Diplomacy, Embassy, and Hunnic Power in the Fifth Century

This is a Good Works Translation produced by the New Tianmu Anglican Church from the Greek and Latin fragments of Priscus preserved in the DFHG route for Muller, Fragmenta Historicorum Graecorum IV.

Priscus is the closest surviving Greek witness to Attila's court. These fragments carry the Roman embassies to Rua, Attila, Bleda, and Attila's sons; the treaty at Margus; the deserted city of Naissus; the road across the Ister; the interrogation before Attila's tent; the village of the Hunnic king; the Greek captive's speech; Kreka's household; the banquet; Bigilas' exposure; the Honoria crisis; and the last diplomacy after Attila's death.

For the Scythian shelf, the work matters because Priscus uses the language of Scythia for the late antique steppe world while recording concrete political practice: mounted treaty conference, tribute, fugitives, captives, interpreters, envoys, royal women, gifts, war councils, subject peoples, and the ritual dignity of the Hunnic court.

The English translation was newly made from the source text printed below. Muller's Latin translations, the Internet Archive scan of FHG IV, and the local Remacle/Wescher route were used only as controls.

Translation

Fragment 1

When Rua was king of the Huns, he had resolved to go to war against the Amilzouri, Itimari, Tonosouri, Boisci, and the other nations dwelling beside the Ister, who had fled into armed alliance with the Romans. He sent Esla, a man accustomed to serve as intermediary in the disputes between himself and the Romans, and threatened to dissolve the peace already in force unless the Romans handed over all those who had fled to them.

While the Romans were deliberating about sending an embassy to the Huns, Plinthas and Dionysius wished to go as envoys. Plinthas was of Scythian stock, Dionysius of Thracian stock, and both were commanders of armies who had held the consulship, the highest office among the Romans.

Since it seemed best that Esla should reach Rua before the embassy that was to be sent, Plinthas sent Singilachus with him, one of his associates, to persuade Rua to enter into talks with him and not with other Romans.

When Rua died and the kingdom of the Huns passed to Attila [and Bleda, added by Niebuhr], the Roman senate decided that Plinthas should be sent as envoy to them. When the emperor's vote had confirmed this for him, Plinthas also wanted Epigenes to share the embassy with him, since he carried the greatest reputation for wisdom and held the office of quaestor.

When a vote had been taken for him as well, both set out on the embassy and came to Margus. This city belongs to the Mysians in Illyria and lies by the river Ister, opposite the fortress Constantia, which is set on the other bank. There the royal Scythians also came together.

They held the meeting outside the city, mounted on horses. The barbarians did not think it fitting to dismount and make speeches. Therefore the Roman envoys, taking thought for their own dignity, came to the same decision as the Scythians, so that one side should not speak from horseback and the other on foot.

[After a gap, the treaty required] that the Romans should not receive in the future those who fled from Scythian territory; that those who had already fled should also be handed over, together with the Roman captives who had returned to their own people without ransom, unless eight gold pieces were paid for each fugitive to those who had acquired him in war; that the Romans should not ally with any barbarian people choosing war against the Huns; that the market gatherings should be equal under law and without danger for both Romans and Huns; and that the treaties should be kept and remain in force, with seven hundred pounds of gold paid every year by the Romans to the royal Scythians. Previously the tribute had been three hundred and fifty.

On these terms Romans and Huns made treaty, swore the ancestral oath on both sides, and returned each to their own.

Those who had fled to the Romans were handed over to the barbarians. Among them were the children of Mama and Atakam, of the royal family. Those who received them crucified them at Carsum, a fortress in Thrace, exacting punishment from them for their flight.

Attila and Bleda, having made peace with the Romans, went through the nations in Scythian territory, subduing them, and opened war against the Sorosgi.

Fragment 2

At the time when a market of the Scythians and Romans was being celebrated with a crowded multitude, the Scythians attacked the Romans with an army and killed many.

The Romans sent men to the Scythians to protest against the storming of the garrison-post and the contempt shown for the treaties. The Scythians answered that they had not brought war of their own accord, but had done these things while avenging injuries that had been committed.

They said that the bishop of Margus had crossed into their territory, searched out the royal treasury and hidden treasures, and plundered them. Unless the Romans handed him over, together with the fugitives, as had been agreed in the treaties, since there were many of them among the Romans, they would bring war upon them.

When the Romans denied that these things were true, while the barbarians persisted in the credibility of what they said, the barbarians refused to submit to judgment over the matters that were in dispute and turned to war. They crossed the Ister and inflicted very great damage on the towns and forts set along the riverbank. Among the other places they captured Viminacium, a city of the Marsi in Illyricum.

After these things had been done, when many people in conversation kept saying that the bishop ought to be handed over, lest the whole Roman commonwealth sustain the danger of war because of one wicked man, the bishop suspected that he would be surrendered. Secretly, without the knowledge of all the inhabitants of the city, he fled to the enemy and promised that he would hand over the city if the Scythian kings would provide for him with their generosity.

When they promised that they would repay his service in every way if he brought the matter to completion, and after hands had been given and oaths spoken on both sides to confirm the agreement, he returned with a great multitude of barbarians into Roman territory.

After placing that multitude in ambush opposite the riverbank, he leapt out at night when the signal was given and delivered the city into the hands of the enemy. From that time the affairs of the barbarians grew greater and better day by day.

Fragment 3

In the reign of Theodosius the Younger, Attila, king of the Huns, gathered his own army and sent letters to the emperor concerning the fugitives and the tribute. He commanded that all those who, under pretext of this war, had not been handed over should be sent to him as quickly as possible; and that, for the arrangement of the tribute to be paid in the future, envoys should come to him to discuss the matter. If the Romans delayed or set themselves toward war, he said, not even he, however much he might wish it, would be able any longer to hold back the Scythian multitude.

When those about the imperial court read these things, they said that they would by no means hand over the men who had fled to them, but would endure the war together with them; and that they would send envoys to settle the disputes.

When the Roman decisions were reported to Attila, he made the matter a cause for anger, ravaged the Roman land, and, after pulling down certain forts, attacked Ratiaria, a very large and populous city.

Fragment 3a

Concerning this war, the very wise Priscus the Thracian wrote. The Paschal Chronicle continues: He says that Cyrus was appointed in Constantinople as prefect of the praetorians and prefect of the city. He went out as praetorian prefect in the carriage of the prefects, and returned seated in the carriage of the prefect of the city; for he held the two offices for four years, because he was a very upright man. He himself devised the lighting of evening lamps in the workshops, and likewise the night lamps.

The factions shouted to him in the Hippodrome all day: "Constantine built it; Cyrus renewed it." The emperor became angry with him because they shouted these things, removed him from office after confiscating his property, made him a cleric, and sent him as bishop to Smyrna in Asia. Malalas and the Suda give Cotyaeum instead.

Fragment 4

Theodosius sent Senator, a man of consular rank, to serve as envoy to Attila. Even bearing the name of envoy, Senator did not dare to come to the Huns on foot, but sailed to the Pontus and to the city of the Odessans, where Theodulus the general, who had been sent out, was also staying.

Fragment 5

After the battle in the Chersonese between Romans and Huns, agreements were also made, with Anatolius serving as envoy. They made treaty on these terms: that the fugitives should be handed over to the Huns; that six thousand pounds of gold should be paid to them for the former arrangements; that the tribute appointed for them each year should be two thousand one hundred pounds of gold; that for every Roman captive who fled and crossed into their own land without ransom, the valuation should be twelve gold pieces; that, if those who received him did not pay, they should hand over the fugitive; and that the Romans should receive no barbarian fleeing to them.

The Romans pretended that they entered these terms willingly. In truth, by necessity and by the excessive fear that held their rulers, they were eager to obtain peace and accepted every order, however harsh. They also accepted the arrangement of the tribute, though it was extremely heavy, because their money and the imperial treasuries had been spent not on what was needful, but on absurd spectacles, unreasonable ambitions, pleasures, and loose expenses. No man of sound judgment would have undertaken such things even in prosperity, much less men who had neglected arms so far that they were forced to obey not only the Scythians, but also the other barbarians dwelling near the Roman world, in the carrying away of tribute.

For these arrangements and for the money that had to be sent to the Huns, the government forced everyone to contribute. It exacted a tax even from those who had at some earlier time been relieved of the heaviest land assessment, whether by decision of judges or by imperial favor. Those enrolled in the senate also contributed a fixed sum of gold according to their own rank.

For many, brilliant fortune became a change of life. The officials appointed by the emperor to do this exacted from each person what they had assessed, and did so with abuses, so that men who had once been prosperous brought their wives' ornaments and their household furnishings into the market for sale.

This was the evil that came upon the Romans after the war: many left life either by starving themselves or by fastening the noose.

Then, when the treasuries were immediately drained, the gold and the fugitives were sent, with Scottas arriving for this business. The Romans killed most of those who refused to be handed over. Among them were some of the royal Scythians, who had refused to be ranked under Attila and had come over to the Romans.

Attila added to his demands and ordered the Asimuntians to hand over all the captives they had, whether Roman or barbarian. Asemus is a strong fortress, not far from Illyris but adjoining the Thracian side. The men who lived there had done many terrible things to the enemy, not defending themselves from the walls, but sustaining battles outside the ditch against an immeasurable multitude and against generals who had the highest fame among the Scythians.

The Huns, at a loss before the fortress, withdrew. The Asimuntians then made sallies and went even farther than their own ground. Whenever their scouts reported that the enemy were passing by, carrying off Roman booty, they fell on them unexpectedly and made the spoils of the enemy their own. They were fewer than those who fought against them, but surpassed them in courage and strength.

Thus the Asimuntians killed very many Scythians in this war, freed Romans, and also received some who had escaped from the enemy.

Attila therefore said that he would not withdraw his army or ratify the terms of peace unless the Romans who had fled to the Asimuntians were handed over, or payments were given for them, and unless the barbarian captives carried off by the Asimuntians were released.

Neither Anatolius, who was serving as envoy, nor Theodulus, commander of the military units in Thrace, was able to speak against him. They could not persuade him, even by setting out what was reasonable, because the barbarian was confident and quick to rush to arms, while they were terrified by what had happened before. They sent letters to the Asimuntians: either hand over the Roman captives who had fled to them, or pay twelve gold pieces for each one, and release the Hun captives as well.

When the Asimuntians read what had been ordered to them, they said that the Romans who had fled to them had been released into freedom, and that the Scythians they had taken captive had been killed, except for two whom they had captured and were holding. They held these because the enemy, after the siege that had taken place for a time, had attacked from ambush and seized some of the boys pasturing before the fortress. Unless they recovered these boys, they said, they would not give back the men they had acquired by the law of war.

When those who had gone to the Asimuntians reported these things, it seemed good both to the king of the Scythians and to the Roman commanders that the boys whom the Asimuntians said had been seized should be sought. When no one appeared, the barbarians held by the Asimuntians were returned, after the Scythians gave pledges that the boys were not among them.

The Asimuntians also swore that the Romans who had fled to them had been released into freedom. They swore this although Romans were still among them, for they did not think it perjury to swear an oath for the safety of men of their own race.

Fragment 6

After the treaties had been made, Attila again sent envoys to the eastern Romans, asking for fugitives. The Romans received the envoys, honored them with very many gifts, and sent them away, saying that they had no fugitives.

Again he sent others. When these too had received money, a third embassy arrived, and after it a fourth. For Attila, looking to the generosity of the Romans, which they practiced out of fear that the treaties might be violated, sent to them whichever of his associates he wanted to benefit, inventing causes and finding empty pretexts.

The Romans obeyed every order and regarded whatever command he gave as the command of a master. They feared not only taking up the war against him, but also the Parthians who were in preparation, the Vandals who were disturbing affairs at sea, the Isaurians who were rising to brigandage, the Saracens who were ravaging the eastern part of their dominion, and the Ethiopian nations that were gathering together.

For this reason, humbled, they courted Attila, while against the remaining nations they tried to draw themselves up for battle, gathering forces and appointing generals.

Fragment 7

Again Edecon came as envoy, a Scythian man who had accomplished very great deeds in war, together with Orestes. Orestes was of Roman stock and lived in the land of the Paeonians beside the river Saus, a land subject to the barbarian according to the treaties of Aetius, general of the western Romans.

This Edecon, entering the imperial palace, delivered the letters from Attila. In them Attila accused the Romans concerning the fugitives. In return for these wrongs he threatened to proceed to arms unless the fugitives were restored to him, and unless the Romans kept away from ploughing the land taken by the spear.

The length of that land, following the course of the Ister, was from the territory of the Paeonians as far as Novae of the Thracians; its depth was five days' journey. The market in Illyricum was not to be held by the bank of the Ister river, as in former times, but at Naissus. Attila set Naissus as the boundary of the land of the Scythians and Romans, since it had been devastated by him; it lay five days' journey from the river Ister for a lightly equipped man.

He commanded that envoys come to him to discuss the disputed matters, not ordinary men, but the greatest of the men of consular rank. If they were afraid to send such men, he would cross over to Sardica to receive them.

When these letters had been read to the emperor, Edecon went out with Bigilas, who had interpreted all that the barbarian had spoken by mouth concerning Attila's decisions. Edecon came into other rooms and so came into the presence of Chrysaphius, the emperor's chamberlain, a man of the greatest power. There he marveled at the splendor of the imperial chambers.

When the barbarian came into conversation with Chrysaphius, Bigilas interpreted and said that Edecon praised the palace and counted blessed the wealth among the Romans. Chrysaphius said that Edecon too would become master of gold-roofed houses and wealth, if he looked away from what was among the Scythians and chose what belonged to the Romans.

Edecon answered that it was not lawful for the servant of another master to do this without his lord. The eunuch asked whether his access to Attila was unhindered, and whether he had any power among the Scythians. Edecon answered that he was close to Attila and was entrusted, together with the chosen men appointed for this, with Attila's guard. He said that each of them, in succession and on fixed days, guarded Attila under arms.

The eunuch said that, if Edecon would accept pledges, he would tell him of very great advantages; but he needed leisure, and this would be available if Edecon came to dinner with him without Orestes and the other fellow envoys.

Edecon promised to do this. He came to the eunuch's dinner, and with Bigilas as interpreter they gave right hands and oaths: the eunuch swore that he would speak not for harm to Edecon, but for the greatest benefits; Edecon swore that he would not reveal what was to be said to him, even if the matter did not reach completion.

Then the eunuch told Edecon that if he crossed into Scythian territory, killed Attila, and came to the Romans, he would have a prosperous life and very great wealth. Edecon promised, and said that for the deed he needed money: not much, but fifty pounds of gold, to be given to the people under him, so that they would cooperate with him completely in the attack.

When the eunuch promised to give the gold immediately, the barbarian said that he himself should be sent away to report to Attila about the embassy, and that Bigilas should be sent with him to receive Attila's answer about the fugitives. Through Bigilas he would send word about the gold itself and about the way in which it should be dispatched. For once he had gone away, as with the others, Attila would inquire closely what gift and how much money had been given to him by the Romans; because of those traveling with him, it would not be possible to hide these things.

The eunuch thought that he spoke well. He approved the barbarian's plan, sent him away after dinner, and brought the counsel to the emperor. The emperor summoned Martialius, who administered the office of master, and told him the agreement with the barbarian. He necessarily trusted the office, for the master was partner in all the emperor's counsels, since the couriers, interpreters, and soldiers assigned to the imperial guard were under him.

After deliberating about the matters before them, they decided to send not only Bigilas, but also Maximinus as envoy to Attila.

Fragment 8, Part 1

After Chrysaphius the eunuch had urged Edecon to kill Attila, the emperor Theodosius and the master Martialius deliberated about the business before them. They decided to send not only Bigilas but also Maximinus as envoy to Attila. Bigilas, while seeming to hold the office of interpreter, was to do whatever seemed good to Edecon. Maximinus, knowing nothing of what they had resolved, was to deliver the emperor's letters.

In the letter, because of the men sent on embassy, it was written that Bigilas was interpreter, while Maximinus was of higher rank than Bigilas, from an illustrious family, and especially intimate with the emperor. Then the emperor wrote that Attila must not shake the treaties and invade Roman land. "After those already handed over," he wrote, "I have sent you seventeen fugitives, since there are no others."

These things were in the letters. Maximinus was also to say to Attila by word of mouth that he ought not demand that envoys of the highest rank cross over to him. This had not happened under Attila's ancestors, nor under others who had ruled Scythian territory; chance soldiers and messengers had served as envoys. To clear up the disputed points, it seemed best that Attila should send Onegesius to the Romans, for, since Sardica had been devastated, Attila could not go into it with a man of consular rank.

Maximinus begged and persuaded me to set out with him on this embassy. So we took the road together with the barbarians and came to Sardica, thirteen days' journey from Constantinople for a lightly equipped man.

When we had lodged there, we thought it best to invite Edecon and the barbarians with him to dinner. The local people sold us sheep and cattle; we slaughtered them and had our midday meal. During the drinking, while the barbarians praised Attila and we praised the emperor, Bigilas said that it was not right to compare a god with a man, calling Attila the man and Theodosius the god.

The Huns were disturbed and, little by little becoming heated, grew angry. We turned the conversation to other things and calmed their spirit with courtesy. After dinner, when we rose, Maximinus honored Edecon and Orestes with gifts, silk garments and Indian stones.

Orestes waited for Edecon to depart and then told Maximinus that he would be wise and excellent if he did not commit the same fault as the men around the palace. They had invited Edecon to dinner without him and honored him with gifts. Since the speech seemed obscure to us, as men who knew nothing of the matter, we asked how and at what time Orestes had been disregarded while Edecon had been honored. He answered nothing and went out.

On the next day, as we were walking, we brought to Bigilas what Orestes had said to us. Bigilas said that Orestes ought not be angry because he had not received the same honors as Edecon. Orestes was Attila's attendant and secretary; Edecon, being of the Hunnic nation and excellent in matters of war, had risen far above Orestes.

After saying this, Bigilas spoke privately with Edecon. Later he told us, whether truthfully or in pretense, that he had repeated the words to him and had scarcely calmed him when he turned in anger at what had been said.

When we arrived at Naissus, we found the city empty of people, since it had been overturned by the enemy. In the sacred lodging places there were some who were held by sickness. We lodged a little above the river in clean ground, for everything by the bank was full of the bones of those killed in the war.

The next day we came to Agintheus, commander of the units in Illyricum, who was not far from Naissus, in order to report the emperor's message and receive the fugitives. He was to hand over five of the seventeen about whom the emperor had written to Attila. We entered into conversation and arranged for him to hand the five fugitives over to the Huns. After treating them kindly, he sent them away with us.

We spent the night and then set out from the borders of Naissus toward the river Ister. We entered a wooded place with many bends, twists, and turnings. There, as day was breaking, though we thought we were traveling west, the sunrise appeared opposite us. Those who were inexperienced in the position of the place cried out, as if the sun were making a contrary course and signifying other things against the established order. Because of the unevenness of the place, that part of the road was facing east.

After the difficult ground, we came into a plain that was also wooded. From there barbarian ferrymen received us in dugout boats, which they make by cutting and hollowing trees, and ferried us across the river. They had not prepared for our sake, but because they had ferried across a barbarian multitude that had met us on the road, since Attila wished to cross into Roman land as if for a hunt. In truth this was a preparation for war by the royal Scythian, on the pretext that not all the fugitives had been given to him.

After crossing the Ister and traveling about seventy stadia with the barbarians, we were compelled to wait in a certain plain, so that Edecon's party could become messengers to Attila of our arrival. The barbarians who had guided us stayed with us. Toward late evening, as we were taking dinner, we heard the noise of horses coming toward us. Two Scythian men arrived, commanding us to go to Attila. We first asked them to come to dinner; they dismounted from their horses, feasted, and on the next day led us on the road.

We came to Attila's tents around the ninth hour of the day, and there were many of them. When we wished to pitch camp on a certain hill, the barbarians who happened to be there prevented us, because Attila's tent was on low ground. We lodged where the Scythians thought best.

Then Edecon, Orestes, Scottas, and others of the chosen men among them came and asked what we were seeking to obtain by making this embassy. We were astonished at the unreasonable question and looked at one another, while they continued to press us for an answer.

We said that the emperor had commanded us to speak to Attila and to no others. Scottas grew angry and replied that this was the order of their own leader; they would not have come to us from meddlesomeness of their own.

We said that no such law was laid upon ambassadors, that without meeting those to whom they had been sent, or even coming into their sight, they should be examined by others about the reason for their embassy. The Scythians themselves, who often came as envoys to the emperor, were not ignorant of this. We had to receive equal treatment, and otherwise we would not state the embassy's business.

They rode away to Attila, then returned again without Edecon. They told us everything about which we had come as ambassadors, and ordered us to depart as quickly as possible unless we had something else to say.

After what they said, we were still more perplexed, for it was impossible to know how the decisions made secretly with the emperor had become manifest. We judged it useful to answer nothing about the embassy unless we were granted access to Attila. Therefore we said that whether we had come on embassy about the matters stated to the Scythians, or about other matters too, the inquiry belonged to their own leader, and we would in no way speak with others about this. They ordered us to withdraw at once.

Fragment 8, Part 2

When we were preparing for the road, Bigilas blamed us for our answer. He said it would have been better to be caught in a lie than to withdraw without accomplishing anything. "For if I had happened to come into conversation with Attila," he said, "I would easily have persuaded him to withdraw from the dispute with the Romans, since I had become intimate with him during the embassy of Anatolius."

He said this because he hoped Edecon was well disposed toward him, so that, by means of the embassy and by some pretext of things to be said, whether true or false, he might get occasion to deliberate about what they had resolved against Attila, and about how to bring the gold which Edecon had said he needed, the gold to be distributed to the men appointed under him.

But he did not know that he had already been betrayed. For Edecon, whether he had promised deceitfully from the beginning, or whether he feared that Orestes might bring to Attila what he had said to us at Sardica after the dinner, made an accusation out of the fact that he had come into conversation with the emperor and the eunuch without Orestes. He revealed the plot that had been planned with him, the amount of gold that was to be sent, and also set out the reasons for which we were making the embassy.

The baggage had already been placed on the pack animals, and we were trying, of necessity, to make the journey by night, when some of the barbarians arrived. They said that Attila had ordered us to wait because of the hour. In that same place, from which we had risen to go, certain men came to us bringing an ox and river fish sent by Attila. So we dined and turned to sleep.

When day came, we expected some gentle and mild message from the barbarian. But he again sent the same men, commanding us to depart unless we had something to say beyond what they already knew. We therefore answered nothing and prepared for the road, although Bigilas kept insisting that there were also other things for us to say.

Seeing Maximinus in deep dejection, I took Rusticius, who knew the language of the barbarians, and went to Scottas, for Onegesius was not present at that time. Rusticius had come with us into Scythian territory, not for the embassy, but on a certain business with Constantius, an Italian whom Aetius, general of the western Romans, had sent to Attila as secretary.

I greeted Scottas and, with Rusticius as interpreter, said that he would receive very many gifts from Maximinus if he arranged for him to obtain access to Attila. His embassy would be advantageous not only to Romans and Huns, but also to Onegesius, whom the emperor wished to come to him and clear up the disputed matters between the peoples. When Onegesius came, he would receive the greatest gifts. Therefore, since Onegesius was not present, Scottas, or rather the brother, should join us in this good work.

I said that I had learned that Attila obeyed him also; but the things said about him would not be certain by report unless we learned his power by experience. Scottas answered that there was no longer any doubt that he too said and did as much with Attila as his brother did. At once he mounted his horse and rode to Attila's tent.

I returned to Maximinus, who was restless and perplexed over the situation together with Bigilas. I told them what I had said to Scottas and what I had heard from him. I said that we must prepare the gifts to be given to the barbarian and think through what we would say to him.

Both of them leapt up, for they had been lying on the ground and the grass. They praised the action, called back those who had already set out with the pack animals, and considered how they should address Attila, how they should give him the emperor's gifts, and how Maximinus should present what he had brought.

While we were occupied with these things, Attila summoned us through Scottas. We came to his tent, which was guarded all around by a barbarian multitude. When we obtained entry, we found Attila seated on a wooden chair. We stood a little away from the throne. Maximinus approached, greeted the barbarian, gave him the letters from the emperor, and said that the emperor prayed that he and those around him were safe.

Attila answered that the Romans would have what they wished for him.

He immediately turned his speech upon Bigilas, calling him a shameless beast, and asked why he had wished to come to him when he knew what had been decided between himself and Anatolius about the peace: that envoys were not to come to him before all the fugitives had been handed over to the barbarians.

Bigilas said that there was no fugitive of the Scythian race among the Romans, for those who existed had been handed over. Attila became still more angry, abused him at great length, and shouted that he would have impaled him and given him as food to the birds if he did not think it would violate the law of embassy to lay punishment on him for his shamelessness and the insolence of his words. There were, he said, many fugitives of his own people among the Romans; and he ordered the secretaries to read their names, written on a sheet.

When they had gone through them all, Attila ordered Bigilas to depart without delay. He would send Esla with him to tell the Romans to send to Attila all the barbarians who had fled to them from the time of Carpilio, the son of Aetius, the general of the western Romans, who had been a hostage with Attila when he was a child.

For Attila would not allow his own servants to go into battle against him, though they could not help those who had entrusted to them the guard of their own land. What city or what fortress, he said, had been saved by those men when he had set himself in motion to capture it?

After reporting Attila's decisions about the fugitives, Bigilas was to return again and announce whether the Romans wished to hand them over or would undertake war on their behalf. But Attila first commanded Maximinus to remain, since through him he would answer the emperor about what had been written. Then he permitted the gifts. We gave them and returned to the tent.

Fragment 8, Part 3

We spoke privately about each of the things that had been said. Bigilas wondered how Attila, who formerly, when Bigilas had come as envoy to him, had been thought mild and gentle, had now abused him so harshly. We said that perhaps some of the barbarians who had feasted with us at Sardica had made Attila hostile to him by reporting that he had called the Roman emperor a god and Attila a man.

Maximinus accepted this explanation as plausible, since he had no share in the conspiracy which the eunuch had made against the barbarian. Bigilas, however, was uncertain, and he seemed to me to lack a pretext by which to explain why Attila had abused him. As he later told us, he did not think either the things at Sardica or the plot had been told to Attila. No one else from the multitude, he thought, would dare to enter into conversation with Attila because of the fear that prevailed over all; and Edecon would certainly keep silence, both because of the oaths and because the matter was uncertain, lest he too, being judged a participant in such conversations, should suffer death as penalty.

While they were in this uncertainty, Edecon came up, led Bigilas outside our gathering, and pretended to speak truthfully about what had been resolved between them. He ordered him to bring the gold that was to be given to the men who would come with him for the deed, and then withdrew.

When we were curious what Edecon's words to him had been, Bigilas, himself deceived, hastened to deceive us. Hiding the true cause, he said that Edecon had told him that Attila was angry with him too about the fugitives. For either all had to be recovered, or envoys from the highest authority had to come to Attila.

As we were discussing these things, some of Attila's men arrived and said that neither Bigilas nor we were to buy a Roman captive, a barbarian slave, horses, or anything else except food, until the disputed matters between Romans and Huns were decided.

This was done cleverly and artfully by the barbarian, so that Bigilas might easily be caught in the business against him, being at a loss for the reason on which he could bring the gold; and so that we, under pretext of waiting for the answer to be given to the embassy, would wait for Onegesius, bringing the gifts which we ourselves wished to give and which the emperor had sent.

For Onegesius had been sent with Attila's elder son to the nation of the Acatiri, a Scythian people. This nation had come under Attila for the following reason.

There were many rulers of the nation by tribes and families. The emperor Theodosius sent gifts so that, by their own agreement, they might reject alliance with Attila and welcome alliance with the Romans. But the man who carried the gifts did not give them to each of the kings of the nation in order. Curidachus, who was elder in rule, received the gifts second. Since he had been slighted and deprived of his own honors, he called Attila against his fellow kings.

Attila did not delay, but sent out a large force, killed some, brought others into submission, and called Curidachus to share in the victory. Curidachus, suspecting a plot, said that it was difficult for a human being to come into the sight of a god. If one cannot gaze steadily even at the disk of the sun, how could anyone look upon the greatest of the gods without harm?

In this way Curidachus remained among his own people and preserved his rule, while all the rest of the Acatiri nation came under Attila. Wanting to establish his elder son as king of that nation, Attila sent Onegesius for this business.

For this reason, as has been said, Attila ordered us to wait. But he released Bigilas together with Esla, outwardly to cross into Roman territory about the fugitives, but in truth to bring the gold to Edecon.

Fragment 8, Part 4

After Bigilas set out, we waited one day after his departure. On the next day we traveled with Attila toward the more northern parts of the country. For a while we went forward with the barbarian, then turned onto another road, because the Scythians who were guiding us ordered us to do so. Attila was going to a certain village where he wished to marry the daughter of Escam. He had very many wives already, but he was taking this one too according to Scythian law.

From there we traveled on a level road lying in a plain, and we came upon navigable rivers. The greatest of these after the Ister were the one called the Drecon, the Tigas, and the Tiphisas. We crossed these in dugout boats, which the people living near the rivers use. The rest we crossed on rafts, which the barbarians carry on wagons because of the marshy places.

Food was supplied to us in the villages: millet instead of wheat, and instead of wine the drink locally called medos. The servants who followed us also received millet and a drink made from barley; the barbarians call it camon.

After completing a long road, toward late evening we camped beside a certain lake that had drinkable water, from which the people of the nearby village drew their water. Suddenly a wind and storm arose with thunder, frequent lightning, and heavy rain. It not only overturned our tent, but rolled all our equipment into the water of the lake.

Terrified by the disturbance that mastered the air and by what had happened, we left the place and were separated from one another in the darkness and rain, each turning onto the road that seemed easiest to him. But when we came to the huts of the village, though each of us had taken a different way, we met in the same place and shouted as we searched for those who were missing.

The Scythians leapt out because of the noise. They lit the reeds which they use for fire, made light, and asked what we wanted and why we were shouting. When the barbarians with us answered that we had been thrown into confusion by the storm, they called us to themselves, received us, and gave us warmth by lighting many reeds.

The woman who ruled in the village, one of Bleda's wives, sent us food and also handsome women for intercourse, for this is a Scythian honor. We treated the women courteously from the food set before us, but declined intercourse with them. We remained in the huts, and at daybreak turned to the search for our equipment. We found and recovered everything: some in the place where we had lodged the day before, some by the bank of the lake, and some in the water itself.

We spent that day in the village drying everything. The storm had stopped, and the sun was bright. After taking care of the horses and the other pack animals, we went to the queen. We greeted her and repaid her with gifts: three silver bowls, red hides, pepper from India, dates, and other delicacies which, because they were not local among the barbarians, were precious. Then we withdrew, wishing her well for her hospitality.

After completing a journey of seven days, we waited in a certain village because the Scythian guides ordered it. Attila was going to take the road into that village, and we had to travel behind him.

There we met men of the western Romans who were also serving as envoys to Attila. Among them was Romulus, a man honored with the rank of count; Primutus, ruler of the land of the Noricans; and Romanus, commander of a military unit. Constantius was with them, whom Aetius had sent to Attila as secretary, and Tatulus, father of Orestes, the man who had come with Edecon. These two were making the journey with the envoys not for the embassy, but because of personal connection: Constantius because he had known the men earlier in Italy, Tatulus because of kinship. For his son Orestes had married the daughter of Romulus, from Patavium, the city in Noricum.

Fragment 8, Part 5

The western envoys were serving as ambassadors to soften Attila, who wanted Silvanus handed over to him. Silvanus was in charge of a bank of silver at Rome, and Attila charged that he had received golden cups from Constantius. This Constantius came from the western Gauls and had himself been sent to Attila and Bleda as secretary, just as the later Constantius had been.

At the time when Sirmium in Paeonia was being besieged by the Scythians, Constantius received the cups from the bishop of the city, on condition that he should ransom the bishop if the city happened to be captured while he was still alive, or, if the bishop had been killed, that he should buy back from captivity those citizens who were being led away.

But Constantius, after the city had been enslaved, neglected the agreements. He came to Rome on some business and received gold from Silvanus, giving him the cups, so that within a fixed time either he might repay the borrowed gold and recover the pledges, or Silvanus might use them as he wished.

