Huns, Sabiri, Utigurs, Cutrigurs, Antae, Sclaveni, Bosporus, and the Caucasus

This is a Good Works Translation produced by the New Tianmu Anglican Church from selected Ancient Greek passages of Procopius' Wars.

Procopius wrote from the center of Justinian's wars. His history carries the Scythian shelf into the sixth-century world of Ephthalite White Huns, Sabiri, Utigurs, Cutrigurs, Antae, Sclaveni, Massagetae, Goths, Bosporus, Lazica, the Caucasus, Maeotis, Tanais, Phasis, and the northern Black Sea.

This dossier does not claim to be the complete Wars. It gathers the translated source-units prepared for the Scythian shelf, moving book by book through the Persian, Vandal, and Gothic Wars wherever Procopius' Greek bears on steppe peoples, northern military formations, Black Sea geography, and the late antique habit of naming the northern world through Scythian language.

The English translation was newly made from the Greek source text printed below. Henry Bronson Dewing's public-domain English translation, preserved in the local ToposText capture and older archival witness, was used only as a control.

Translation

Wars 1.3.1-22

At a later time Perozes, king of the Persians, was at war over boundaries with the nation of the Huns called Ephthalites, whom they call White Huns. He gathered an army worthy of account and marched against them.

The Ephthalites are a Hunnic nation, and are called one, but they do not mix or live together with any of the Huns known to us. They have no neighboring land with them, nor do they live anywhere very near them. They dwell to the north of the Persians, where a city called Gorgo stands somewhere near the Persian frontier. There the two peoples are accustomed to contend with one another over the boundaries of the land.

They are not nomads like the other Hunnic nations, but from ancient times have been settled on a certain good land. For this reason they have never made any incursion into Roman territory except together with the army of the Medes. These alone among the Huns are white in body and not ugly in appearance.

Nor do they have the same manner of life as the others, nor do they live the life of beasts as those do. They are ruled by one king, and, having a lawful polity, they always deal with one another and with their neighbors rightly and justly, no less than Romans and Persians do.

The prosperous men among them attach friends to themselves, as many as twenty if it so happens, or even more. These become their permanent table-companions and share in all their goods, since they have some common authority over these things. When the man who has gathered them as companions happens to die, the custom is that these men are carried alive with him into the tomb.

As Perozes marched against these Ephthalites, there was with him an envoy named Eusebius, who happened to have been sent to him by the emperor Zeno.

The Ephthalites gave their enemies the impression that, terrified by their attack, they had turned to flight. They ran to a certain place encircled on every side by steep mountains, covered densely and abundantly with very spreading trees.

Inside the mountains, as one advanced very far, a road appeared in the middle, broad and running on for a great distance; but at its end it had no exit anywhere. It came to a stop in the very circle of the mountains.

Perozes, giving no thought to any treachery and not considering that he was marching in another's land, pursued without examination. A few of the Huns fled before him, while most of them, hidden in the difficult ground, came behind the enemy army. They did not yet wish to be visible to them, so that the Persians, moving far into the ambush and coming as deep as possible within the mountains, would no longer be able to turn back.

The Medes perceived these things, for some glimmer of the danger was already appearing. But through fear of Perozes they kept silent about their present situation. They urgently begged Eusebius to make an admonition to the king, who was far removed from understanding his own troubles: he should deliberate rather than show boldness out of season, and should look carefully to see whether there might be any device leading to safety.

Eusebius came before Perozes but did not reveal the present fortune directly. Instead he began with a fable. He said that a lion once came upon a goat tied and bleating on a place not very high. The lion, desiring a feast from the goat, rushed forward to seize him, but fell into a very deep trench. The trench had a circular path, narrow and without end, for it had no exit anywhere. The owners of the goat had contrived it deliberately and had placed the goat above the trench to be a snare for the lion.

When Perozes heard this, he came into fear that the Medes might have made the pursuit against the enemy to their own harm. He went forward no longer, but remained there and took counsel over the present situation.

The Huns were now following openly and were guarding the entrance to the place, so that the enemy could no longer ride back. Then the Persians clearly perceived the evil in which they were, and reckoned their present state a disaster, having no hope left that they would escape the danger.

The king of the Ephthalites sent some of his followers to Perozes. He reproached Perozes at length for his unreasoning boldness, by which, without any order or decency, he was destroying both himself and the Persian nation. Even so, he announced that the Huns would grant them safety, if Perozes were willing to prostrate himself before him as one who had become master, and if he would swear the ancestral oaths of the Persians and give pledges that the Persians would never again campaign against the nation of the Ephthalites.

When Perozes heard these things, he consulted with the Magi who were present and asked whether he must do what the enemy proposed. The Magi answered that he should arrange the matter of the oath as he wished, but in the other matter he should get around the enemy by cleverness.

For, they said, it was their custom to prostrate themselves each day before the rising sun. Therefore he must observe the time precisely, meet the ruler of the Ephthalites at daybreak, and turn toward the rising sun as he made the prostration. In this way he would be able in the future to escape the dishonor of the act.

So Perozes gave the pledges concerning the peace and prostrated himself before the enemy, just as the counsel of the Magi instructed. With the whole Median army unharmed, he gladly withdrew homeward.

Wars 1.4.1-35

Not long afterward, Perozes disregarded what he had sworn and wished to punish the Huns for the insult done to him. So at once, gathering Persians and allies from the whole land, he led them against the Ephthalites. Of his sons he left behind only one, named Cabades, for he happened then to have just come to manhood; all the rest, about thirty in number, he took with him.

When the Ephthalites learned of his attack, they were distressed at how they had been deceived by their enemies and blamed their king for having given up their affairs to the Medes. He asked them with laughter what exactly he had given up of theirs, whether the land, the arms, or anything else of all their possessions. They answered that he had given up nothing except the occasion, on which all the rest depended.

They were eager to meet the attackers with all zeal, but for the present he restrained them. He insisted that nothing definite was yet clear to them about the attack, since the Persians were still in their own land. Remaining there, he did the following.

