi impatiens angebatur.

31.10.8

proinde horrifico adversum fragore terrente, primum apud Argentariam signo per cornicines dato concurri est coeptum, sagittarum verrutorumque missilium pulsibus crebriores hinc indeque sternebantur.

31.10.9

sed in ipso proeliorum ardore infinita hostium multitudine milites visa, vitantesque aperta discrimina, per calles consitas arboribus et angustas, ut quisque potuit, dispersi, paulo postea stetere fidentius: et splendore consimili proculque nitore fulgentes armorum, imperatorii adventus iniecere barbaris metum.

31.10.10

qui repente versi in terga resistentesque interdum, nequid ultimae rationis omitterent, ita sunt caesi ut ex praedicto numero non plus quam quinque milia, ut aestimabatur, evaderent densitate nemorum tecta, inter complures alios audaces et fortes rege quoque Priario interfecto, exitialium concitore pugnarum.

31.10.11

Hac laeti successus fiducia Gratianus erectus, iamque ad partes tendens eoas, laevorsus flexo itinere latenter Rheno transito, spe incitatior bona, universam, si id temptanti fors adfuisset, delere statuit malefidam et turbamm avidam gentem.

31.10.12

hocque urgentibus aliis super alios nuntiis cognito, Lentienses aerumnis populi sui ad internecionem paene deleti, et repentino principis adventu defixi, quid capesserent ambigentes, cum neque repugnandi neque agendi aliquid aut moliendi laxamentum possent invenire vel breve, impetu celeri obsessos petiverunt inviis cautibus colles, abruptisque per ambitum rupibus insistentes, rebus caritatibusque suis, quas secum duxerant, omni virium robore propugnabant.

31.10.13

qua difficultate perpensa, velut murorum obicibus opponendi per legiones singulas quingenteni leguntur annati, usu prudenter bellandi comperti. qui ea re animorum aucta fiducia quod versari inter antesignanos visebatur acriter princeps, montes scandere nitebantur, tamquam venaticias praedas, si calcassent editiora, confestim sine certamine ullo rapturi: exorsumque proelium vergente in meridiem die, tenebrae quoque occupavere nocturnae.

31.10.14

quippe magno utriusque partis pugnabatur exitio: caedebant cadebantque nostrorum non pauci, simul arma imperatorii comitatus auro colorumque micantia claritudine, iaculatione ponderum densa confringebantur.

31.10.15

Et enim diu reputante Gratiano cum optimatibus perniciosum apparebat et inritum contra asperitates aggerum prominentium intempestiva contendere pertinacia, multis - ut in tali negotio - variatis sententiis, otioso milite circumvallari placuit barbaros inedia fatigatos, quia locorum iniquitate defenderetur.

31.10.16

verum cum obstinatione simili renitentes Germani peritique regionum petissent alios montes, his, quos ante insederant, altiores: conversus illuc cmn exercitu imperator, eadem qua antea fortitudine semitas ducentes ad ardua quaeritabat.

31.10.17

quem l,entienses intentum iugulis suis omni perseverandi studio contemplantes, post deditionem, quam inpetravere supplici prece, oblata - ut praeceptum est - iuventute valida nostris tirociniis permiscenda, ad genitales terras innoxii ire permissi sunt.

31.10.18

Hanc victoriam oportunam et fructuosam, quae gentes hebetavit occiduas, sempiterni numinis nutu Gratianus incredibile dictu est quo quantoque cum vigore exerta celeritate aliorsum properans expedivit: praeclarae indolis adulescens, facundus et moderatus et bellicosus et clemens, ad aemulationem lectorum progrediens principum, dum etiam tum lanugo genis inserperet speciosa, ni vergens in ludibriosos actus natura, laxantibus proximis semet ad vana studia Caesaris Commodi convertisset, licet hic incruentus.

31.10.19

ut enim ille, quia perimere iaculis plurimas feras spectante consueverat populo, et centum leones in amphitheatrali circulo simul emissos telorum vario genere, nullo geminato vulnere contruncavit, ultra hominem exsultavit, ita hic quoque intra saepta, quae appellant vivaria, sagittarum pulsibus crebris dentatas conficiens bestias: incidentia multa parvi ducebat et seria: eo tempore, quo etiam si imperium Marcus regeret Antoninus, aegre sine collegis similibus et magna sobrietate consiliorum lenire luctuosos rei publicae poterat casus.