Attila and Bleda suspected this Constantius of treachery and crucified him. After some time, when the matter of the cups was reported to Attila, he wanted Silvanus handed over to him, on the ground that Silvanus had become the receiver of his stolen property.

Envoys were therefore sent by Aetius and by the emperor of the western Romans to say that Silvanus had become a creditor of Constantius and possessed the cups as pledges, not as stolen goods. They also said that Silvanus had sold them for silver to priests, not to random buyers, for it was not lawful for men to use for their own service cups that had been dedicated to God.

If Attila would not abandon his demand for the cups because of this reasonable explanation and out of reverence for the divine, they would send the gold for them, while begging off Silvanus; for they would not hand over a man who had done no wrong.

This was the cause of the men's embassy. They said, too, that the barbarian would send them away with an answer.

Since we were on the same road, we waited for Attila to go ahead, and then followed with the whole multitude. After crossing some rivers, we came to a very large village. In it, Attila's dwellings were said to be more splendid than those anywhere else. They were fitted together from well-smoothed timbers and boards, and encircled by a wooden enclosure, not for security, but for good appearance.

After the king's buildings came the distinguished buildings of Onegesius. These too had an enclosure of wood, but it was not adorned with towers as Attila's was. Not far from the enclosure was a bath, which Onegesius, the strongest among the Scythians after Attila, had built on a large scale, carrying stones from the land of the Paeonians. Among the barbarians inhabiting that region there is neither stone nor tree, but they use imported material.

The architect of the bath had been brought as a captive from Sirmium. He expected to receive freedom as the reward for his invention, but without realizing it fell into a harder labor than slavery among the Scythians: Onegesius appointed him bathman, and he served Onegesius and his household when they bathed.

As Attila entered this village, girls met him, going before him in rows under thin white cloths drawn out to great length. Under each cloth, which was held up by the hands of women on either side, seven girls or even more walked singing Scythian songs. There were many such rows of women under the cloths.

When Attila came near the buildings of Onegesius, for the road to the royal buildings led through them, the wife of Onegesius came out with a multitude of servants, some carrying food and others wine. This is the greatest honor among the Scythians. She greeted him and asked him to partake of what she had brought in courtesy to him.

Attila, showing favor to the wife of an intimate man, ate while sitting on his horse, the barbarians attending him raising the tray, which was silver, up high. After tasting also from the cup that had been brought to him, he went to the royal buildings, which were higher than the others and set in an elevated place.

At Onegesius' command, we stayed in his buildings, for he had returned with Attila's son. We took the midday meal, received by his wife and by those related to him by birth. Onegesius himself had then, for the first time after his return, come into Attila's sight. He was reporting to Attila the business for which he had been sent, and also the accident that had happened to Attila's son, who had slipped and broken his right hand; so he had no leisure to feast with us.

After the meal, we left the buildings of Onegesius and pitched camp near Attila's, so that Maximinus, who had to go either to Attila or into conversation with the others around him, would not be separated by a great distance. We spent that night in the place where we had lodged.

Fragment 8, Part 6

As day was beginning to appear, Maximinus sent me to Onegesius to give the gifts, both those which Maximinus himself was giving and those which the emperor had sent, and to learn whether Onegesius wished to enter into conversation with him, and when.

I came with the servants who were carrying the gifts and waited, since the gates were still closed, until someone should come out and report our arrival. While I was lingering and walking before the enclosure of the buildings, a certain man came up. From his Scythian dress I thought him a barbarian, but he greeted me in Greek, saying "hail," so that I wondered that a Scythian man should speak Greek.

For, being mixed people, besides their own barbarian tongue they are eager to learn either the language of the Huns or that of the Goths, or even the Ausonian language, for those of them who have dealings with Romans. Not easily does any of them speak Greek, except those captives whom they carried off from Thrace and the Illyrian coast. Such men are recognizable to those who meet them by their torn clothing and the squalor of their heads, since they have fallen into worse fortune. But this man looked like a prosperous Scythian, well dressed and with his hair cut in a circle.

I returned his greeting and asked who he was, and from where he had come into the barbarian land and taken up a Scythian life. He asked why I wished to know these things. I said that the Greek language was the cause of my curiosity.

Then he laughed and said that he was Greek by race, and that for trade he had come to Viminacium, the city of the Mysians beside the Ister. He had spent a very long time there and had married a very wealthy wife. But he had been stripped of his prosperity when the city came under the barbarians. Because of the wealth that had belonged to him, he had been selected for Onegesius in the division of the spoils; for after Attila, the chosen men of the Scythians took distinguished captives from among the wealthy, since these could be disposed of for very great sums.

He had distinguished himself later in the battles against the Romans and against the nation of the Acatiri. He gave to his barbarian master, according to the law among the Scythians, the things he had acquired in war, and obtained freedom. He married a barbarian woman and had children, and since he shared the table of Onegesius, he judged his present life better than his former one.

Those among the Scythians, he said, after war spend their lives in freedom from affairs, enjoying what they have and being troubled not at all, or only a little. Those among the Romans, however, are easily destroyed in war, since they place their hopes of safety in others, because not all use arms on account of their rulers. Even for those who do use arms, the wickedness of their generals is more dangerous, since the generals do not stand up to the war.

In peace, he said, what happens is more painful than the evils of war: the very heavy collection of taxes and the injuries done by wicked men, since the laws do not lie equally upon all. If the man who violates the law is one of the wealthy, he can avoid paying the penalty for his wrong. But if he is poor and does not know how to handle affairs, he endures the punishment from the law, unless he leaves life before judgment, since the time spent in lawsuits is long and very much money is consumed.

Worst of all, he said, is that one obtains what comes from the law only for payment. No one will hand over a court to the man who has been wronged unless he first deposits silver for the judge and those who serve him.

When he set out these things and many more, I answered and said that he should gently hear from me also what I had to say. I said that the founders of the Roman polity were wise and good men. So that affairs would not be carried on at random, they appointed some men to be guardians of the laws, and others to take care for arms and to practice military exercises, being led to nothing else than readiness for battle, so that they might go to war as to their accustomed training, fear already consumed by practice.

Those devoted to farming and the care of the land they appointed to feed both themselves and the men fighting on their behalf, collecting for the army its provision allowance. Others they appointed to care for those who were wronged: some to stand over justice on behalf of those who, through weakness of nature, were not able to maintain their own rights; others to judge and preserve what the law wills.

Nor were those who stood beside the judges deprived of care. There were men to provide for them also, so that the one who received the judgment of the judges might obtain justice, and the man judged to have done wrong might not be exacted beyond what the judicial vote wills. If there were not men who took thought for these things, the same accusation would become the pretext for another lawsuit: either the victor would press too harshly, or the defeated man would persist in an unjust opinion.

For these men too, money is appointed from those who plead lawsuits, just as money is appointed from farmers for soldiers. Is it not holy to feed the man who helps and to repay his goodwill? It is good for a rider to care for his horse, for a herdsman to care for his cattle, for a hunter to care for his dogs, and likewise for all the other things which men possess for their own protection and benefit.

When those who are defeated pay the expense incurred in the lawsuit, they are assigning the damage to their own injustice and not to another. If the time spent over lawsuits sometimes becomes longer, this happens for the sake of care for justice, so that judges may not act hastily and miss precision. They consider it better to put an end to a case late than, by hurrying, not only to wrong a human being, but to offend against God, the discoverer of justice.

The laws lie upon all, so that even the emperor obeys them. It is not, as his accusation had it, that the rich can harm the poor without danger, unless someone escapes judgment by concealment. One may find this not only among the rich, but among the poor too; for if they do wrong and are not convicted for lack of proofs, they do not pay the penalty either. This happens among all peoples, not only among the Romans.

He should acknowledge thanks to fortune for the freedom that had come to him, and not to the master who led him out to war, so that through inexperience he might be killed by the enemy, or, if he fled, be punished by the man who owned him.

Romans also treat those who remain household slaves better. Showing toward them the works of fathers or teachers, they discipline them for their errors like their own children, so that they may abstain from base things and pursue what has been judged honorable for them. It is not lawful among the Romans to bring death upon them, as it is among the Scythians. There are very many ways of freedom among them, which they grant not only while living, but also when dying, arranging their property in whatever way they wish. What each man decides at death concerning those who belong to him is law.

At this he wept and said that the laws were good and the Roman polity was noble, but that the rulers, thinking nothing like those of old, were ruining it.

Fragment 8, Part 7

While we were discussing these things, one of those inside came up and opened the gates of the enclosure. I ran forward and asked what Onegesius was doing, since I wished to report something to him from the envoy who had come from the Romans. He answered that I would meet Onegesius himself if I waited a little, for he was about to come out.

After no long time, when I saw him coming out, I approached and said that the Roman envoy greeted him, and that I had come bringing gifts from Maximinus, together with the gold sent by the emperor. Since Maximinus was eager to enter into conversation, I asked where and when Onegesius wished to speak with him.

Onegesius ordered his people to receive the gold and the gifts, and told me to report to Maximinus that he would come to him at once. I returned and announced that Onegesius was coming. He immediately came to the tent. After greeting Maximinus, he said that he gave thanks to him and to the emperor for the gifts, and asked what Maximinus wanted to say, since he had summoned him.

Maximinus said that the moment had come for Onegesius to win greater renown among men, if he would go to the emperor, settle the disputed matters by his own intelligence, and establish concord between Romans and Huns. From this, he said, advantage would come not only to both nations, but also many goods to Onegesius' own house, since he himself and his children would always be friends of the emperor and of the emperor's family.

Onegesius said, "And by doing what would we please the emperor, or how would the disputed matters be resolved by him?"

Maximinus answered that by crossing into Roman territory Onegesius would lay up the emperor's gratitude for himself, and would settle the disputed matters by investigating their causes and resolving them according to the ordinance of peace.

Onegesius said that he would tell the emperor and those around him whatever Attila wished. Did the Romans think, he said, that they would entreat him so far that he would betray his master, disregard his upbringing among the Scythians, his wives, and his children, and not consider slavery with Attila greater than wealth among the Romans?

He said that he would be more useful by remaining in his own place and calming his master's anger over the matters on which he happened to be angry with the Romans, than by coming to them and falling under accusation if he accomplished something other than what Attila thought best.

After saying these things, and thinking that I should make the conversations with him about the matters we wanted to ask him, since repeated access was not fitting for Maximinus, who held rank, he withdrew.

Fragment 8, Part 8

On the next day I came into Attila's enclosure, carrying gifts to his wife. Her name was Kreka. By her Attila had three sons, of whom the eldest ruled the Acatiri and the other peoples who dwell in Scythia toward the Pontus.

Inside the enclosure there were many buildings. Some were made of carved boards fitted together for beauty; others were made of beams cleaned and planed straight, set into timbers that formed circles. The circles began from the ground and rose to a moderate height.

There Attila's wife lived. Through the barbarians at the door I obtained entrance, and found her lying on a soft couch. The ground was covered with felt mats made from wool, so that one walked upon them. A great number of servants attended her in a circle, and maidservants sitting on the ground opposite her were embroidering linen cloths with colors, to be laid over barbarian garments as ornaments.

I approached, greeted her, gave the gifts, and withdrew. Then I walked toward the other buildings where Attila was spending his time, waiting for Onegesius to come out; for he had already left his own buildings and was inside.

While I stood among the whole crowd, being known to Attila's guards and to the barbarians who attended him, and so hindered by no one, I saw a multitude moving and heard noise and tumult around the place, because Attila was coming out. He advanced from the building with a solemn step, looking about on either side.

When he had come out with Onegesius and stood before the building, many of those who had disputes with one another approached and received his judgment. Then he went back into the building and received barbarian envoys who had come to him.

While I was waiting for Onegesius, Romulus, Promotus, and Romanus, the envoys from Italy who had come to Attila about the golden cups, entered into conversation with me. Rusticius, who had been with Constantius, was with them, as was Constantiolus, a man from the Paeonian territory that was subject to Attila. They asked whether we had been dismissed or were being forced to remain.

I said that I was waiting beside Onegesius' enclosures in order to learn that very thing. Then I asked them in return whether Attila had given them any gentle and mild answer about their embassy. They said that he had not changed his mind at all, but threatened war unless Silvanus or the cups were sent to him.

As we were wondering at the barbarian's madness, Romulus, an ambassador and a man experienced in many affairs, answered that Attila's very great fortune, and the power that came from that fortune, were lifting him up so high that he would not endure just arguments unless he thought them to be on his own side.

For no one who had ever ruled Scythian land, or any other land, had accomplished so much in a short time: he ruled even the islands in the Ocean, and besides all Scythia he held the Romans also in the payment of tribute. Desiring more in addition to what he already possessed, and enlarging his rule to a greater scale, he wished to march against the Persians.

When one of us asked by what road he could turn and come to Persia, Romulus said that the land of the Medes was not far distant from Scythia, and that the Huns were not ignorant of this road. Long before, they had made an incursion along it when famine had mastered their country and the Romans, because of the war then forming, did not oppose them.

Basich and Kursich, men of the royal Scythians and rulers of a great multitude, had passed into the land of the Medes. These were the men who later came to Rome for an alliance. Those who crossed over said that, after entering a deserted country and passing a certain lake, which Romulus thought was the Maeotis, they spent fifteen days, crossed certain mountains, and invaded Media.

As they were plundering and overrunning the land, a Persian force came upon them and filled the air above them with arrows. Seized by fear of the danger that had overtaken them, they withdrew backward and slipped out of the mountains, carrying little booty, for the greater part had been taken away by the Medes.

Fearing the pursuit of the enemy, they turned onto another road. After the flame that rises from the underwater rock, they traveled from there for an uncertain number of days and arrived in their own country. They learned that Media was not far distant from Scythia.

Therefore Attila, if he wished to go against it, would not suffer much hardship or complete a long road before he would subject Medes, Parthians, and Persians, and force them to come to the payment of tribute. For he had at hand a fighting force that no nation would withstand.

When we prayed that he would go against the Persians and turn the war upon them, Constantiolus said that he was afraid Attila might easily subject the Persians too, and then return not as a friend but as a master. At present, he said, Attila received gold from the Romans on account of his rank. But if he subjected Parthians, Medes, and Persians as well, he would no longer endure the Romans holding apart his rule. He would plainly regard them as servants, and would lay upon them harder commands, commands they could not bear.

The rank of which Constantiolus spoke was that of a Roman general. For this reason Attila had received from the emperor the dispatch of the allowances given to generals. Constantiolus therefore said that, after Medes and Parthians and Persians, Attila would shake off this name by which the Romans wished to call him, and this rank with which they thought they had honored him, and would force them to address him as king instead of general.

Indeed, when angered, Attila had already said that his own servants were generals to him, while the generals of the Romans were equal in honor to the men who reigned over them. Nor would the increase of his present power be long delayed. God signified this too, by revealing the sword of Ares. This sword, sacred and honored by the Scythian kings as dedicated to the guardian of wars, had vanished in ancient times, and then had been found by means of a cow.

Fragment 8, Part 9

While each of us wished to say something about the state of affairs, Onegesius came out. We went to him and tried to learn about the matters that concerned us.

After first speaking with some barbarians, he ordered me to ask Maximinus what man of consular rank the Romans were sending as ambassador to Attila. I went into the tent and reported what had been said to me. After deliberating with Maximinus about what should be said concerning the reason for the barbarian's question, I returned to Onegesius.

I told him that the Romans wished him to come to them and discuss the disputed matters; but if they failed in this, the emperor would send as ambassador whomever Attila wished. Onegesius immediately ordered me to bring Maximinus, and when Maximinus came, Onegesius led him to Attila.

A little later Maximinus came out and said that the barbarian wished Nomus, Anatolius, or Senator to serve as ambassador, and that he would receive no one apart from those named. Maximinus had answered that Attila ought not to make the men suspect to the emperor by naming them for the embassy. Attila then said that, if the Romans did not choose to do what he wished, the disputed matters would be decided by arms.

When we returned to the tent, the father of Orestes came and said that Attila invited both of us to the banquet, which would take place around the ninth hour of the day.

We kept the hour, and when we had been invited to dinner, we came, together with the envoys from the western Romans, and stood on the threshold opposite Attila. The cupbearers, according to the local custom, handed us a cup, so that we too might make a prayer before sitting. When this had been done, and we had tasted from the cup, we went to the seats where we were to sit and dine.

All the chairs were placed by the walls of the building on either side. In the middle Attila sat on a couch. Behind him was another couch, and beyond it steps led up to his bed, which was covered with linen cloths and variegated hangings for ornament, just as Greeks and Romans prepare them for those who are marrying.

I thought the first rank among those dining was the one on Attila's right, and the second the one on his left, where we were placed. Berichus, a man of good birth among the Scythians, sat before us. Onegesius sat on a chair at the right of the king's couch. Opposite Onegesius, two of Attila's sons sat on a chair; the eldest sat on Attila's couch, not near him but at the edge, looking down to the ground out of reverence for his father.

When everyone had been set in order, a cupbearer came forward and handed Attila a cup of wine. Attila received it and greeted the first man in rank. The man honored by the greeting stood up, and it was not lawful for him to sit before he had tasted from the cup or drunk it all and returned the cup to the cupbearer.

When he sat down, those present honored Attila in the same way, receiving the cups and tasting after the greeting. Each man had one cupbearer, who had to enter in order after Attila's cupbearer withdrew. After the second man and those after him had been honored, Attila received us too with the same courtesies, according to the order of the seats.

When all had been honored by the greeting, the cupbearers withdrew. Tables were set next after Attila's, for three or four men, or even more, so that each man could take from the things placed on the dish without leaving the order of the seats.

First Attila's attendant entered, carrying a tray full of meat; after him, those who served everyone placed bread and relishes on the tables. For the other barbarians and for us, a sumptuous dinner had been prepared, set on silver dishes. For Attila, on a wooden tray, there was nothing more than meat. In all other things also he showed himself moderate.

Golden and silver cups were handed to the men at the feast, but his own cup was wooden. His clothing too was plain, preserving nothing beyond cleanliness. Neither the sword hanging at his side, nor the fastenings of his barbarian shoes, nor the bridle of his horse was adorned with gold, stones, or anything precious, as those of the other Scythians were.

When the foods placed on the first trays had been consumed, we all stood up. No one who had risen returned to his chair before, in the former order, each man had drunk the cup full of wine that was handed to him, praying that Attila might be safe. After he had been honored in this way, we sat down, and a second tray with other foods was placed on each table. When everyone had partaken of this too, we rose again in the same way, drank again, and sat down.

When evening came on, torches were lit. Two barbarians came forward opposite Attila and recited songs that had been made, singing of his victories and his deeds of courage in war. The men at the feast looked toward them. Some delighted in the poems; others, remembering wars, were stirred in their spirit; others fell into tears, men whose bodies had been weakened by time and whose passion had been compelled to be still.

After the songs, a certain Scythian came forward, a madman, speaking bizarre, crooked, and wholly unsound words, and made everyone burst into laughter.

After him Zerkon the Moor entered. Edecon had persuaded him to come to Attila, as if through Edecon's effort he would recover the wife he had taken in the land of the barbarians, when he had been very dear to Bleda. He had left her behind in Scythia when he was sent by Attila as a gift to Aetius.

But he failed in this hope, since Attila was angry that he had returned into his country. At that time, because it was the occasion of a feast, Zerkon came forward, and by his appearance, his clothing, his voice, and the words he uttered in confusion, mixing the Ausonian language with those of the Huns and the Goths, he threw everyone into disorder and made them rush into unquenchable laughter, except Attila.

Attila remained unmoved, his face unchanged. He neither said nor did anything that appeared to have to do with laughter, except that when the youngest of his sons entered and stood beside him, a boy named Ernas, Attila drew him by the cheek and looked at him with calm eyes.

I wondered why he neglected his other sons but kept his mind fixed on this one. The barbarian sitting beside me, who understood the Ausonian language and first warned me not to reveal anything of what he was about to say, said that the seers had foretold to Attila that his family would fall, but would be restored by this son.

As they drew out the night in the banquet, we withdrew, not wishing to remain long at the drinking.

Fragment 8, Part 10

When day came, we went to Onegesius and said that we ought to be released, and not waste time to no purpose. He said that Attila too wished to send us away. After a short interval, he held counsel with the chosen men about the decisions of Attila and arranged the letters that were to be delivered to the emperor.

Secretaries were present with him, and Rusticius too, a man originally from Upper Mysia. Rusticius had been taken in war, and because of his skill in words he labored for the barbarian in the drafting of letters.

When Onegesius rose from the council, we begged him about the ransom of the wife of Syllus and her children, who had been enslaved at the capture of Ratiaria. He did not refuse their release, but wanted to sell them for a large sum of money. We entreated him to pity their fortune and consider their former prosperity. He crossed over to Attila, released the woman for five hundred gold pieces, and sent the children as a gift to the emperor.

Meanwhile Rekan, that is Kreka as named above, the wife of Attila, invited us to dine with Adames, who had charge of her affairs. We came to him with some of the chosen men of the nation and received hospitality. He welcomed us with gentle words and with the preparation of food. Each of those present, with Scythian honor, rose and gave us a full cup; and when the drinker had emptied it, he embraced and kissed him and received the cup back.

After dinner we came to the tent and turned to sleep. On the next day Attila again called us to a banquet. We entered to him in the former way and turned to the feast. It happened that on the couch with him there was not the eldest of his sons, but Oebarsius, who was his uncle on his father's side.

Throughout the whole banquet Attila spoke to us with courtesy and ordered us to tell the emperor to give Constantius, who had been sent to him by Aetius as a secretary, the wife whom he had promised him.

For when Constantius had come to the emperor Theodosius together with the envoys sent by Attila, he said that he would cause peace to be preserved for a long time between Romans and Scythians, if the emperor would give him a wealthy wife. The emperor nodded assent to this and said that he would give him the daughter of Saturnilus, a man adorned with wealth and family.

Athenais, who was also called Eudocia, had put Saturnilus to death; for she was called by both names. Zeno, a man of consular rank who had a large Isaurian force around him, did not allow the promise to be carried into effect. At that time, with that force he had been entrusted to guard Constantinople during the war. He took the girl out of the fortress and betrothed her to a certain Rufus, one of his associates.

After she had been taken away, Constantius begged the barbarian not to look on while he was insulted, but to have either the woman who had been taken from him, or another wife who would bring in a dowry, given to him.

At the time of the dinner, therefore, the barbarian ordered Maximinus to tell the reigning emperor that Constantius ought not to fail of the hope given to him by the emperor; for it was not fitting for an emperor to lie. Attila gave these instructions because Constantius had promised to give him money if a very wealthy woman among the Romans were betrothed to him.

After we left the banquet, and after the night and three days had passed, we were released, having been honored with suitable gifts. Attila also sent Berichus, the man who had sat before us at the banquet, to serve as ambassador to the emperor. Berichus was one of the chosen men and ruled many villages in Scythia; and Attila wished him also, as an ambassador, to receive gifts from the Romans.

As we made the journey and lodged near a certain village, a Scythian man was caught who had crossed from the Roman land into the barbarian country for spying. Attila ordered him to be impaled.

On the following day, as we traveled through other villages, two men who were slaves among the Scythians were being led along with their hands bound behind them, because they had killed their masters in war. They were set upon two pieces of wood, each having a projecting arm; their heads were thrust into them, and they were crucified.

As long as we went through Scythia, Berichus shared the road with us, and seemed to be a quiet and friendly man. But when we had crossed the Ister, he became like an enemy to us because of certain stale pretexts brought about by the servants.

First he took away the horse that he had given to Maximinus as a gift. Attila had ordered all the chosen men around him to honor Maximinus with gifts, and each sent him a horse; Berichus sent one with the rest. Maximinus accepted only a few and sent the others back, making it his concern to show self-command through moderation.

Berichus therefore took back this horse, and would endure neither traveling nor dining with us. Thus what had been a sign of fellowship for us in the barbarian land came to this.

From there we made our journey through Philippopolis to Hadrianopolis. After resting there, we entered into conversation with Berichus and reproached him for his silence toward us, since he was angry with men who had done him no wrong. We soothed him, invited him to a feast, and set out.

On the road we met Bigilas, who was returning to Scythia. After recounting to him what had been said to us by Attila in answer to the embassy, we continued on our return.

When we arrived at Constantinople, we thought that Berichus had changed from his anger. But he had not forgotten his savage nature. He went into dispute and made accusation against Maximinus, saying that, when Maximinus had crossed into Scythia, he had said that Areobindus and Aspar, both generals, had no share of influence with the emperor; and that, by treating their affairs with contempt, Maximinus had exposed barbarian frivolity.

Fragment 8, Part 11

Book Four.

When Bigilas had set out again and had arrived in the places where Attila happened to be staying, the barbarians prepared for this surrounded and held him, and took away the money that he was carrying to Edecon.

When they led him to Attila, he was asked why he was carrying so much gold. He said that it was for provision for himself and for those attending him, so that through lack of food, scarcity of horses, or the pack animals being worn out by the long road, he might not fail in his zeal for the embassy. He had also made preparation, he said, for the purchase of captives, since many people in the Roman land had begged him to ransom their relatives.

Attila answered, "But surely, you wicked beast," meaning Bigilas, "you will not escape justice by trickery, nor will there be any pretext sufficient for you to flee punishment. You have more money than your expenses require, more than the horses and pack animals you would buy, and more than the ransom of captives, which I forbade you to make when you came to me with Maximinus."

After saying these things, Attila ordered Bigilas' son, who at that time had followed him into the barbarian land for the first time, to be cut down with a sword unless Bigilas immediately said to whom he was carrying the money and for what cause.

When Bigilas saw the boy going to his death, he turned to tears and lamentations, and cried aloud that the sword should bring justice upon him, not upon the youth who had done no wrong. Without delay he told the things that had been planned by him, Edecon, the eunuch, and the emperor. Again and again he turned to supplication, asking that he himself be killed and that the boy be released.

Attila knew from what had been said to Edecon that Bigilas had lied in nothing. He ordered him to be put in chains, threatening that he would not release him until, after sending away his son, he brought fifty more pounds of gold as ransom for himself and his companions.

So Bigilas was bound, and the boy returned to the Roman land. Attila also sent Orestes and Esla to Constantinople.

Fragment 9

Priscus, sent back to him on an embassy by Theodosius the Younger, reports among other things in words of this kind:

Crossing great rivers, namely the Tysia, the Tibisia, and the Dricca, we came to the place where long ago Vidicula, bravest of the Goths, fell by the treachery of the Sarmatians. From there, not far away, we approached the village in which King Attila was staying.

I call it a village, but it was like a very large city. There we found wooden walls built from shining boards, whose joinery gave the appearance of a solid mass, so that the joints of the boards could scarcely be detected even by careful attention. One could see dining halls stretched out in a longer circuit, and porticoes arranged with every ornament.

The area of the courtyard was enclosed by a vast circuit, so that the very breadth of it showed a royal hall. These were the seats of King Attila, who held all barbarian lands. These dwellings he preferred to captured cities.

Fragment 10

Although Attila was of such a nature that he always trusted in great things, the sword of Mars, once found, added confidence to him. It had always been held sacred among the kings of the Scythians. Priscus the historian reports that it was discovered on this occasion.

When a certain herdsman saw one heifer of the herd limping, and found no cause for so great a wound, he anxiously followed the traces of blood. At last he came to a sword, which the heifer, while grazing the grass, had carelessly stepped on. He dug it out and immediately carried it to Attila.

Attila rejoiced in this gift, and, being high-spirited, judged that he had been appointed ruler of the whole world, and that through the sword of Mars the power of wars had been granted to him.

Only a little of this was indicated in Fragment 8. Add also another passage on the Huns, where Priscus is praised in Jordanes, chapter 24:

The Huns, therefore, created from such stock, came to the borders of the Goths. Their fierce nation, as Priscus the historian reports, settled on the farther bank in the Maeotic swamp. They were experienced only in hunting, and in no other labor, except that after they had grown into peoples they troubled the neighboring race by treacheries and plunderings.

Fragment 11

Zerkon, a man called a Scythian in this way, was Maurusian by race. Because of the bad formation of his body, and because he produced laughter by the stammering of his voice and by his appearance, he spent some time among them. He was short, hunchbacked, twisted in his feet, and his nose showed mostly through the nostrils because of its excessive flatness.

He was captured when the barbarians invaded Thrace and was brought to the royal Scythians. Attila could not even endure the sight of him, but Bleda took very great pleasure in him, not only when he spoke things worthy of laughter, but also, if he did not speak, when he walked and moved his body in strange ways.

Zerkon was with Bleda when he feasted and when he went on campaign, taking up on expeditions a panoply made for greater ridiculousness. Because Bleda made him much prized, when Zerkon ran away with Roman captives, Bleda ignored the others but ordered him to be sought with every care.

When Zerkon was caught and brought to him in chains, Bleda laughed at the sight. Letting go of his anger, he asked the reason for the flight, and why Zerkon thought the Romans among them were better. Zerkon answered that the flight was a fault, but that he had a reason for the fault: a wife had not been given to him.

Bleda was drawn still more to laughter, and gave him a woman of good birth, one who had served the queen but no longer attended upon her because of some improper act. So Zerkon continued all that time with Bleda. After Bleda's death, Attila gave Zerkon as a gift to Aetius, the general of the western Romans, and Aetius sent him to Aspar.

Fragment 12

When Bigilas was detected plotting against Attila, and when Attila had taken away the hundred pounds of gold sent by the eunuch Chrysaphius, Attila immediately sent Orestes and Esla to Constantinople.

He instructed Orestes to put around his own neck the bag into which Bigilas had placed the gold that was to be given to Edecon, to come before the emperor, to show it to him and to the eunuch, and to ask whether they recognized it.

He instructed Esla to say by word of mouth that Theodosius was the son of a well-born father, and was himself well born, but that Attila too, after succeeding his father Mundiuch, had preserved his nobility. Theodosius, however, had fallen away from his nobility and was enslaved to Attila by submitting to the payment of tribute.

Therefore he did not act justly when, like a wicked household slave, he plotted secretly against the better man, the one whom fortune had shown to be his master. Attila said that he would not release the charge of the wrongs done against him unless Theodosius sent out the eunuch for punishment.

These men came to Constantinople with these instructions. It happened that Chrysaphius was also being demanded by Zeno. For when Maximinus reported that Attila had said the emperor must fulfill the promise and give Constantius the wife who could in no way have been betrothed to another against Attila's will, Attila's message was this: either the man who dared it would pay the penalty, or the emperor's affairs were such that he did not even control his own servants. Against them, if the emperor wished, Attila was ready to provide alliance.

Theodosius was stung in spirit, and made the girl's property public.

Fragment 13

Chrysaphius, being demanded by both Attila and Zeno, was in anguish. Since everyone was contributing goodwill and zeal on his behalf, it seemed best for Anatolius and Nomus to serve as envoys to Attila.

Anatolius held office among those around the emperor and had laid down the terms of the former peace. Nomus had held the honor of magister and was enrolled with Anatolius among the patricians; they had climbed through all the offices.

Nomus was sent with Anatolius not only because of the greatness of his fortune, but also because he was well disposed toward Chrysaphius and would overcome the barbarian by generosity; for it especially belonged to him not to spare money when he was eager to settle the present matter.

These men were sent to lead Attila away from his anger and to persuade him to preserve the peace on the appointed payments. They were also to say that a woman would be betrothed to Constantius who was not inferior to the daughter of Saturnilus in family or wealth. As for that woman, she had not wished it, but had been lawfully married to another; for among the Romans it was not lawful for an unwilling woman to be betrothed to a man.

The eunuch also sent gold to the barbarian, so that, softened by it, Attila might be led away from his anger.

Fragment 14

Anatolius, Nomus, and those with them crossed the Ister and entered Scythia as far as the river called Drengon. Out of respect for the men, and so that they should not be worn down by the length of the road, Attila held the meeting with them in that place.

At first he spoke arrogantly, but he was won over by the multitude of gifts. Softened by gentle words, he swore to keep the peace on the same terms, to withdraw from the Roman land bounded by the Ister, and no longer to trouble the emperor about fugitives, unless the Romans again received others fleeing from him.