In the plain where the Persians were going to invade the territory of the Ephthalites, he marked off a very great stretch of land and made a trench, deep and of sufficient width. In the middle he left a small piece of sound ground, enough to serve as a road for ten horses. He placed reeds over the trench, heaped earth over the reeds, and in this way hid the surface. He ordered the crowd of Huns, when they were about to ride back from there, to draw themselves together into a few men and go rather slowly through the dry ground, taking care not to fall into the excavations.

He hung the salt from the top of the royal standard, the salt by which Perozes had earlier sworn the oath that he had disregarded when he campaigned against the Huns.

So long as he heard that the enemy were in their own land, he remained quiet. But when he learned from his scouts that they had arrived at the city of Gorgo, which is situated on the farthest Persian borders, and had departed from there and were already coming by road against his people, he himself remained with the greater part of the army inside the trench. Sending a few men out, he ordered them to be seen by the enemy in the plain from far away, and, when they had only been seen, to flee backward at full speed, remembering his commands about the ditch when they came very near it.

They did these things. When they came very near the channel, they drew themselves together into a few men, crossed it all together, and mingled with the rest of the army.

The Persians, having no way to understand the plot, pursued at full speed across a very flat plain, possessed by great rage against the enemy. All of them fell into the trench: not only the first, but also those who followed behind. Since they were making the pursuit with great fury, as has been said, they scarcely perceived the evil that had happened to those going in front, but fell on top of them with horses and spears. As was likely, they killed those men and were themselves destroyed no less.

Among them was Perozes, with all his sons. They say that, when he was about to fall into this pit, he perceived the danger and took off and threw away the pearl that hung from his right ear, very white and honored for its extraordinary size, so that no one afterward might wear it. It was surpassingly worthy to be seen, such as had never before belonged to any other king. To me, however, those who say this do not seem trustworthy. A man who had come into such a calamity would not have turned his thought to anything else. I suppose rather that his ear was crushed in this disaster and that the pearl disappeared somewhere.

The Roman emperor at that time was eager to buy it from the Ephthalites, but could not do so. The barbarians were unable to find it, though they made the search with great labor. They say, however, that the Ephthalites found it later and sold it to Cabades.

What the Persians say about this pearl is worth telling, for perhaps to someone the story may not seem altogether unbelievable.

The Persians say that the pearl was in an oyster in the sea that is in Persia, and that the oyster was swimming not far from that shore. Both of its shells stood open, and the pearl was placed in the middle of them, a sight worthy of much speech. Nothing else in all time could be compared with it in size or beauty.

A sea-dog, enormous and terribly wild, became a lover of this sight and followed close on its track, leaving it neither by night nor by day. Even when it was forced to take care for food, it would look around there for something edible, find something, snatch it up and eat it as quickly as possible, then immediately overtake the oyster and again fill itself with the sight it loved.

Once, they say, a fisherman saw what was happening. He feared the beast and shrank from the danger, but reported the whole story to King Perozes. When Perozes heard it, they say, a great desire for the pearl came over him. By many flatteries and hopes of reward, he stirred this fisherman to the attempt.

Unable to resist when his master asked, the fisherman is said to have spoken to Perozes in this way:

"Master, possessions are desirable to a human being, but life is more desirable, and children are worth most of all. Compelled by natural love for them, perhaps a man would dare everything. I therefore have hope that I shall make trial of the beast and make you master of the pearl.

"If I prevail in this contest, it is clear that from then on I shall be counted among those called fortunate. For it would not be unfitting for you, as king of kings, to give me all good things; and even if I should happen to obtain nothing, it will be enough for me to have become the benefactor of my master.

"But if I must be taken by this beast, it will be your work, O king, to repay my children for their father's death. In this way, even dead, I shall have wages in those most necessary to me, and you will carry away a greater reputation for virtue. For by helping the children you will do good to me, who will in no way know gratitude for your benefaction. Only this kindness is unalloyed: the kindness shown to the dead."

After saying these things, he departed. When he came to the place where the oyster was accustomed to swim and the sea-dog to follow it, he sat there on a certain rock, watching for the moment when he might somehow catch the pearl abandoned by its lover.

As soon as the dog happened upon some suitable food and lingered over it, the fisherman left on the shore those who followed him for this service and went with great haste straight for the oyster. When he had already seized it, he hurried to get out quickly.

The dog perceived this and came to help. When the net-fisher saw it, and was about to be overtaken not far from the shore, he hurled the catch onto the land with all his strength. He himself was caught and destroyed not long afterward. Those left on the shore picked up the pearl, carried it to the king, and reported everything that had happened.

Such, then, is what the Persians say happened concerning this pearl. I return to the former account.

In this way Perozes and the whole Persian army were destroyed. If anyone happened not to have fallen into the channel, he came into the hands of the enemy. From that time a law has been established among the Persians that they are never to make any pursuit while riding in hostile land, even if it happens that they have routed their enemies by force.

Those who had not campaigned with Perozes and had remained in their own country chose Cabades as king, the youngest son of Perozes, who alone was then still alive. At that time the Persians became subject to the Ephthalites and paid tribute, until Cabades had established the rule very securely and no longer thought it right to carry them the annual tribute. These barbarians ruled over the Persians for two years.

Wars 1.5.1-40

Afterward Cabades, using his power more violently, introduced other innovations into the commonwealth and enacted a law that Persian men should have intercourse with women in common. This in no way pleased the multitude. For this reason they rose against him, removed him from power, bound him, and kept him in prison.

They chose as king for themselves Blases, the brother of Perozes, since no male child of Perozes was still left, as has been said, and it is not lawful among the Persians to set a private man over the kingdom unless the royal house has altogether failed.

When Blases had taken the kingdom, he gathered the leading men of the Persians and made the matter of Cabades a subject of council. Most of them did not wish to kill the man.

Many opinions were offered on both sides. Then one of the notable men among the Persians came forward, named Gousanastades. His rank was chanaranges, which among the Persians would be the office of a general, holding command somewhere at the very ends of the Persian land, in a country bordering the Ephthalites. He showed the little knife with which the Persians are accustomed to cut off the projecting parts of their nails, a knife about the length of a man's finger and not even a third of a finger thick.

"You see this knife," he said, "a very small thing indeed. Yet at the present moment it can accomplish a work which, as you well know, a little later, dearest Persians, twenty thousand mail-clad men would not be able to achieve."