31.10.20

Dispositis igitur, quae pvo temporum captu per Gallias res rationesque poscebant, et punito Scutario proditore, qui festinare principem ad Illyricum barbaris indicarat, Gratianus exinde digressus per castra, quibus Felicis Arboris nomen est per Lauriacum ad opitulandum oppressae parti porrectis itineribus ire tendebat.

31.10.21

Isdemque diebus Frigerido multa atque utilia pro securitate communi sollertissime cogitanti munireque properanti Succorum angustias, ne discursatores hostes et leves tamquam exaestuantes vi torrentes per septentrionales provincias fusius vagarentur, successor Maurus nomine mittitur comes, venalis ferociae specie et ad cuncta mobilis et incertus, is est quem praeteritorum textu rettulimus, ambigenti super corona capiti inponenda Iuliano Caesari, dum inter eius armigeros militaret, arroganti confidentia torquem obtulisse collo abstractam.

31.10.22

remotusque in ipsa vertigine pereuntium rerum dux cautus et diligens, cum etiam si dudum discessisset in otium, ad procinctum reduci negotiorum magnitudine poscente deberet.

31.11.1

His forte diebus Valens tandem excitus Antiochia, longitudine viarum emensa venit Constantinopolim, ubi moratus paucissimos dies seditioneque popularium levi pulsatus, Sebastiano paulo ante ab Italia, ut petierat, misso, vigilantiae notae ductori pedestris exercitus cura commissa, quem regebat antea Traianus: ipse ad Melanthiada villam Caesarianam profectus, militem stipendio fovebat et alimentis et blanda crebritate sermonum.

31.11.2

unde cum itinere edicto per tesseram Nicen venisset, quae statio ita cognominatur: relatione speculatorum didicit refertos opima barbaros praeda a Rhodopeis tractibus prope Hadrianopolim revertisse: qui motu imperatoris cum abundanti milite cognito, popularibus iungere festinant, circa Beroeam et Nicopolim agentibus praesidiis fixis: atque ilico ut oblatae occasionis maturitas postulabat, cum trecentenis militibus per singulos numeros lectis Sebastianus properare dispositus est, conducens rebus publicis aliquid, ut promittebat, acturus.

31.11.3

qui itineribus celeratis conspectus prope Hadrianopolim, obseratis vi portis iuxta adire prohibebatur: veritis defensoribus ne captus ab hoste veniret et subornatus atque contingeret aliquid in civitatis perniciem, quale per Actum acciderat comitem, quo per fraudem Magnentiacis militibus capto claustra patefacta sunt Alpium Iuliarum.

31.11.4

agnitus tamen licet sero Sebastianus et urbem introire permissus, cibo et quiete curatis pro copia, quos ductabat, secuta luce impetu clandestino erupit, vesperaque incedente Gothorum vastatorios cuneos prope flumen Hebrum subito visos paulisper opertus aggeribus et frutectis obscura nocte suspensis passibus inconpositos adgressus est, adeoque prostravit ut praeter paucos, quos morte velocitas exemerat pedum, interirent reliqui omnes, praedamque retraxit innumeram, quam nec civitas cepit nec planities lata camporum.

31.11.5

qua causa percitus Fritigernus et extimescens, ne dux, ut saepe audierat, impetrabilis dispersos licenter suorum globos raptuique intentos consumeret, inprovisos adoriens : revocatis omnibus prope Cabylen oppidum cito discessit, ut agentes in regionibus patulis nec inedia nec occultis vexarentur insidiis.

31.11.6

Dum haec aguntur in Thraciis, Gratianus docto litteris patruo, qua industria superaverit Alamanos, pedestri itinere, praemissis inpedimentis et sarcinis, ipse cum expeditiore militum manu permeato Danubio, delatus Bononiam, Sirmium introiit, et quadriduum ibi moratus per idem flumen ad Martis castra descendit, febribus intervallatis adflictus: in quo tractu Halanorum impetu repentino temptatus amisit sequentium paucos.

31.12.1

Isdemque diebus exagitatus ratione gemina Valens, quod Lentienses conpererat superatos, quodque Sebastianus subinde scribens facta dictis exaggerabat, e Melanthiade signa commovit, aequiperare facinore quodam egregio adulescentem properans filium fratris, cuius virtutibus urebatur: ducebatque multiplices copias nec contemnendas nec segnes, quippe etiam veteranos isdem iunxerat plurimos, inter quos et honoratiores alii et Traianus recinctus est, paulo ante magister armorum.