He also released Bigilas after receiving the fifty pounds of gold; Bigilas' son had crossed into Scythia with the envoys carrying this sum. Attila also released very many captives without ransom, as a favor to Anatolius and Nomus. After giving the envoys horses and skins of wild animals, with which the royal Scythians adorn themselves, he sent them away. He sent Constantius with them also, so that the emperor might bring the promise to completion for him.

When the envoys returned and recounted everything that had happened to them and everything that had been done by the barbarian, a woman was betrothed to Constantius. She had been the wife of Armatius, the son of Plintha, who had been a general among the Romans and had held the consulship. It had happened that Armatius crossed into Libya for the war against the Ausorians, prospered in the war against them, then fell sick and died.

The emperor persuaded his wife, distinguished in family and wealth, to marry Constantius. So the disputes with Attila were resolved. Theodosius, however, was afraid that Zeno might attempt a usurpation.

Fragment 15

When it was reported to Attila that Marcian had passed into the imperial power over the eastern Romans after the death of Theodosius, and when the matters concerning Honoria were also reported to him, he sent men to the emperor of the western Romans to say that Honoria must suffer no wrong. She had been pledged to him in marriage, he said, and he would avenge her unless she also received the scepters of empire.

He also sent to the eastern Romans about the tribute that had been appointed. But his envoys returned from both sides without accomplishing anything. Those from the West answered that Honoria could not come to him in marriage, since she had been given to a man, and that no scepter was owed to her; the rule of the Roman Empire belonged not to women but to men.

Those from the East said that they would not endure the payment of the tribute that Theodosius had established. If Attila remained quiet, they would give gifts; but if he threatened war, they would bring against him arms and men not inferior to his own power.

Attila's mind was therefore divided, and he was at a loss over whom to attack first. It seemed good to him for the time being to turn toward the greater war and campaign into the West, since the battle there would be not only against Italians, but also against Goths and Franks: against the Italians so that he might take Honoria with the money, and against the Goths to lay up a favor with Geiseric.

Fragment 16

For Attila, the pretext for the war against the Franks was the death of their king and the dispute of his sons over the rule. The elder had decided to bring Attila in as an ally; the younger had decided to bring in Aetius.

We saw the younger son serving as ambassador at Rome. His beard had not yet begun; his blond hair, because of its length, was poured over his shoulders. Aetius made him his adopted son, gave him very many gifts, and sent him away with the emperor in friendship and alliance.

For these reasons Attila, as he made the expedition, again sent men from among those around him to Italy, so that Honoria might be handed over. He said that she had been joined to him for marriage, and he used as proof the ring that had been sent by her, which he had also sent to be shown.

He said that Valentinian should yield to him half of the empire, since Honoria had inherited the rule from her father, and since it had been taken from her by the greed of her brother. But since the western Romans held to their former opinion and obeyed none of the things Attila had decided, he applied himself still more to the preparation of war, gathering the whole multitude of fighting men.

Fragment 17

When Attila's mind had been set on approaching Rome, his own men turned him away, as Priscus the historian reports. They were not taking thought for the city, to which they were enemies, but were setting before him the example of Alaric, once king of the Visigoths, fearing for their own king's fortune because Alaric had not long survived after breaking Rome, but immediately departed from human affairs.

Fragment 18

When Attila demanded the tribute appointed by Theodosius, or threatened war, the Romans answered that they would send envoys to him. Apollonius was sent. His brother had married the daughter of Saturnilus, whom Theodosius had wished to betroth to Constantius, but whom Zeno had given to Rufus in marriage; by that time she had died.

Apollonius, therefore, being one of Zeno's associates and having obtained the general's office, was sent as ambassador to Attila. He crossed the Ister, but did not obtain access to the barbarian. Attila, being angry that the tributes had not been brought, which he said had been appointed for him by better and more kingly men, did not receive the ambassador, holding in contempt the one who sent him.

Apollonius, however, appears at this time to have performed the deed of a man. Since Attila would not admit his embassy and would not enter into conversation with him, but ordered him to send the gifts he was carrying from the emperor, and threatened death if he did not give them, Apollonius said: "It is not fitting for Scythians to ask for what they are able to take, either as gifts or as spoils."

He was making clear that gifts would be given to them if they received him as ambassador, and spoils if they killed him and took them away. So he returned without accomplishing his purpose.

Fragment 19

After Attila had enslaved Italy and set out again for his own lands, he announced war against those who ruled the eastern Romans, and the enslavement of their country, because the tribute appointed by Theodosius had not been sent out.

Fragment 36

At this time an embassy came from the sons of Attila to the emperor Leo, resolving the causes of the previous dispute and saying that they ought to make treaties with them for peace, and, according to the old custom, come together with the Romans beside the Ister, set up a market, and receive in exchange whatever they happened to need.

Their embassy, being such as this, returned without accomplishing anything. It did not seem good to the emperor that the Huns should share in Roman agreements after having greatly harmed his land.

When Attila's sons received the answer to the embassy, they differed among themselves. Dengizich, since the envoys had returned without result, wished to bring war upon the Romans; but Ernakh spoke against this preparation, since wars in his own country were drawing him away.

Colophon

This Good Works Translation was prepared for the Scythian shelf by the New Tianmu Anglican Church from the Greek and Latin source texts printed below. The translation was made against the DFHG digital text of Muller, Fragmenta Historicorum Graecorum IV, Priscus Panites, checked against the Internet Archive scan of FHG IV and the local Remacle/Wescher Priscus route. Latin and French translations were used only as controls.

Most of the translated material is Greek. Fragment 17 is preserved here through the Latin excerpt in Muller; the body and source appendix name that shift directly rather than smoothing it away. Editorial additions, gaps, and variant notices visible in the source are preserved in the source appendix where they affect verification.

Compiled and formatted for the Good Work Library by the New Tianmu Anglican Church, 2026.

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Source Text: Πρίσκου Πανίτου Ἀποσπάσματα

Greek and Latin source text from Priscus Panites, Fragmenta Historicorum Graecorum IV. Presented here for reference, study, and verification alongside the English translation above.

Fragment 1

Ὅτι Ῥούα βασιλεύοντος Οὔννων, Ἀμιλζούροις καὶ Ἰτιμάροις καὶ Τονώσουρσι καὶ Βοΐσκοις καὶ ἑτέροις ἔθνεσι προσοικοῦσι τὸν Ἴστρον, καὶ ἐς τὴν Ῥωμαίων ὁμαιχμίαν καταφυγγάνουσιν, ἐς μάχην ἐλθεῖν προῃρημένος ἐκπέμπει Ἤσλαν, εἰωθότα τοῖς διαφόροις αὐτῷ τε καὶ Ῥωμαίοις διακονεῖσθαι, λύειν τὴν προϋπάρχουσαν εἰρήνην ἀπειλῶν, εἰ μή γε πάντας τοὺς παρὰ σφᾶς καταφυγόντας ἐκδοῖεν.

Βουλευομένων δὲ Ῥωμαίων στεῖλαι πρεσβείαν παρὰ τοὺς Οὔννους, πρεσβεύειν μὲν ἤθελον Πλίνθας καὶ Διονύσιος, Πλίνθας μὲν τοῦ Σκυθικοῦ, Διονύσιος δὲ τοῦ Θρᾳκίου γένους, ἀμφότεροι δὲ στρατοπέδων ἡγούμενοι καὶ ἄρξαντες τὴν ὕπατον παρὰ Ῥωμαίοις ἀρχήν.

Ἐπειδὴ δὲ ἐδόκει Ἤσλαν παρὰ τὸν Ῥούαν ἀφικνεῖσθαι πρότερον τῆς ἐκπεμφθησομένης πρεσβείας, συνεκπέμπει Πλίνθας Σηγγίλαχον, ἄνδρα τῶν ἐπιτηδείων, πεῖσαι τὸν Ῥούαν αὐτῷ καὶ μὴ ἑτέροις Ῥωμαίων ἐς λόγους ἐλθεῖν.

Τελευτήσαντος δὲ Ῥούα καὶ περιστάσης τῆς Οὔννων βασιλείας ἐς Ἀττήλαν [καὶ Βλήδαν add. N.], ἐδόκει τῇ Ῥωμαίων βουλῇ Πλίνθαν πρεσβεύεσθαι παρ’ αὐτούς. Καὶ κυρωθείσης ἐπ’ αὐτῷ παρὰ βασιλέως ψήφου, ἐβούλετο καὶ Ἐπιγένην ὁ Πλίνθας συμπρεσβεύειν αὐτῷ ὡς μεγίστην ἐπὶ σοφίᾳ δόξαν ἐπιφερόμενον καὶ τὴν ἀρχὴν ἔχοντα τοῦ κοιαίστορος.

Χειροτονίας δὲ καὶ ἐπ’ αὐτῷ γενομένης, ἄμφω ἐπὶ τὴν πρεσβείαν ἐξώρμησαν, καὶ παραγίνονται ἐς Μάργον. Ἡ δὲ πόλις τῶν ἐν Ἰλλυρίᾳ Μυσῶν πρὸς τῷ Ἴστρῳ κειμένη ποταμῷ ἀντικρὺ Κωνσταντίας φρουρίου κατὰ τὴν ἑτέραν ὄχθην διακειμένου, εἰς ἣν καὶ οἱ βασίλειοι συνῄεσαν Σκύθαι.

Καὶ τὴν σύνοδον ἔξω τῆς πόλεως ἐποιοῦντο, ἐπιβεβηκότες ἵππων· οὐ γὰρ ἐδόκει τοῖς βαρβάροις ἀποβᾶσι λογοποιεῖσθαι, ὥστε καὶ τοὺς Ῥωμαίων πρέσβεις τῆς σφῶν αὐτῶν ἀξίας προνοουμένους ἀπὸ τῆς αὐτῆς προαιρέσεως ἐς ταὐτὸν τοῖς Σκύθαις ἐλθεῖν, πρὸς τὸ μὴ τοὺς μὲν ἀφ’ ἵππων, τοὺς δὲ πεζοὺς διαλέγεσθαι ......

(*** Ῥωμαίους οὐ μόνον εἰς τὸ μέλλον μὴ δέχεσθαι suppl. N.) τοὺς ἀπὸ τῆς Σκυθικῆς καταφεύγοντας, ἀλλὰ καὶ τοὺς ἤδη πεφευγότας, σὺν καὶ τοῖς αἰχμαλώτοις Ῥωμαίοις τοῖς ἄνευ λύτρων ἐς τὰ σφέτερα ἀφιγμένοις ἐκδίδοσθαι, εἰ μή γε ὑπὲρ ἑκάστου πεφευγότος τοῖς κατὰ πόλεμον κτησαμένοις ὀκτὼ δοθεῖεν χρυσοῖ· ἔθνει δὲ βαρβάρῳ μὴ συμμαχεῖν Ῥωμαίους πρὸς Οὔννους αἰφομένους (αἰρομένῳ N.) πόλεμον· εἶναι δὲ καὶ τὰς πανηγύρεις ἰσονόμους καὶ ἀκινδύνους Ῥωμαίοις τε καὶ Οὔννοις· φυλάττεσθαι δὲ καὶ διαμένειν τὰς συνθήκας ἑπτακοσίων λιτρῶν χρυσίου ἔτους ἑκάστου τελουμένων παρὰ Ῥωμαίων τοῖς βασιλείος Σκύθαις (πρότερον δὲ πεντήκοντα καὶ τριακόσιαι αἱ τοῦ τέλους ἐτύγχανον οὖσαι).

Ἐπὶ τούτοις ἐσπένδοντο Ῥωμαῖοί τε καὶ Οὖννοι, καὶ πάτριον ὅρκον ὀμόσαντες ἐς τὰ ἀμφότερα (ἐς τὰ σφέτερα ἀμφότεροι? B.) ἐπανῄεσαν.

Οἱ δὲ παρὰ Ῥωμαίους καταφυγόντες ἐξεδόθησαν βαρβάροις, ἐν οἷς καὶ παῖδες Μάμα καὶ Ἀτακὰμ τοῦ βασιλείου γένους, οὓς ἐν Καρσῷ φρουρίῳ Θρᾳκίῳ οἱ παρειληφότες ἐσταύρωσαν, δίκας αὐτοὺς πραττόμενοι τῆς φυγῆς.

Οἱ δὲ περὶ Ἀττήλαν καὶ Βλήδαν τὴν εἰρήνην πρὸς Ῥωμαίους θέμενοι διεξῄεσαν τὰ ἐν τῇ Σκυθικῇ ἔθνη χειρούμενοι, καὶ πόλεμον πρὸς Σορόσγους συνεστήσαντο.

Page-Image Witness

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Tulku/Tools/scythian/sources/priscus_work/page_images/fhg4_page-082.png

Greek Page-Image Collation Anchors

The Greek page images preserve the main sequence behind the Latin control. Legible anchors include:

τῶν Σκυθῶν κατὰ τὸν τῆς πανηγύρεως καιρὸν καταστρατηγησάντων Ῥωμαίους καὶ πολλοὺς ἀνελόντων
οἱ Ῥωμαῖοι ἐπέστελλον πρὸς τοὺς Σκύθας
τῆς τοῦ φρουρίου αἱρέσεως ... καὶ τῆς τῶν σπονδῶν ὀλιγωρίας
τὸν γὰρ τῆς Μάργου ἐπίσκοπον
εἰ μὴ τοῦτον ἐκδοθεῖεν ... τοὺς φυγάδας
τὸ Βιμινάκιον εἷλον· πόλις δὲ αὕτη τῶν ἐν Ἰλλυρίοις Μυσῶν
λαθὼν τοὺς ἐν τῷ ἄστει πρὸς τοὺς πολεμίους παρεγίνεται
μετὰ βαρβαρικῆς πολυπληθείας ἐς τὴν Ῥωμαϊκὴν ἐπάνεισι γῆν
Δηωθείσης δὲ τῆς Μάργου τὸν τρόπον τοῦτον, ἐπὶ μεῖζον ηὔξηθη τὰ τῶν βαρβάρων πράγματα

Fragment 2: Printed Latin Facing Text

Scythae, quo tempore mercatus Scytharum et Romanorum frequenti multitudine celebrabatur, Romanos cum exercitu sunt adorti, et multos occiderunt. Romani ad Scythas miserunt, qui de praesidii expugnatione et foederum contemptu cum eis expostularent. Hi vero se non ultro bellum inferentes, sed factas injurias ulciscentes, haec fecisse responderunt. Margi enim episcopum in suos fines transgressum, fiscum regium et reconditos thesauros indagatum expilasse. Hunc nisi dederent una cum transfugis, ut foederibus convenerit, esse enim apud eos plures, bellum illaturos.

Quae quum Romani vera esse negarent, barbari vero in eorum quae dicebant fide perstarent, judicium quidem de his quae in contentione posita erant subire minime voluerunt, sed ad bellum conversi sunt. Itaque, transmisso Istro, oppidis et castellis ad ripam sitis plurima damna intulerunt, et inter cetera Viminacium, quae Marsorum urbs est in Illyrico, ceperunt.

His gestis, quum multi in sermonibus dictitarent episcopum dedi oportere, ne unius hominis causa universa Romanorum respublica belli periculum sustineret, ille se deditum iri suspicatus, clam omnibus civitatem incolentibus ad hostes effugit, et urbem traditurum, si sibi Scytharum reges liberalitate sua consulerent, pollicitus est.

Ad ea quum beneficium omni ratione se repensuros promitterent, si rem ad exitum perduceret, datis dextris et dictis jurejurando utrinque praestito firmatis, ille cum magna barbarorum multitudine in fines Romanorum est reversus. Eam multitudinem quum ex adverso ripae in insidiis collocasset, nocte dato signo exsiliit, et urbem in manus hostium traduxit. Et ab eo tempore barbarorum res in diem auctiores melioresque fuerunt.

Fragment 3

Ὅτι ἐπὶ Θεοδοσίου τοῦ μικροῦ βασιλέως Ἀττήλας ὁ τῶν Οὔννων βασιλεὺς τὸν οἰκεῖον στρατὸν ἀγείρας γράμματα πέμπει παρὰ τὸν βασιλέα τῶν τε φυγάδων καὶ τῶν φόρων πέρι, ὅσοι προφάσει τοῦδε τοῦ πολέμου οὐκ ἐδέδοντο, τὴν ταχίστην οἱ ἐκπέμπεσθαι παρακελευόμενος· συντάξεως δὴ ἕνεκα* μέλλοντος φόρου παρ’ αὐτὸν πρέσβεις τοὺς διαλεξομένους ἀφικνεῖσθαι, ὡς, εἰ μελλήσειαν ἢ πρὸς πόλεμον ὁρμήσειαν, οὐδὲ αὐτὸν ἔτι ἐθέλοντα τὸ Σκυθικὸν ἐφέξειν πλῆθος.

Ταῦτα ἀναγνόντες οἱ ἀμφὶ τὰ βασίλεια οὐδαμῶς τοὺς παρὰ σφᾶς καταφυγόντας ἐκδώσειν ἔφασαν, ἀλλὰ σὺν ἐκείνοις τὸν πόλεμον ὑποστήσεσθαι, πέμψειν δὲ πρέσβεις τοὺς τὰ διάφορα λύσοντας.

Ὡς δὲ τῷ Ἀττήλᾳ τὰ δεδογμένα Ῥωμαίοις ἠγγέλλετο, ἐν ὀργῇ τὸ πρᾶγμα ποιούμενος τὴν Ῥωμαϊκὴν ἐδῄου γῆν, καὶ φρούριά τινα καθελὼν τῇ Ῥατιαρίᾳ προσέβαλλε μεγίστῃ καὶ πολυανθρώπῳ.

Fragment 3a

Περὶ οὗ πολέμου (sc. Attilae) συνεγράψατο ὁ σοφώτατος Πρίσκος ὁ Θρᾴξ, pergit: Λέγει (Priscus?) ὅτι Κῦρος προεβλήθη ἐν Κωνσταντινουπόλει ἔπαρχος τῶν πραιτωρίων καὶ ἔπαρχος [τῆς] πόλεως καὶ προῄει μὲν ὡς ἔπαρχος πραιτωρίων εἰς τὴν καροῦχαν τῶν ἐπάρχων· ἀνεχώρει δὲ καθήμενος εἰς τὴν καροῦχαν τοῦ ἐπάρχου τῆς πόλεως· ἐκράτησεν γὰρ τὰς δύο ἀρχὰς ἐπὶ χρόνους τέσσαρας, διότι καθαρὸς ἦν πάνυ· καὶ αὐτὸς ἐπενόησεν τὰ ἑσπερινὰ φῶτα ἅπτεσθαι εἰς τὰ ἐργαστήρια ὁμοίως καὶ τὰ νυκτερινά.

Καὶ ἔκραξαν αὐτῷ τὰ μέρη εἰς τὸ Ἱππικὸν ὅλην τὴν ἡμέραν· «Κωνσταντῖνος ἔκτισεν, Κῦρος ἀνενέωσε.» Καὶ ἐχόλεσεν αὐτῷ βασιλεὺς ὅτι ταῦτα ἔκραξαν καὶ διεδέξατο αὐτὸν δημεύσας καὶ ἐποίησεν αὐτὸν κληρικὸν, καὶ ἔπεμψεν αὐτὸν ἐπίσκοπον εἰς Σμύρναν (Κοτυάειον sec. Malal. Et Suid.) τῆς Ἀσίας κτλ.

Fragment 4

Ὅτι Θεοδόσιος ἔπεμπε Σηνάτορα, ἄνδρα ὑπατικὸν, παρὰ τὸν Ἀττήλαν πρεσβευσόμενον. Ὃς οὐδὲ τὸ τοῦ πρεσβευτοῦ ἔχων ὄνομα ἐθάρρησε πεζὸς παρὰ τοὺς Οὔννους ἀφικέσθαι, ἀλλ’ ἐπὶ τὸν Πόντον καὶ τὴν Ὀδησσηνῶν ἔπλευσε πόλιν ἐν ᾗ καὶ Θεόδουλος στρατηγὸς ἐκπεμφθεὶς διέτριβεν.

Fragment 5

Ὅτι μετὰ τὴν ἐν Χερρονήσῳ μάχην Ῥωμαίων πρὸς Οὔννους ἐγίνοντο καὶ αἱ συμβάσεις, Ἀνατολίου πρεσβευσαμένου. Καὶ ἐπὶ τοῖσβε ἐσπένδοντο, ὅπως ἐκδοθεῖεν μὲν ἂν τοῖς Οὔννοις οἱ φυγάδες, καὶ ἓξ χιλιάδες χρυσίου λιτρῶν ὑπὲρ τῶν πάλαι συντάξεων δοθεῖεν αὐτοῖς· φόρον δὲ ἔτους ἑκάστου δισχιλίας καὶ ἑκατὸν λίτρας χρυσοῦ σφισιν τεταγμένον εἶναι· ὑπὲρ δὲ αἰχμαλώτου Ῥωμαίου φεύγοντος καὶ ἐς τὴν σφετέραν γῆν ἄνευ λύτρων διαβαίνοντος δώδεκα χρυσοῦς εἶναι ἀποτίμησιν, μὴ καταβάλλοντας δὲ τοὺς ὑποδεχομένους ἐκδιδόναι τὸν φεύγοντα· μηδένα δὲ βάρβαρον Ῥωμαίους κατὰ (παρὰ conj. B.) σφᾶς φεύγοντα δέχεσθαι.

Ταύτας προσεποιοῦντο μὲν ἐθελονταὶ Ῥωμαῖοι τὰς συνθήκας τίθεσθαι· ἀνάγκῃ δὲ [καὶ N.] ὑπερβάλλοντι δέει, ὅπερ κατεῖχε τοὺς σφῶν ἄρχοντας, πᾶν ἐπίταγμα καίπερ ὂν χαλεπὸν, τυχεῖν τῆς εἰρήνης ἐσπουδακότες, ἠσμένιζον, καὶ τὴν τῶν φόρων σύνταξιν βαρυτάτην οὖσαν προσίεντο, τῶν χρημάτων αὐτοῖς καὶ τῶν βασιλικῶν θησαυρῶν οὐκ εἰς δέον ἐκδεδαπανημένων, ἀλλὰ περὶ θέας ἀτόπους καὶ φιλοτιμίας οὐκ εὐλόγους καὶ ἡδονὰς καὶ δαπάνας ἀνειμένας, ἃς οὐδεὶς τῶν εὖ φρονούντων οὐδὲ ἐν εὐπραγίαις ὑποσταίη, μή τί γε δὴ οἱ τῶν ὅπλων ὀλιγωρήσαντες, ὥστε μὴ μόνον Σκύθαις, ἀλλὰ γὰρ καὶ τοῖς λοιποῖς βαρβάροις τοῖς παροικοῦσιν τὴν Ῥωμαίων ὑπακούειν εἰς φόρου ἀπαγωγήν.

Τούτων τῶν συντάξεων καὶ τῶν χρημάτων πέρι, ἅπερ ἔδει τοῖς Οὔννοις ἐκπέμπεσθαι, συνεισφέρειν πάντας ἠνάγκασε, δασμὸν εἰσπραττομένους καὶ τοὺς κατὰ χρόνον τινὰ τὴν βαρυτάτην κουφισθέντας τῆς γῆς ἀποτίμησιν εἴτε δικαστῶν κρίσει, εἴτε βασιλέων φιλοτιμίαις. Συνεισέφερον δὲ ῥητὸν χρυσίον καὶ οἱ ἐν τῇ γερουσίᾳ ἀναγεγραμμένοι ὑπὲρ σφῶν αὐτῶν ἀξίας.

Καὶ ἦν πολλοῖς ἡ λαμπρὰ τύχη βίου μεταβολή· ἐσεπράττοντο γὰρ μετὰ αἰκισμῶν ἅπερ ἕκαστον ἐπεγράψαντο οἱ παρὰ βασιλέως τοῦτο ποιεῖν ἐπιτεταγμένοι, ὥστε τὸν κόσμον τῶν γυναικῶν καὶ τὰ ἔπιπλα τοὺς πάλαι εὐδαίμονας προτιθέναι ἐν ἀγορᾷ.

Τοῦτο μὲν μετὰ τὸν πόλεμον τὸ κακὸν Ῥωμαίους ἐδέξατο, ὥστε πολλοὺς ἢ ἀποκαρτερήσαντας ἢ βρόχον ἁψαμένους τὸν βίον ἀπολιπεῖν.

Τότε δὴ ἐκ τοῦ παραχρῆμα τῶν θησαυρῶν ἐξαντληθέντων, τό τε χρυσίον καὶ οἱ φυγάδες ἐπέμποντο, Σκόττα ἐπὶ ταύτην τὴν πρᾶξιν ἀφιγμένου· ὧν πλείστους Ῥωμαῖοι ἀπέκτειναν ἀπειθοῦντας πρὸς τὴν ἔκδοσιν. Ἐν οἷς καὶ τῶν βασιλικῶν ὑπῆρχον Σκυθῶν, οἳ ὑπὸ Ἀττήλᾳ τάττεσθαι ἀνηνάμενοι παρὰ Ῥωμαίους ἀφίκοντο.

Τοῖς δὲ αὑτοῦ ὁ Ἀττήλας προστιθεὶς ἐπιτάγμασι, καὶ Ἀσημουντίους ἐκέλευσεν ἐκδιδόναι ὅσους αἰχμαώτους ὑπῆρχον ἔχοντες εἴτε Ῥωμαίους εἴτε βαρβάρους. Ἀσημοῦς δέ ἐστι φρούριον καρτερὸν, οὐ πολὺ μὲν ἀπέχον τῆς Ἰλλυρίδος, τῷ δὲ Θρᾳκίῳ προσκείμενον μέρει· ὅπερ οἱ ἐνοικοῦντες ἄνδρες Πολλὰ δεινὰ τοὺς ἐχθροὺς εἰργάσαντο, οὐκ ἀπὸ τειχῶν ἀμυνόμενοι, ἀλλ’ ἔξω τῆς τάφρου μάχας ὑφιστάμενοι πρός τε ἄπειρον πλῆθος καὶ στρατηγοὺς μέγιστον παρὰ Σκύθαις ἔχοντας κλέος, ὥστε τοὺς μὲν Οὔννους ἀπορήσαντας τοῦ φρουρίου ὑπαναχωρῆσαι, τοὺς δὲ ἐπεκτρέχοντας καὶ περαιτέρω τῶν οἰκείων γινομένους, ἡνίκα ἀπήγγελλον αὐτοῖς οἱ σκοποὶ διιέναι τοὺς πολεμίους λείαν Ῥωμαϊκὴν ἀπάγοντας, ἀδοκήτοις τε ἐμπίπτειν καὶ σφέτερα τὰ ἐκείνων ποιεῖσθαι λάφυρα, πλήθει μὲν λειπομένους τῶν ἀντιπολεμούντων, ἀρετῇ δὲ καὶ ῥώμῃ διαφέροντας.

Πλείστους τοίνυν οἱ Ἀσημούντιοι ἐν τῷδε τῷ πολέμῳ Σκύθας μὲν ἀπέκτειναν, Ῥωμαίους δὲ ἠλευθέρωσαν, τοὺς δὲ καὶ ἀποδράσαντας τῶν ἐναντίων ἐδέξαντο.

Οὐκ ἀπάγειν οὖν ἔφη ὁ Ἀττήλας τὸν στρατὸν, οὐδὲ ἐπικυροῦν τὰς τῆς εἰρήνης συνθήκας, εἰ μὴ ἐκδοθεῖεν οἱ παρ’ ἐκείνους καταφυγόντες Ῥωμαῖοι ἢ ὑπὲρ αὐτῶν δοθεῖεν ἀποτιμήσεις, ἀφεθείησαν δὲ καὶ οἱ παρὰ Ἀσημουντίων ἀπαχθέντες αἰχμάλωτοι βάρβαροι.

Ἀντιλέγειν δὲ αὐτῷ ὡς οὐχ οἷός τε ἦν οὔτε Ἀνατόλιος πρεσβευόμενος, οὔτε Θεόδουλος ὁ τῶν στρατιωτικῶν κατὰ τὸ Θρᾴκιον ταγμάτων ἡγούμενος (οὔτε γὰρ ἔπειθον, οὔτε τὰ εὔλογα προτείνοντες, τοῦ μὲν [γὰρ] βαρβάρου τεθαρρηκότος καὶ προχείρως ἐς τὰ ὅπλα ὁρμῶντος, αὐτῶν δὲ κατεπτηχότων διὰ τὰ προϋπάρξαντα), γράμματα παρὰ τοὺς Ἀσημουντίους ἔστελλον ἢ ἐκδιδόναι τοὺς παρ’ αὐτοὺς καταφυγόντας αἰχμαλώτους Ῥωμαίους, ἢ ὑπὲρ ἑκάστου δώδεκα τιθέναι χρυσοῦς, διαφεθῆναι δὲ καὶ τοὺς αἰχμαλώτους Οὔννους.

Οἱ δὲ τὰ αὐτοῖς ἐπεσταλμένα ἀναγνόντες ἔφασαν τοὺς μὲν παρ’ αὐτοὺς καταφυγόντας Ῥωμαίους ἀφεῖναι ἐπ’ ἐλευθερίᾳ, Σκύθας δὲ ὅσους αἰχμαλώτους ἔλαβον ἀνῃρηκέναι, δύο δὲ συλλαβόντας ἔχειν διὰ τὸ καὶ τοὺς πολεμίους μετὰ τὴν γενομένην ἐπὶ χρόνον πολιορκίαν ἐξ ἐνέδρας ἐπιθεμένους τῶν πρὸ τοῦ φρουρίου νεμόντων παίδων ἁρπάσαι τινὰς, οὓς εἰ μὴ ἀπολάβοιεν, οὐδὲ τοὺς νόμῳ πολέμου κτηθέντας ἀποδώσειν.

Ταῦτα ἀπαγγειλάντων τῶν παρὰ τοὺς Ἀσημουντίους ἀφιγμένων, τῷ τε Σκυθῶν βασιλεῖ καὶ τοῖς Ῥωμαίοις ἄρχουσιν ἐδόκει μὲν ἀναζητεῖσθαι οὓς οἱ Ἀσημούντιοι ἔφασαν ἡρπάσθαι παῖδας, οὐδενὸς δὲ φανέντος, οἱ παρὰ τοῖς Ἀσημουντίοις βάρβαροι ἀπεδόθησαν, πίστεις τῶν Σκυθῶν δόντων ὡς παρ’ αὐτοῖς οἱ παῖδες οὐκ εἴησαν.

Ἐπώμνυντο δὲ καὶ οἱ Ἀσημούντιοι, ὡς οἱ παρὰ σφᾶς καταφυγόντες Ῥωμαῖοι ἐπ’ ἐλευθερίᾳ ἀφείθησαν. Ὤμνυον δὲ, καίπερ παρὰ σφισιν ὄντων Ῥωμαίων· οὐ γὰρ ἐπίορκον ᾤοντο ὅρκον ὀμνύναι ἐπὶ τῇ σωτηρίᾳ τῶν ἐκ τοῦ σφετέρου γένους ἀνδρῶν.

Fragment 6

Ὅτι γενομένων τῶν σπονδῶν Ἀττήλας αὖθις παρὰ τοὺς ἑῴους ἔπεμψε πρέσβεις, φυγάδας αἰτῶν. Οἱ δὲ τοὺς πρεσβευομένους δεξάμενοι καὶ πλείστοις δώροις θεραπεύσαντες ἀπέπεμψαν, φυγάδας μὴ ἔχειν φήσαντες.

Πάλιν ἑτέρους ἔπεμψε. Χρηματισαμένων δὲ καὶ αὐτῶν, τρίτη παρεγένετο πρεσβεία, καὶ τετάρτη μετ ̓ αὐτήν. Ὁ γὰρ ἐς τὴν Ῥωμαίων ἀφορῶν φιλοτιμίαν, ἣν ἐποιοῦντο εὐλαβείᾳ τοῦ μὴ παραβαθῆναι τὰς σπονδὰς, ὅσους τῶν ἐπιτηδείων εὖ ποιεῖν ἐβούλετο, ἔπεμπε παρ’ αὐτοὺς, αἰτίας τε ἀναπλάττων καὶ προφάσεις ἐφευρίσκων κενάς.