He said this to make clear that, if they did not remove Cabades, he would soon survive to cause the Persians trouble.

But they resolved in no way to kill a man of royal blood. Instead they shut him in the fortress which they are accustomed to call the Fortress of Oblivion. For if anyone happens to be thrown there, the law no longer permits any memory of him to exist. Death is the penalty for the one who names him. For this reason it received that name from the Persians.

The Armenian History relates that on one occasion the Persians set aside the law of the Fortress of Oblivion in this manner.

There was once a war without truce between the Persians and Armenians, lasting thirty-two years, when Pacurius was king of the Persians and Arsaces, of the house of the Arsacidae, was king of the Armenians.

Because the war lasted so long, both peoples suffered beyond measure, especially the Armenians. Yet each nation distrusted the other so deeply that neither could begin negotiations for peace with its opponents.

Meanwhile it happened that the Persians were engaged in a war with certain other barbarians who lived not far from the Armenians. The Armenians, eager to show the Persians their goodwill and their desire for peace, resolved to invade the land of these barbarians, first revealing the plan to the Persians.

They fell upon them unexpectedly and killed almost the whole population, old and young together. Pacurius, greatly delighted by the deed, sent certain trusted friends to Arsaces, gave him pledges of safety, and invited him to come to him.

When Arsaces came, Pacurius showed him every kindness and treated him as a brother and an equal.

He bound Arsaces then with the most fearful oaths, and himself swore no less, that henceforth the Persians and Armenians would be truly friendly and allied with one another. Immediately after this he released Arsaces to return to his ancestral ways.

Not long afterward certain men slandered Arsaces, saying that he was planning some revolutionary attempt. Pacurius was persuaded by them and summoned him again, hinting that he wished to confer with him about common affairs.

Arsaces came to the king without any hesitation, bringing with him several of the most warlike Armenians, among them Bassicius, who was at once his general and counselor, a man both brave and remarkably wise.

Straightway Pacurius heaped reproach and abuse on Arsaces and Bassicius, saying that they had disregarded the sworn agreement and had so quickly turned their minds toward revolt.

They denied the charge, and with the strongest oaths insisted that no such thing had been considered by them.

At first Pacurius kept them under guard in dishonor. After a time he asked the Magi what should be done with them.

The Magi did not think it just to condemn men who denied the charge and had not plainly been found guilty. But they proposed a device by which Arsaces might be compelled to become openly his own accuser.

They told Pacurius to cover the floor of the royal tent with earth, one half from the land of Persia and the other half from Armenia. The king did as they directed.

Then the Magi took the whole tent under certain acts of magic and ordered the king to walk there with Arsaces, reproaching him meanwhile for having harmed the agreements and the oaths. They said that they themselves must also be present at the conversation, so that there would be witnesses of everything said.

Pacurius immediately summoned Arsaces and began to walk back and forth with him in the tent in the presence of the Magi. He asked the man why he had disregarded his sworn promises and was setting about again to trouble Persians and Armenians with grievous sufferings.

As long as the conversation took place on the ground covered with Persian earth, Arsaces denied it and pledged himself with the most fearful oaths, insisting that he was a faithful subject of Pacurius.

But when, in the middle of speaking, he came to the center of the tent and they stepped on Armenian earth, he was compelled by some unknown power and suddenly changed the tone of his words to defiance. From then on he did not cease threatening Pacurius and the Persians, announcing that he would take vengeance on them for this outrage as soon as he became his own master.

He continued to utter these youthful and foolish words as they walked, until, turning back, he came again onto the earth from Persian land.

Thereupon, as if chanting a retraction, he again became a suppliant and offered pitiable explanations to Pacurius. But when he came again to Armenian earth, he returned to threats.

In this way he changed many times to one side and the other and concealed none of his secrets.

Then at last the Magi judged that he had wronged the treaty and the oaths. Pacurius flayed Bassicius, made his skin into a whole bag, filled it with chaff, and hung it from a very high tree.

As for Arsaces, since Pacurius could in no way bring himself to kill a man of royal blood, he shut him in the Fortress of Oblivion.

After a time, when the Persians were marching against a barbarian nation, they were accompanied by an Armenian who had been especially close to Arsaces and had followed him when he went into Persian land.

This man proved himself a capable warrior in the campaign, as Pacurius observed, and was the chief cause of the Persian victory.

For this reason Pacurius begged him to ask whatever he wished, assuring him that he would be refused nothing.

The Armenian asked for nothing else than that he might for one day pay honor to Arsaces in whatever way he desired.

The king was exceedingly annoyed that he was being compelled to relax so ancient a law. Nevertheless, in order to be entirely true to his word, he allowed the request to be fulfilled.

When the man found himself, by the king's order, in the Fortress of Oblivion, he greeted Arsaces. The two men embraced one another and joined their voices in a sweet lament, bewailing the hard fortune laid upon them; and only with difficulty could they release one another from the embrace.

When they had reached their fill of lamentation and ceased from tears, the Armenian bathed Arsaces, adorned the rest of his person without neglect, put the royal garment upon him, and made him recline on a bed of rushes.

Then Arsaces feasted those present with a royal banquet, just as had formerly been his custom.

During the banquet many speeches were spoken over the cups which greatly pleased Arsaces, and many things happened that delighted his heart.

The drinking went on until nightfall, and all were most deeply delighted in their intercourse with one another. At last they parted from one another with great reluctance, thoroughly filled with happiness.

Then, they say, Arsaces said that after passing the sweetest day of his life and enjoying the company of the man he most missed, he would no longer willingly endure the miseries of life.

With these words, they say, he killed himself with a knife which he had purposely stolen at the banquet, and so departed from among men.

The Armenian History says that the affairs of Arsaces went in this way, as just told, and that the law concerning the Fortress of Oblivion was then relaxed. I must go back to the point from which I digressed.

Wars 1.6.1-19

When Cabades was imprisoned, his wife cared for him, going in to him and carrying in what he needed. The commander of the prison began trying to seduce her, for she was exceedingly beautiful in appearance.

When Cabades learned this from his wife, he ordered her to give herself to the man for whatever use he wished. The commander of the fortress thus came to bed with the woman and conceived an extraordinary passion for her. From then on he allowed her to make her visits to her husband whenever she wished, and to leave again without anyone standing in her way.