31.12.2

et quoniam exploratione sollicita cognitum est cogitare hostes fortibus praesidiis itinera claudere, per quae commeatus necessarii portabantur, occursum est huic conatui conpetenter, ad retinendas oportunitates angustiarum, quae prope erant, peditibus sagittariis et equitum turma citius missa.

31.12.3

triduoque proximo cum barbari gradu incederent leni et metuentes eruptionem per devia, quindecim milibus passuum a civitate discreti stationem peterent Nicen - incertum quo errore - procursatoribus omnem illam multitudinis partem, quam viderant, in numero decem milium esse firmantibus, imperator procaci quodam calore perculsus isdem occurrere festinabat.

31.12.4

proinde agmine quadrato incedens prope suburbanum Hadrianopoleos venit, ubi vallo sudibus fossaque firmato, Gratianum inpatienter operiens, Richomerem comitem domesticorum suscepit ab eodem imperatore praemissum cum litteris, ipsum quoque venturum mox indicantibus.

31.12.5

quarum textu oratus ut praestolaretur paulisper periculorum participem, neve abruptis discriminibus temere semet committeret solum, adhibitis in consilium potestatibus variis, quid facto opus esset deliberabat.

31.12.6

et cum Sebastiano auctore quidam protinus eundum ad certamen urgerent, Victor nomine magister equitum, Sarmata sed cunctator et cautus, eadem sentientibus multis imperii socium exspeetari eensebat, ut incrementis exercitus Gallicani adscitis opprimeretur levius tumor barbaricus flammans.

31.12.7

vicit tamen funesta principis destinatio et adulabilis quorundam sententia regiorum, qui, ne paene iam partae victoriae - ut opinabantur - consors fieret Gratianus, properari cursu celeri suadebant.

31.12.8

Et dum neeessaria parabantur ad decernendum, Christiani ritus presbyter, ut ipsi appellant, missus a Fritigerno legatus cum aliis humilibus venit ad principis castra, susceptusque leniter eiusdem ductoris obtulit scripta petentis propalam ut sibi suisque, quos extorres patriis laribus rapidi ferarum gentium exegere discursus, habitanda Thracia sola eum pecore omni concederentur et frugibus: hoc impetrato spondentis perpetuam pacem.

31.12.9

praeter haec idem Christianus ut eonscius arcanorum et fidus, secretas alias eiusdem regis obtulit litteras, qui astu et ludificandi varietate nimium sollers docebat Valentem quasi mox amicus futurus et socius, aliter se popularium saevitiam mollire non posse vel ad condiciones rei Romanae profuturas allicere, nisi subinde armatum isdem iuxta monstraret exercitum et timore imperatorii nominis intentato eos a pernicioso pugnandi revocaret ardore. et legati quidem ut ambigui frustra habiti discesserunt.

31.12.10

Exoriente vero aurora diei, quem quintum Iduum Augustarum numerus ostendit annalis, signa praepropere commoventur, inpedimentis et sarcinis prope Hadrianopoleos muros cum legionum tutela congrua conlocatis. thesauri enim et principalis fortunae insignia cetera cum praefecto et consistorianis ambitu moenium tenebantur.

31.12.11

decursis itaque viarum spatiis confragosis cum in medium torridus procederet dies, octava tandem hora hostium carpenta cernuntur, quae ad speciem rotunditatis detornata digestaque exploratorum relatione adfirmabantur. atque, ut mos est, ululante barbara plebe ferum et triste, Romani duces aciem struxere: et anteposito dextro cornu equitum primo, peditatus pars maxima subsidebat.

31.12.12

cornu autem equitum laevum disiectis adhuc per itinera plurimis summa difficultate conductum properabat passibus citis. dumque idem cornu nullo etiam tum interturbante extenditur, horrendo fragore sibilantibus armis pulsuque minaci scutorum territi barbari, quoniam pars eorum cum Alatheo et Saphrace procul agens et accita nondum venerat, oraturos pacem misere legatos.

31.12.13

eorum dum vilitatem despicit imperator, ut firma fierent paciscenda, optimates poscens idoneos mitti: illi de industria cunctabantur ut inter fallaces indutias equites sui redirent, quos adfore iam sperabant: et miles fervore calefactus aestivo, siccis faucibus commarceret relucente amplitudine camporum incendiis, quos lignis nutrimentisque aridis subditis, ut hoc fieret, idem hostes urebant. cui malo aliud quoque accedebat exitiale quod homines et iumenta cruciabat inedia gravis.