Οἱ δὲ παντὶ ὑπήκουον ἐπιτάγματι, καὶ δεσπότου ἡγοῦντο τὸ πρόσταγμα, ὅπερ ἂν ἐκεῖνος παρακελεύσαιτο. Οὐ γὰρ μόνον τὸν πρὸς αὐτὸν ἀνελέσθαι πόλεμον εὐλαβοῦντο, ἀλλὰ καὶ Παρθυαίους ἐν παρασκευῇ τυγχάνοντας ἐδεδίεσαν, καὶ Βανδήλους τὰ κατὰ θάλατταν ταράττοντας, καὶ Ἰσαύρους πρὸς τὴν λῃστείαν διανισταμένους, καὶ Σαρακηνοὺς τῆς αὐτῶν ἐπικρατείας τὴν ἕω κατατρέχοντας, καὶ τὰ Αἰθιοπικὰ ἔθνη συνιστάμενα.

Διὸ δὴ τεταπεινωμένοι τὸν μὲν Ἀττήλαν ἐθεράπευον, πρὸς δὲ τὰ λοιπὰ ἔθνη ἐπειρῶντο παρατάττεσθαι, δυνάμεις τε ἀθροίζοντες καὶ στρατηγοὺς χειροτονοῦντες.

Fragment 7

Ὅτι καὶ αὖθις Ἐδήκων ἧκε πρέσβυς, ἀνὴρ Σκύθης, μέγιστα κατά πόλεμον ἔργα διαπραξάμενος, σὺν Ὀρέστῃ, ὃς τοῦ Ῥωμαῖκοῦ γένους ὢν ᾤκει τὴν πρὸς τῷ Σάῳ ποταμῷ Παιόνων χώραν, τῷ βαρβάρῳ κατὰ τὰς Ἀετίου στρατηγοῦ τῶν ἑσπερίων Ῥωμαίων συνθήκας ὑπακούουσαν.

Οὗτος ὁ Ἐδήκων ἐς τὰ βασίλεια παρελθὼν ἀπεδίδου τὰ παρὰ Ἀττήλα γράμματα, ἐν οἷς ἐποιεῖτο τοὺς Ῥωμαίους ἐν αἰτίᾳ τῶν φυγάδων πέρι· ἀνθ ̓ ὧν ἠπείλει ἐπὶ τὰ ὅπλα χωρεῖν, εἰ μὴ ἀποδοθεῖεν αὐτῷ, καὶ ἀφέξονται Ῥωμαῖοι τὴν δορυάλωτον ἀροῦντες.

Εἶναι δὲ μῆκος μὲν αὐτῆς κατὰ τὸ ῥεῦμα τοῦ Ἴστρου ἀπὸ τῆς Παιόνων ἄχρι Νοβῶν τῶν Θρᾳκίων, τὸ δὲ βάθος πέντε ἡμερῶν ὁδόν. Καὶ τὴν ἀγορὰν τὴν ἐν Ἰλλυριοῖς μὴ πρὸς τῇ ὄχθῃ τοῦ Ἴστρου ποταμοῦ γίνεσθαι, ὥσπερ καὶ πάλαι, ἀλλ’ ἐν Ναῖσσῷ, ἣν ὅριον, ὡς ἐπ’ αὐτοῦ δῃωθεῖσαν, τῆς Σκυθῶν καὶ Ῥωμαίων ἐτίθετο γῆς, πέντε ἡμερῶν ὁδὸν εὐζώνῳ ἀνδρὶ τοῦ Ἴστρου ἀπέχουσαν ποταμοῦ.

Πρέσβεις δὲ ἐκέλευσε πρὸς αὐτὸν ἀφικνεῖσθαι τοὺς περὶ τῶν ἀμφιβόλων διαλεξομένους, οὐ τῶν ἐπιτυχόντων, ἀλλὰ τῶν ὑπατικῶν ἀνδρῶν τοὺς μεγίστους· οὓς εἰ ἐκπέμπειν εὐλαβηθεῖεν, αὐτὸν δεξόμενον σφᾶς ἐς τὴν Σαρδικὴν διαβήσεσθαι.

Τούτων ἀναγνωσθέντων βασιλεῖ τῶν γραμμάτων, ὡς ὑπεξῆλθεν ὁ Ἐδήκων σὺν τῷ Βιγίλᾳ ἑρμηνεύσαντι νεύσαντι ὅσαπερ ὁ βάρβαρος ἀπὸ στόματος ἔφρασε τῶν Ἀττήλᾳ δεδογμένων, καὶ ἐς ἑτέρους οἴκους παρεγένετο, ὥστε αὐτὸν Χρυσαφίῳ τοῦ βασιλέως ὑπασπιστῇ, οἷα δὴ τὰ μέγιστα δυναμένῳ, ἐς ὄψιν ἐλθεῖν, ἀπεθαύμασε τὴν τῶν βασιλείων οἴκων περιφάνειαν.

Βιγίλας δὲ, ὡς τῷ Χρυσαφίῳ ἐς λόγους ἦλθεν ὁ βάρβαρος, ἔλεγεν ἑρμηνεύων, ὡς ἐπαινοίη ὁ Ἐδήκων τὰ βασίλεια καὶ τὸν παρά σφισιν μακαρίζοι πλοῦτον. Ὁ δὲ Χρυσάφιος ἔφασκεν ἔσεσθαι καὶ αὐτὸν οἴκων τε χρυσοστέγων καὶ πλούτου κύριον, εἴγε περιίδοι μὲν τὰ παρὰ Σκύθαις, ἕλοιτο δὲ τὰ Ῥωμαίων.

Τοῦ δὲ ἀποκριναμένου, ὡς τὸν ἑτέρου δεσπότου θεράποντα ἄνευ τοῦ κυρίου οὐ θέμις τοῦτο ποιεῖν, ἐπυνθάνετο ὁ εὐνοῦχος, εἴγε ἀκώλυτος αὐτῷ ἡ παρὰ τὸν Ἀττήλαν εἴη εἴσοδος, καὶ δύναμιν παρὰ Σκύθαις ἔχοι τινά.

Τοῦ δὲ ἀποκριναμένου, ὡς καὶ ἐπιτήδειος εἴη τῷ Ἀττήλᾳ καὶ τὴν αὐτοῦ ἅμα τοῖς εἰς τοῦτο ἀποκεκριμένοις λογάσιν ἐμπιστεύεται φυλακήν (ἐκ διαδοχῆς γὰρ κατὰ ῥητὰς ἡμέρας ἕκαστον αὐτῶν ἔλεγε μεθ ̓ ὅπλων φυλάττειν τὸν Ἀττήλαν), ἔφασκεν ὁ εὐνοῦχος, εἴπερ πίστεις δέξοιτο, μέγιστα αὐτῷ ἐρεῖν ἀγαθά· δεῖσθαι δὲ σχολῆς· ταύτην δὲ αὐτῷ ὑπάρχειν, εἴγε παρ’ αὐτὸν ἐπὶ δεῖπνον ἔλθοι χωρὶς χωρὶς Ὀρέστου καὶ τῶν ἄλλων συμπρεσβευτῶν.

Ὑποσχόμενος δὲ τοῦτο ποιεῖν, ἐπὶ τὴν ἑστίασιν πρὸς τὸν εὐνοῦχου παραγενόμενος, καὶ ὑπὸ τῷ Βιγίλᾳ ἑρμηνεῖ δεξιὰς καὶ ὅρκους ἔδοσαν, ὁ μὲν εὐνοῦχος, ὡς οὐκ ἐπὶ ἐπὶ κακῷ τῷ Ἐδήκωνι, ἀλλ’ ἐπὶ μεγίστοις ἀγαθοῖς τοὺς λόγους ποιήσοιτο, ὁ δὲ, ὡς οὐκ ἐξείποι τὰ αὐτῷ ῥηθησόμενα, εἰ καὶ μὴ πέρατος κυρήσοι.

Τότε δὴ ὁ εὐνοῦχος ἔλεγε τῷ Ἐδήκωνι, εἰ διαβὰς ἐς τὴν Σκυθικὴν ἀνέλοι τὸν Ἀττήλαν καὶ παρὰ Ῥωμαίους ἥξει, ἔσεσθαι αὐτῷ βίον εὐδαίμονα καὶ πλοῦτον μέγιστον.

Τοῦ δὲ ὑποσχομένου καὶ φήσαντος ἐπὶ τῇ πράξει δεῖσθαι χρημάτων, οὐ πολλῶν δὲ, ἀλλὰ πεντήκοντα λιτρῶν χρυσίου, δοθησομένων τῷ ὑπ’ αὐτὸν πλήθει, ὥστε αὐτῷ τελείως συνεργῆσαι πρὸς τὴν ἐπίθεσιν, καὶ τοῦ εὐνούχου τὸ χρυσίον παραχρῆμα δώσειν ὑποσχομένου, ἔλεγεν ὁ βάρβαρος ἀποπέμπεσθαι μὲν αὐτὸν ἀπαγγελοῦντα τῷ Ἀττήλᾳ περὶ τῆς πρεσβείας, συμπέμπεσθαι δ ̓ αὐτῷ Βιγίλαν τὴν παρὰ τοῦ Ἀττήλα ἐπὶ τοῖς φυγάσιν ἀπόκρισιν δεξάμενον.

Δι ̓ αὐτοῦ γὰρ περὶ τοῦ αὐτοῦ χρυσίου μηνύσειν, καὶ ὃν τρόπον τοῦτο ἐκπεμφθήσεται. Ἀπεληλυθότα γὰρ, ὥσπερ καὶ τοὺς ἄλλους, πολυπραγμονῆσαι τὸν Ἀττήλαν, τίς τε αὐτῷ δωρεὰ καὶ ὁπόσα παρὰ Ῥωμαίων δέδοται χρήματα· μὴ οἷόντε δὲ ταῦτα ἀποκρύπτειν διὰ τοὺς συμπορευομένους.

Ἔδοξε δὴ τῷ εὐνούχῳ εὖ λέγειν, καὶ τῆς γνώμης τὸν βάρβαρον ἀποδεξάμενος ἀποπέμπει μετὰ τὸ δεῖπνον, καὶ ἐπὶ βασιλέα φέρει τὴν βουλήν.

Ὃς Μαρτιάλιον τὴν τοῦ μαγίστρου διέποντα ἀρχὴν προσμεταπεμψάμενος ἔλεγε τὰς πρὸς τὸν βάρβαρον συνθήκας. Ἀνάγκῃ δὲ ἐθάρρει τὸ τῆς ἀρχῆς· πασῶν γὰρ τῶν βασιλέως βουλῶν ὁ μάγιστρος κοινωνὸς, οἷα δὴ τῶν τε ἀγγελιαφόρων καὶ ἑρμηνέων καὶ στρατιωτῶν τῶν ἀμφὶ τὴν βασιλείαν φυλακὴν ὑπ’ αὐτὸν ταττομένων.

Ἐδόκει δὲ αὐτοῖς βουλευσαμένοις τῶν προκειμένων πέρι μὴ μόνον Βιγίλαν, ἀλλὰ γὰρ καὶ Μαξιμῖνον ἐκπέμπειν πρεσβευόμενον παρὰ τὸν Ἀττήλαν.

Fragment 8, Part 1

Ὅτι τοῦ Χρυσαφίου τοῦ εὐνούχου παραινέσαντος Ἐδέκωνι ἀνελεῖν τὸν Ἀττήλαν, ἐδόκει τῷ βασιλεῖ Θεοδοσίῳ καὶ τῷ μαγίστρῳ Μαρτιαλίῳ βουλευομένοις τῶν προκειμένων πέρι μὴ μόνον Βιγίλαν, ἀλλὰ καὶ Μαξιμῖνον ἐκπέμπειν πρεσβευόμενον παρὰ τὸν Ἀττήλαν, καὶ Βιγίλαν μὲν τῷ φαινομένῳ τὴν τοῦ ἑρμηνέως ἐπέχοντα τάξιν πράττειν ἅπερ Ἐδέκωνι δοκεῖ, τὸν δὲ Μαξιμῖνον μηδὲν τῶν αὐτοῖς βουλευθέντων ἐπιστάμενον τὰ βασιλέως ἀποδιδόναι γράμματα,

Ἐνεγέγραπτο δὲ τῶν πρεσβευομένων ἀνδρῶν ἕνεκα, ὡς ὁ μὲν Βιγίλας ἑρμηνεὺς, ὁ δὲ Μαξιμῖνος μείζονος ἤπερ ὁ Βιγίλας ἀξίας, γένους τε περιφανοῦς, καὶ ἐπιτήδειος ἐς τὰ μάλιστα βασιλεῖ. Ἔπειτα ὡς οὐ δεῖ παρασαλεύοντα τὰς σπονδὰς τῇ Ῥωμαίων ἐμβατεύειν γῇ. Φυγάδας δὲ μετὰ τοὺς ἤδη ἐκδοθέντας ἑπτακαίδεκα ἀπέσταλκά σοι, ὡς ἑτέρων οὐκ ὄντων.

Καὶ ταῦτα μὲν ἦν ἐν τοῖς γράμμασι· φράζειν δὲ τὸν Μαξιμῖνον ἀπὸ στήματος τῷ Ἀττήλᾳ, μὴ χρῆναι αἰτεῖν πρέσβεις μεγίστης ἀξίας παρ’ αὐτὸν διαβῆναι· τοῦτο γὰρ οὐδὲ ἐπὶ τῶν αὐτοῦ προγόνων, οὐδὲ ἐπὶ ἑτέρων τῶν ἀρξάντων τῆς Σκυθικῆς γενέσθαι, ἀλλὰ πρεσβεύσασθαι τόν τε ἐπιτυχόντας στρατιώτην στρατιώτην καὶ ἀγγελιαφόρον. Εἰς δὲ τὸ διευκρινῆσαι τὰ ἀμφιβαλλόμενα ἐδόκει ἐδόκει πέμπειν Ὀνηγήσιον παρὰ Ῥωμαίους· μὴ οἷόντε γὰρ αὐτὸν, Σερδικῆς δῃωθείσης, σὺν ὑπατικῷ ἀνδρὶ ἐς αὐτὴν προϊέναι.

Ἐπὶ ταύτην τὴν πρεσβείαν ἐκλιπαρήσας πείθει με Μαξιμῖνος αὐτῷ συναπᾶραι. Καὶ δῆτα ἅμα τοῖς βαρβάροις ἐχόμενοι τῆς ὁδοῦ ἐς Σερδικὴν ἀφικνούμεθα, τρισκαίδεκα ὁδὸν ἀνδρὶ εὐζώνῳ τῆς Κωνσταντίνου ἀπέχουσαν.

Ἐν ᾗ καταλύσαντες καλῶς ἔχειν ἡγησάμεθα ἐπὶ ἑστίαν Ἐδέκωνα καὶ τοὺς μετ ̓ αὐτοῦ βαρβάρους καλεῖν. Πρόβατα οὖν καὶ βόας ἀποδομένων τῶν ἐπιχωρίων ἡμῖν, κατασφάξαντες ἀριστοποιούμεθα.

Καὶ παρὰ τὸν τοῦ συμποσίου καιρὸν τῶν μὲν βαρβάρων τὸν Ἀττήλαν, ἡμῶν δὲ τὸν βασιλέα θαυμαζόντων, ὁ Βιγίλας ἔφη, ὡς οὐκ εἴη θεὸν καὶ ἄνθρωπον δίκαια συγκρίνειν, ἄνθρωπον μὲν τὸν Ἀττήλαν,θεὸν δὲ τὸν Θεοδόσιον λέγων. Ἤσχαλλον οὖν οἱ Οὖννοι, καὶ κατὰ μικρὸν ὑποθερμαινόμενοι ἐχαλέπαινον.

Ἡμῶν δὲ ἐς ἕτερα τρεψάντων τὸν λόγον καὶ φιλοφροσύνῃ τὸν σφῶν αὐτῶν καταπραϋνόντων θυμὸν, μετὰ τὸ δεῖπνον ὡς διανέστημεν, δώροις ὁ Μαξιμῖνος Ἐδέκωνα καὶ Ὀρέστην ἐθεράπευσε, σηρικοῖς ἐσθήμασι καὶ λίθοις Ἰνδικοῖς.

Ἀναμείνας δὲ τὴν Ἐδέκωνος Ὀρέστης ἀναχώρησιν, πρὸς τὸν Μαξιμῖνον φράζει, ὡς σοφός τε εἴη καὶ ἄριστος, μὴ ὅμοια σὺν τοῖς ἀμφὶ τὰ βασίλεια πλημμελήσας· χωρὶς γὰρ αὐτοῦ ἐπὶ δεῖπνον τὸν Ἐδέκωνα καλοῦντες δώροις ἐτίμων.

Ἀπόρου δὲ τοῦ λόγου ὡς μηδὲν ἐπισταμένοις φανέντος, καὶ ἀνερωτήσασιν ὅπως καὶ κατὰ ποῖον καιρὸν περιῶπται μὲν αὐτὸς, τετίμηται δὲ ὁ Ἐδέκων, οὐδὲν ἀποκρινάμενος ἐξῆλθε.

Τῇ δὲ ὑστεραίᾳ ὡς ἐβαδίζομεν, φέρομεν ἐπὶ Βιγίλαν ἅπερ ἡμῖν Ὀρέστης εἰρήκει. Ὃς δὲ ἐκεῖνον μὴ δεῖν χαλεπαίνειν ὡς τῶν αὐτῶν Ἐδέκωνι μὴ τυγχάνοντα· αὐτὸν μὲν γὰρ ὀπάονά τε καὶ ὑπογραφέα εἶναι Ἀττήλα, Ἐδέκωνα δὲ τὰ κατὰ πόλεμον ἄριστον, ὡς τοῦ Οὔννου γένους, ἀναβεβηκέναι τὸν Ὀρέστην πολύ.

Ταῦτα εἰπὼν καὶ τῷ Ἐδέκωνι ἰδιολογησάμενος ἔφασκεν ὕστερον πρὸς ἡμᾶς, εἴτε ἀληθιζόμενος, εἴτε ὑποκρινόμενος, ὡς εἴποι μὲν αὐτῷ τὰ εἰρημένα, μόγις δὲ αὐτὸν καταπραΰναι τραπέντα ἐπὶ τοῖς λεχθεῖσιν εἰς ὀργήν.

Ἀφικόμενοι δὲ ἐς Ναῖσσὸν ἔρημον μὲν εὕρομεν ἀνθρώπων τὴν πόλιν, ὡς ὑπὸ τῶν πολεμίων ἀνατραπεῖσαν· ἐν δὲ τοῖς ἱεροῖς καταλύμασι τῶν ὑπὸ νόσων κατεχομένων τινὲς ἐτύγχανον ὄντες. Μικρὸν δὲ ἄνω τοῦ ποταμοῦ ἐν καθαρῷ καταλύσαντες (σύμπαντα γὰρ τὰ ἐπὶ τὴν ὄχθην ὀστέων ἦν πλέα τῶν ἐν πολέμῳ ἀναιρεθέντων), τῇ ἐπαύριον πρὸς Ἀγίνθεον τῶν ἐν Ἰλλυριοῖς ταγμάτων ἡγούμενον ἀφικόμεθα, οὐ πόρρω ὄντα τῆς Ναϊσσοῦ, ἐφ’ ᾧ τὰ παρὰ βασιλέως ἀγγεῖλαι καὶ τοὺς φυγάδας παραλαβεῖν· τοὺς γὰρ ε ́ τῶν ιζ ́, περὶ ὧν Ἀττήλᾳ ἐγέγραπτο, αὐτὸν ἔδει παραδιδόναι.

Ἤλθομεν οὖν ἐς λόγους, καὶ τοὺς ε ́ φυγάδας παραδοῦναι αὐτὸν τοῖς Οὔννοις παρεσκευάσαμεν· οὓς φιλοφρονησάμενος σὺν ἡμῖν ἀπέπεμψε.

Διανυκτερεύσαντες δὲ καὶ ἀπὸ τῶν ὁρίων τῆς Ναῖσσοῦ τὴν πορείαν ποιησάμενοι ἐπὶ τὸν Ἴστρον ποταμὸν, ἔς τι χωρίον ἐσβάλλομεν συνηρεφὲς, καμπὰς δὲ καὶ ἑλιγμοὺς καὶ περιαγωγὰς πολλὰς ἔχον. Ἐν ᾧπερ τῆς ἡμέρας διαφαινούσης, οἰομένοις ἐπὶ δυσμὰς πορεύεσθαι ἡ τοῦ ἡλίου ἀνατολὴ κατεναντίον ὤφθη, ὥστε τοὺς ἀπείρως ἔχοντας τῆς τοῦ χωρίου θέσεως ἀναβοῆσαι, οἷα δὴ τοῦ ἡλίου τὴν ἐναντίαν ποιουμένου πορείαν καὶ ἕτερα παρὰ τὰ καθεστῶτα σημαίνοντος. Ὑπὸ δὲ τῆς τοῦ τόπου ἀνωμαλίας ἐπὶ ἀνατολὰς ἐκεῖνο τὸ μέρος ἔβλεπε τῆς ὁδοῦ.

Μετὰ δὲ τὴν δυσχωρίαν ἐν πεδίῳ καὶ αὐτῷ ὑλώδει παραγινόμεθα. Ἐντεῦθεν βάρβαροι πορθμεῖς ἐν σκάφεσι μονοξύλοις, ἅπερ αὐτοὶ δένδρα ἐκτέμνοντες καὶ διαγλύφοντες κατασκευάζουσιν, ἐδέχοντο ἡμᾶς καὶ διεπόρθμευον τὸν ποταμὸν, οὐχ ἡμῶν ἕνεκα παρασκευασάμενοι, ἀλλὰ διαπορθμεύσαντες πλῆθος βαρβαρικὸν, ὅπερ ἡμῖν κατὰ τὴν ὁδὸν ἀπηντήκει, οἷα δὴ βουλομένου ὡς ἐπὶ θήραν Ἀττήλα διαβαίνειν ἐς τὴν Ῥωμαίων γῆν. Τοῦτο δὲ ἦν πολέμου παρασκευὴν ποιουμένῳ (παρασκευὴ ποιουμένη? B.) τῷ βασιλείῳ Σκύθῃ, προφάσει τοῦ μὴ πάντας αὐτῷ τοὺς φυγάδας δεδόσθαι.

Περαιωθέντες δὲ τὸν Ἴστρον καὶ σὺν τοῖς βαρβάροις ὡς ο ́ πορευθέντες σταδίους, ἐν πεδίῳ τινὶ ἐπιμένειν ἠναγκάσθημεν, ὥστε τοὺς ἀμφὶ τὸν Ἐδέκωνα τῷ Ἀττήλᾳ γενέσθαι τῆς ἡμετέρας ἀφίξεως μηνυτάς.

Καταμεινάντων δὲ σὺν ἡμῖν καὶ τῶν ξεναγησάντων ἡμᾶς βαρβάρων, ἀμφὶ δείλην ὀψίαν δεῖπνον ἡμῶν αἱρουμένων, κρότος ἵππων ὡς ἡμᾶς ἐρχομένων ἠκούετο. Καὶ δὴ ἄνδρες δύο Σκύθαι παρεγίνοντο ὡς τὸν Ἀττήλαν ἡμᾶς ἀπιέναι παρακελευόμενοι. Ἡμῶν δὲ πρότερον ἐπὶ τὸ δεῖπνον αὐτοὺς ἐλθεῖν αἰτησάντων, ἀποβάντες τῶν ἵππων εὐωχήθησαν, καὶ ἡμῖν τῆς ὁδοῦ τῇ ὑστεραίᾳ ἡγήσαντο.

Παραγενομένων δὲ ἐς τὰς Ἀττήλα σκηνὰς ἀμφὶ θ ́ τῆς ἡμέρας ὥρᾳ (πολλαὶ δὲ αὐτῷ ἐτύγχανον οὖσαι), ἐπί τε λόφου τινὸς σκηνοποιῆσαι βουληθέντων, οἱ ἐπιτυχόντες διεκώλυσαν βάρβαροι, ὡς τῆς Ἀττήλα ἐν χθαμαλῷ ὑπαρχούσης σκηνῆς. Καταλυσάντων δὲ ὅπου τοῖς Σκύθαις ἐδόκει, Ἐδέκων καὶ Ὀρέστης καὶ Σκόττας καὶ ἕτεροι τῶν ἐν αὐτοῖς λογάδων ἧκον ἀνερωτῶντες τίνων τυχεῖν ἐσπουδακότες τὴν πρεσβείαν ποιούμεθα.

Ἡμῶν δὲ τὴν ἄλογον ἀποθαυμαζόντων ἐρώτησιν καὶ ἐς ἀλλήλους ὁρώντων, διετέλουν πρὸς ὄχλου τῆς ἀποκρίσεως ἕνεκα γινόμενοι.

Εἰπόντων δὲ, Ἀττήλᾳ καὶ οὐχ ἑτέροις λέγειν βασιλέα παρακελεύσασθαι, χαλεπήνας Σκόττας ἀπεκρίνατο τοῦ σφῶν αὐτῶν ἡγουμένου ἐπίταγμα εἶναι· οὐ γὰρ ἂν πολυπραγμοσύνῃ σφετέρᾳ παρ’ ἡμᾶς ἐληλυθέναι.

Φησάντων δὲ μὴ τοῦτον ἐπὶ τοῖς πρέσβεσι κεῖσθαι τὸν νόμον, ὥστε μὴ ἐντυγχάνοντας, μηδὲ ἐς ὄψιν ἐρχομένους παρ’ οὓς ἐστάλησαν, δι’ ἑτέρων ἀνακρίνεσθαι ὧν ἕνεκα πρεσβεύοιντο, καὶ τοῦτο μηδὲ αὐτοὺς ἀγνοεῖν Σκύθας θαμινὰ παρὰ βασιλέα πρεσβευομένους· χρῆναι δὲ τῶν ἴσων κυρεῖν, μὴ γὰρ ἄλλως τὰ τῆς πρεσβείας ἐρεῖν· ὡς τὸν Ἀττήλαν ἀνέζευξαν, καὶ αὖθις ἐπανῆκον Ἐδέκωνος χωρὶς, καὶ ἅπαντα, περὶ ὧν ἐπρεσβευόμεθα, ἔλεγον, προστάττοντες τὴν ταχίστην ἀπιέναι, εἰ μὴ ἕτερα φράζειν ἔχοιμεν.

Ἐπὶ δὲ τοῖς λεχθεῖσι πλέον ἔτι ἀποροῦντες (οὐ γὰρ ἦν ἐφικτὸν γινώσκειν ὅπως ἔκδηλα ἐγεγόνει τὰ θεῶν παράβυστα (τάδε ἐν παραβύστῳ?) δεδογμένα βασιλεῖ), συμφέρειν ἡγούμεθα μηδὲν περὶ τῆς πρεσβείας ἀποκρίνεσθαι, εἰ μὴ τῆς παρὰ τὸν Ἀττήλαν εἰσόδου τύχοιμεν.

Διὸ ἐφάσκομεν, εἴτε τὰ εἰρημένα τοῖς Σκύθαις, εἴτε καὶ ἕτερα ἥκομεν πρεσβευόμενοι, τοῦ σφῶν αὐτῶν ἡγουμένου τὴν πεῦσιν εἶναι, καὶ μηδαμῶς ἄλλοις τούτου χάριν διαλεχθήσεσθαι. Οἱ δὲ ἡμᾶς παραχρῆμα ἀναχωρεῖν προσέταττον.

Fragment 8, Part 2

Ἐν παρασκευῇ δὲ τῆς ὁδοῦ γενομένους τῆς ἀποκρίσεως ἡμᾶς ὁ Βιγίλας κατεμέμφετο, ἐπὶ ψεύδει ἁλῶναι ἄμεινον λέγων ἢ ἀπράκτους ἀναχωρεῖν. «Εἰ γὰρ ἐς λόγους τῷ Ἀττήλᾳ ἔτυχον, φησὶν, ἐληλυθὼς, ἐπεπείκειν ῥᾳδίως ἂν αὐτὸν τῆς πρὸς Ῥωμαίους ἀποστῆναι διαφορᾶς, οἷα δὴ ἐπιτήδειος αὐτῷ ἐν τῇ κατὰ Ἀνατόλιον πρεσβείᾳ γενόμενος.»

Ταῦτα (Διὰ τ.conj. Hoesch. Ταῦτα δ’ ἔλεγεν ἐλπίζων Bekk.) εὔνουν αὐτῷ τὸν Ἐδέκωνα ὑπάρχειν· ὥστε λόγῳ τῆς πρεσβείας καὶ τῶν ὁπωσοῦν, εἴτε ἀληθῶς, εἴτε ψευδῶς, ῥηθησομένων προφάσεως τυχεῖν ἐπὶ τῷ βουλεύσασθαι περὶ τῶν αὐτοῖς κατ’ Ἀττήλα δεδογμένων, καὶ ὅπως τὸ χρυσίον, οὗπερ ἔφασκε δεῖσθαι ὅ Ἐδέκων, κομίσαι τὸ διανεμηθησόμενον [τοῖς ὑπ’ αὐτὸν suppl. B.] ταττομένοις ἀνδράσι.

Προδεδομένος δὲ ἐλελήθει. Ὁ γὰρ Ἐδέκων, εἴτε δόλῳ ὑποσχόμενος, εἴτε καὶ τὸν Ὀρέστην εὐλαβηθεὶς, μὴ ἐς τὸν Ἀττήλαν ἀγάγοι ἅπερ ἡμῖν ἐν τῇ Σερδικῇ μετὰ τὴν ἑστίασιν εἰρήκει, ἐν αἰτίᾳ ποιούμενος τὸ χωρὶς αὐτοῦ βασιλεῖ καὶ τῷ εὐνούχῳ ἐς λόγους αὐτὸν ἐληλυθέναι, καταμηνύει τὴν μελετηθεῖσαν αὐτῷ ἐπιβουλὴν καὶ τὸ ποσὸν τοῦ ἐκπεμφθησομένου χρυσίου, ἐκλέγει δὲ καὶ ἐφ’ οἷς τὴν πρεσβείαν ἐποιούμεθα.

Τῶν δὲ φορτίων ἤδη τοῖς ὑποζυγίοις ἐπιτεθέντων, καὶ ἀνάγκῃ τὴν πορείαν κατὰ τὸν τῆς νυκτὸς καιρὸν ποιεῖσθαι πειρώμενοι, μετεξέτεροι τῶν βαρβάρων παραγενόμενοι ἐπιμεῖναι ἡμᾶς τοῦ καιροῦ χάριν παρακελεύσασθαι τὸν Ἀττήλαν ἔλεγον. Ἐν αὐτῷ οὖν τῷ χωρίῳ, ὅθεν καὶ διανέστημεν, ἧκον ἡμῖν βοῦν ἄγοντές τινες καὶ ποταμίους ἰχθύας παρὰ τοῦ Ἀττήλα διαπεμφθέντας. Δειπνήσαντες οὖν ἐς ὕπνον ἐτράπημεν.

Ἡμέρας δὲ γενομένης ᾠόμεθα μὲν ἥμερόν τι καὶ πρᾶον παρὰ τοῦ βαρβάρου μηνυθήσεσθαι· ὁ δὲ πάλιν τοὺς αὐτοὺς ἔπεμπε, παρακελευόμενος ἀπιέναι, εἰ μὴ ἔχοιμέν τι παρὰ τὰ αὐτοῖς ἐγνωσμένα λέγειν. Οὐδὲν οὖν ἀποκρινάμενοι πρὸς τὴν ὁδὸν παρασκευαζόμεθα, καίπερ τοῦ Βιγίλα διαφιλ(??)κοῦντος λέγειν εἶναι καὶ ἕτερα ἡμῖν ῥηθησόμενα.

Ἐν πολλῇ δὲ κατηφείᾳ τὸν Μαξιμῖνον ἰδὼν, παραλαβὼν Ῥουστίκιον ἐξεπιστάμενον τὴν βαρβάρων φωνὴν, ὃς σὺν ἡμῖν ἐπὶ τὴν Σκυθικὴν ἐληλύθει (οὐ τῆς πρεσβείας ἕνεκα ἀλλὰ κατὰ πρᾶξίν τινα πρὸς Κωνστάντιον, ὃν Ἰταλιώτην ὄντα ὑπογραφέα Ἀττήλᾳ ἀπεστάλκει Ἀέτιος ὁ τῶν ἑσπερίων Ῥωμαίων στρατηγός), παρὰ τὸν Σκότταν ἀφικνούμενος (οὐ γὰρ Ὀνηγήσιος τηνικαῦτα παρῆν), καὶ αὐτὸν προσειπὼν ὑπὸ ἑρμηνεῖ τῷ Ῥουστκίῳ ἔλεγον δῶρα πλεῖστα παρὰ τοῦ Μαξιμίνου λήψεσθαι, εἴπερ αὐτὸν τῆς παρὰ τὸν Ἀττήλαν εἰσόδου παρασκευάσοι τυχεῖν.