There was a notable man among the Persians named Seoses, an especially close friend of Cabades. He stayed near this fortress, watching for an opportunity, if somehow he might be able to bring Cabades out from within.

Through the wife he signaled to Cabades that horses and men had been made ready for him not far from the fortress, and he indicated the place to him.

One night, when darkness had come on, Cabades persuaded his wife to give him her own clothing and to sit in the prison in his place, wearing his garments, where he had been sitting.

In this way Cabades got out of the prison. When those to whom the guard had been entrusted saw him, they supposed that he was the woman. For this reason they decided neither to hinder him nor to trouble him in any other way.

At daybreak, seeing the woman in the room in her husband's garments, and being far from the truth, they thought that Cabades was there. This false impression prevailed for many days, until Cabades had gone far along the road.

What happened to the woman when the plot came to light, and in what manner they punished her, I cannot say exactly. The Persians do not agree with one another about it; for this reason I leave those things aside.

Cabades, escaping everyone's notice with Seoses, came to the Ephthalite Huns. Their king gave him his daughter as wife, and then, since Cabades was now his son-in-law, sent with him against the Persians an army worthy of much account.

The Persians had no wish at all to meet this army, but one by one they hurried off in flight.

When Cabades came into the country where Gousanastades held command, he said to some of his companions that he would make that man chanaranges who, as the first Persian to come into his sight that day, should be willing to serve him.

As soon as he had said it, he repented of the speech, for a law came into his mind which does not permit the Persians to transfer offices to outsiders, but only to those to whom each honor belongs by descent. He feared that someone might come to him first who was not a kinsman of the chanaranges, and that he would be forced either to break the law or to make his own word false.

While he had these things in mind, chance occurred in such a way that he could be truthful without dishonoring the law. Adergoudounbades came to him first, a young man, a kinsman of Gousanastades and exceptionally good in war.

He addressed Cabades as master, and was the first to prostrate himself before him as king, and asked him to use him as a slave in whatever way he wished.

Cabades came to the palace without any difficulty. Finding Blases abandoned by those who might defend him, he blinded him, in the manner in which the Persians are accustomed to make criminals blind: either by boiling oil and pouring it, while very hot, over the unclosed eyes, or by heating an iron needle and with it burning the inner parts of the eyes. He kept him thereafter in prison, after he had ruled the Persians for two years.

He killed Gousanastades and appointed Adergoudounbades in his place over the office of the chanaranges. He immediately proclaimed Seoses adrastadaran salanes. This means the man set over all the offices and all the soldiers at once.

Seoses was the first and only man among the Persians to hold this office. It was given to no one either before or after that time. Cabades strengthened the kingdom and kept it safe, for he was inferior to no one in quickness of mind and in energy.

Wars 1.7.1-35

A little later Cabades owed money to the king of the Ephthalites. Since he was not able to pay it back, he asked Anastasius, emperor of the Romans, to lend him the money. Anastasius consulted with some of his advisers and asked whether he should do this.

They did not allow him to make the agreement. They declared that it was against his interest, with his own money, to make firmer the friendship of the enemy with the Ephthalites. It was much better for the Romans, they said, to set those peoples against one another as much as possible.

For this reason Cabades resolved, without any real cause, to campaign against the Romans. First he came in person against the country of the Armenians, plundered much of it in a sudden raid, and unexpectedly arrived at the city of Amida in Mesopotamia, which he set about besieging in winter.

The Amidans had no soldiers present, since they had been in peace and prosperity, and in other respects they were entirely unprepared. Yet they were least of all willing to yield to the enemy, and, beyond expectation, they withstood both the dangers and the hardship.

There was among the Syrians a just man named Jacobus, who had practiced divine things with precision. In a place called Endielon, one day's journey from Amida, he had long before confined himself, so that he might more fearlessly practice the things of piety.

The people there, serving his purpose, surrounded him with certain stakes, not joined together, but fixed separately from one another, so that it was possible for him both to see those who came near and to converse with them. They had built a little roof above him, just enough to keep off rains and snow. There this man had long been sitting, yielding as little as possible to heat or cold, and living on certain seeds, with which he was accustomed to feed himself not every day, but after a long interval.

Some of the Ephthalites, running down through the places there, saw this Jacobus. They strung their bows with great eagerness and wished to shoot him. But all their hands became motionless, and they could not work their bows in any way.

When this report went around the camp and reached Cabades, he wished to become an eyewitness of the thing. When he saw it, he was filled with great amazement, together with the Persians present, and he begged Jacobus to release the barbarians from their offense. With a single word Jacobus released them, and the terrible thing that had happened to the men was loosed.

Cabades then ordered the man to ask whatever he wished, supposing that he would ask for great wealth, and boasting somewhat that he would fail in nothing from him.

Jacobus asked him to grant him all the people who, fleeing in this war, should come to him. Cabades fulfilled this request and gave letters as pledges of safety. Many people, therefore, flowing together there from every side, were saved; for the deed became famous. These things happened in this way.

As Cabades besieged Amida, he brought the engine called the ram against every part of the circuit-wall. The Amidans always checked the blow by throwing crossbeams against it, and he did not cease until he realized that the wall could not be taken in this manner.

Though he struck it many times, he was least of all able to bring down any part of the wall or even shake it. So securely had the old builders made the construction.

Having failed in this, Cabades made an artificial hill against the city, rising in measure far above the height of the wall. The besieged, beginning inside the circuit, made a tunnel as far as the hill and secretly carried earth away from there, hollowing out much of the inside of the mound. The outside, however, kept the shape in which it had first been made and gave no one perception of what was being done.

Many Persians therefore went up on it as if it were safe, reached the top, and intended from there to shoot down on the heads of those within the circuit. But when the crowd flowed onto it at a run, the hill suddenly fell in and killed nearly all of them.

Cabades, at a loss amid the circumstances, decided to break off the siege and announced to the army that it would withdraw on the following day.

Then the besieged, as if careless of the danger, mocked the barbarians with much laughter from the wall.

Certain courtesans even drew up their clothing without decency and showed Cabades, who was standing quite near, those parts of women which it is not lawful for men to see uncovered.