31.12.14

Inter quae Fritigernus callidus futuri coniector, Martemque pertimescens ancipitem, velut caduceatorem unum e plebe suo misit arbitrio, impetens nobiles quosdam et electos ad se prope diem obsides mitti, inpavidus ipse minas militares laturus et necessaria.

31.12.15

laudato probatoque formidati ducis proposito, tribunus Aequitius, cui tunc erat cura palatii credita, Valentis propinquus, adsentientibus cunctis ire pignoris loco mature disponitur. quo renitente, quia semel captus ab hostibus lapsusque a Dibalto, verebatur eorum inrationabiles motus, Richomeres se sponte obtulit propria, ireque promiserat libens, pulcrum hoc quoque facinus et viro convenire existimans forti: iamque pergebat indicia dignitatis et natalium ....

31.12.16

eo ad vallum hostile tendente sagittarii et scutarii, quos Bacurius Hiberus quidam tunc regebat et Cassio, avidius impetu calenti progressi iamque adversis conexi, ut inmature proruperant, ita inerti discessu primordia belli foedarunt.

31.12.17

hocque inpedimento conatus intempestivi et Richomeris alacritas fracta est, nusquam ire permissi, et equitatus Gothorum cum Alatheo reversus et Saphrace, Halanorum manu permixta, ut fulmen prope montes celsos excussus, quoscumque adcursu veloci invenire comminus potuit, incitata caede turbavit.

31.13.1

Cumque arma ex latere omni concuterentur et tela, lituosque Bellona luctuosos inflaret in clades Romanas solito inmanius furens, cedentes nostri multis interclamantibus restiterunt et proelium flammarum ritu adcrescens terrebat militum animos, confixis quibusdam rotatis ictibus iaculorum et sagittarum.

31.13.2

deinde conlisae in modum rostratarum navium acies trudentesque se vicissim, undarum specie motibus sunt reciprocis iactitatae. Et quia sinistrum cornu ad usque plaustra ipsa accessit, ultra., siqui tulissent suppetias, processurum: a reliquo equitatu desertum, multitudine hostili urgente sicut ruina aggeris magni oppressum atque deiectum est: steterunt inprotecti pedites, ita concatervatis manipulis ut vix mucronem exerere aut ma,nus reducere quisquam posset. nec iam obiectu pulveris caelum patere potuit ad prospectum, clamoribus resultans horrificis. qua causa tela undique mortem vibrantia destinata cadebant et noxia, quod nec provideri poterant nec caveri.

31.13.3

verum ubi effusi inmensis agminibus barbari iumenta conterebant et viros, et neque ad receptum confertis ordinibus laxari usquam poterat locus, et evadendi copiam constipatio densior adimebat: nostri quoque ultimo cadendi contemptu occursantes receptis gladiis obtruncabant, et mutuis securium ictibus galeae perfringebantur atque loricae.

31.13.4

videreque licebat celsum ferocia barbarum, genis stridore constrictis, succiso poplite aut abscisa ferro dextera vel confosso latere inter ipsa quoque mortis confinia minaciter circumferentem oculos truces: ruinaque confligentium mutua humo corporibus stratis campi peremptis impleti sunt, et morientium gemitus profundisque vulneribus transfixorum cum timore audiebantur ingenti.

31.13.5

in hoc tanto tamque confusae rei tumultu exhausti labore et periculis pedites cum deinceps neque vires illis neque mentes suppeterent ad consilium, diffractis hastarum plerisque conlisione adsidua, gladiis contenti destrictis in confertas hostium turmas mergebant se, salutis inmemores, circumspectantes ademptum esse omne evadendi suffugium.

31.13.6

et quia humus rivis operta sanguineis gressus labiles evertebat, conabantur modis omnibus vitam inpendere non inultam: adeo magno animorum robore oppositi incumbentibus, ut etiam telis quidam propriis interirent. atra denique cruoris facie omnia conturbante et, quocumque se inflexerant oculi, acervis caesorum adgestis, exanimata cadavera sine parsimonia calcabantur.

31.13.7

solque sublimior decurso Leone ad domicilium caelestis Virginis transiens, Romanos magis attenuatis inedia sitique confectos etiam armorum gravantibus sarcinis exurebat. ad ultimum incumbente barbarorum pondere acies inclinatae nostrorum, quod solum postremis malis habuere subsidium, incondite qua quisque poterat, vertuntur in pedes.