Τὴν γὰρ αὐτοῦ πρεσβείαν οὐ μόνον Ῥωμαίοις καὶ Οὔννοις ξυνοίσειν, ἀλλὰ καὶ Ὀνηγησίῳ, ὃν παρ’ αὐτὸν βασιλέα ἰέναι βούλεσθαι καὶ τὰ τοῖς ἔθνεσι διευκρινῆσαι ἀμφίβολα· ἀφικόμενον δὲ μεγίστων τεύξεσθαι δωρεῶν. Χρῆναι οὖν μὴ παρόντος Ὀνηγησίου ἡμῖν, μᾶλλον δὲ τἀδελφῷ ἐπὶ τῇ ἀγαθῇ συναγωνίζεσθαι πράξει. Πείθεσθαι δὲ καὶ αὐτῷ τὸν Ἀττήλαν μεμαθηκέναι ἔλεγον· οὐκ ἐν ἀκοῇ δὲ ἔσεσθαι βεβαίως τὰ κατ’ αὐτὸν, εἰ μή γε πείρᾳ τὴν αὐτοῦ γνοίημεν δύναμιν.

Ὃς δὲ ὑπολαβὼν μηκέτι ἀμφιβόλους εἶναι ἔφη τοῦ καὶ αὐτὸν ἴσα τῷ ἀδελφῷ παρὰ Ἀττήλᾳ λέγειν τε καὶ πράττειν. Καὶ παραχρῆμα τὸν ἵππον ἀναβὰς ἐπὶ τὴν Ἀττήλα διήλασε σκηνήν.

Πρὸς δὲ τὸν Μαξιμῖνον ἐπανελθὼν ἀλύοντα ἅμα τῷ Βιγίλᾳ καὶ διαπορούμενον ἐπὶ τοῖς καθεστῶσιν ἔλεγον ἅ τε τῷ Σκόττᾳ διείλεγμαι καὶ ἅπερ παρ’ αὐτοῦ ἠκηκόειν, καὶ ὡς δεῖ τὰ τῷ βαρβάρῳ δοθησόμενα παρασκευάζειν δῶρα καὶ τὰ αὐτῷ παρ’ ἡμῶν ῥηθησόμενα ἀναλογίζεσθαι.

Ἀμφότεροι οὖν ἀναπηδήσαντες (ἐπὶ γὰρ τοῦ ἐδάφους καὶ τῆς πόας κεῖσθαι σφᾶς συνέβαινεν0 ἐπῄνεσάν τε τὴν πρᾶξιν, καὶ τοὺς ἤδη μετὰ τῶν ὑποζυγίων ἐξορμήσαντας ἀνεκάλουν, καὶ διεσκέψαντο ὅπως τε προσείποιεν τὸν Ἀττήλαν, καὶ ὅπως αὐτῷ τά τε βασιλέως δῶρα δοῖεν καὶ ἅπερ αὐτῷ ὁ Μαξιμῖνος ἐκόμιζεν.

Ἀμφὶ δὲ ταῦτα πονουμένους διὰ τοῦ Σκόττα ὁ Ἀττήλας μετεπέμψατο, καὶ δῆτα ἐς τὴν ἐκείνου παραγινόμεθα, ὑπὸ βαρβαρικοῦ κύκλῳ πεφρουρημένην πλήθους. Ὡς δὲ εἰσόδου ἐτύχομεν, εὕρομεν ἐπὶ ξυλίνου δίφρου τὸν Ἀττήλαν καθήμενον.

Στάντων δὲ ἡμῶν μικρὸν ἀπωτέρω τοῦ θρόνου, προσελθὼν ὁ Μαξιμῖνος ἠσπάσατο τὸν βάρβαρον, τά τε παρὰ βασιλέως γράμματα δοὺς ἔλεγεν, ὡς σῶν εἶναι αὐτὸν καὶ τοὺς ἀμφ’ αὐτὸν εὔχεται βασιλεύς. Ὁ δὲ ἀπεκρίνατο, ἔσεσθαι Ῥωμαίοις ἅπερ αὐτῷ βούλοιντο.

Καὶ ἐπὶ τὸν Βιγίλαν εὐθὺς τρέπει τὸν λόγον, θηρίον ἀναιδὲς ἀποκαλῶν, ὅτου χάριν παρ’ αὐτὸν ἐλθεῖν ἠθέλησεν ἐπιστάμενος τά τε αὐτῷ καὶ Ἀνατολίῳ ἐπὶ τῇ εἰρήνῃ δόξαντα, ὡς εἴρητο μὴ πρότερον πρέσβεις παρ’ αὐτὸν ἐλθεῖν, πρὶν ἢ πάντες οἱ φυγάδες ἐκδοθεῖεν βαρβάροις.

Τοῦ δὲ φήσαντος, ὡς ἐκ Σκυθικοῦ γένους παρὰ Ῥωμαίοις οὐκ εἴη φυγάς (τοὺς γὰρ ὄντας ἐκδεδόσθαι), χαλεπήνας μᾶλλον καὶ αὐτῷ πλεῖστα λοιδορησάμενος μετὰ βοῆς ἔλεγεν, ὡς αὐτὸν ἀνασκολοπίσας πρὸς βορὰν οἰωνοῖς ἐδεδώκει ἂν, εἰ μή γε τῷ τῆς πρεσβείας θεσμῷ λυμαίνεσθαι ἐδόκει τῷ ἐπὶ τῇ ἀναιδείᾳ καὶ τῇ τῶν λόγων ἰταμότητι ἐπιθεῖναι δίκην· φυγάδας γὰρ τοῦ σφετέρου ἔθνους παρὰ Ῥωμαίοις εἶναι πολλοὺς, ὧν ἐκέλευε τὰ ὀνόματα ἐγγεγραμμένα χάρτῃ τοὺς ὑπογραφέας ἀναγινώσκειν.

Ὡς δὲ διεξῆλθον ἅπαντας, προσέταττε μηδὲν μελλήσαντα ἀπιέναι· συμπέμψειν δὲ αὐτῷ καὶ Ἤσλαν Ῥωμαίοις λέξοντα, πάντας τοὺς παρά σφισι καταφυγόντας βαρβάρους ἀπὸ τῶν Καρπιλεόνος χρόνων, ὃς ὡμήρευσε παρ’ αὐτῷ παῖς ὢν Ἀετίου τοῦ ἐν τῇ ἑσπέρᾳ Ῥωμαίων στρατηγοῦ, ἐκπέμψαι παρ’ αὐτόν.

Καὶ γὰρ [οὐ] συγχωρήσειν τοὺς σφετέρους θεράποντας ἀντίον αὐτοῦ ἐς μάχην ἰέναι, καίπερ μὴ δυναμένους ὠφελεῖν τοὺς τὴν φυλακὴν αὐτοῖς τῆς οἰκείας ἐπιτρέψαντας γῆς. Τίνα γὰρ πόλιν ἢ ποῖον φρούριον σεσῶσθαι, ἔλεγεν, ὑπ’ ἐκείνων, οὗπερ αὐτὸς ποιῆσαι τὴν αἵρεσιν ὥρμησεν;

Ἀπαγγείλαντας δὲ τὰ αὐτῷ περὶ τῶν φυγάδων δεδογμένα, αὖθις ἐπανήκειν μηνύοντας πότερον αὐτοὺς ἐκδιδόναι βούλονται ἢ τὸν ὑπὲρ αὐτῶν ἀναδέχονται πόλεμον. Παρακελευσάμενος δὲ πρότερον καὶ τὸν Μαξιμῖνον ἐπιμένειν, ὡς δι’ αὐτοῦ περὶ τῶν γεγραμμένων ἀποκρινούμενος βασιλεῖ, ἐπέτρεπε τὰ δῶρα. Δόντες τοίνυν καὶ ἐπανιόντες ἐς τὴν σκηνὴν,

Fragment 8, Part 3

ἑκάστου τῶν λεχθέντων πέρι ἰδιολογούμεθα. Καὶ Βιγίλα θαυμάζοντος ὅπως πάλαι αὐτῷ πρεσβευομένῳ ἤπιός τε καὶ πρᾶος νομισθεὶς τότε χαλεπῶς ἐλοιδορήσατο, ἔλεγον, μή ποτέ τινες τῶν βαρβάρων τῶν ἐν Σερδικῇ ἑστιαθέντων σὺν ἡμῖν δυσμενῆ αὐτῷ τὸν Ἀττήλαν παρεσκεύασαν, ἀπαγγείλαντες, ὡς θεὸν μὲν τὸν Ῥωμαίων ἐκάλει βασιλέα, ἄνθρωπον δὲ τὸν Ἀττήλαν.

Τοῦτον τὸν λόγον ὁ Μαξιμῖνος ὡς πιθανὸν ἐδέχετο, οἷα δὴ ἀμέτοχος ὢν τῆς συνωμοσίας ἣν κατὰ τοῦ βαρβάρου ὁ εὐνοῦχος ἐποιήσατο. Ὁ δὲ Βιγίλας ἀμφίβολός τε ἦν, καὶ ἐμοὶ ἐδόκει προφάσεως ἀπορεῖν, δι’ ἣν αὐτῷ ὁ Ἀττήλας ἐλοιδορήσατο· οὔτε γὰρ τὰ ἐν Σερδικῇ, ὡς ὕστερον ἡμῖν διηγεῖτο, οὔτε τὰ τῆς ἐπιβουλῆς εἰρῆσθαι τῷ Ἀττήλᾳ ἐνόμιζεν, μηδενὸς μὲν ἑτέρου τῶν ἐκ τοῦ πλήθους διὰ τὸν ἐπικρατοῦντα κατὰ πάντων φόβον ἐς λόγους αὐτῷ θαρροῦντος ἐλθεῖν, Ἐδέκωνος δὲ πάντως ἐχεμυθήσοντος διά τε τοὺς ὅρκους καὶ τὴν ἀδηλίαν τοῦ πράγματος, μή ποτε καὶ αὐτὸς, ὡς τοιούτων μέτοχος λόγων, ἐπιτήδειος νομισθεὶς, θάνατον ὑφέξει ζημίαν.

Ἐν τοιαύτῃ οὖν ἀμφιβολίᾳ τυγχάνουσιν ἐπιστὰς Ἐδέκων, καὶ τὸν Βιγίλαν ἔξω τῆς ἡμετέρας ἀπαγαγὼν συνόδου, ὑποκρινάμενός τε ἀληθίζεσθαι τῶν αὐτοῖς βεβουλευμένων ἕνεκα, καὶ τὸ χρυσίον κομισθῆναι παρακελευσάμενος τὸ δοθησόμενον τοῖς ἅμα αὐτῷ περὶ τὴν πρᾶξιν ἐλευσομένοις, ἀνεχώρει.

Πολυπραγμονοῦντα δὲ τίνες οἱ τοῦ Ἐδέκωνος πρὸς αὐτὸν λόγοι, ἀπατᾶν ἔσπευδε ἠπατημένος αὐτὸς, καὶ τὴν ἀληθῆ αἰτίαν ἀποκρυψάμενος ἔφασκε παρ’ αὐτοῦ Ἐδέκωνος εἰρῆσθαι, ὡς καὶ αὐτῷ ὁ Ἀττήλας περὶ τῶν φυγάδων χαλεπαίνοι· ἔδει γὰρ ἢ πάντας ἀπολαβεῖν, ἢ πρέσβεις ἐκ τῆς μεγίστης ἐξουσίας ἀφικέσθαι πρὸς αὐτόν.

Ταῦτα διαλεγομένοις παραγενόμενοί τινες τῶν Ἀττήλα ἔλεγον, μήτε Βιγίλαν, μήτε ἡμᾶς Ῥωμαῖον αἰχμάλωτον ἢ βάρβαρον ἀνδράποδον ἢ ἵππους ἢ ἕτερόν τι πλὴν τῶν εἰς τροφὴν ὠνεῖσθαι, ἄχρις ὅτου τὰ μεταξὺ Ῥωμαίων καὶ Οὔννων ἀμφίβολα διακριθείη.

Σεσοφισμένως δὲ ταῦτα καὶ κατὰ τέχνην ἐγένετο τῷ βαρβάρῳ, ὥστε τὸν μὲν Βιγίλαν ῥᾳδίως ἐπὶ τῇ κατ’ αὐτοῦ ἁλῶναι πράξει ἀποροῦντα αἰτίας, ἐφ’ ᾗπερ τὸ χρυσίον κομίζοι, ἡμᾶς δὲ προφάσει ἀποκρίσεως ἐπὶ τῇ πρεσβείᾳ δοθησομένης Ὀνηγήσιον ἀπεκδέξασθαι, τὰ δῶρα κομιούμενον ἅπερ ἡμεῖς τε διδόναι ἐβουλόμεθα καὶ βασιλεὺς ἀπεστάλκει.

Συνέβαινε γὰρ αὐτὸν σὺν τῷ πρεσβυτέρῳ τῶν Ἀττήλα παίδων ἐς τὸ τῶν Ἀκατιζίρων (I. Ἀκατίρων) ἔθνος ἐστάλθαι, ὅ ἐστι Σκυθικὸν ἔθνος, παρέστη δὲ τῷ Ἀττήλᾳ ἐξ αἰτίας τοιᾶσδε. Πολλῶν κατὰ φῦλα καὶ γένη ἀρχόντων τοῦ ἔθνους. Θεοδόσιος ὁ βασιλεὺς ἐκπέμπει δῶρα, ὥστε ὁμονοίᾳ σφετέρᾳ ἀπαγορεῦσαι μὲν τῇ τοῦ Ἀττήλα συμμαχίᾳ, τὴν δὲ πρὸς Ῥωμαίους συμμαχίαν (εἰρήνην Hoesch.) ἀσπάζεσθαι.

Ὁ δὲ τὰ δῶρα ἀποκομίζων οὐ κατὰ τάξιν ἑκάστῳ τῶν βασιλέων τοῦ ἔθνους δίδωσιν, ὥστε τὸν Κουρίδαχον πρεσβύτερον ὄντα τῇ ἀρχῇ, τὰ δῶρα δεξάμενον δεύτερον, οἷα δὴ περιοφθέντα καὶ τῶν σφετέρων στερηθέντα γερῶν, ἐπικαλέσασθαι τὸν Ἀττήλαν κατὰ τῶν συμβασιλευόντων, τὸν δὲ μὴ μελλήσαντα πολλὴν ἐκπέμψαι δύναμιν, καὶ τοὺς μὲν ἀνελόντα, τοὺς δὲ παραστησάμενον καλεῖν τὸν Κουρίδαχον τῶν νικητηρίων μεθέξοντα.

Τὸν δὲ ἐπιβουλὴν ὑποτοπήσαντα εἰπεῖν, ὡς χαλεπὸν ἀνθρώπῳ ἐλθεῖν ἐς ὄψιν θεοῦ· εἰ γὰρ οὐδὲ τὸν τοῦ ἡλίου δίσκον ἀτενῶς ἔστιν ἰδεῖν, πῶς τὸν μέγιστον τῶν θεῶν ἀπαθῶς τις ὄψοιτο;

Οὕτως μὲν ὁ Κουρίδαχος ἔμεινεν ἐπὶ τοῖς σφετέροις καὶ διεφύλαξε τὴν ἀρχὴν, τοῦ λοιποῦ παντὸς τοῦ Κατζίρων (I. Ἀκατίρων) ἔθνους τῷ Ἀττήλᾳ παραστάντος· οὗπερ ἔθνους βασιλέα τὸν πρεσβύτερον τῶν παίδων καταστῆσαι βουλόμενος Ὀνηγήσιον ἐπὶ ταύτην ἐκπέμπει τὴν πρᾶξιν.

Διὸ δὴ καὶ ἡμᾶς, ὡς εἴρηται, ἐπιμεῖναι παρακελευσάμενος, τὸν Βιγίλαν διαφῆκεν ἅμα Ἤσλᾳ προφάσει μὲν τῶν φυγάδων ἐς τὴν Ῥωμαίων διαβησόμενον, τῇ δὲ ἀληθείᾳ τῷ Ἐδέκωνι τὸ χρυσίον κομιοῦντα.

Fragment 8, Part 4

Τοῦ δὲ Βιγίλα ἐξορμήσαντος, μίαν μετὰ τὴν ἐκείνου ἀναχώρησιν ἡμέραν ἐπιμείναντες, τῇ ὑστεραίᾳ ἐπὶ τὰ ἀρκτικώτερα τῆς χώρας σὺν Ἀττήλᾳ ἐπορεύθημεν. Καὶ ἄχρι τινὸς τῷ βαρβάρῳ συμπροελθόντες ἑτέραν ὁδὸν ἐτράπημεν, τῶν ξεναγούντων ἡμᾶς Σκυθῶν τοῦτο ποιεῖν παρακελευσαμένων, ὡς τοῦ Ἀττήλα ἐς κώμην τινὰ παρεσομένου, ἐν ᾗ γαμεῖν θυγατέρα Ἐσκὰμ ἐβούλετο, πλείστας μὲν ἔχων γαμετὰς, ἀγόμενος δὲ καὶ ταύτην κατὰ νόμον τὸν Σκυθικόν.

Ἐνθένδε ἐπορευόμεθα ὁδὸν ὁμαλὴν, ἐν πεδίῳ κει(??)ένην, ναυσιπόροις τε προσεβάλομεν ποταμοῖς, ὧν οἱ μέγιστοι μετὰ τὸν Ἴστρον ὅ τε Δρήκων λεγόμενος καὶ ὁ Τίγας καὶ ὁ Τιφήσας ἦν. Καὶ τούτους μὲν ἐπεραιώθημεν τοῖς μονοξύλοις πλοίοις, οἷς οἱ προσοικοῦντες τοὺς ποταμοὺς κέχρηνται· τοὺς δὲ λοιποὺς ταῖς σχεδίαις διεπλεύσαμεν, ἃς ἐπὶ τῶν ἁμαξῶν οἱ βάρβαροι διὰ τοὺς λιμνάζοντας φέρουσι τόπους.

Ἐχορηγοῦντο δὲ ἡμῖν κατὰ κώμας τροφαὶ, ἀντὶ μὲν σίτου κέγχρος, ἀντὶ δὲ οἴνου ὁ μέδος ἐπιχωρίως καλούμενος. Ἐκομίζοντο δὲ καὶ οἱ ἑπόμενοι ἡμῖν ὑπηρέται κέγχρον καὶ τὸ ἐκ κριθῶν χορηγούμενοι πόμα· κάμον οἱ βάρβαροι καλοῦσιν αὐτό.

Μακρὰν δὲ ἀνύσαντες ὁδὸν περὶ δείλην ὀψίαν κατεσκηνώσαμεν πρὸς λίμνῃ τινὶ, πότιμον ὕδωρ ἐχούσῃ, ὅπερ οἱ τῆς πλησίον ὑδρεύοντο κώμης. Πνεῦμα δὲ καὶ θύελλα ἐξαπίνης διαναστᾶσα μετὰ βροντῶν καὶ συχνῶν ἀστραπῶν καὶ ὄμβρου πολλοῦ οὐ μόνον ἡμῶν ἀνέτρεψε τὴν σκηνὴν, ἀλλὰ καὶ τὴν κατασκευὴν σύμπασαν ἐς τὸ ὕδωρ ἐκύλισε τῆς λίμνης.

Ὑπὸ δὲ τῆς κρατούσης τὸν ἀέρα ταραχῆς καὶ τοῦ συμβάντος δειματωθέντες τὸ χωρίον ἀπελείπομεν καὶ ἀλλήλων ἐχωριζόμεθα, ὡς ἐν σκότῳ καὶ ὑετῷ, τραπέντες ὁδὸν ἣν αὑτῷ ῥᾳδίαν ἕκαστος ἔσεσθαι ᾤετο. Ἐς δὲ τὰς καλύβας τῆς κώμης παραγενόμενοι (τὴν αὐτὴν δὲ πάντες διαφόρως ἐτράπημεν), ἐς ταὐτὸν συνῄειμεν, καὶ τῶν ἀπολειπομένων σὺν βοῇ τὴν ζήτησιν ἐποιούμεθα.

Ἐκπηδήσαντες δὲ οἱ Σκύθαι διὰ τὸν θόρυβον, τοὺς καλάμους οἷς πρὸς τῷ πυρὶ κέχρηνται ἀνέκαιον, φῶς ἐργαζόμενοι, καὶ ἀνηρώτων ὅ τι βουλόμενοι κεκράγαμεν. Τῶν δὲ σὺν ἡμῖν βαρβάρων ἀποκριναμένων, ὡς διὰ τὸν χειμῶνα διαταραττόμεθα, πρὸς σφᾶς τε αὐτοὺς καλοῦντες ὑπεδέχοντο, καὶ ἀλεὰν παρεῖχον καλάμους πλείστους ἐναύοντες.

Τῆς δὲ ἐν τῇ κώμῃ ἀρχούσης γυναικὸς (μία δὲ αὕτη τῶν Βλήδα γυναικὼν ἐγεγόνει) τροφὰς ἡμῖν διαπεμψαμένης καὶ ἐπὶ συνουσίᾳ γυναῖκας εὐπρεπεῖς (Σκυθικὴ δὲ αὕτη τιμή), τὰς μὲν γυναῖκας ἐκ τῶν προκειμένων ἐδωδίμων φιλοφρονησάμενοι τῇ πρὸς αὐτὰς ὁμιλίᾳ ἀπηγορεύσαμεν· ἐγκαταμείναντες δὲ ταῖς καλύβαις ἅμα ἡμέρᾳ ἐς τὴν τῶν σκευῶν ἐτράπημεν ἀναζήτησιν, καὶ σύμπαντα εὑρηκότες, τὰ μὲν ἐν τῷ χωρίῳ, οὗπερ ἐν τῇ προτεραίᾳ καταλύσαντες ἐτύχομεν, τὰ δὲ καὶ πρὸς τῇ ὄχθῃ τῆς λίμνης, τὰ δὲ καὶ ἐν αὐτῷ τῷ ὕδατι, ἀνελάβομεν.

Καὶ ἐκείνην τὴν ἡμέραν ἐν τῇ κώμῃ διετρίψαμεν ἅταντα διατερσαίνοντες· ὅ τε γὰρ χειμὼν ἐπέπαυτο καὶ λαμπρὸς ἥλιος ἦν. Ἐπιμεληθέντες δὲ καὶ τῶν ἵππων καὶ τῶν λοιπῶν ὑποζυγίων παρὰ τὴν βασιλίδα ἀφικόμεθα, καὶ αὐτὴν ἀσπασάμενοι καὶ δώροις ἀμειψάμενοι, τρισί τε ἀργυραῖς φιάλαις καὶ ἐρυθροῖς δέρμασι καὶ τῷ ἐξ Ἰνδίας πεπέρει καὶ τῷ καρπῷ τῶν φοινίκων καὶ ἑτέροις τραγήμασι διὰ τὸ μὴ ἐπιχωριάζειν τοῖς βαρβάροις οὖσι τιμίοις, ὑπέξιμεν, εὐξάμενοι αὐτῇ ἀγαθὰ τῆς ξενίας πέρι.

Ἡμερῶν δὲ ζ ́ ὁδὸν ἀνύσαντες ἐν κώμῃ τινὶ ἐπεμείναμεν, τῶν ξεναγούντων παρακελευσαμένων Σκυθῶν, οἷα δὴ τοῦ Ἀττήλα ἐς αὐτὴν ἐμβαλοῦντος τὴν ὁδὸν καὶ ἡμῶν κατόπιν αὐτοῦ πορεύεσθαι ὀφειλόντων.

Ἔνθα δὴ ἐνετυγχάνομεν ἀνδράσι τῶν ἑσπερίων Ῥωμαίων καὶ αὐτοῖς παρὰ τὸν Ἀττήλαν πρεσβευομένοις· ὧν Ῥωμύλος ἦν, ἀνὴρ τῇ τοῦ κόμητος ἀξίᾳ τετιμημένος, καὶ Πριμοῦτος (infra: Προμοῦτος) τῆς Νωρίκων ἄρχων χώρας, καὶ Ῥωμανὸς στρατιωτικοῦ τάγματος ἡγεμών. Συνῆν δὲ αὐτοῖς Κωνστάντιος, ὃν ἀπεστάλκει Ἀέτιος παρὰ τὸν Ἀττήλαν ὑπογραφέως χάριν, καὶ Ταοῦλος ὁ Ὀρέστου πατὴρ τοῦ μετὰ Ἐδέκωνος, οὐ τῆς πρεσβείας ἕνεκα, ἀλλὰ οἰκειότητος χάριν ἅμα σφίσιν αὐτοῖς τὴν πορείαν ποιούμενοι, Κωνστάντιος μὲν διὰ ἐν ταῖς Ἰταλίαις προϋπάρξασαν πρὸς τοὺς ἄνδρας γνῶσιν, Τατοῦλος δὲ διὰ συγγένειαν.

Ὁ γὰρ αὐτοῦ παῖς Ὀρέστης Ῥωμύλου θυγατέρα ἐγεγαμήκει, ἀπὸ Παταβίωνος τῆς ἐν Νωρίκῳ πόλεως .....

Fragment 8, Part 5

Ἐπρεσβεύοντο ἐκμειλιττόμενοι τὸν Ἀττήλαν, ἐκδοθῆναι αὑτῷ βουλόμενον Σιλβανὸν, Ἀρμίου (ἀργυρίου? Val.) τραπέζης κατὰ τὴν Ῥώμην προεστῶτα, ὡς φιάλας χρυσᾶς παρὰ Κωνσταντίου δεξάμενον, ὃς ἐκ Γαλατῶν μὲν τῶν ἐν τῇ ἑσπέρᾳ ὡρμᾶτο, ἀπέσταλτο δὲ καὶ αὐτὸς παρὰ Ἀττήλαν τε καὶ Βλήδαν, ὥσπερ ὁ μετ ̓ αὐτὸν Κωνστάντιος, ὑπογραφέως χάριν.

Κατὰ δὲ τὸν χρόνον ἐν ᾧ ὑπὸ Σκυθῶν ἐν τῇ Παιόνων ἐπολιορκεῖτο τὸ Σίρμιον, τὰς φιάλας παρὰ τοῦ τῆς πόλεως ἐπισκόπου ἐδέξατο ἐφ’ ᾧ αὐτὸν λύσασθαι, εἴ γε περιόντος αὐτοῦ ἁλῶναι τὴν πόλιν συμβαίη, ἢ ἀναιρεθέντος ὠνήσασθαι τοὺς αἰχμαλώτους ἀπαγομένους τῶν ἀστῶν.

Ὁ δὲ Κωνστάντιος μετὰ τῆς πόλεως ἀνδραποδισμὸν ὀλιγωρήσας τῶν συνθηκῶν ἐς τὴν Ῥώμην κατὰ πρᾶξίν τινα παραγίνεται, καὶ κομίζεται παρὰ τοῦ Σιλβανοῦ χρυσίον τὰς φιάλας δοὺς, ὥστε ῥητοῦ χρόνου ἐντὸς ἢ ἀποδόντα τὸ ἐκδανεισθὲν χρυσίον ἀναλαβεῖν τὰ ἐνέχυρα, ἢ αὐτοῖς τὸν Σιλβανὸν ἐς ὅ τι βούλοιτο χρήσασθαι.

Τοῦτον δὴ τὸν Κωνστάντιον ἐν ὑποψίᾳ προδοσίας ποιησάμενοι Ἀττήλας τε καὶ Βλήδας ἀνεσταύρωσαν· μετὰ δὲ χρόνον τῷ Ἀττήλᾳ ὡς τὰ περὶ τῶν φιαλῶν ἐμηνύθη, ἐκδοθῆναι αὑτῷ τὸν Σιλβανὸν, οἷα δὴ φῶρα τῶν αὐτοῦ γενόμενον, ἐβούλετο.

Πρέσβεις τοίνυν παρὰ Ἀετίου καὶ τοῦ βασιλεύοντος τῶν ἑσπερίων Ῥωμαίων ἐστάλησαν ἐροῦντες, ὡς χρήστης Σιλβανὸς Κωνσταντίου γενόμενος τὰς φιάλας ἐνέχυρα καὶ οὐ φώρια λαβὼν ἔχοι, καὶ ὡς ταύτας ἀργυρίου χάριν ἱερεῦσι καὶ (del. Καὶ aut leg. καὶ οὐ) τοῖς ἐπιτυχοῦσιν ἀπέδοτο· οὔτε γὰρ θέμις ἀνθρώποις εἰς σφετέραν διακονίαν κεχρῆσθαι ἐκπώμασιν ἀνατεθεῖσι θεῷ.

Εἰ οὖν μὴ τῆς εὐλόγου προφάσεως καὶ εὐλαβείᾳ τοῦ θείου ἀποσταίη τοῦ τὰς φιάλας αἰτεῖν, ἐκπέμπειν τὸ ὑπὲρ αὐτῶν χρυσίον, τὸν Σιλβανὸν παραιτουμένους· οὐ γὰρ ἐκδώσειν ἄνθρωπον ἀδικοῦντα οὐθέν.

Καὶ αὕτη μὲν αἰτία τῆς τῶν ἀνδρῶν πρεσβείας, καὶ παρείποντο ὅτι καὶ ἀποκρινόμενος ἀποπέμψοι σφᾶς ὁ βάρβαρος.

Ἐπὶ τῆς αὐτῆς οὖν ὁδοῦ γενόμενοι, προπορευθῆναι αὐτὸν ἀναμείναντες, σὺν τῷ παντὶ ἐπηκολουθήσαμεν πλήθει.

Καὶ ποταμούς τινας διαβάντες ἐν μεγίστῃ παρεγινόμεθα κώμῃ, ἐν ᾗ τὰ τοῦ Ἀττήλα οἰκήματα περιφανέστερα τῶν ἁπανταχοῦ εἶναι ἐλέγετο, ξύλοις τε καὶ σανίσιν εὐξέστοις ἡρμοσμένα καὶ περιβόλῳ ξυλίνῳ κυκλούμενα, οὐ πρὸς ἀσφάλειαν, ἀλλὰ πρὸς εὐπρέπειαν συλλαμβάνοντι.

Μετὰ δὲ τὰ τοῦ βασιλέως ἦν τὰ τοῦ Ὀνηγησίου διαπρεπῆ, καὶ περίβολον μὲν ἐκ ξύλων καὶ αὐτὰ ἔχοντα, οὐχ ὁμοίως δὲ ὥσπερ ὁ Ἀττήλα πύργοις ἐκοσμεῖτο. Βαλανεῖον δὲ ἦν οὐ πόρρω τοῦ περιβόλου, ὅπερ Ὀνηγήσιος μετὰ τὸν Ἀττήλαν παρὰ Σκύθαις ἰσχύων μέγα ᾠκοδόμει, λίθους ἐκ τῆς Παιόνων διακομίσας γῆς· οὐδὲ γὰρ λίθος, οὐ δένδρον παρὰ τοῖς ἐκεῖνο τὸ μέρος οἰκοῦσι βαρβάροις ἐστὶν, ἀλλὰ ἐπεισάκτῳ τῇ ὕλῃ κέχρηνται ταύτῃ.

Ὁ δὲ ἀρχιτέκτων τοῦ βαλανείου ἀπὸ τοῦ Σιρμίου αἰχμάλωτος ἀχθεὶς, μισθὸν τοῦ εὑρέματος ἐλευθερίαν λήψεσθαι προσδοκῶν, ἔλαθε μείζονι πόνῳ περιπεσὼν τῆς παρὰ Σκύθαις δουλείας· βαλανέα γὰρ αὐτὸν Ὀνηγήσιος κατέστησε, καὶ λουομένῳ αὐτῷ τε καὶ τοῖς ἀμφ’ αὐτὸν διηκονεῖτο.