When the Magi saw this, they came before the king and prevented the withdrawal, insisting that from what had happened they could infer that the Amidans would soon show Cabades all their secret and hidden things. Thus the Persian army remained there.

Not many days later one of the Persians saw, very near one of the towers, the outlet of an old underground passage, not safely covered, but with small stones and not very many of them.

At night he came there alone, tested the entrance, and got inside the circuit-wall. At daybreak he reported the whole matter to Cabades.

On the following night the king came to the place with a few men, and after first sending the man who had discovered the entrance, he sent in after him a few of the best Persians.

They made their way inside the circuit unnoticed, climbed the tower close by, and killed the guards sleeping there, since they were keeping the watch with less care than they should have done.

Cabades learned what had happened and brought up ladders to the wall near the tower. It was already the last watch of the night.

At that moment a certain countryman, one of those appointed for the watch, saw what had happened, and shouted out, declaring the disaster to the citizens. They ran there with all speed to give help.

For a long time each side struggled to thrust back the other. The townsmen were already gaining the advantage, killing many of those who had gone up on the wall and forcing back the men on the ladders, and they came very near to escaping the danger.

But Cabades drew his sword and kept terrifying the Persians with it. He rushed in person to the ladders and would not permit them to draw back. Death was the punishment for those who dared turn away.

In this way the Persians, by their numbers, got the better of their opponents and mastered them in the fight. The city was taken by storm on the eightieth day after the beginning of the siege.

There followed a great slaughter of the inhabitants, until one of the citizens, an old man and a priest, approached Cabades as he rode into the city and said that it was not kingly to slaughter captives.

Cabades, still moved with passion, answered, "Why then did you decide to fight against me?" The old man quickly answered, "Because God wished to give Amida into your hand, not so much through our decision as through your valor."

Cabades was pleased by this speech and permitted no further slaughter. But he ordered the Persians to plunder the property and make slaves of the survivors, and he directed them to choose out all the notables for himself.

A short time afterward he departed. He left there a garrison of a thousand men under the command of Glones, a Persian, and also a few wretched citizens of Amida who were destined to serve the daily needs of the Persians. He himself, with the rest of the army and the captives, marched home.

Cabades treated these captives with generosity befitting a king. After a short time he released all of them to return to their homes, pretending that they had escaped from him secretly.

The Roman emperor Anastasius also honored them in a manner worthy of their courage. He remitted all yearly taxes for the city for seven years, and presented many good things to all of them together and to each individually, so that they came to forget entirely the misfortunes that had fallen upon them. But these things happened in later years.

Wars 1.8.1-22

At that time the emperor Anastasius, when he learned that Amida was being besieged, sent an army of sufficient strength with all speed.

In this army there were generals commanding every symmory, while the supreme command was divided among four generals: Areobindus, then general of the East, son-in-law of Olybrius, who not long before had been emperor in the West; Celer, commander of the palace troops, whom the Romans are accustomed to call magister; and, besides these, Patricius the Phrygian and Hypatius, the nephew of the emperor, commanders of troops in Byzantium.

These four, then, were generals. With them also was Justin, who later became emperor after the death of Anastasius, and Patriciolus with his son Vitalianus, who not long afterward raised an armed revolt against Anastasius and made himself tyrant.

There was also Pharesmanes, a Colchian by birth and an especially capable warrior, and the Goths Godigisclus and Bessas, who belonged to those Goths who had not followed Theoderic when he went from Thrace into Italy. Both were of the noblest birth and experienced in the things of war.

Many other men of high station also joined this army. They say that no such army was ever assembled by the Romans against the Persians before or after that time.

Yet all these men did not assemble into one body, nor did they make a single army as they marched. Each commander led his own division separately against the enemy.

Apion, an Egyptian, was sent as manager of the army's finances, a man eminent among the patricians and exceedingly energetic. The emperor declared him, in writing, a partner in the royal power, so that he might have authority to administer the funds as he wished.

This army was mustered with considerable delay and advanced with little speed. As a result they did not find the barbarians in Roman territory, for the Persians had attacked suddenly and had immediately withdrawn with all their plunder into their own land.

None of the generals wished, for the present, to undertake the siege of the garrison left in Amida, for they learned that they had carried in a large supply of provisions. Instead they hastened to invade the enemy's land.

But they did not advance together against the barbarians. As they went, they camped apart from one another.

When Cabades learned this, for he happened to be close by, he came with all speed to the Roman frontier and confronted them. The Romans had not yet learned that Cabades was moving against them with his whole force, and supposed that some small Persian army was there.

The forces of Areobindus therefore established their camp at a place called Arzamon, two days' journey from the city of Constantina. Those of Patricius and Hypatius were in a place called Siphrios, not less than three hundred and fifty stades from Amida. Celer had not yet arrived.

When Areobindus learned that Cabades was advancing against them with the whole army, he abandoned the camp with all his followers, set out in flight, and went at a run to Constantina.

The enemy came on a little later and took the camp empty of men, with its supplies. From there they went with speed against the rest of the Roman army.

The men around Patricius and Hypatius encountered eight hundred Ephthalites who were going in advance of the Persian army, and killed nearly all of them.

But they had learned nothing about Cabades and the Persian host. Because they had won, they lived more carelessly. They put down their arms and began preparing breakfast for themselves, since the time of day had already reached that point.

A stream flowed in that place, where the Romans began washing the meats on which they were about to dine. Some, distressed by the heat, also thought it right to bathe; and in this way the water of the stream, muddied by them, went forward.

Cabades, when he learned what had happened to the Ephthalites, went against the enemy with speed. Seeing that the water of the stream was troubled, and putting together what was being done, he understood that his opponents were unprepared, and ordered his men to drive against them with full force. At once they came upon the Romans while they were eating and unarmed.

The Romans, unable to withstand the attack, did not look to valor at all, but fled as each could. Some of them were overtaken and died. Others went up onto the mountain which rises there and, with much fear and confusion, threw themselves down the precipice. From there, they say, no one was saved. Patricius and Hypatius were able to escape at the beginning of the attack.

Then, because hostile Huns had invaded his own land, Cabades withdrew homeward with the whole army and carried on a long war against this nation in the northern parts of his country.