31.13.8

Dumque omnes dispersi per ignotos tramites cedunt, imperator diris pavoribus circumsaeptus paulatimque insiliens funerum moles, ad Lancearios confugit et Mattiarios: qui, dum multitudo tolerabatur hostilis, fixis corporibus steterant inconcussi. eoque viso Traianus exclamat spem omnem absumptam, ni desertus ab armigeris princeps saltim adventicio tegeretur auxilio.

31.13.9

hocque audito Victor nomine comes Batavos in subsidiis locatos haut procul ad imperatoris praesidium raptim cogere properans cum invenire neminem posset, gradiens retro discessit, parique modo Richomeres periculo semet exemit et Saturninus.

31.13.10

Sequebantur itaque furore ex oculis lucente barbari nostros, iam linquente venarum calore torpentes : quorum aliqui percussoribus cadebant incertis, non nulli ponderibus solis urgentium obruti ictuque suorum aliqui trucidati: nec enim saepe renitentibus cedebatur aut parcebat cedentibus quisquam.

31.13.11

super his obstruebant itinera iacentes multi semineces, cruciatus vulnerum conquerentes: cum quibus aggeres quoque equorum constrati cadaveribus campos impleverunt. diremit haec numquam pensabilia damna, quae magno rebus stetere Romanis, nullo splendore lunari nox fulgens.

31.13.12

Primaque caligine tenebrarum inter gregarios imperator, ut opinari dabatur - neque enim vidisse se quisquam vel praesto fuisse adseveravit - sagitta perniciose saucius ruit, spirituque mox consumpto decessit nec postea repertus est usquam. hostium enim paucis spoliandi gratia mortuos per ea loca diu versatis, nullus fugatorum vel accolarum illuc adire est ausus.

31.13.13

simili clade Caesarem accepimus Decium dimicantem cum barbaris acriter, equi lapsu prostratum, quem ferventem retinere non valuit, abiectumque in paludem nec emergere potuisse nec inveniri.

31.13.14

alii dicunt Valentem animam non exhalasse confestim sed cum candidatis et spadonibus paucis prope ad agrestem casam relatum secunda contignatione fabre munitam, dum fovetur manibus imperitis, circumsessum ab hostibus, qui esset ignorantibus, dedecore captivitatis exemptum.

31.13.15

cum enim oppessulatas ianuas perrumpere conati, qui secuti sunt, a parte pensili domus sagittis incesserentur, ne per moras inexpedibiles populandi ammitterent copiam, congestis stipulae fascibus et lignorum, flammaque supposita, aedificium cum hominibus torruerunt.

31.13.16

unde quidam de candidatis per fenestram lapsus captusque a barbaris prodidit factum et eos maerore adflixit, magna gloria defraudatos, quod Romanae rei rectorem non cepere superstitem. is ipse iuvenis occulte postea reversus ad nostros haec ita accidisse narravit.

31.13.17

pari clade recuperatis Hispaniis Scipionum alterum cremata turri, in quam confugerat, absumptum incendio hostili conperimus. illud tamen certum est, nec Scipioni, nec Valenti sepulturam, qui supremitatis honor est, contigisse.

31.13.18

In hac multiplici virorum inlustrium clade Traiani mors eminuit et Sebastiani, cum quibus triginta quinque oppetivere tribuni vacantes et numerorum rectores et Valerianus atque Aequitius, quorum alter stabulum, alter curabat palatium. inter hos etiam Promotorum tribunus Potentius cecidit in primaevo aetatis Ilore, bono cuique spectatus, meritis Vrsicini patris magistri quondam armorum suisque commendabilis. constatque vix tertiam evasisse exercitus partem.

31.13.19

nec ulla annalibus praeter Cannensem pugnam ita ad internecionem res legitur gesta, quamquam Romani aliquotiens reflante Fortuna fallaciis lusi bellorum iniquitati cesserunt ad tempus, et certamina multa fabulosae naeniae flevere Graecorum.

31.14.1

Perit autem hoc exitu Valens quinquagesimo anno contiguus, cum per annos quattuor inperasset et decem parvo minus.

31.14.2

cuius bona multis cognita dicemus et vitia. amicus fidelis et firmus, ultor acer ambitionum, severus militaris et civi]is disciplinae corrector, pervigil semper et anxius, ne propinquitatem quis praetendens altius semet ferret, erga deferendas potestates vel adimendas nimium tardus, provinciarum aequissimus tutor, quarum singulas ut domum propriam custodiebat indemnes, tributorum onera studio quodam molliens singulari, nulla vectigalium admittens augmenta, in adaerandis reliquorum debitis non molestus, furibus et in peculatu deprehensis iudicibus inimicus asper et vehemens.