Ἐν ταύτῃ τῇ κώμῃ εἰσιόντα τὸν Ἀττήλαν ἀπήντων κόραι στοιχηδὸν προπορευόμεναι ὑπὸ ὀθόναις λεπταῖς τε καὶ λευκαῖς, ἐπὶ πολὺ ἐς μῆκος παρατεινούσαις, ὥστε ὑπὸ μιᾷ ἑκάστῃ ὀθόνῃ ἀνεχομένῃ ταῖς χερσὶ τῶν παρ’ ἑκάτερα γυναικῶν κόρας ἑπτὰ ἢ καὶ πλείους βαδιζούσας (ἦσαν δὲ πολλαὶ τοιαῦται τῶν γυναικῶν ὑπὸ ταῖς ὀθόναις τάξεις) ᾄδειν ᾄσματα Σκυθικά.

Πλησίον δὲ τῶν Ὀνηγησίου οἰκημάτων γενόμενον (δι’ αὐτῶν γὰρ ἡ ἐπὶ τὰ βασίλεια ἦγεν ὁδός), ὑπεξελθοῦσα ἡ τοῦ Ὀνηγησίου γαμετὴ μετὰ πλήθους θεραπόντων, τῶν μὲν ὄψα, τῶν δὲ καὶ οἶνον φερόντων (μεγίστη δὲ αὕτη παρὰ Σκύθαις ἐστὶ τιμή), ἠσπάζετό τε καὶ ἠξίου μεταλαβεῖν ὧν αὐτῷ φιλοφρονουμένη ἐκόμισεν.

Ὃς δὲ ἐπιτηδείου ἀνδρὸς χαριζόμενος γαμετῇ ἤσθιεν ἐπὶ τοῦ ἵππου ἥμενος, τῶν παρεπομένων τὸν πίνακα (ἀργύρεος δὲ ἦν οὗτος) ἐς ὕψος ἀράντων βαρβάρων. Ἀπογευσάμενος δὲ καὶ τῆς προσενεχθείσης αὐτῷ κύλικος ἐς τὰ βασίλεια ἐχώρει, ὄντα τῶν ἄλλων ὑπέρτερα καὶ ἐν ὑψηλῷ διακείμενα χωρίῳ.

Ἡμεῖς δὲ ἐν τοῖς Ὀνηγησίου, ἐκείνου παρακελευσαμένου, ἐγκατεμείναμεν· ἐπανεληλύθει γὰρ σὺν τῷ Ἀττήλα παιδί. Καὶ ἠριστοποιησάμεθα, δεξιωσαμένης ἡμᾶς τῆς τε γαμετῆς καὶ τῶν κατὰ γένος αὐτῷ διαφερόντων· αὐτὸς γὰρ τῷ Ἀττήλᾳ μετὰ τὴν ἐπάνοδον τότε πρῶτον ἐς ὄψιν ἐλθὼν, καὶ αὐτῷ τὰ ἐπὶ τῇ πράξει, ἐφ’ ἣν ἔσταλτο, ἀπαγγέλλων, καὶ τὸ πάθος τὸ τῷ Ἀττήλα παιδὶ συνενεχθέν (τὴν γὰρ δεξιὰν χεῖρα ἐξολισθήσας κατέαξεν), συνευωχεῖσθαι ἡμῖν οὐκ ἦγε σχολήν.

Μετὰ δὲ τὸ δεῖπτνον ἀπολιπόντες τὰ τοῦ Ὀνηγησίου οἰκήματα πλησίον τῶν Ἀττήλα κατεσκηνώσαμεν, [ὥστε] ἢ παρὰ τὸν Ἀττήλαν ἐπιέναι τὸν Μαξιμῖνον, ἤγουν καὶ τοῖς ἄλλοις τοῖς ἀμφ’ αὐτὸν ἐς λόγους ἰέναι ὀφείλοντα, μὴ πολλῷ κεχωρίσθαι διαστήματι.

Διαγαγόντων δὲ ἡμῶν ἐκείνην τὴν νύκτα ἐν ᾧπερ κατελύσαμεν χωρίῳ,

Fragment 8, Part 6

ὑποφαινούσης ἡμέρας ὁ Μαξιμῖνος στέλλει με παρὰ τὸν Ὀνηγήσιον τὰ δῶρα δώσοντα, ἅ τε αὐτὸς ἐδίδου, ἅ τε βασιλεὺς ἀπεστάλκει, καὶ ὅπως γνοίη, εἰ βούλεται αὐτῷ, καὶ ὁπότε, ἐς λόγους ἐλθεῖν. Παραγενόμενος δὲ ἅμα τοῖς κομίζουσιν αὐτὰ ὑπηρέταις προσεκαρτέρουν, ἔτι τῶν θυρῶν κεκλεισμένων, ἄχρις ὅτου τις ὑπεξελθὼν τὴν ἡμετέραν μηνύσειεν ἄφιξιν.

Διατρίβοντι δέ μοι καὶ περιπάτους ποιουμένῳ πρὸ τοῦ περιβόλου τῶν οἰκημάτων, προσελθών τις, ὃν βάρβαρον ἐκ τῆς Σκυθικῆς ᾠήθην εἶναι στολῆς, Ἑλληνικῇ ἀσπάζεταί με φωνῇ, «χαῖρε» προσειπὼν, ὥστε με θαυμάζειν, ὅτι γε δὴ ἑλληνίζει Σκύθης ἀνήρ.

Ξύγκλυδες γὰρ ὄντες πρὸς τῇ σφετέρᾳ βαρβάρῳ γλώσσῃ ζηλοῦσιν ἢ τὴν Οὔννων ἢ τὴν Γότθων, ἢ καὶ τὴν Αὐσονίων, ὅσοις αὐτῶν πρὸς Ῥωμαίους ἐπιμιξία· καὶ οὐ ῥᾳδίως τις σφῶν ἑλληνίζει τῇ φωνῇ, πλὴν ὧν ἀπήγαγον αἰχμαλώτων ἀπὸ τῆς Θρᾳκίας καὶ Ἰλλυρίδος παράλου. Ἀλλ ̓ ἐκεῖνοι μὲν γνώριμοι τοῖς ἐντυγχάνουσιν ἐτύγχανον ἔκ τε τῶν διερρωγότων ἐνδυμάτων καὶ τοῦ αὐχμοῦ τῆς κεφαλῆς, εἰς τὴν χείρονα μεταπεσόντες τύχην· οὗτος δὲ τρυφῶντι ἐῴκει Σκύθῃ εὐείμων τε ὠν καὶ ἀποκειράμενος τὴν κεφαλὴν περιτρόχαλα.

Ἀντασπασάμενος δὲ ἀνηρώτων τίς ὢν καὶ πόθεν ἐς τὴν βάρβαρον παρῆλθε γῆν καὶ βίον ἀναιρεῖται Σκυθικόν. Ὁ δὲ ἀπεκρίνατο ὅ τι βουλόμενος ταῦτα γνῶναι ἐσπούδακα, ἐγὼ δὲ ἔφην αἰτίαν πολυπραγμοσύνης εἶναί μοι τὴν Ἑλλήνων φωνήν.

Τότε δὴ γελάσας ἔφη Γραικὸς μὲν εἶναι τὸ γένος, κατ’ ἐμπορίαν δὲ ἐς τὸ Βιμινάκιον ἐληλυθέναι τὴν πρὸς τῷ Ἴστρῳ μυσῶν πόλιν. Πλεῖστον δὲ ἐν αὐτῇ διατρῖψαι χρόνον, καὶ γυναῖκα γήμασθαι ζάπλουτον.

Τὴν δὲ ἐντεῦθεν εὐπραγίαν ἐκδύσασθαι, ὑπὸ τοῖς βαρβάροις τῆς πόλεως γενομένης, καὶ διὰ τὸν ὑπάρξαντα πλοῦτον αὐτῷ Ὀνηγησίῳ ἐν τῇ τῶν λαφύρων προκριθῆναι διανομῇ· τοὺς γὰρ ἁλόντας ἀπὸ τῶν εὐπόρων μετὰ τὸν Ἀττήλαν ἐκκρίτους εἶχον οἱ τῶν Σκυθῶν λογάδες διὰ τὸ ἐπὶ πλείστοις διατίθεσθαι.

Ἀριστεύσαντα δὲ ἐν ταῖς ὕστερον πρὸς Ῥωμαίους μάχαις καὶ τὸ τῶν Ἀκατίρων ἔθνος, δόντα τῷ βαρβάρῳ δεσπότῃ κατὰ τὸν παρὰ Σκύθαις νόμον τὰ κατὰ τὸν πόλεμον αὐτῷ κτηθέντα, ἐλευθερίας τυχεῖν. Γυναῖκα δὲ γήμασθαι βάρβαρον, εἶναί τε αὐτῷ παῖδας· καὶ Ὀνηγησίῳ τραπέζης κοινωνοῦντα, ἀμείνονα τοῦ προτέρου τὸν παρόντα ἡγεῖσθαι [βίον].

Τοὺς μὲν γὰρ παρὰ Σκύθαις μετὰ τὸν πόλεμον ἐν ἀπραγμοσύνῃ διατελεῖν, ἑκάστου τῶν παρόντων ἀπολαύοντας καὶ οὐδαμῶς ἢ ὀλίγα ἐνοχλουμένους, τοὺς μέντοι παρὰ Ῥωμαίοις ἐν μὲν πολέμῳ ῥᾳδίως ἀναλίσκεσθαι, εἰς ἑτέρους τὰς τῆς σωτηρίας ἐλπίδας ἔχοντας, ὡς πάντων* διὰ τοὺς τυράννους μὴ χρωμένων ὅπλοις. Καὶ τῶν χρωμένων δὲ σφαλερωτέρα ἡ τῶν στρατηγῶν κακία, μὴ ὑφισταμένων τὸν πόλεμον.

Ἐν δὲ εἰρήνῃ ὀδυνηρότερα ὑπάρχειν τὰ συμβαίνοντα τῶν ἐν τοῖς πολέμοις κακῶν διά τε τὴν βαρυτάτην εἴσπραξιν τῶν δασμῶν καὶ τὰς ἐκ τῶν πονηρῶν βλάβας, τῶν νόμων οὐ κατὰ πάντων κειμένων, ἀλλ’ εἰ μὲν ὁ παραβαίνων τὸν θεσμὸν τῶν πλουτούντων εἴη, ἔστι τῆς ἀδικίας αὐτὸν μὴ διδόναι δίκας· εἰ δὲ πένης εἴη, οὐκ ἐπιστάμενος χρῆσθαι πράγμασιν, ὑπομένει τὴν ἀπὸ τοῦ νόμου ζημίαν, εἴπερ μὴ πρὸ τῆς κρίσεως ἀπολείποι τὸν βίον, μακροῦ ἐπὶ ταῖς δίκαις παρατεινομένου χρόνου καὶ πλείστων ἐκδαπανωμένων χρημάτων.

Ὅπερ τῶν πάντων ἀνιαρότατον εἴη, ἐπὶ μισθῷ τῶν ἀπὸ τοῦ νόμου τυγχάνειν. Οὐδὲ γὰρ τῷ ἀδικουμένῳ τις δικαστήριον παραδώσει, εἰ μή τι ἀργύριον τῷ τε δικαστῇ καὶ τοῖς ἐκείνῳ διακονουμένοις κατάθοιτο.

Τοιαῦτα καὶ πλεῖστα ἕτερα προτιθέντος, ὑπολαβὼν ἔφασκον πράως αὐτὸν καὶ τὰ ἐξ ἐμοῦ ἀκούειν· καὶ δὴ ἔλεγον, ὡς οἱ τῆς Ῥωμαίων πολιτείας εὑρεταὶ σοφοί τε καὶ ἀγαθοὶ ἄνδρες, ὥστε τὰ πράγματα [μὴ] τηνάλλως φέρεσθαι, τοὺς μὲν τῶν νόμων εἶναι φύλακας, τοὺς δὲ ποιεῖσθαι τῶν ὅπλων ἐπιμέλειαν ἔταξαν καὶ τὰς πολεμικὰς μελέτας ἀσκεῖν, πρὸς μηδὲν ἕτερον ἐπαγομένους ἢ ὥστε εἶναι πρὸς μάχην ἑτοίμους καὶ ὡς ἐπὶ τὴν συνήθη γυμνασίαν θαρροῦντας ἐπὶ τὸν πόλεμον ἰέναι, προαναλωθέντος αὐτοῖς διὰ τῆς μελέτης τοῦ φόβου· τοὺς δὲ προσκειμένους τῇ γεωργίᾳ καὶ τῇ ἐπιμελείᾳ τῆς γῆς ἑαυτούς τε καὶ τοὺς ὑπὲρ σφῶν αὐτῶν ἀγωνιζομένους τρέφειν ἔταξαν, τὸ στρατιωτικὸν εἰσπραττομένους σιτηρέσιον· ἄλλους δὲ τῶν ἀδικουμένων προνοεῖν, καὶ τοὺς μὲν τοῦ δικαίου προΐστασθαι ὑπὲρ τῶν δι’ ἀσθένειαν φύσεως μὴ οἵωντε ὄντων τὰ σφέτερα προΐσχεσθαι δίκαια, τοὺς δὲ δικάζοντας φυλάττειν ἅπερ ὁ νόμος βούλεται·

μὴ ἐστερῆσθαι δὲ φροντίδος μηδὲ τῶν παραστάντων τοῖς δικασταῖς, ἀλλὰ κἀκείνων εἶναι τοὺς πρόνοιαν ποιησομένους, ὅπως τοῦ τε δικαίου τεύξοιτο ὁ τῆς τῶν δικαστῶν τυχὼν κρίσεως, καὶ ὁ ἀδικεῖν νομισθεὶς μὴ εἰσπραχθείη πλέον, ἤπερ ἡ δικαστικὴ βούλεται ψῆφος. Εἰ γὰρ μὴ ὑπῆρχον οἱ ταῦτα ἐν φροντίδι ποιούμενοι, ἐν τῆς αὐτῆς αἰτίας ἑτέρας δίκης ἐγίνετο ἂν πρόφασις, ἢ τοῦ νενικηκότος χαλεπώτερον ἐπεξιόντος, ἢ τοῦ τὸ χεῖρον ἀπενεγκαμένου τῇ ἀδίκῳ ἐπιμένοντος γνώμῃ.

Εἶναι δὲ καὶ τούτοις τεταγμένον ἀργύριον παρὰ τῶν τὰς δίκας ἀγωνιζομένων, ὡς παρὰ τῶν γεωργῶν τοῖς ὁπλίταις. Ἦ οὐχ ὅσιον τὸν ἐπικουροῦντα τρέφειν καὶ τῆς εὐνοίας ἀμείβεσθαι; ὥσπερ ἀγαθὸν ἱππεῖ μὲν ἡ τοῦ ἵππου κομιδὴ, ἀγαθὸν δὲ βουκόλῳ ἡ τῶν βοῶν καὶ θηρατῇ ἡ τῶν κυνῶν ἐπιμέλεια, καὶ τῶν ἄλλων, ὧν πρὸς σφετέραν φυλακήν τε καὶ ὠφέλειαν ἔχουσιν ἄνθρωποι.

Ὁπότε τὴν δαπάνην τὴν ἐπὶ τῇ δίκῃ γενομένην ἁλόντες ἐκτίνουσιν, ἀνατιθέντων ἀδικίᾳ σφετέρᾳ καὶ οὐχ ἑτέρῳ τὴν βλάβην. Τὸν δὲ ἐπὶ ταῖς δίκαις μακρότερον, ἂν οὕτω τύχοι, χρόνον, τῆς τοῦ δικαίου προνοίας γίνεσθαι χάριν, ὥστε μὴ σχεδιάζοντας τοὺς δικαστὰς τῆς ἀκριβείας διαμαρτεῖν· λογιζομένους ἄμεινον εἶναι ὀψὲ πέρας ἐπιτιθέναι δίκῃ, ἢ ἐσπουδακότας μὴ μόνον ἄνθρωπον ἀδικεῖν, ἀλλὰ εἰς τὸν τοῦ δικαίου εὑρετὴν θεὸν πλημμελεῖν.

Κεῖσθαι δὲ τοὺς νόμους κατὰ πάντων, ὥστε αὐτοῖς καὶ βασιλέα πείθεσθαι, καὶ οὐχ, ὃ τῇ αὐτοῦ ἔνεστι κατηγορίᾳ, ὅτι γε δὴ οἱ εὔποροι τοὺς πένητας ἀκινδύνως βιάζοιντο, εἴ μή γε διαλαθών τις φύγοι τὴν δίκην. Ὅπερ οὐκ ἐπὶ τῶν πλουσίων, ἀλλὰ καὶ πενήτων εὕροι τις ἄν· πλημμελοῦντες γὰρ οὐδὲ αὐτοὶ ἀπορίᾳ ἐλέγχων δοῖεν δίκας. Καὶ τοῦτο παρὰ πᾶσι, καὶ οὐ παρὰ Ῥωμαίοις μόνον συμβαῖνόν ἐστι.

Χάριν δὲ ὁμολογεῖν τῇ τύχῃ ἐπὶ τῆ αὐτῷ ὑπαρξάσῃ ἐλευθερίᾳ, καὶ μὴ τῷ ἐπὶ πόλεμον ἐξάγοντι δεσπότῃ, ὥστε αὐτὸν δι’ ἀπειρίαν ἢ ὑπὸ τῶν πολεμίων ἀναιρεθῆναι, ἢ φεύγοντα ὑπὸ τοῦ κτησαμένου κολάζεσθαι.

Ἄμεινον δὲ καὶ τοῖς οἰκέταις διατελοῦσι Ῥωμαῖοι χρώμενοι. Πατέρων γὰρ ἢ διδασκάλων ἐς αὐτοὺς ἔργα ἐπιδεικνύντες, ἐφ’ ᾧ τῶν φαύλων ἀπεχομένους μετιέναι ἅπερ αὐτοῖς καλὰ νενόμισται, σωφρονίζουσι σφᾶς ἐπὶ τοῖς ἁμαρτήμασιν, ὥσπερ τοὺς οἰκείους παῖδας. Οὐ δὴ γὰρ οὐδὲ αὐτοῖς θάνατον, ὥσπερ Σκύθαις, ἐπάγειν θέμις. Ἐλευθερίας δὲ τρόποι παρ’ αὐτοῖς πλεῖστοι, ἣν οὐ μόνον περιόντες, ἀλλὰ καὶ τελευτῶντες χαρίζονται, διατάττοντες κατὰ τῆς περιουσίας ὃν βούλονται τρόπον. Καὶ νόμος ἐστὶν ὅπερ ἕκαστος τελευτῶν περὶ τῶν προσηκόντων βουλεύσοιτο.»

Καὶ ὃς δακρύσας ἔφη, ὡς οἱ μὲν νόμοι καλοὶ καὶ ἡ πολιτεία Ῥωμαίων ἀγαθὴ, οἱ δ’ ἄρχοντες οὐχ ὅμοια τοῖς πάλαι φρονοῦντες αὐτὴν διαλυμαίνοντα·

Fragment 8, Part 7

Ταῦτα διαλεγομένων ἡμῶν, προσελθών τις τῶν ἔνδοθεν ἀνοίγει τὰς θύρας τοῦ περιβόλου. Ἐγὼ δὲ προσδραμὼν ἐπυθόμην ὅ τι πράττων Ὀνηγήσιος τυγχάνοι· ἀπαγγεῖλαι γὰρ αὐτῷ με βούλεσθαί τι παρὰ τοῦ (τοῦ παρὰ aut παρὰ τοῦ παρὰ? B.) Ῥωμαίων ἥκοντος πρεσβευτοῦ. Ὃς δὲ ἀπεκρίνατο, αὐτῷ μοι ἐντεύξεσθαι μικρὸν ἀναμείναντι· μέλλειν γὰρ αὐτὸν ὑπεξιέναι.

Καὶ δὴ οὐ πολλοῦ διαγενομένου χρόνου, ὡς προϊόντα εἶδον, προσελθὼν ἔλεγον, ὡς ὁ Ῥωμαίων αὐτὸν ἀσπάζεται πρεσβευτὴς, καὶ δῶρα ἐξ αὐτοῦ ἥκω φέρων σὺν καὶ τῷ παρὰ βασιλέως πεμφθέντι χρυσίῳ· ἐσπουδακότι δὲ ἐς λόγους ἐλθεῖν, οἷ καὶ πότε βούλεται διαλέγεσθαι.

Καὶ ὃς τό τε χρυσίον τά τε δῶρα ἐκέλευσε τοὺς προσήκοντας δέξασθαι, ἐμὲ δὲ ἀπαγγέλλειν Μαξιμίνῳ, ὡς ἥξοι αὐτίκα παρ’ αὐτόν. Ἐμήνυον τοίνυν ἐπανελθὼν, τὸν Ὀνηγήσιον παραγίνεσθαι· καὶ εὐθὺς ἧκεν ἐς τὴν σκηνήν. Προσειπὼν δὲ τὸν Μαξιμῖνον ἔφασκε χάριν ὁμολογεῖν ὑπὲρ τῶν δώρων αὐτῷ τε καὶ βασιλεῖ, καὶ ἀνηρώτα ὅ τι λέγειν βουλόμενος αὐτὸν μετεπέμψατο.

Ὁ δὲ ἔφασκεν ἥκειν καιρὸν, ὥστε Ὀνηγήσιον μεῖζον ἐν ἀνθρώποις ἕξειν κλέος, εἴπερ παρὰ βασιλέα ἐλθὼν διευκρινήσει τὰ ἀμφίβολα τῇ σφετέρᾳ συνέσει καὶ ὁμόνοιαν Ῥωμαίοις καὶ Οὔννοις καταστήσεται. Γενήσεται γὰρ ἐνθένδε οὐ μόνον τοῖς ἔθνεσιν ἀμφοτέροις συμφέρον, ἀλλὰ καὶ τῷ σφετέρῳ οἴκῳ ἀγαθὰ παρέξει πολλὰ, ἐπιτήδειος ἐσαεὶ αὐτός τε καὶ οἱ αὐτοῦ παῖδες βασιλεῖ τε καὶ τῷ ἐκείνου ἐσόμενοι γένει.

Ὁ δὲ Ὀνηγήσιος ἔφη· καὶ τί ποιοῦντες κεχαρισμένως βασιλεῖ ἢ ὅπως παρ’ αὐτοῦ τὰ ἀμφίβολα λυθείη; Ἀποκριναμένου δὲ, ὡς διαβὰς μὲν εἰς τὴν Ῥωμαίων βασιλεῖ τὴν χάριν καταθήσει, διευκρινήσει δὲ τὰ ἀμφίβολα τὰς αἰτίας διερευνῶν καὶ ταύτας κατὰ τὸν τῆς εἰρήνης λύων θεσμὸν, ἔφασκεν ἐκεῖνα ἐρεῖν βασιλεῖ τε καὶ τοῖς ἀμφ’ αὐτὸν, ἅπερ Ἀττήλας βούλεται.

Ἤ οἴεσθαι ἔφη Ῥωμαίους, τοσοῦτον ἐκλιπαρήσειν αὐτὸν, ὥστε καταπροδοῦναι δεσπότην καὶ ἀνατροφῆς τῆς παρὰ Σκύθαις καὶ γαμετῶν καὶ παίδων κατολιγωρήσειν, μὴ μείζονα δὲ ἡγεῖσθαι τὴν παρ’ Ἀττήλᾳ δουλείαν τοῦ παρὰ Ῥωμαίοις πλούτου;

Συνοίσειν δὲ ἐπιμένοντα τῇ οἰκείᾳ τὸν (γὰρ) τοῦ δεσπότου καταπραύνειν θυμὸν, ἐφ’ οἷς αὐτὸν ὀργίζεσθαι κατὰ Ῥωμαίων συμβαίνει, ἢ παρὰ σφᾶς ἐλθόντα αἰτίᾳ ὑπάγεσθαι, ἕτερα ἤπερ ἐκείνῳ δοκεῖ διαπραξάμενον.

Ταῦτα εἰρηκὼς, κἀμὲ ποιεῖσθαι τὴν πρὸς αὐτὸν ἡγησάμενος ἔντευξιν περὶ ὧν πυνθάνεσθαι αὐτοῦ βουλόμεθα (οὐ γὰρ τῷ Μαξιμίνῳ, ὡς ἐν ἀξίᾳ τελοῦντι, συνεχὴς πρόσοδος ἦν εὐπρεπής), ἀνεχώρει.

Fragment 8, Part 8

Ἐγὼ δὲ τῇ ὑστεραίᾳ εἰς τὸν Ἀττήλα περίβολον ἀφικνοῦμαι, δῶρα τῇ αὐτοῦ κομίζων γαμετῇ· Κρέκα δὲ ὄνομα αὐτῇ, ἐξ ἧς αὐτῷ παῖδες ἐγεγόνεσαν τρεῖς, ὧν ὁ πρεσβύτερος ἦρχε τῶν Ἀκατίρων καὶ τῶν λοιπῶν ἐθνῶν νεμομένων τὴν πρὸς τὸν Πόντον Σκυθικήν.

Ἔνδον δὲ τοῦ περιβόλου πλεῖστα ἐτύγχανεν οἰκήματα, τὰ μὲν ἐκ σανίδων ἐγγλύφων καὶ ἡρμοσμένων εἰς εὐπρέπειαν, τὰ δὲ ἐκ δοκῶν κεκαθαρμένων καὶ πρὸς εὐθύτητα ἐπεξεσμένων, ἐμβεβλημένων δὲ ξύλοις [κύκλους] ἀποτελοῦσιν· οἱ δὲ κύκλοι ἐκ τοῦ ἐδάφους ἀρχόμενοι ἐς ὕψος ἀνέβαινον μετρίως.

Ἐνταῦθα τῆς Ἀττήλα ἐνδιαιτωμένης γαμετῆς, διὰ τῶν πρὸς τῇ θύρᾳ βαρβάρων ἔτυχον εἰσόδου, καὶ αὐτὴν ἐπὶ στρώματος μαλακοῦ κειμένην κατέλαβον, τοῖς ἐκ τῆς ἐρέας πιλωτοῖς τοῦ ἐδάφους σκεπομένου, ὥστε ἐπ’ αὐτῶν βαδίζειν. Περιεῖπε δὲ αὐτὴν θεραπόντων πλῆθος κύκλῳ· καὶ θεράπαιναι ἐπὶ τοῦ ἐδάφους ἀντικρὺ αὐτῆς καθήμεναι ὀθόνας χρώμασι διεποίκιλλον, ἐπίβληθησομένας πρὸς κόσμον ἐσθημάτων βαρβαρικῶν.

Προσελθὼν τοίνυν καὶ τὰ δῶρα μετὰ τὸν ἀσπασμὸν δοὺς ὑπεξῄειν, καὶ ἐπὶ τὰ ἕτερα ἐβάδιζον οἰκήματα, ἐν οἷς διατρίβειν τὸν Ἀττήλαν ἐτύγχανεν, ἀπεκδεχόμενος ὁπότε ἐπεξέλθοι Ὀνηγήσιος· ἤδη γὰρ ἀπὸ τῶν αὐτοῦ οἰκημάτων ἐξεληλύθει καὶ ἔνδον ἦν.

Μεταξὺ δὲ τοῦ παντὸς ἱστάμενος πλήθους (γνώριμός τε γὰρ ὢν τοῖς Ἀττήλα φρουροῖς καὶ τοῖς παρεπομένοις αὐτῷ βαρβάροις ὑπ’ οὐδενὸς διεκωλυόμην), εἶδον πλῆθος πορευόμενον καὶ θροῦν καὶ θόρυβον περὶ τὸν τόπον γινόμενον, ὡς τοῦ Ἀττήλα ὑπεξιόντος. Προῄει δὲ τοῦ οἰκήματος βαδίζων σοβαρῶς, τῇδε κἀκεῖ περιβλεπόμενος.

Ὡς δὲ ὑπεξελθὼν σὺν τῷ Ὀνηγησίῳ ἔστη πρὸ τοῦ οἰκήματος, πολλοὶ (δὲ) τῶν ἀμφισβητήσεις πρὸς ἀλλήλους ἐχόντων προσῄεσαν καὶ τὴν αὐτοῦ κρίσιν ἐδέχοντο. Εἶτα ἐπανῄει ὡς τὸ οἴκημα, καὶ πρέσβεις παρ’ αὐτὸν ἥκοντας βαρβάρους ἐδέχετο.

Ἐμοὶ δὲ ἀπεκδεχομένῳ τὸν Ὀνηγήσιον Ῥωμύλος καὶ Προμοῦτος καὶ Ῥωμανὸς οἱ ἐξ Ἰταλίας ἐλθόντες παρὰ τὸν Ἀττήλαν πρέσβεις τῶν φιαλῶν ἕνεκα τῶν χρυσῶν, συμπαρόντος αὐτοῖς καὶ Ῥουστικίου τοῦ κατὰ Κωνστάντιον, καὶ Κωνσταντιόλου, ἀνδρὸς ἐκ τῆς Παιόνων χώρας τῆς ὑπὸ Ἀττήλᾳ ταττομένης, ἐς λόγους ἦλθον, καὶ ἀνηρώτων πότερον διηφείθημεν, ἢ ἐπιμένειν ἀναγκαζόμεθα.

Καὶ ἐμοῦ φήσαντος, ὡς τούτου χάριν πευσόμενος τοῦ Ὀνηγησίου τοῖς περιβόλοις προσκαρτερῶ, καὶ ἀντερωτήσαντος εἰ αὐτοῖς ὁ Ἀττήλας ἥμερόν τι καὶ πρᾶον περὶ πρεσβείας ἀπεκρίνατο, ἔλεγον μηδαμῶς μετατρέπεσθαι τῆς γνώμης, ἀλλὰ πόλεμον καταγγέλλειν, εἰ μή γε αὐτῷ Σιλβανὸς ἢ τὰ ἐκπώματα πεμφθείη.

Ἀποθαυμαζόντων δὲ ἡμῶν τῆς ἀπονοίας τὸν βάρβαρον, ὑπολαβὼν ὁ Ῥωμύλος, πρεσβευτὴς ἀνὴρ καὶ πολλῶν πραγμάτων ἔμπειρος, ἔλεγε τὴν αὐτοῦ μεγίστην τύχην καὶ τὴν ἐκ τῆς τύχης δύναμιν ἐξαίρειν αὐτὸν, ὥστε μὴ ἀνέχεσθαι δικαίων λόγων, εἰ μὴ πρὸς αὐτοῦ νομίσῃ ὑπάρχειν αὐτούς Οὐδενὶ γὰρ τῶν πώποτε τῆς Σκυθικῆς ἢ καὶ ἑτέρας ἀρξάντων γῆς τοσαῦτα ἐν ὀλίγῳ καταπεπρᾶχθαι, ὥστε καὶ τῶν ἐν τῷ Ὠκεανῷ νήσων ἄρχειν, καὶ πρὸς πάσῃ τῇ Σκυθικῇ καὶ Ῥωμαίους ἔχειν ἐς φόρου ἀπαγωγήν.

Ἐφιέμενον δὲ πρὸς τοῖς παροῦσι πλειόνων καὶ ἐπὶ μεῖζον αὔξοντα τὴν ἀρχὴν, καὶ ἐς Πέρσας ἀπιέναι βούλεσθαι. Τῶν δὲ ἐν ἡμῖν τινος πυθομένου ποίαν ὁδὸν τραπείς ἐς Πέρσας ἐλθεῖν δυνήσεται, ἔλεγεν ὁ Ῥωμύλος, μὴ πολλῷ διαστήματι τὴν Μήδων ἀφεστάναι τῆς Σκυθικῆς, οὐδὲ Οὔννους ἀπείρους τῆς ὁδοῦ ταύτης εἶναι, ἀλλὰ πάλαι ἐς αὐτὴν ἐμβεβληκέναι, λιμοῦ τε τὴν χώραν κρατήσαντος, καὶ Ῥωμαίων διὰ τὸν τότε συνιστάμενον πόλεμον μὴ συμβαλλόντων.