Meanwhile the rest of the Roman army also arrived, but they did nothing worthy of account, because no one had been established as commander-in-chief of the war. The generals were equal to one another, set their judgments against one another, and in no way wished to be in the same place.

Celer, with his followers, crossed the Nymphius River and made an incursion into Arzanene. This river is very near Martyropolis and about three hundred stades from Amida. After plundering the places there, they returned not long afterward. This raid lasted only a short time.

Wars 1.9.1-25

After this, Areobindus went to Byzantium, having been summoned to the emperor. The others came to Amida and began a siege in winter.

Although they tried many times, they were not able to take the place by force; but they were about to do it by famine, for all necessities had failed the besieged.

The generals, however, knew nothing of the enemy's want. Since they saw their own soldiers burdened by the siege and the winter, and at the same time suspected that a Persian army would soon come upon them, they were eager to depart from there in any way whatever.

The Persians, not knowing what would become of them in these terrible straits, hid their lack of necessities carefully and gave the impression that they had abundance of everything, wishing to withdraw to their own land with a fair reputation.

Talks therefore took place between both sides, on the terms that the Persians, after receiving one thousand pounds of gold, would give the city back to the Romans. Both sides gladly fulfilled the agreement; the son of Glones received the money and handed Amida over to the Romans. Glones himself had already died in the following way.

Before the Romans had encamped there, but when they were not far from the city of Amida, a certain countryman, who was accustomed to enter the city secretly and sell birds, loaves, and many seasonal delicacies to this Glones for great sums, came before the general Patricius and promised to hand Glones and two hundred Persians into his hands, if he should receive some hope of reward from him.

The general promised him that he would have everything he wished, and sent the man away. He tore his clothes terribly, made himself look as if he had been weeping, and entered the city.

He came before Glones, tearing his hair, and said, "Master, I happened to be bringing all the good things from my village for you, when Roman soldiers met me. You know that they are always going about these places in small groups and doing violence to miserable farmers. They inflicted unbearable blows on me, took everything, and went off, the robbers, whose custom from old has been to fear Persians and abuse farmers.

"But, master, you must see how you will defend yourself and us and the Persians. For if you go hunting in the outskirts of the city, you will find no paltry quarry. The accursed men go around plundering by fours and fives."

So the man spoke. Glones was persuaded and asked the man how many Persians he thought would be sufficient for the deed.

He said that fifty would be quite enough, since they would never encounter more than five of them traveling together. Yet, so that nothing unexpected should happen to them, it would be no worse to take one hundred men for the work; and if he doubled that number, it would be altogether better. No harm, he said, could come to a man from excess.

Glones therefore picked two hundred horsemen and ordered the man to lead them.

The man insisted that it would be better for him to be sent first as a scout. If he saw Romans still going about in the same places and reported it, then the Persians could make their sortie at the right time. This seemed good to Glones, and he sent him out.

The man came to the general Patricius and told everything. Patricius sent with him two of his own spear-bearers and one thousand soldiers.

The countryman hid them near a village called Thilasamon, forty stades from Amida, in valleys and wooded places, and ordered them to remain there in ambush. Then he ran to the city.

He told Glones that the quarry was ready, and led him and the two hundred toward the enemy ambush. When they had passed the place where the Romans were sitting in ambush, unnoticed by Glones and all the Persians, he raised the Romans from the ambush and showed them the enemy.

When the Persians saw the men coming against them, they were struck with amazement at the unexpected thing and were held in great helplessness. They could not drive back to the rear, because the enemy were behind them, nor could they flee anywhere else in hostile land.

They arranged themselves as well as they could for battle and tried to ward off the attackers, but they were far inferior in number, were defeated, and all perished together with Glones.

When the son of Glones learned this, he was deeply pained and boiled with anger because he had been unable to defend his father. He burned the church of Symeon, a holy man, where Glones had lodged.

Yet, except for this one building, neither Glones nor Cabades nor any other Persian chose to tear down or otherwise destroy any structure, at least in Amida. I now return to the earlier account.

Thus the Romans, by giving the money, recovered Amida two years after it had been captured by the enemy. When they came into the city, both their own negligence and the endurance of the Persians' way of life became known.

For when they calculated the measure of grain left there and the crowd of barbarians who had gone out, they found that about seven days' expense of food had been left in the city, although Glones and his son had for a long time given the Persians less food than they needed.

To the Romans who had remained with them in the city, as I have already said, they had resolved to give nothing at all from the time when the enemy set about the siege. These men first turned to unaccustomed foods and laid hold of every forbidden thing, and at last even tasted one another.

The generals therefore perceived that they had been deceived by the barbarians, and they reproached the soldiers for their lack of self-control: by making themselves disobedient, when it had been possible to take as prisoners so many Persians, the son of Glones, and the city itself, they had instead carried Roman money to the enemy, bound a great disgrace upon themselves, and received Amida from the Persians as a thing bought with silver.

Later, because the war against the Huns was dragging on for them, the Persians came to terms with the Romans. The treaty was for seven years, Celer the Roman and Aspebedes the Persian having made it. Both sides returned home and remained quiet.

Thus, as has been said, the war that had begun between the Romans and Persians came to this end. I now proceed to tell what happened concerning the Caspian Gates.

Wars 1.10.1-19

The mountain of the Cilicians, Taurus, first passes through the Cappadocians, the Armenians, and the land of those called Persarmenians; then also through the Albanians and Iberians, and whatever other peoples, autonomous or subject to the Persians, live there.

It reaches into a great land, and as it goes forward this mountain extends always into a very great thing of both breadth and height.

After one has crossed the boundaries of the Iberians, there is a certain path in a very narrow place, extending for fifty stades.

This path ends at a place steep and altogether impassable. No passage appears for the rest of the way, except that nature has there devised something like a handmade little gate, which from ancient times has been called the Caspian Gate.

From there on are plains fit for riding horses and simply full of many waters, and a great land good for pasturing horses and otherwise level.

There nearly all the nations of the Huns are settled, extending as far as the Maeotic Lake.

If these people go through the little gate just mentioned into the settled lands of the Persians and Romans, they come with their horses fresh, using no circuit at all and meeting no precipitous places except the fifty stades which, as has been said, extend into the Iberian boundaries.