31.14.3

nec sub alio principe in huius modi negotiis melius secum actum esse meminit oriens. super his omnibus liberalis erat cum moderatione, cuius rei licet abundent exempla, unum tamen sufficiet poni. ut sunt in palatiis non nulli alienarum rerum avidi, siqui caducum vel aliud petisset ex usu, cum magna iustorum iniustorumque distinctione contradictori copia servata, donabat ei, qui petierat, tres vel quattuor alios absentes aliquotiens impetratorum participes iungens: ut castigatius agerent inquieti, lucra, quibus inhiabant, hoc minui commento cernentes.

31.14.4

super aedificiis autem, quae per diversas urbes et oppida vel instauravit vel a primis instruxit auspiciis - ne sim longior - taceo, rebus ipsis id apertius monstrare concedens. haec bonis omnibus aemulanda sunt, ut existimo: nunc eius vitia percurramus.

31.14.5

Magnarum opum intemperans adpetitor, laborum inpatiens, duritiamque magis adfectans inmanem in crudelitatem proclivior, subagrestis ingenii, nec bellicis nec liberalibus studiis eruditus: alienis gemitibus libenter emolumenta fructusque conquirens, tuncque magis intolerabilis cum incidentia crimina ad contemptam vel laesam principis amplitudinem trahens in sanguinem saeviebat et dispendia locupletum.

31.14.6

illud quoque ferri non poterat quod, cum legibus lites omnes quaestionesque committere videri se vellet, destinatisque velut lectis iudicibus negotia spectanda mandabat, nihil agi contra libidinem suam patiebatur: iniuriosus alias et iracundus et criminantibus sine differentia veri vel falsi facillime patens, quae vitiorum labes etiam in his privatis cotidianisque rationibus inpendio est formidanda.

31.14.7

Cessator et piger: nigri coloris, pupula oculi unius obstructa, sed ita, ut non eminus appareret, figura bene conpacta membrorum, staturae nec procerae nec humilis, incurvis cruribus extanteque mediocriter ventre.

31.14.8

Haec super Valente dixisse sufficiet, quae vera esse aequalis nobis memoria plene testatur. illud autem praeteriri non convenit, quod cum oraculo tripodis, quem movisse Patricium docuimus et Hilarium, tres versus illos fatidicos comperisset, quorum ultimus est. en pedioisi Mimantos agaiomenoio Areos ut erat inconsummatus et rudis, inter initia contemnebat, processu vero luctuum maximorum abiecte etiam timidus, eiusdem sortis recordatione Asiae nomen horrebat: ubi Erythraeo oppido superpositum montem Mimanta et Homerum scripsisse et Tullium doctis referentibus audiebat.

31.14.9

denique post interitum eius discessumque hostilem, prope locum, in quo cecidisse existimatus est, inventus dicitur saxeus monumenti suggestus, cui lapis adfixus incisis litteris Graecis, sepultum ibi nobilem quendam Mimanta veterem indicabat.

31.15.1

Post exitialem pugnam cum iam tenebris nox terras implesset, hi qui superfuere, dextra pars, alii laeva vel quo metus traxerat, ferebantur, quisque proximos quaerens: cum praeter se nihil singuli cernere poterant, occipitiis propriis ferrum arbitrantes haerere. audiebantur tamen, licet longius, heiulatus miserabiles relictorum singultusque morientium et vulneratorum crucibabiles fletus.

31.15.2

Luce vero coeptante victores ut bestiae sanguinis inritamento atrocius efferatae, spei inanis inlecebris agitati, Hadrianopolim agminibus petivere densetis, eam vel cum discriminibus excisuri postremis: docti per proditores et transfugas potestatum culmina maximarum et fortunae principalis insignia thesaurosque Valentis illic ut arduo in munimento conditos.

31.15.3

et ne intervallatis ardor intepesceret moris, hora diei quarta ambitu cincto murorum, infestissime certabatur: oppugnatoribus genuina ferocia ad praeceps exitium festinantibus, contraque defensorum vigore validis viribus incitato.

31.15.4

et quia militum calonumque numerus magnus civitatem cum iumentis introire prohibitus, adfixus parietibus moenium aedibusque continuis, pro loci humilitate fortiter decernebat, superatque rabies inmientium ad usque horam diei nonam, subito pedites nostri trecenti, ex his, qui prope ipsas stetere loricas, conferti in cuneum desciverunt ad barbaros, eosque illi avide raptos confestim - incertum quo consilio - trucidarunt; et ex eo deinceps observatum est, neminem huius modi aliquid vel in desperatione rerum ultima cogitasse.