Παρεληλυθέναι δὲ ἐς τὴν Μήδων τόν τε Βασὶχ καὶ Κουρσὶχ τοὺς ὕστερον ἐς τὴν Ῥώμην ἐληλυθότας εἰς ὁμαιχμίαν, ἄνδρας τῶν βασιλείων Σκυθῶν καὶ πολλοῦ πλήθους ἄρχοντας. Καὶ τοὺς διαβεβηκότας λέγειν, ὡς ἔρημον ἐπελθόντες χώραν καὶ λίμνην τινὰ περαιωθέντες, ἣν ὁ Ῥωμύλος τὴν Μαιῶτιν εἶναι ᾤετο, πέντε καὶ δέκα διαγενομένων ἡμερῶν ὄρη τινὰ ὑπερβάντες ἐς τὴν Μηδικὴν ἐσέβαλον.

Ληϊζομένοις δὲ καὶ τὴν γῆν κατατρέχουσι πλῆθος Περσικὸν ἐπελθὸν τὸν σφῶν ὑπερκείμενον ἀέρα πλῆσαι βελῶν, ὥστε σφᾶς δέει τοῦ κατασχόντος κινδύνου ἀναχωρῆσαι εἰς τοὐπίσω καὶ τὰ ὅρη ὑπεξελθεῖν, ὀλίγην ἄγοντας λείαν· ἡ γὰρ πλείστη ὑπὸ τῶν Μήδων ἀφῄρητο.

Εὐλαβουμένους δὲ τὴν τῶν πολεμίων δίωξιν ἑτέραν τραπῆναι ὁδὸν, καὶ μετὰ τὴν ἐκ τῆς ὑφάλου πέτρας ἀναφερομένην φλόγα ἐκεῖθεν πορευθέντας .... ἡμερῶν ὁδὸν ἐς τὰ οἰκεῖα ἀφικέσθαι, καὶ γνῶναι, οὐ πολλῷ διαστήματι τὴν Μήδων ἀφεστάναι τῆς Σκυθικῆς.

Τὸν οὖν Ἀττήλαν ἐπ’ αὐτὴν ἰέναι βουλόμενον οὐ πονήσειν πολλὰ, οὔτε μακρὰν ἀνύσειν ὁδὸν, ὥστε καὶ Μήδους καὶ Πάρθους καὶ Πέρσας παραστήσεσθαι καὶ ἀναγκάσειν ἐλθεῖν ἐς φόρου ἀπαγωγήν· παρεῖναι γὰρ αὐτῷ μάχιμον δύναμιν, ἣν οὐδὲν ἔθνος ὑποστήσεται.

Ἡμῶν δὲ κατὰ Περσῶν ἐλθεῖν αὐτὸν ἐπευξαμένων καὶ ἐπ’ ἐκείνους τρέψαι τὸν πόλεμον, ὁ Κωνσταντίολος ἔλεγε δεδιέναι μή ποτε καὶ Πέρσας ῥᾳδίως παραστησάμενος ἀντὶ φίλου δεσπότης ἐπανήξει. Νῦν μὲν γὰρ τὸ χρυσίον κομίζεσθαι παρ’ αὐτῶν τῆς ἀξίας ἕνεκα· εἰ δὲ καὶ Πάρθους καὶ Μήδους καὶ Πέρσας παραστήσοιτο, οὐκέτι Ῥωμαίων ἀνέξεσθαι τὴν αὐτοῦ νοσφιζομένων ἀρχὴν, ἀλλὰ θεράποντας περιφανῶς ἡγησάμενον χαλεπώτερα ἐπιτάξειν καὶ οὐκ ἀνεκτὰ ἐκείνοις ἐπιτάγματα.

Ἦν δὲ ἀξία, ἧς ὁ Κωνσταντίολος ἐπεμνήσθη, στρατηγοῦ Ῥωμαίων, ἧς χάριν ὁ Ἀττήλας παρὰ βασιλέως ἐδέδεκτο τοῦ τοῖς στρατηγοῖς χορηγουμένου τὰς συντάξεις ἐκπέμπεσθαι. Ἔλεγεν οὖν μετὰ Μήδους καὶ Πάρθους καὶ Πέρσας τοῦτο τὸ ὄνομα, ὅπερ αὐτὸν βούλονται Ῥωμαῖοι καλεῖν, καὶ τὴν ἀξίαν, ᾗ αὐτὸν τετιμηκέναι νομίζουσιν, ἀποσεισάμενον ἀναγκάσειν σφᾶς ἀντὶ στρατηγοῦ βασιλέα προσαγορεύειν.

Ἢδη γὰρ καὶ χαλεπᾳίνοντα εἰπεῖν, ὡς ἐκείνῳ μὲν οἱ αὐτοῦ θεράποντές εἰσι στρατηγοὶ, αὐτῷ δὲ οἱ τοῖς βασιλεύουσι Ῥωμαίων ὁμότιμοι. Ἔσεσθαι δὲ οὐκ εἰς μακρὰν τῆς παρούσης αὐτῷ δυνάμεως αὔξησιν· σημαίνειν καὶ τοῦτο τὸν θεὸν τὸ τοῦ Ἄρεος ἀναφήναντα ξίφος, ὅπερ ὂν ἱερὸν καὶ παρὰ τῶν Σκυθικῶν βασιλέων τιμώμενον, οἷα δὴ τῷ ἐφόρῳ τῶν πολέμων ἀνακείμενον, ἐν τοῖς πάλαι ἀφανισθῆναι χρόνοις, εἶτα διὰ βοὸς εὑρεθῆναι (cf. fr. 10, p. 96).

Fragment 8, Part 9

Καὶ ἑκάστου λέγειν τι περὶ τῶν καθεστώτων βουλομένου, Ὀνηγησίου ὑπεξελθόντος, παρ’ αὐτὸν ἤλθομεν, καὶ ἐπειρώμεθα περὶ τῶν ἐσπουδασμένων μανθάνειν. Ὁ δέ τισι πρότερον βαρβάροις διαλεχθεὶς, πυθέσθαι με παρὰ Μαξιμίνου ἐπέτρεπε τίνα Ῥωμαῖοι ἄνδρα τῶν ὑπατικῶν παρὰ τὸν Ἀττήλαν πρεσβευόμενον στέλλουσιν.

Ὡς δὲ παρελθὼν εἰς τὴν σκηνὴν ἔφραζον, ἅπερ εἴρητό μοι, καὶ ὅ τι δεῖ λέγειν ὧν χάριν ὁ βάρβαρος ἡμῶν ἐπύθετο ἅμα τῷ Μαξιμίνῳ βουλευσάμενος ἐπανῆλθον ὡς τὸν Ὀνηγήσιον, λέγων, ὡς ἐθέλουσι μὲν Ῥωμαῖοι αὐτὸν παρὰ σφᾶς ἐλθόντα τῶν ἀμφιβόλων ἕνεκα διαλέγεσθαι, εἰ δὲ τούτου διαμάρτοιεν, ἐκπέμψειν βασιλέα ὃν βούλεται πρεσβευσόμενον.

Καὶ εὐθὺς μετιέναι με τὸν Μαξιμῖνον παρεκελεύσατο, καὶ ἥκοντα αὐτὸν ἦγε παρὰ τὸν Ἀττήλαν. Καὶ μικρὸν ὕστερον ὑπεξελθὼν ὁ Μαξιμῖνος ἔλεγεν, ἐθέλειν τὸν βάρβαρον Νόμον ἢ Ἀνατόλιον ἢ Σενάτορα πρεσβεύεσθαι· μὴ γὰρ ἂν ἄλλον παρὰ τοὺς εἰρημένους δέξεσθαι.

Καὶ ὡς αὐτοῦ ἀποκριναμένου, μὴ χρῆναι ἐπὶ τὴν πρεσβείαν τοὺς ἄνδρας καλοῦντα ὑπόπτους καθιστᾶν βασιλεῖ, εἰρηκέναι τὸν Ἀττήλαν, εἰ μὴ ἕλοιντο ποιεῖν ἃ βούλεται, ὅπλοις τὰ ἀμφίβολα διακριθήσεσθαι.

Ἐπανελθόντων δὲ ἡμῶν ἐς τὴν σκηνὴν, ὁ τοῦ Ὀρέστου πατὴρ ἧκε λέγων, ὡς ἀμφοτέρους ὑμᾶς Ἀττήλας ἐπὶ τὸ συμπόσιον παρακαλεῖ, γενήσεσθαι δὲ αὐτὸ περὶ θ ́ τῆς ἡμέρας.

Ὡς δὲ τὸν καιρὸν ἐφυλάξαμεν καὶ ἐπὶ τὸ δεῖπνον κληθέντες παρεγενόμεθα ἡμεῖς τε καὶ οἱ ἀπὸ τῶν ἑσπερίων Ῥωμαίων πρέσβεις, ἔστημεν ἐπὶ τοῦ οὐδοῦ ἀντία Ἀττήλα. Καὶ κύλικα οἱ οἰνοχόοι κατὰ τὸ ἐπιχώριον ἐπέδοσαν ἔθος, ὡς καὶ ἡμᾶς πρὸ τῆς ἕδρας ἐπεύξασθαι. Οὗ δὴ γενομένου, τῆς κύλικος ἀπογευσάμενοι ἐπὶ τοὺς θρόνους ἤλθομεν, οὗ ἔδει καθεσθέντας δειπνεῖν.

Πρὸς δὲ τοῖς τοίχοις τοῦ οἰκήματος πάντες ὑπῆρχον οἱ δίφροι ἐξ ἑκατέρας πλευρᾶς. Ἐν μεσωτάτῳ δὲ ἧστο ἐπὶ κλίνης ὁ Ἀττήλας, ἑτέρας ἐξόπισθεν κλίνης ὑπαρχούσης αὐτῷ, μεθ’ ἣν βαθμοί τινες ἐπὶ τὴν αὐτοῦ ἀνῆγον εὐνὴν, καλυπτομένην ὀθόναις καὶ ποικίλοις παραπετάσμασι κόσμου χάριν, καθάπερ ἐπὶ τῶν γαμούντων Ἕλληνές τε καὶ Ῥωμαῖοι κατασκευάζουσι.

Καὶ πρώτην μὲν ἐνόμιζον τῶν δειπνούντων τάξιν τὴν ἐν δεξιᾷ τοῦ Ἀττήλα, δευτέραν δὲ τὴν εὐώνυμον, ἐν ᾗ ἐτυγχάνομεν ὄντες, προκαθεσθέντος ἡμῶν Βερίχου, παρὰ Σκύθαις εὖ γεγονότος ἀνδρός. Ὁ γὰρ Ὀνηγήσιος ἐπὶ δίφρου ἧστο ἐν δεξιᾷ τῆς τοῦ βασιλέως κλίνης. Ἀντικρὺ δὲ τοῦ Ὀνηγησίου ἐπὶ δίφρου ἐκαθέζοντο δύο τῶν Ἀττήλα παίδων· ὁ γὰρ πρεσβύτερος ἐπὶ τῆς ἐκείνου ἧστο κλίνης, οὐκ ἐγγὺς, ἀλλ’ ἐπ’ ἄκρου, αἰδοῖ τοῦ πατρὸς βλέπων ἐς γῆν.

Πάντων δὲ ἐν κόσμῳ καθεστώτων, παρελθὼν οἰνοχόος τῷ Ἀττήλᾳ οἴνου κισσύβιον ἐπιδίδωσι. Δεξάμενος δὲ τὸν τῇ τάξει πρῶτον ἠσπάζετο. Ὁ δὲ τῷ ἀσπασμῷ τιμηθεὶς διανίστατο· καὶ οὐ πρότερον ἱζῆσαι θέμις ἦν, πρὶν ἢ τῷ οἰνοχόῳ ἀπογευσάμενος ἢ καὶ ἐκπιὼν ἀπέδωκε τὸ κισσύβιον.

Καθεσθέντα δὲ αὐτὸν τῷ [αὐτῷ] τρόπῳ οἱ παρόντες ἐτίμων, δεχόμενοι τὰς κύλικας καὶ μετὰ τὸν ἀσπασμὸν ἀπογευόμενοι. Ἑκάστῳ δὲ εἷς οἰνοχόος παρῆν, ὃν ἔδει κατὰ στοῖχον εἰσιέναι, τοῦ Ἀττήλα οἰνοχόου ὑπεξιόντος. Τιμηθέντος δὲ καὶ τοῦ δευτέρου καὶ τῶν ἑξῆς, καὶ ἡμᾶς τοῖς ἴσοις ὁ Ἀττήλας ἐδεξιώσατο κατὰ τὴν τῶν θάκων τάξιν.

Ὦ δὴ ἀσπασμῷ πάντων τιμηθέντων, ὑπεξῄεσαν μὲν οἱ οἰνοχόοι, τράπεζαι δὲ μετὰ τὴν τοῦ Ἀττήλα παρετίθεντο κατὰ τρεῖς καὶ τέτταρας ἄνδρας ἢ καὶ πλείους· ὅθεν ἕκαστος οἷός τε ἦν τῶν τῇ μαγίδι τοδι (ἰδίᾳ? Val.) ἐπιτιθεμένων μεταλαβεῖν μὴ ὑπεξιὼν τῆς τῶν θρόνων τάξεως.

Καὶ πρῶτος εἰσῄει ὁ τοῦ Ἀττήλα ὑπηρέτης, κρεῶν πλήρη πίνακα φέρων, καὶ οἱ πᾶσι διακονούμενοι μετ ̓ αὐτὸν σῖτον καὶ ὄψα ταῖς τραπέζαις ἐπέθεσαν. Ἀλλὰ τοῖς μὲν ἄλλοις βαρβάροις καὶ ἡμῖν πολυτελῆ δεῖπνα κατεσκεύαστο, κύκλοις ἐπικείμενα ἀργυροῖς· τῷ δὲ Ἀττήλᾳ ἐπὶ τοῦ ξυλίνου πίνακος ἦν οὐδὲν πλέον κρεῶν. Μέτριον δὲ ἑαυτὸν καὶ ἐν τοῖς ἄλλος ἅπασιν ἐδείκνυ.

Τοῖς γὰρ τῆς εὐωχίας ἀνδράσι κύλικες χρυσαῖ τε καὶ ἀργυραῖ ἐπεδίδοντο, τὸ δὲ αὐτοῦ ἔκπωμα ξύλινον ἦν. Λιτὴ δὲ αὐτῷ καὶ ἡ ἐσθὴς ἐτύγχανεν οὖσα, μηδὲν τῶν ἄλλων πλὴν τοῦ καθαρὰ εἶναι διαφυλάττουσα· καὶ οὔτε τὸ παρῃωρημένον αὐτῷ ξίφος, οὔτε οἱ τῶν βαρβαρικῶν ὑποδημάτων δεσμοὶ, οὔτε τοῦ ἵππου ὁ χαλινὸς, ὥσπερ τῶν ἄλλων Σκυθῶν, χρυσῷ ἢ λίθοις ἤ τινι τῶν τιμίων ἐκοσμεῖτο.

Τῶν δὲ ὄψων τῶν ἐν τοῖς πρώτοις πίναξιν ἐπιτεθέντων ἀναλωθέντων, πάντες διανέστημεν, καὶ οὐ πρότερον ἐπὶ τὸν δίφρον ἀναστὰς ἦλθε, πρὶν ἢ κατὰ τὴν προτέραν τάξιν ἕκαστος τὴν ἐπιδιδομένην αὐτῷ οἴνου πλήρη ἐξέπιε κύλικα, τὸν Ἀττήλαν σῶν εἶναι ἐπευξάμενος. Καὶ τοῦτον τιμηθέντος αὐτοῦ τὸν τρόπον ἐκαθέσθημεν, καὶ δεύτερος ἑκάστῃ τραπέζῃ ἐπετίθετο πίναξ ἕτερα ἔχων ἐδώδιμα.

Ὡς δὲ καὶ αὐτοῦ οἱ πάντες μετέλαβον, καὶ τῷ αὐτῷ ἐξαναστάντες τρόπῳ, αὖθις ἐκπιόντες ἐκαθέσθημεν. Ἐπιγενομένης δὲ ἑσπέρας δᾷδες ἀνήφθησαν, δύο δὲ ἀντικρὺ τοῦ Ἀττήλα παρελθόντες βάρβαροι ᾄσματα πεποιημένα ἔλεγον, νίκας αὐτοῦ καὶ τὰς κατὰ πόλεμον ᾄδοντες ἀρετάς· ἐς οὓς οἱ τῆς εὐωχίας ἀπέβλεπον, καὶ οἱ μὲν ἥδοντο τοῖς ποιήμασιν, οἱ δὲ τῶν πολέμων ἀναμιμνησκόμενοι διηγείροντο τοῖς φρονήμασιν, ἄλλοι δὲ ἐχώρουν ἐς δάκρυα, ὧν ὑπὸ τοῦ χρόνου ἠσθένει τὸ σῶμα καὶ ἡσυχάζειν ὁ θυμὸς ἠναγκάζετο.

Μετὰ δὲ τὰ ᾄσματα Σκύθης τις παρελθὼν φρενοβλαβὴς, ἀλλόκοτα καὶ παράσημα καὶ οὐδὲν ὑγιὲς φθεγγόμενος, ἐς γέλωτα πάντας παρεσκεύασε παρελθεῖν. Μεθ ̓ ὃν ὑπεισῆλθε Ζέρκων ὁ Μαυρούσιος (vid. fr. 11)· ὁ γὰρ Ἐδέκων αὐτὸν παρὰ τὸν Ἀττήλαν ἐλθεῖν παρέπεισεν, ὡς τῇ ἐκείνου σπουδῇ τὴν γαμετὴν ἀποληψόμενον, ἣν κατὰ τὴν τῶν βαρβάρων εἰλήφει χώραν, τῷ Βλήδᾳ περισπούδαστος ὤν. Ἀπολελοίπει δὲ αὐτὴν ἐν τῇ Σκυθικῇ παρὰ τοῦ Ἀττήλα δῶρον Ἀετίῳ πεμφθείς.

Ἀλλὰ τῆς μὲν τοιαύτης διήμαρτεν ἐλπίδος, τοῦ Ἀττήλα χαλεπήναντος, ὅτι γε δὴ ἐς τὴν αὐτοῦ ἐπανῆλθε. Τότε δὲ διὰ τὸν τῆς εὐωχίας καιρὸν παρελθὼν τῷ τε εἴδει καὶ τοῖς ἐσθήμασι καὶ τῇ φωνῇ καὶ τοῖς συγκεχυμένως παρ’ αὐτοῦ προφερομένοις ῥήμασι· τῇ γὰρ Αὐσονίων τὴν τῶν Οὔννων καὶ τὴν τῶν Γότθων παραμιγνὺς γλῶτταν πάντας διέχεεν καὶ ἐς ἄσβεστον ὁρμῆσαι γέλωντα παρεσκεύασε, πλὴν Ἀττήλα.

Αὐτὸς γὰρ ἔμενεν ἀστεμφὴς καὶ τὸ εἶδος ἀμετάτρεπτος, καὶ οὐδὲν οὔτε λέγων οὔτε ποιῶν γέλωτος ἐχόμενον ἐφαίνετο, πλὴν ὅτι τὸν νεώτατον τῶν παίδων (Ἠρνᾶς δὲ ὄνομα τούτῳ) εἰσιόντα καὶ παρεστῶτα εἷλκε τῆς παρειᾶς, γαληνοῖς ἀπολέπων ὄμμασι πρὸς αὐτόν.

Ἐμοῦ δὲ θαυμάζοντος ὅπως τῶν μὲν ἄλλων παίδων ὀλιγωροίη, πρὸς δὲ ἐκεῖνον ἔχοι τὸν νοῦν, ὁ παρακαθήμενος βάρβαρος, συνιεὶς τῆς Αὐσονίων φωνῆς καὶ τῶν παρ’ αὐτοῦ μοι ῥηθησομένων μηδὲν ἐκλέγειν προεπὼν, ἔφασκε τοὺς μάντεις τῷ Ἀττήλᾳ προηγορευκέναι, τὸ μὲν αὐτοῦ πεσεῖσθαι γένος, ὑπὸ δὲ τοῦ παιδὸς ἀναστήσεσθαι τούτου.

Ὡς δὲ ἐν τῷ συμποσίῳ εἷλκον τὴν νύκτα, ὑπεξήλθομεν, ἐπὶ πολὺ μὴ βουληθέντες τῷ πότῳ προσκαρτερεῖν.

Fragment 8, Part 10

Ἡμέρας δὲ γενομένης ἐπὶ τὸν Ὀνηγήσιον ἤλθομεν, χρῆναι ἡμᾶς διαφεθῆναι λέγοντες καὶ μὴ τηνάλλως τρίβειν τὸν χρόνον. Καὶ ὃς ἔφη ἐθέλειν καὶ τὸν Ἀττήλαν ἀποπέμπειν ἡμᾶς.

Καὶ μικρὸν διαλιπὼν ἅμα τοῖς λογάσιν ἐβουλεύετο περὶ τῶν Ἀττήλᾳ δεδογμένων, καὶ τὰ βασιλεῖ ἀποδοθησόμενα συνέταττε γράμματα, ὑπογραφέων αὐτῷ παρόντων καὶ Ῥουστικίου, ἀνδρὸς ὁρμωμένου μὲν ἐκ τῆς ἄνω Μυσίας, ἁλόντος δὲ ἐν τῷ πολέμῳ, καὶ διὰ λόγων ἀρετὴν τῷ βαρβάρῳ ἐπὶ τῇ τῶν γραμμάτων διαπονουμένου συντάξει.

Ὡς δὲ ἐκ τῆς συνόδου διανέστη, ἐδεήθημεν αὐτοῦ περὶ λύσεως τῆς Σύλλου γαμετῆς καὶ τῶν ἐκείνης παίδων, ἐν τῇ Ῥατιαρίας ἀνδραποδισθέντων ἁλώσει. Καὶ πρὸς μὲν τὴν αὐτῶν οὐκ ἀπηγόρευσε λύσιν, ἐπὶ πολλοῖς δὲ σφᾶς ἐβούλετο χρήμασιν ἀπεμπολᾶν.

Ἡμῶν δὲ ἐλεεῖν αὐτοὺς τῆς τύχης ἱκετευσάντων, τὴν προτέραν εὐδαιμονίαν λογιζόμενον, διέβη τε πρὸς τὸν Ἀττήλαν, καὶ τήν μὲν γυναῖκα ἐπὶ πεντακοσίοις διαφῆκε χρυσοῖς, τοὺς δὲ παῖδας δῶρον ἔπεμπε βασιλεῖ.

Ἐν τούτῳ δὲ καὶ ἡ Ῥέκαν (leg. καὶ Κρέκα, ut supra) ἡ τοῦ Ἀττήλα γαμετὴ παρὰ Ἀδάμει τῶν αὐτῆς πραγμάτων τὴν ἐπιτροπὴν ἔχοντι δειπνεῖν ἡμᾶς παρεκάλει. Καὶ παρ’ αὐτὸν ἐλθόντες ἅμα τισὶ τῶν ἐκ τοῦ ἔθνους λογάδων φιλοφροσύνης ἐτύχομεν.

Ἐδεξιοῦτο δὲ ἡμᾶς μειλιχίοις τε λόγοις καὶ τῇ τῶν ἐδωδίμων παρασκευῇ. Καὶ ἕκαστος τῶν παρόντων Σκυθικῇ φιλοτιμίᾳ κύλικα ἡμῖν πλήρη διανιστάμενος ἐδίδου, καὶ τὸν ἐκπιόντα περιβαλὼν καὶ φιλήσας ταύτην ἐδέχετο. Μετὰ δὲ τὸ δεῖπνον ἐπὶ τὴν σκηνὴν ἐλθόντες ἐς ὕπνον ἐτράπημεν.

Τῇ δὲ ὑστεραίᾳ ἐπὶ συμπόσιον αὖθις ἡμᾶς Ἀττήλας ἐκάλει, καὶ τῷ προτέρῳ τρόπῳ παρά τε αὐτὸν εἰσήλθομεν καὶ ἐς τὴν εὐωχίαν ἐτράπημεν. Συνέβαινε δὲ ἐπὶ τῆς κλίνης ἅμα αὐτῷ μὴ τὸν πρεσβύτερον τῶν παίδων ἧσθαι, ἀλλὰ γὰρ Ὠηβάρσιον, θεῖον αὐτῷ τυγχάνοντα πρὸς πατρός.

Παρὰ πᾶν δὲ τὸ συμπόσιον λόγοις φιλοφρονούμενος φράζειν ἡμᾶς βασιλεῖ παρεκελεύετο τῷ Κωνσταντίῴ, ὃς αὐτῷ παρὰ Ἀετίου ἀπέσταλτο ὑπογραφέως χάριν, διδόναι ἣν αὐτῷ γυναῖκα καὶ ὑπέσχετο.

Παρὰ γὰρ τὸν βασιλέα Θεοδόσιον ἅμα τοῖς σταλεῖσι παρὰ τοῦ Ἀττήλα πρέσβεσιν ἀφικόμενος ὁ Κωνστάντιος τὴν εἰρήνην Ῥωμαίοις καὶ Σκύθαις ἔφησεν ἐπὶ μακρὸν φυλάττεσθαι χρόνον παρασκευάσειν, ἂν αὐτῷ γυναῖκα εὔπορον δοίη. Καὶ πρὸς τοῦτο ἐπένευσε βασιλεὺς, καὶ Σατορνίλου περιουσίᾳ καὶ γένει κοσμουμένου θυγατέρα εἰρήκει δώσειν.

Τὸν δὲ Σατορνίλον ἀνῃρήκει Ἀθηναῒς ἡ καὶ Εὐδοκία· ἀμφοτέροις γὰρ ἐκαλεῖτο τοῖς ὀνόμασιν. Ἐς ἔργον δὲ τὴν αὐτοῦ οὐ συνεχώρησεν ἀχθῆναι ὑπόσχεσιν Ζήνων, ὑπατικὸς ἀνὴρ καὶ πολλὴν ἀμφ’ αὑτὸν ἔχων Ἰσαύρων δύναμιν, μεθ’ ἧς καὶ Κωνσταντίνου κατὰ τὸν τοῦ πολέμου καιρὸν φυλάττειν ἐπετέτραπτο.

Τότε δὴ τῶν ἐν τῇ Ἕῳ στρατιωτικῶν ἄρχων ταγμάτων ὑπεξάγει τοῦ φρουρίου τὴν κόρην, καὶ Ῥούφῳ τινὶ, ἑνὶ τῶν ἐπιτηδείων, κατεγγυᾷ. Ταύτης δὲ ἀφῃρημένης, ὁ Κωνστάντιος ἐδεῖτο τοῦ βαρβάρου, ἐνυβρισμένον αὐτὸν μὴ περιορᾶσθαι, ἀλλ’ ἢ τὴν ἀφαιρεθεῖσαν ἢ καὶ ἄλλην αὐτῷ δίδοσθαι γαμετὴν φερνὴν εἰσοίσουσαν.

Παρὰ τὸν τοῦ δείπνου τοίνυν καιρὸν ὁ βάρβαρος λέγειν τῷ βασιλεύοντι τὸν Μαξιμῖνον ἐκέλευε, μὴ χρῆναι τῆς ἐξ αὐτοῦ τὸν Κωντάντιον ἐλπίδος διαμαρτεῖν· οὔτε γὰρ βασιλεῖ (βασιλικὸν? Β.; πρέπειν suppl. N.) τὸ ψεύδεσθαι. Ταῦτα δὲ ὁ Ἁττήλας ἐνετέλλετο, ὑποσχομένου Κωνσταντίου χρήματα δώσειν, εἰ τῶν ζαπλούτων αὐτῷ παρὰ Ῥωμαίοις κατεγγυηθείη γυνή.

Τοῦ δὲ συμποσίου ὑπεξελθόντες, μετὰ τὴν νύκτα ἡμερῶν διαγενομένων τριῶν, διηφείθημεν δώροις τοῖς προσήκουσι τιμηθέντες· ἔπεμπε δὲ ὁ Ἀττήλας καὶ Βέριχον τὸν ἡμῶν ἐν τῷ συμποσίῳ προκαθεσθέντα, ἄνδρα τῶν λογάδων καὶ πολλῶν ἐν τῇ Σκυθικῇ κωμῶν ἄρχοντα, παρὰ βασιλέα πρεσβευσόμενον, ἄλλως τε καὶ αὐτὸν, οἷα δὴ πρέσβυν, [δῶρα] παρὰ Ῥωμαίων δέξασθαι [βουλόμενος].

Ποιουμένων δὲ ἡμῶν τὴν πορείαν καὶ πρὸς κώμῃ καταλυσάντων τινὶ, ἥλω Σκύθης ἀνὴρ κατασκοπῆς ἕνεκα ἐκ τῆς Ῥωμαίων ἐς τὴν βάρβαρον διαβεβηκὼς χώραν· καὶ αὐτὸν Ἀττήλας ἀνασκολοπισθῆναι παρεκελεύσατο.

Τῇ δὲ ἐπιούσῃ δι’ ἑτέρων κωμῶν πορευομένων ἡμῶν, ἄνδρες δύο τῶν παρὰ Σκύθαις δουλευόντων ἤγοντο, ὀπίσω τὼ χεῖρε δεδεμένω, ὡς τοὺς κατὰ πόλεμον ἀνελόντες δεσπότας· καὶ ἐπὶ ξύλων δυοῖν κεραίας ἐχόντων ἀμφοῖν τὰς κεφαλὰς ἐμβαλόντες ἀνεσταύρωσαν.

Ἐφ ̓ ὅσον δὲ τὴν Σκυθικὴν διεξῄειμεν, ὁ Βέριχος ἐκοινώνει τε ἡμῖν τῆς ὁδοῦ, καὶ ἥσυχός τις καὶ ἐπιτήδειος ἐνομίζετο. Ὡς δὲ τὸν Ἴστρον ἐπεραιώθημεν, ἐν ἐχθροῦ ἡμῖν ἐγένετο μοίρᾳ διά τινας ἑώλους προφάσεις ἐκ τῶν θεραπόντων συνενεχθείσας.

Καὶ πρότερον μὲν τὸν ἵππον ἀφείλετο, ᾧ τὸν Μαξιμῖνον δωρησάμενος ἦν. Ὁ γὰρ Ἀττήλας πάντας τοὺς ἀμφ’ αὑτὸν λογάδας παρεκελεύσατο δώροις τὸν Μαξιμῖνον φιλοφρονήσασθαι, καὶ ἕκαστος ἐπεπόμφει ἵππον αὐτῷ, μεθ’ ὧν καὶ ὁ Βέριχος.

Ὀλίγους δὲ λαβὼν τοὺς ἄλλους ἀπέπεμπε, τὸ σῶφρον δηλῶσαι ἐκ τῆς μετριότητος ἐσπουδακώς. Τοῦτον οὖν ἀφείλετο τὸν ἵππον, καὶ οὔτε συνοδοιπορεῖν οὔτε συνεστιᾶσθαι ἠνέσχετο· ὥστε ἡμῖν ἐν τῇ βαρβάρων χώρᾳ γενομένου συμβόλου, ἐς τοῦτο προελθεῖν.

Καὶ ἐντεῦθεν διὰ τῆς Φιλίππου ἐπὶ τὴν Ἀδριανοῦ πόλιν τὴν πορείαν ἐποιησάμεθα. Ἐν ᾗ διαναπαυσάμενοι ἐς λόγους ἤλθομεν τῷ Βερίχῳ, καὶ αὐτὸν τῆς πρὸς ἡμᾶς σιωπῆς κατεμεμψάμεθα, ὅτι γε δὴ ὀργίζεται οὐκ ἀδικοῦσιν οὐδέν. Θεραπεύσαντες οὖν αὐτὸν καὶ ἐπὶ ἑστίασιν καλέσαντες ἐξωρμήσαμεν.

Καὶ τῷ Βιγίλᾳ ἐν τῇ ὁδῷ ἀπαντήσαντες ἐπὶ τὴν Σκυθικὴν ἐπαναζευγνύντι, καὶ τὰ παρὰ Ἀττήλα ἡμῖν τῆς ἐπὶ τῇ πρεσβείᾳ ἀποκρίσεως εἰρημένα ἀφηγησάμενοι, τῆς ἐπανόδου εἰχόμεθα.