But if they go by certain other outlets, they arrive with much labor and are no longer able to use the same horses. They must go around many circuits, and those are precipitous.

When Alexander son of Philip perceived this, he built gates in the place described and established a guard-post. In the passage of time many others held it, among them Ambazouces, a Hun by birth but a friend of the Romans and of the emperor Anastasius.

When this Ambazouces had reached deep old age and was about to die, he sent to Anastasius and asked that money be given to him, on condition that he hand over the guard-post and the Caspian Gates to the Romans.

But the emperor Anastasius, since he neither knew how nor was accustomed to act without consideration, reasoned that it was impossible for him to maintain soldiers there in a place deprived of all good things and having no neighboring people subject to the Romans. He acknowledged great gratitude to the man for his goodwill toward him, but in no way accepted the project.

Not long afterward Ambazouces died of disease. Cabades used force against his sons and took possession of the Gates.

When the treaty with Cabades had been made, the emperor Anastasius built a city in the place called Daras, exceedingly strong and worthy of account, named after the emperor himself.

It is ninety-eight stades from the city of Nisibis, and about twenty-eight stades from the land which divides Roman territory from Persian territory.

The Persians were eager to prevent the construction, but they were in no way able to do so, being pressed by their preoccupation with the Hunnic war.

As soon as Cabades had brought that war to an end, he sent to the Romans and accused them of having built a city very near his borders, a thing forbidden in the earlier agreements made between the Medes and the Romans.

At that time Anastasius, partly by threats, partly by offering his friendship to Cabades and giving him considerable money, wished to turn him aside and dissolve the accusation.

This emperor also built another city like that one in Armenia, very near the borders of Persarmenia. It had been a village from old times, but had received the dignity of a city as far as its name under the emperor Theodosius, and was named after him.

Anastasius surrounded it with a very strong wall and gave the Persians no less trouble through this city than through the other. For both became fortresses set against their land.

Wars 1.12.1-24

Immediately Cabades, although he was eager to make some invasion into the land of the Romans, was in no way able to do it, since the following obstacle happened to arise against him.

The Iberians who live in Asia are settled somewhere close to the Caspian Gates, which lie to their north. On their left, toward the setting of the sun, Lazica is adjacent to them; on their right, toward the rising sun, are the Persian peoples.

This nation is Christian, and they preserve the rites of this belief more closely than any other people known to us. Yet from ancient times they have happened to be subjects of the king of the Persians.

At that time Cabades wished to force them into the rites of his own belief. He ordered their king, Gourgenes, both to do the other things according to Persian custom and, above all, by no means to hide the dead in the earth, but to throw all of them to birds and dogs.

For this reason Gourgenes wished to go over to the emperor Justin, and he asked to receive pledges that the Romans would never abandon the Iberians to the Persians.

Justin gave him these pledges with much eagerness. He also sent Probus, nephew of the former emperor Anastasius, a patrician, with much money to Bosporus, so that, after persuading an army of Huns by money, he might send it to the Iberians as an alliance.

Bosporus is a city by the sea, on the left as one sails into the so-called Euxine Sea. It is twenty days' journey from the city of Cherson, which is the farthest point of Roman territory. All the places between them are held by the Huns.

The Bosporites had lived as autonomous people in ancient times, but recently had decided to go over to the emperor Justin.

When Probus withdrew from there without success, the emperor sent Peter, a general, with some Huns to Lazica to aid Gourgenes with all possible strength.

Meanwhile Cabades sent an army worthy of much account against Gourgenes and the Iberians, and as general a Persian man named Boes, whose rank was varizes.

Gourgenes proved weaker than the Persian attack, since the help he had from the Romans was not enough. He fled into Lazica with all the notable men of the Iberians, bringing his wife and children and his brothers, of whom Peranius was the eldest.

When they had come to the borders of Lazica, they remained there, fenced themselves with the difficult terrain, and stood against the enemy.

The Persians followed them, but did nothing worthy of account, since the rough country opposed their undertaking.

After this the Iberians came to Byzantium, and Peter was summoned back to the emperor. For the future the emperor, although the Lazi did not wish it, thought it right to guard the country jointly, and he sent both an army and Irenaeus as commander.

There are two fortresses among the Lazi immediately as one enters from the borders of Iberia. From ancient times the care of guarding them belonged to the people of the country, although they were held by great hardship, since neither grain nor wine nor any other good thing grows there.

Nor is it possible to bring anything in from elsewhere because of the narrowness of the country, except by men carrying it. The Lazi, however, were able to live there on certain millets that grow in the place and to which they were accustomed.

The emperor removed these local guards from there and ordered Roman soldiers to be stationed for the guarding of the fortresses.

At first the Lazi brought supplies to them with difficulty; afterward they themselves gave up the service, the Romans abandoned these fortresses, and the Persians took them without any labor. These things happened among the Lazi.

The Romans, with Sittas and Belisarius leading them, invaded Persarmenia, which was subject to the Persians, plundered much country, enslaved a great multitude of Armenians, and withdrew.

These two men were young, just growing their first beards, and were spear-bearers of the general Justinian, who later held the empire together with his uncle Justin.

When another Roman invasion of Armenia took place, Narses and Aratius unexpectedly met them and came to battle.

These men not long afterward came over as deserters to the Romans and campaigned with Belisarius in Italy; but then, when they joined battle with the men around Sittas and Belisarius, they had the advantage.

Another Roman army also invaded around the city of Nisibis, led by Libelarius from Thrace. They fled and immediately made their retreat, although no one was pursuing them.

For this reason the emperor removed Libelarius from command and appointed Belisarius commander of the troops in Daras. At that time Procopius, who wrote these things, was chosen as his adviser.

Wars 1.15.1-33

Cabades sent another army into the part of Armenia subject to the Romans. This army consisted of Persarmenians and Sunitae, whose land borders that of the Alans. Huns also accompanied them, those called Sabiri, three thousand in number, a most warlike nation.

A Persian man, Mermeroes, stood over all of them as general. When they were three days' journey from Theodosiopolis, they encamped and remained in the land of the Persarmenians, preparing the invasion.

It happened that Dorotheus was general of Armenia, a prudent man and experienced in many wars. Sittas held the office of general at Byzantium and stood over the whole army in Armenia.