31.15.5

fervente itaque tot malorum congerie, repente cum fragore caelesti imbres nubibus atris effusi dispersere circumfrementium globos, reversique ad vallum dimensum tereti figura plaustrorum, inmanes spiritus latius porrigentes iubebant nostris per minaces litteras, et legatum ... fide retinendae salutis accepta.

31.15.6

verum introire non auso, qui missus est, per Christianum quendam portatis scriptis et recitatis, utque decebat contemplatis, parandis operibus dies et nox omnis absumpta. nam intrinsecus silicibus magnis obstrusae sunt portae et moenium intuta firmata, et ad emittenda undique tela vel saxa, tormenta per locos aptata sunt habiles adgestaque prope sufficiens aqua. pridie enim dimicantium quidam siti ad usque ipsa vitae detrimenta vexati sunt.

31.15.7

Contra Gothi reputantes difficiles Martis eventus, anxiique cum sterni et sauciari cernerent fortiores, et particulatim vires suas convelli, astutum iniere consilium, quod ipsa indicante iustitia publicatum est.

31.15.8

partis enim nostrae candidatos aliquos, qui die praeterito ad eos defecerant, pellexere ut simulata fuga velut ad propria remeantes, intra muros suscipi se curarent, ingressique latenter quandam incenderent partem: ut tamquam signo erecto occultius, dum circa exstinguendum incendium distringitur multitudo clausorum, civitas perrumperetur inpropugnata

31.15.9

perrexere, ut statutum est, candidati: cumque prope fossas venissent, manus tendentes orantesque ut Romanos semet admitti poscebant. et recepti, quia nulla erat suscipio quae vetaret, interrogatique super consiliis hostium, variarunt: unde factum est ut cruenta quaestione vexati cervicibus perirent abscisis, quid acturi venerant aperte confessi.

31.15.10

Omni itaque bellandi apparatu praestructo, adventante vigilia tertia, barbari abolito praeteritorum vulnerum metu, in urbis obseratos aditus multiplicatis ordinibus inundarunt, et obstinatione magnatium maiore, at cum armatis provinciales et palatini ad obruendos eos excitatius exurgebant, et cuiusque modi tela in multitudine tanta vel temere missa cadere sine noxa non poterant.

31.15.11

animadversum est a nostris isdem telis barbaros uti, quibus, petebantur. ideoque mandatum est ut nervis ferrum hgnumque conectentibus ante iactum incisis emitterentur arcu sagittae, quae volitantes vires integras servabant, infixae vero corporibus nihil vigoris perdebant, aut certe, si cecidissent in vanum, ilico frangebantur.

31.15.12

dedit autem rebus ita flagrantibus grave momentum casus admodum inopinus. Scorpio genus tormenti, quem Onagrum sermo vulgaris appellat, e regione contra hostium aciem densam locatus, lapidem contorsit ingentem, qui licet humo frustra inlisus est visus, tamen ita eos metu exanimavit, ut stupore spectaculi novi cedentes e medio abire temptarent.

31.15.13

sed bucinis optimatum monitu occinentibus instauratum est proelium, et pari modo res Romana superior stetit, nullo ferme alio telo vel funditoris amento in cassum excusso. agmina enim praeeuntium ductorum, quos rapiendi Valentis malis lucubrationibus quesiti cupiditas incendebat, secuti ceteri prae se ferebant aequiperasse discrimina potiorum: namque semineces aliqui aut magnis obtriti ponderibus vel confixi iaculis pectora volvebantur, non nulli scalas vehendo ascensumque in muros ex latere omni parantes sub oneribus ipsis obruebantur, contrusis per pronum saxis et columnarum fragmentis et cylindris.

31.15.14

nec quemquam furentium cruoris horrenda species ad serum usque diem ab alacritate faciendi fortiter avertebat, hoc incitante quod etiam defensorum plurimos cadere diversis ictibus videntes eminus laetabantur. ita sine requie ulla vel modo pro moenibus et contra moenia ingentibus animis pugnabatur. I

31.15.15

et quia nullo ordine iam sed per procursus pugnabatur et globos, quod desperationis erat signum extremae, flexo in vesperam die cligressi omnes rediere ad tentoria tristes, inconsideratae dementiae alter alterum arguentes, quod non, ut suaserat antea Fritigernus, obsiclionales aerumnas ubique declinarunt.