Ὡς δὲ ἐς τὴν Κωνσταντίνου παρεγενόμεθα, μεταβεβλῆσθαι μἐν ᾠόμεθα τὸν Βέριχον τῆς ὀργῆς· ὃς δὲ τῆς ἀγρίας οὐκ ἐπελέληστο φύσεως, ἀλλ’ ἐς διαφορὰς ἐχώρει, καὶ ἐν κατηγορίᾳ ἐποιεῖτο τὸν Μαξιμῖνον, ὡς ἔφησεν εἰς τὴν Σκυθικὴν διαβὰς, τὸν Ἀρεόβινδον καὶ τὸν Ἄσπαρα, ἄνδρας στρατηγοὺς, μηδεμίαν παρὰ βασιλεῖ ἔχειν μοῖραν, καὶ ὡς ἐν ὀλιγωρίᾳ τὰ κατ’ αὐτοὺς ἐποιήσατο, τὴν βαρβαρικὴν ἐλέγξας κουφότητα.

Fragment 8, Part 11

ΛΟΓΟΣ Δʹ

Ἀναζεύξαντα δὲ τὸν Βιγίλαν καὶ ἐν οἷς τὸν Ἀττήλαν τόποις διατρίβειν συνέβαινεν ἀφικόμενον περιστάντες εἶχον (συνεῖχον Ν.) οἱ πρὸς τοῦτο παρεσκευασμένοι βάρβαροι, καὶ τὰ χρήματα, ἅπερ τῷ Ἐδέκωνι ἐκόμιζεν, ἀφείλοντο.

Ὡς δὲ καὶ αὐτὸν παρὰ τὸν Ἀττήλαν ἦγον, καὶ ἀνηρωτᾶτο ὅτου χάριν τοσοῦτον φέροι χρυσίον, ἔφη οἰκείας τε καὶ τῶν παρεπομένων προνοίας ἕνεκα, ὥστε μὴ ἐνδείᾳ τροφῶν ἢ ἵππων σπάνει, ἢ καὶ τῶν φορτηγῶν ὑποζυγίων ὑπὸ τῆς μακρᾶς ἐκδαπανηθέντων ὁδοῦ, διαμαρτεῖν τῆς περὶ τῆς πρεσβείας σπουδῆς· παρεσκευάσθαι δὲ αὐτῷ καὶ ἐς αἰχμαλώτων ὠνὴν, πολλῶν κατὰ τὴν Ῥωμαίων δεηθέντων αὐτοῦ, τούς σφισι προσήκοντας λύσασθαι·

καὶ ὁ Ἀττήλας «ἀλλ’ οὔτοι,' ἔφη, “σὺ πονηρὸν θηρίον,' τὸν Βιγίλαν λέγων, “τὴν δίκην σοφιζόμενος λήσεις, οὐδὲ ἔσται σοι πρόφασις ἱκανὴ εἰς τὸ τὴν κόλασιν διαφυγεῖν, μείζονος μὲν τῆς σῆς δαπάνης παρασκευῆς σοι χρημάτων ὑπαρχούσης, καὶ τῶν ὑπὸ σοῦ ἵππων καὶ ὑποζυγίων ὠνηθησομένων, καὶ τῆς τῶν αἰχμαλώτων λύσεως, ἢν σὺν Μαξιμίνῳ παρ’ ἐμὲ ἀφικομένῳ ποιεῖν ἀπηγόρευσα.'

Ταῦτα εἰπὼν τὸν υἱὸν (ἦν δὲ καὶ τῷ Βιγίλᾳ τότε πρῶτον ἐς τὴν βαρβάρων ἠκολουθηκὼς χώραν) χώραν) ξίφει καταβληθῆναι παρεκελεύσατο, εἰ μὴ φθάσας εἴποι ὅτῳ τὰ χρήματα καὶ δι’ ἣν αἰτίαν κομίζει.

Ὁ δὲ ὡς ἐθεάσατο τὸν παῖδα ἐπὶ θάνατον στείχοντα, ἐς δάκρυά τε καὶ ὀλυφυρμοὺς ἐτράπη, καὶ ἀνεβόα τὴν δίκην ἐπ’ αὐτὸν φέρειν τὸ ξίφος, οὐκ ἐπὶ τὸν νέον τὸν ἀδικοῦντα οὐδέν.

Καὶ μηδὲν μελλήσας τά τε αὐτῷ καὶ Ἐδέκωνι καὶ τῷ εὐνούχῳ καὶ τῷ βασιλεῖ μελετηθέντα ἔλεγε, συνεχῶς δὲ ἐς ἱκεσίαν τρεπόμενος, ὥστε αὐτὸν μὲν ἀναιρεθῆναι, διαφεθῆναι δὲ τὸν παῖδα.

Γνοὺς δὲ ὁ Ἀττήλας ἀπὸ τῶν Ἐδέκωνι εἰρημένων μηδὲν διεψεῦσθαι τὸν Βιγίλαν, ἐν δεσμοῖς εἶναι προσέταττεν, οὐ πρότερον λύσειν ἀπειλήσας πρὶν ἢ τὸν παῖδα ἐκπέμψας ἑτέρας αὐτῷ πεντήκοντα χρυσίου λίτρας ὑπὲρ τῶν σφετέρων κομίσοι λύτρων. Καὶ ὁ μὲν ἐδέδετο, ὁ δὲ ἐς τὴν Ῥωμαίων ἐπανῄει. Ἔπεμπε δὲ καὶ Ὀρέστην καὶ Ἤσλαν ὁ Ἀττήλας ἐς τὴν Κωνσταντίνου.

Fragment 9

Ad quem in legationem remissus a Theodosio juniore Priscus, tali voce inter alia refert. Ingentia siquidem flumina, id est Tysiam Tibisiamque et Driccam transeuntes, venimus in locum illum, ubi dudum Vidicula, Gothorum fortissimus, Sarmatum dolo occubuit. Indeque non longe ad vicum in quo rex Attila morabatur, accessimus: vicum, inquam, ad instar civitatis amplissimoe, in quo lignea moenia ex tabulis nitentibus fabricata reperimus, quarum compago ita solidum mentiebatur, ut vix ab intento posset junctura tabularum comprehendi. Videres triclinia ambitu prolixiore distenta, porticusque in omni decore dispositas. Area vero curtis ingenti ambitu cingebatur, ut amplitudo ipsa regiam aulam ostenderet. Hoec sedes erant Attiloe regis barbariam totam tenentis: hoec captis civitatibus habitacula proeponebat.

Fragment 10

Qui [Attila] quamvis hujus esset naturoe, ut semper magna confideret, addebat ei tamen confidentiam gladius Martis inventus, sacer apud Scytharum reges semper habitus. Quem Priscus historicus tali refert occasione detectum. Quum pastor, inquiens, quidam gregis unam buculam conspiceret clandicantem, nec causam tanti vulneris, inveniret, sollicitus vestigia cruoris insequitur: tandemque venit ad gladium, quem depascens herbas bucula incaute calcaverat, effossunique protinus ad Attidlam defert. Quo ille munere gratubatus, ut erat magnanimus, arbitratur se totius mundi principem constitum, et per Martis gladium potestatem sibi concessam esse bellorum. Paucis haec indicata in fr. 8, p. 91. Adde alterum de Hunnis locum, ubi Priscus laudatur ap. Jornand. c. 24: Tali ergo Hunni stirpe creati, Gothorum finibus advenere. Quorum natio soeva, ut Priscus historicus refert, in Moeotide palude ulteriorem ripam insedit, venatione tantum, nec alio labore experta, nisi quod, postquam crevisset in populos fraudibus et rapinis vicinam gentem conturbavit.

Fragment 11

Ζέρκων, Σκύθης οὕτω καλούμενος, Μαυρούσιος τὸ γένος, διὰ δὲ κακοφυΐαν σώματος καὶ τὸ γέλωτα ἐκ τῆς τραυλότητος τῆς φωνῆς καὶ ὄψεως παρέχειν (βραχὺς γὰρ τις ἦν, κυρτὸς, διάστροφος τοῖς ποσὶ, τὴν ῥῖνα τοῖς μυκτῆρσι παραφαίνων διὰ σιμότητος ὑπερβολήν), διέτριβε χρόνον. Ἥλω δὲ τῶν βαρβάρων ἐς τὴν Θρᾳκῶν ἐμβαλόντων καὶ παρὰ τοὺς βασιλείους ἤχθη Σκύθας, καὶ Ἀττήλας μὲν οὐδὲ τὴν αὐτοῦ ἤνεγκεν ὄψιν· ὁ δὲ Βλήδας ἥσθη λίαν αὐτῷ φθεγγομένῳ οὐ μόνον γέλωτος ἄξια, εἰ δὲ μήγε, καὶ βαδίζοντι καὶ περιττῶς κινοῦντι τὸ σῶμα· συνῆν δὲ αὐτῷ εὐωχουμένῳ καὶ ἐκστρατεύοντι, πεποιημένην πρὸς τὸ γελοιότερον ἀναλαμβάνων ἐν ταῖς ἐξόδοις πανοπλίαν. Διὸ δὴ περισπούδαστον αὐτὸν ὁ Βλήδας ποιούμενος μετὰ αἰχμαλώτων ἀποδράντα Ῥωμαίων, τῶν μὲν ἄλλων κατωλιγώρησεν, αὐτὸν δὲ μετὰ πάσης φροντίδος ἀναζητεῖσθαι προσέταξεν. Καὶ ἁλόντα καὶ παρ ̓ αὐτὸν ἀχθέντα ἐν δεσμοῖς ἰδὼν ἐγέλασε. Καὶ καθυφεὶς τῆς ὀργῆς ἐπυνθάνετο τὴν αἰτίαν τῆς φυγῆς, καὶ ὅτου χάριν νομίζοι τὰ Ῥωμαίων τῶν παρά σφισιν ἀμείνονα. Ὁ δὲ ἀπεκρίνατο, ἁμάρτημα μὲν τὴν φυγὴν εἶναι, ἔχειν δὲ τοῦ ἁμαρτήματος λόγον τὸ μὴ γαμετὴν αὐτῷ δεδόσθαι. Τῷ δὲ γέλωτι μᾶλλον ὁ Βλήδας ὑπαχθεὶς δίδωσιν αὐτῷ γυναῖκα τῶν εὖ γεγονότων καὶ τῇ βασιλίδι διακονησαμένων, ἀτόπου δέ τινος πράξεως ἕνεκα οὐκέτι παρ ̓ ἐκείνην φοιτῶσαν. Καὶ οὕτω διετέλει ἅπαντα τὸν χρόνον τῷ Βλήδᾳ συνὼν, μετὰ δὲ τὴν αὐτοῦ τελευτὴν Ἀττήλας Ἀετίῳ τῷ στρατηγῷ τῶν ἑσπερίων Ῥωμαίων δῶρον τὸν Ζέρκωνα δίδωσιν, ὃς αὐτὸν παρὰ τὸν Ἄσπαρα ἔπεμψεν.]

Fragment 12

Ὅτι φωραθέντα τὸν Βιγίλαν ἐπιβουλευόμενον τῷ Ἀττήλᾳ, καὶ τοῦ χρυσίου τὰς ἑκατὸν λίτρας τὰς παρὰ τοῦ Χρυσαφίου τοῦ εὐνούχου σταλείσας ἀφελομένου (ἀφελόμενος Class.), παρευθὺς ἔπεμπεν Ὀρέστην καὶ Ἤσλαν ὁ Ἀττήλας ἐς τὴν Κωνσταντίνου, ἐντειλάμενος τὸν μὲν Ὀρέστην τὸ βαλάντιον, ἐν ᾧπερ ἐμβεβλήκει Βιγίλας τὸ χρυσίον Ἐδήκωνι δοθησόμενον, τῷ σφετέρῳ περιθέντα τραχήλῳ ἐλθεῖν τε παρὰ βασιλέα, καὶ αὐτῷ ἐπιδείξαντα καὶ τῷ εὐνούχῳ ἀνερωτᾶν εἴγε αὐτὸ ἐπιγινώσκοιεν; τὸν δὲ Ἤσλαν λέγειν ἀπὸ στόματος εὖ μὲν γεγονότος εἶναι πατρὸς τὸν Θεοδόσιον παῖδα, εὖ δὲ καὶ αὐτὸν φύντα καὶ τὸν πατέρα Μουνδίουχον διαδεξάμενον διαφυλάξαι τὴν εὐγένειαν· ταύτης δὲ τὸν Θεοδόσιον ἐκπεπτωκότα δουλεύειν αὐτῷ τὴν τοῦ φόρου ἀπαγωγὴν ὑφιστάμενον. Οὐ δίκαιον οὖν ποιεῖ τῷ βελτίονι καὶ ὃν αὐτῷ ἡ τύχη δεσπότην ἀνέδειξεν, ὡς πονηρὸς οἰκέτης λαθριδίως ἐπιτιθέμενος. Οὐ λύσειν οὖν τὴν αἰτίαν ἔφη τῶν ἐς αὐτὸν ἡμαρτημένων, εἰ μή γε τὸν εὐνοῦχον ἐκπέμψοι πρὸς κόλασιν.

Καὶ οὗτοι μὲν ἐπὶ τοῖσδε ἐς τὴν Κωνσταντίνου παρεγένοντο· συνηνέχθη δὲ τὸν Χρυσάφιον ἐξαιτεῖσθαι καὶ παρὰ Ζήνωνος. Μαξιμίνου γὰρ εἰρηκέναι τὸν Ἀττήλαν ἀπαγγείλαντος χρῆναι βασιλέα πληροῦν τὴν ὑπόσχεσιν, καὶ τῷ Κωνσταντίῳ τὴν γυναῖκα διδόναι, ἣν οὐδαμῶς παρὰ τὴν ἐκείνου βουλὴν ἑτέρῳ κατεγγυηθῆναι οἷόντε ἦν (εἶναι Β.)· ἢ γὰρ ὁ τολμήσας ἐκδεδώκει (ἐκδοῦναι δώσει? Bekk.) δίκας, ἢ τοιαῦτα τὰ βασιλέως ἐστὶν, ὥστε μηδὲ τῶν σφετέρων κρατεῖν οἰκετῶν, καθ ̓ ὧν συμμαχίαν, εἴγε βούλοιτο, ἕτοιμον εἶναι παρασχεῖν. Ἐδήχθη τε ὁ Θεοδόσιος τὸν θυμὸν, καὶ δημοσίαν τῆς κόρης οὐσίαν ποιεῖ.

Fragment 13

Ὅτι ὑπ ̓ ἀμφοτέρων, Ἀττήλα τε καὶ Ζήνωνος, αἰτούμενος ὁ Χρυσάφιος ἐν ἀγωνίᾳ καθεστήκει. Πάντων δὲ αὐτῷ εὔνοιάν τε καὶ σπουδὴν συνεισφερόντων, ἐδόκει παρὰ τὸν Ἀττήλαν πρεσβεύεσθαι Ἀνατόλιον καὶ Νόμον, τὸν μὲν Ἀνατόλιον τῶν ἀμφὶ βασιλέα ἄρχοντα τελῶν καὶ τὰς συνθήκας τῆς ἐκείνου εἰρήνης προθέμενον, τὸν δὲ Νόμον τὴν τοῦ μαγίστρου τιμὴν (ἀρχὴν mgo Hoesch.) ἄρξαντα καὶ ἐν τοῖς πατρικίοις σὺν ἐκείνῳ καταλεγόμενον, οἳ δὴ τὰς ἀρχὰς ἀναβεβήκασι πάσας. Συνεπέμπετο δὲ Ἀνατολίῳ Νόμος οὐ διὰ μέγεθος τῆς τύχης μόνον, ἀλλὰ ὡς καὶ τῷ Χρυσαφίῳ εὔνους ὢν καὶ φιλοτιμίᾳ τοῦ βαρβάρου περιεσόμενος· ὅτι γὰρ μάλιστα προσῆν αὐτῷ τὸ μὴ φείδεσθαι χρημάτων, τὸ παρὸν διαθεῖναι ἐσπουδακότι. Καὶ οὗτοι μὲν ἐστέλλοντο τὸν Ἀττήλαν ἀπάξοντες τῆς ὀργῆς καὶ τὴν εἰρήνην ἐπὶ ταῖς συντάξεσι διαφυλάττειν πείσοντες, λέξοντες δὲ καὶ, ὡς τῷ Κωνσταντίῳ κατεγγυηθήσεται γυνὴ οὐ μείων τῆς Σατορνίλου γένει τε καὶ περιουσίᾳ· ἐκείνην γὰρ μὴ βεβουλῆσθαι, ἀλλ ̓ ἑτέρῳ κατὰ νόμον γήμασθαι· οὐ γὰρ θέμις παρὰ Ῥωμαίοις ἄκουσαν γυναῖκα κατεγγυᾶσθαι ἀλλ ̓ ἑτέρῳ κατὰ νόμον γήμασθαι· οὐ γὰρ θέμις παρὰ Ῥωμαίοις ἄκουσαν γυναῖκα κατεγγυᾶσθαι ἀνδρί. Ἔπεμπε δὲ καὶ ὁ εὐνοῦχος τῷ βαρβάρῳ χρυσίον, ὥστε αὐτὸν μειλιχθέντα ἀπαχθῆναι τοῦ θυμοῦ.

Fragment 14

Ὅτι οἱ ἀμφὶ τὸν Ἀνατόλιον καὶ Νόμον τὸν Ἴστρον περαιωθέντες ἄχρις τοῦ Δρέγκωνος λεγομένου ποταμοῦ ἐς τὴν Σκυθικὴν διέβησαν· αἰδοῖ γὰρ τῶν ἀνδρῶν ὁ Ἀττήλας, ὥστε μὴ τῷ τῆς ὁδοῦ ἐπιτρίβεσθαι διαστήματι, ἐν ἐκείνῳ τῷ χωρίῳ πρὸς αὐτοὺς ἐποιήσατο ἔντευξιν. Καὶ πρῶτον μὲν ὑπερηφάνως διαλεχθεὶς ὑπήχθη τῷ πλήθει τῶν δώρων, καὶ λόγοις προσηνέσι μαλαχθεὶς φυλάττειν τὴν εἰρήνην ἐπὶ ταῖς αὐταῖς ἐπώμνυτο συνθήκαις, ἀναχωρεῖν δὲ καὶ τῆς τῷ Ἴστρῳ ὁριζομένης Ῥωμαίων γῆς καὶ τοῦ πράγματα ἔτι παρέχειν περὶ φυγάδων βασιλεῖ, εἰ μή γε Ῥωμαῖοι αὖθις ἑτέρους καταφεύγοντας παρ ̓ αὐτοῦ δέξοιντο. Ἠφίει δὲ καὶ Βιγίλαν, τὰς πεντήκοντα τοῦ χρυσοῦ λίτρας δεξάμενος (ταύτας γὰρ αὐτῷ ἐκεκομίκει ὁ παῖς σὺν τοῖς πρέσβεσιν ἐς τὴν Σκυθικὴν διαβάς), καὶ αἰχμαλώτους ἄνευ λύτρων ἀφῆκε πλείστους, Ἀνατολίῳ καὶ Νόμῳ χαριζόμενος. Δωρησάμενος δὲ καὶ ἵππους αὐτοῖς καὶ θηρίων δορὰς, αἷς οἱ βασίλειοι κοσμοῦνται Σκύθαι, ἀπέπεμπε, συμπέμψας καὶ τὸν Κωνστάντιον ὥστε αὐτῷ βασιλέα εἰς ἔργον ἀγαγεῖν τὴν ὑπόσχεσιν. Ὡς δὲ ἐπανῆλθον οἱ πρέσβεις, καὶ ἅπαντα τά τε αὐτῶν, τά τε παρὰ τοῦ βαρβάρου διεξῆλθον, κατεγγυᾶται τῷ Κωνσταντίῳ γυνὴ γαμετὴ Ἀρματίου γενομένη, παιδὸς Πλίνθου τοῦ παρὰ Ῥωμαίοις στρατηγήσαντος καὶ τὴν ὕπατον ἀρχὴν ἄρξαντος. Συνεβεβήκει δὲ τὸν Ἀρμάτιον ἐς τὴν Λιβύων διαβάντα ἐπὶ τῇ πρὸς Αὐσοριανοὺς μάχῃ εὐημερῆσαι μὲν ἐν τῷ πρὸς ἐκείνους πολέμῳ, νοσήσαντα δὲ τελευτῆσαι τὸν βίον. Οὗ δὴ τὴν γαμετὴν, καὶ γένει καὶ περιουσίᾳ διαπρέπουσαν, ἔπεισεν ὁ βασιλεὺς τῷ Κωνσταντίῳ γήμασθαι. Οὕτω καὶ τῶν πρὸς Ἀττήλαν λυθέντων διαφορῶν, ὁ Θεοδόσιος ἐδεδίει, μή ποτε καὶ Ζήνων τυραννίδι ἐπιθήσεται.

Fragment 15

Ὅτι ὡς ἠγγέλθη τῷ Ἀττήλᾳ, τὸν Μαρκιανὸν ἐς τὰ κατὰ τὴν Ἕω Ῥωμαϊκὰ παρεληλυθέναι βασίλεια μετὰ τὴν Θεοδοσίου τελευτὴν, ἠγγέλθη δὲ αὐτῷ καὶ τὰ τῆς Ὁνωρίας πέρι γεγενημένα, πρὸς μὲν τὸν ἑσπερίων Ῥωμαίων ἔστελλε τοὺς διαλεξομένους μηδὲν Ὁνωρίαν πλημμελεῖσθαι, ἣν ἑαυτῷ πρὸς γάμον κατενεγύησε· τιμωρήσειν γὰρ αὐτῇ, εἰ μὴ καὶ τὰ τῆς βασιλείας ἀπολάβῃ σκῆπτρα. Ἔπεμπε δὲ καὶ πρὸς τοὺς ἑῴους Ῥωμαίους τῶν ταχθέντων φόρων ἕνεκα. Ἀπράκτων δὲ ἐξ ἀμφοτέρων τῶν αὐτοῦ ἐπανελθόντων πρέσβεων—οἱ μὲν γὰρ τῆς Ἑσπερίας ἀπεκρίναντο, Ὁνωρίαν αὐτῷ ἐς γάμον ἐλθεῖν μήτε δύνασθαι, ἐκδεδομένην ἀνδρί· σκῆπτρον δὲ αὐτῇ μη(??) ὀφείλεσθαι· οὐ γὰρ θηλειῶν, ἀλλ ̓ ἀρρένων ἡ τῆς Ῥωμαϊκῆς βασιλείας ἀρχή. Οἱ δὲ τῆς ἕω ἔφασαν οὐχ ὑποστήσεσθαι τὴν τοῦ φόρου ἀπαγωγὴν, ἣν ὁ Θεοδόσιος ἔταξε· καὶ ἡσυχάζοντι μὲν δῶρα δώσειν, πόλεμον δὲ ἀπειλοῦντι ὅπλα καὶ ἄνδρας ἐπάξειν τῆς αὐτοῦ μὴ λειπομένους δυνάμεως. Ἐμερίζετο οὖν τὴν γνώμην, καὶ διηπόρει ποίοις πρότερον ἐπιθήσεται καὶ ἔχειν αὐτῷ ἐδόκει καλῶς τέως ἐπὶ τὸν μείζονα τρέπεσθαι πόλεμον καὶ ἐς τὴν ἑσπέραν στρατεύεσθαι, τῆς μάχης αὐτῷ μὴ μόνον πρὸς Ἰταλιώτας, ἀλλὰ καὶ πρὸς Γότθους καὶ Φράγγους ἐσομένης, πρὸς μὲν Ἰταλιώτας ὥστε τὴν Ὁνωρίαν μετὰ τῶν χρημάτων λαβεῖν, πρὸς δὲ Γότθους χάριν Γεζερίχῳ κατατιθέμενον.

Fragment 16

Ὅτι τῷ Ἀττήλᾳ ἦν τοῦ πρὸς Φράγγους πολέμου πρόφασις ἡ τοῦ σφῶν βασιλέως τελευτὴ καὶ ἡ τῆς ἀρχῆς τῶν ἐκείνου παίδων διαφορὰ, τοῦ πρεσβυτέρου μὲν Ἀττήλαν, τοῦ δὲ νεωτέρου Ἀέτιον ἐπὶ συμμαχίᾳ ἐπάγεσθαι ἐγνωκότος· ὃν κατὰ τὴν Ῥώμην εἴδομεν πρεσβευόμενον (πρεσβευόμενοι conj. Ν.), μήπω ἰούλου ἀρχόμενον, ξανθὸν τὴν κόμην τοῖς αὐτοῦ περικεχυμένην διὰ μέγεθος ὤμοις. Θετὸν δὲ αὐτὸν ὁ Ἀέτιος ποιησάμενος παῖδα καὶ πλεῖστα δῶρα δοὺς ἅμα τῷ βασιλεύοντι ἐπὶ φιλίᾳ τε καὶ ὁμαιχμίᾳ ἀπέπεμψε. Τούτων ἕνεκα ὁ Ἀττήλας τὴν ἐκστρατείαν ποιούμενος, αὖθις τῶν ἀμφ ̓ αὐτὸν ἄνδρας ἐς τὴν Ἰταλίαν ἔπεμπεν ὥστε τὴν Ὁνωρίαν ἐκδιδόναι· εἶναι γὰρ αὐτῷ ἡρμοσμένην πρὸς γάμον, τεκμήριον ποιούμενος τὸν παρ ̓ αὐτῆς πεμφθέντα δακτύλιον, ὅν καὶ ἐπιδειχθησόμενον ἐστάλκει· παραχωρεῖν δὲ αὐτῷ τὸν Βαλεντινιανὸν καὶ τοῦ ἡμίσεως τῆς βασιλείας μέρους, ὡς καὶ τῆς Ὁνωρίας διαδεξαμένης μὲν παρὰ πατρὸς τὴν ἀρχὴν, ταύτης δὲ τῇ τοῦ ἀδελφοῦ ἀφαιρεθεῖσαν πλεονεξίᾳ. Ὡς δὲ οἱ ἑσπέριοι Ῥωμαῖόι τῆς προτέρας ἐχόμενοι γνώμης πρὸς οὐδὲν τῶν αὐτῷ δεδογμένων ὑπήκουον, εἴχετο μᾶλλον τῆς τοῦ πολέμου παρασκευῆς, πᾶν τὸ τῶν μαχίμων ἀγείρων πλῆθος.

Fragment 17

Quum ad Romam animus fuisset ejus [Attilae] attentus accedere, sui eum, ut Priscus refert historicus, removere, non urbi, cui mimici erant, consulentes, sed Alarici quondam Vesegotharum regis objicientes exemplum, veriti regis sui fortunam, quia ille post fractam Romam diu non supervixerat, sed protinus rebus excessit humanis.

Fragment 18

Ὅτι τοῦ Ἀττήλα [τὸν] παρὰ Θεοδοσίου τεταγμένον φόρον ζητοῦντος ἢ πόλεμον ἀπειλοῦντος, τῶν Ῥωμαίων στέλλειν παρ ̓ αὐτὸν πρέσβεις ἀποκριναμένων, Ἀπολλώνιος ἐπέμπετο, οὗπερ ὁ ἀδελφὸς τὴν Σατορνίλου γεγαμήκει θυγατέρα, ἣν ὁ Θεοδόσιος ἐβούλετο Κωνσταντίῳ κατεγγυᾶν, Ζήνων δὲ Ῥούφῳ ἐδεδώκει πρὸς γάμον· τότε δὲ ἐξ ἀνθρώπων ἐγεγόνει. Τοῦ Ζήνωνος οὖν τῶν ἐπιτηδείων ὁ Ἀπολλώνιος γεγονὼν καὶ τὴν στρατηγίδα λαχὼν ἀρχὴν, παρὰ τὸν Ἀττήλαν ἐπέμπετο πρεσβευσόμενος. Καὶ τὸν μὲν Ἴστρον ἐπεραιοῦτο, οὐκ ἔτυχε δὲ τῆς πρὸς τὸν βάρβαρον προσόδου. Ἐν ὀργῇ γὰρ ἐκεῖνος ποιούμενος τὸ μὴ κεκομίσθαι τοὺς φόρους, οὓς ἔλεγεν αὐτῷ παρὰ τῶν βελτιόνων καὶ βασιλικωτέρων τετάχθαι, οὐδὲ τὸν πρεσβευσάμενον ἐδέχετο, τοῦ πέμψαντος κατολιγωρῶν. Ὁ δὲ Ἀπολλώνιος ἀνδρὸς ἔργον κατὰ τοῦτον τὸν καιρὸν φαίνεται διαπραξάμενος. Τοῦ γὰρ Ἀττήλα μὴ προσιεμένου τὴν αὐτοῦ πρεσβείαν, μηδὲ ἐς λόγους αὐτῷ ἐλθεῖν βουλομένου, παρακελευομένου δὲ πέμπειν ἅπερ αὐτῷ ἐκ βασιλέως δῶρα ἐκόμιζε, καὶ θάνατον ἀπειλοῦντος, εἰ μὴ δοίη, ἔφησεν· “Οὐκ αἰτεῖν προσῆκε Σκύθαις ἅπερ αὐτοῖς ἔξεστιν ἢ δῶρα ἢ σκῦλα λαβεῖν· παραδηλῶν δῶρα μὲν αὐτοῖς δοθήσεσθαι, εἰ αὐτὸν προσδέξοιντο πρεσβευόμενον, σκῦλα δὲ, εἰ ἀνελόντες ἀφέλοιντο. Οὕτω μὲν οὖν ἄπρακτος ἐπανῄει.

Fragment 19

Ὅτι ὁ Ἀττήλας μετὰ τὸ τὴν Ἰταλίαν ἀνδραποδίσασθαι ἐπὶ τὰ σφέτερα ἀναζεύξας, τοῖς κρατοῦσιν τῶν ἑῴων Ῥωμαίων πόλεμον καὶ ἀνδραποδισμὸν τῆς χώρας κατήγγελλεν, ὡς μὴ ἐκπεμφθέντος τοῦ παρὰ Θεοδοσίου τεταγμένου φόρου.

Fragment 36

Ὅτι ἧκε κατὰ τοῦτον τὸν χρόνον παρὰ τῶν Ἀττήλα παίδων ὡς τὸν βασιλέα Λέοντα πρεσβεία, τὰς αἰτίας διαλύουσα τῆς προϋπαρξάσης διαφορᾶς, καὶ ὡς χρὴ αὐτοὺς ἐπὶ εἰρήνῃ σπένδεσθαι, καὶ κατὰ τὸ παλαιὸν ἔθος παρὰ τὸν Ἴστρον ἐς ταὐτὸν ἰόντας Ῥωμαίοις προτιθίναι ἀγορὰν, καὶ ἀντιλαμβάνειν ὧν ἂν δεόμενοι τύχοιεν. Καὶ ἡ μὲν σφῶν αὐτῶν πρεσβεία ἐν τοῖσδε οὖσα ἄπρακτος ἐπανῄει· οὐ γὰρ ἐδόκει τῷ βασιλεύοντι Οὔννους τῶν Ῥωμαϊκῶν συμβολαίων μετέχειν πολλὰ τὴν αὐτοῦ κακώσαντας γῆν· οἱ δὲ τοῦ Ἀττήλα παῖδες τὴν ἐπὶ τῇ πρεσβείᾳ ἀπόκρισιν δεξάμενοι πρὸς σφᾶς διεφέροντο· ὁ μὲν γὰρ Δεγγιζὶχ, ἀπράκτως ἐπανελθόντων τῶν πρέσβεων, πόλεμον Ῥωμαίοις ἐπάγειν ἐβούλετο, ὁ δὲ Ἠρνὰχ πρὸς ταύτην ἀπηγόρευε τὴν παρασκευὴν, ὡς τῶν κατὰ χώραν ἀπαγόντων αὐτὸν πολέμων.

Source Colophon

Greek and Latin source text inspected from the DFHG digital text for Priscus Panites in Karl Muller, Fragmenta Historicorum Graecorum IV, with local supporting source artifacts at Tulku/Tools/scythian/sources/priscus_work/dfhg_priscus_search_attila.html, Tulku/Tools/scythian/sources/priscus_work/fhg4.pdf, and Tulku/Tools/scythian/sources/large_texts_2026-05-10/09_priscus_attila_fragments.html. The English rendering above is newly prepared from the source text, with Muller Latin controls and the Remacle/Wescher route used only for control and orientation.

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