31.16.1

Conversi post haec per omne tempus noctis, ut aestivae non longum, ad vulnerum curas artesque medendi gentiles, redclita luce in varias consiliorum vias diducebantur, quorsum tenderent ambigentes, multisque dictatis et controversis occupare statuunt Perinthum, exinde quaeque divitiarum referta, docentibus omnia perfugis, etiam domorum nedum urbium interna noscentes. hanc secuti sententiam, quam utilem existimarunt, itineribus lentis, miscentes cuncta populationibus et incendiis, nullo renitente pergebant.

31.16.2

Obsessi vero apud Hadrianopolim, post eorum abitum perceptum, cum vacare hoste loca proxima conpertae fidei nuntiassent exploratores: egressi media nocte, vitatis aggeribus publicis per nemorosa et devia, pars Philippopolim, exindeque Serdicam, alia ad Macedoniam cum intemeratis opibus, quas habebant, omni studio ad properandum excogitato currebant, velut in regionibus illis repperiendo Valente: quem inter medios certaminum turbines oppetisse, vel certe ad tugurium confugisse, ubi aestimatus est vi periisse flammarum, penitus ignorabant.

31.16.3

At Gothi Hunis Halanisque permixti nimium bellicosis et fortibus, rerumque asperarum difficultatibus induratis, quos miris praemiorum inlecebris sibi sociarat sollertia Fritigerni, fixis iusta Perinthum castris, ipsam quidem urbem cladium memores pristinarum nec adire nec temptare sunt ausi, agros vero fertiles late distentos et longe ad extremam vastavere penuriam, cultoribus caesis aut captis.

31.16.4

unde Constantinopolim, copiarum cumulis inhiantes amplissimis, formas quadratorum agminum insidiarum metu servantes, ire ocius festinabant, multa in exitium urbis inclitae molituri. quos inferentes sese inmodice obicesque portarum paene pulsantes, hoc casu caeleste reppulit numen.

31.16.5

Saracenorum cuneus - super quorum origine moribusque diversis in locis rettulimus plura - ad furta magis expeditionalium rerum quam ad concursatorias habilis pugnas, recens illuc accersitus, congressurus barbarum globo repente conspecto a civitate fidenter erupit, diuque extento certamine pertinaci, aequis partes discessere momentis.

31.16.6

sed orientalis turma novo neque ante viso superavit eventu. ex ea enim crinitus quidam, nudus omnia praeter pubem, subraucum et lugubre strepens, educto pugione agmini se medio Gothorurn inservit et interfecti hostis iugulo labra admovit effusumque cruorem exuxit. quo monstroso miraculo barbari territi, postea non ferocientes ex more, cum agendum adpeterent aliquid, sed ambiguis gressibus incedebant.

31.16.7

processu dein audacia fracta, cum murorum ambitum insularumque spatiis inmensis oblongum, et inaccessas pulchritudines urbis et incolentium plebem considerarent inmensam, iuxtaque fretum, quod Pontum disterminat et Aegaeum, disicttis bel lorum officinis, quas parabant, post accepta maiora funera quam inlata, exinde digressi sunt effusorie per arctoas provincias, quas peragravere licenter ad usque radices Alpium Iuliarum, quas Venetas appellabat antiquitas.

31.16.8

His diebus efficacia Iulii magistri militiae trans Taurum enituit salutaris et velox. conperta enim fatorum sorte per Thracias, Gothos antea susceptos, dispersosque per varias civitates et castra, datis tectioribus litteris ad eorum rectores Romanos omnes, quod his temporibus raro contingit, universos tamquam vexillo erecto uno eodemque die mandavit occidi, exspectatione promissi stipendi securos ad suburbana productos. quo consilio prudenti sine strepitu vel mora completo, orientales provinciae discriminibus ereptae sunt magnis.

31.16.9

Haec ut miles quondam et Graecus, a principatu Caesaris Nervae exorsus ad usque Valentis interitum pro virium explicavi mensura: opus veritatem professum numquam, ut arbitror, sciens silentio ausus corrumpere vel mendacio. scribant reliqua potiores, aetate doctrinisque florentes. quos id, si libuerit, adgressuros, procudere linguas ad maiores moneo stilos.

Source Colophon

Latin source inspected from The Latin Library, Ammianus Marcellinus, Rerum Gestarum Book 31, local source capture Tulku/Tools/scythian/sources/large_texts_2026-05-10/08_ammianus_book_31.html. The English rendering above is newly prepared from the Latin, with public-domain English translations used only as controls.

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