When these two learned that an enemy army was being gathered among the Persarmenians, they immediately sent two guardsmen to spy out the whole force of the enemy and report it to them.

Both men entered the camp of the barbarians, observed everything precisely, and departed. As they traveled by road to one of the places in that region, they unexpectedly encountered hostile Huns. One of the two, named Dagaris, was bound and captured by them, while the other was able to escape and reported the whole account to the generals.

The generals armed the entire army and fell suddenly on the enemy camp. The barbarians, struck with panic by the unexpected attack, no longer looked to valor, but fled as each could. There the Romans killed many, plundered the camp, and immediately rode back.

Not long after this, Mermeroes gathered the whole army and invaded Roman territory. They came upon the enemy near the city of Satala.

There they made camp and remained quiet in a place called Octava, fifty-six stades from the city.

Sittas therefore led out one thousand men and concealed them behind one of the many hills surrounding the plain in which Satala lies.

He ordered Dorotheus to remain inside the fortifications with the rest of the army, because they thought they were in no way able to withstand the enemy on level ground. The enemy were no fewer than thirty thousand, while their own forces scarcely reached half that number.

On the following day the barbarians came close to the fortifications and busily set about enclosing the city.

But suddenly, seeing the men of Sittas, who were already coming down against them from the high ground, and having no way to estimate their number because the summer season raised a great cloud of dust over them, they supposed that the Romans were much more numerous than they were.

Abandoning the attempt to enclose the city, they hurried to mass their force into a small space.

The Romans anticipated this movement and, dividing their own force into two parts, fell upon them as they withdrew from the fortifications.

When the whole Roman army saw this, they took courage and with a great rush poured out from the fortifications and advanced against their opponents.

In this way they put the Persians between their own bodies of troops and turned them to flight.

Yet, since the barbarians were much superior to the enemy in number, as has been said, they still resisted, and the battle became a fierce close fight.

Both sides kept advancing against their opponents and quickly drawing back again, for all were cavalry.

Then Florentius, a Thracian commanding a detachment of horse, charged into the enemy center, seized the general's standard, forced it to the ground, and began to ride back.

Though he himself was overtaken and fell there, cut to pieces, he proved the chief cause of victory for the Romans.

For when the barbarians no longer saw the standard, they were thrown into great confusion and fear. They withdrew into their camp and remained quiet, having lost many men in the battle.

On the following day they all returned home, with no one pursuing them. It seemed to the Romans a great and noteworthy thing that such a multitude of barbarians, in their own country, had suffered what has just been told, and after invading hostile territory had retired without accomplishing anything, defeated by a smaller force.

At that time the Romans also acquired certain Persian strongholds in Persarmenia, both the fortress Bolum and the fortress called Pharangium, the place where the Persians mine gold and carry it to the king.

It happened also a little before this that they had reduced the Tzanic nation to subjection, a people settled from ancient times in Roman territory but living autonomously. How this was done will be told here and now.

As one goes from Armenia into Persarmenia, Taurus lies on the right, extending into Iberia and the peoples there, as has been said a little earlier. On the left the road, descending for a great distance, is overhung by exceedingly precipitous mountains, forever hidden by clouds and snow.

From these mountains the Phasis River issues and flows into the land of Colchis.

In this place from the beginning lived barbarians, the Tzanic nation, subject to no one, called Sani in earlier times. They made plundering expeditions among the Romans around them and maintained a most difficult existence, always living from what they stole; for their land produced nothing good for them to eat.

For this reason the Roman emperor also sent them each year a fixed amount of gold, on condition that they should never plunder the neighboring country.

The barbarians had sworn to keep this agreement by the oaths peculiar to their nation. But, disregarding what they had sworn, they had for a long time been accustomed to make sudden attacks and harm not only the Armenians, but also the Romans who lived next to them as far as the sea.

After finishing an inroad in a short time, they immediately returned again to their homes.

Whenever they happened to meet a Roman army, they were always defeated in battle, but because of the strength of their fastnesses they proved altogether impossible to capture.

In this way Sittas had defeated them in battle before this war. Then, by many acts of kindness in word and deed, he was able to win them over completely.

They changed their way of life to a more civilized one, enrolled themselves among the Roman troops, and from that time went out against the enemy with the rest of the Roman army.

They also abandoned their own religion for a more righteous faith and all became Christians. Such, then, is the account of the Tzani.

Beyond the borders of this people there is a canyon whose walls are high and exceedingly steep, extending as far as the Caucasus mountains.

In it are populous towns, and grapes and other fruits grow in abundance.

For about three days' journey this canyon is tributary to the Romans. From there begins the territory of Persarmenia.

Here is the gold mine which, by permission of Cabades, was worked by one of the natives, a man named Symeon.

When Symeon saw that both nations were busily engaged in the war, he resolved to deprive Cabades of the revenue.

Therefore he gave both himself and Pharangium over to the Romans, but refused to hand over the gold of the mine to either side.

The Romans did nothing, thinking it sufficient that the enemy had lost the income from there. The Persians were unable, against the will of the Romans, to force the inhabitants of the place to terms, because they were checked by the difficult country.

At about the same time Narses and Aratius, who at the beginning of this war, as I have stated above, had encountered Sittas and Belisarius in the land of the Persarmenians, came over as deserters to the Romans with their mother.

Narses, the emperor's steward, received them, for he too happened to be a Persarmenian by birth, and he presented them with a large sum of money.

When this became known to Isaac, their youngest brother, he secretly opened negotiations with the Romans and handed over to them the fortress Bolum, which lies very near the limits of Theodosiopolis.

He directed soldiers to be concealed somewhere nearby, received them into the fortress by night, and secretly opened one small gate for them. Thus he too came to Byzantium.

Wars 1.21.1-28

As soon as the battle on the Euphrates had taken place, Hermogenes came before Cabades to negotiate with him. He accomplished nothing concerning the peace for which he had come, since he found Cabades still swelling with anger against the Romans. For this reason he returned without success.

Belisarius came to Byzantium at the summons of the emperor, having been removed from the office he held, so that he might march against the Vandals.

Sittas, as the emperor Justinian had decreed, went to the East to guard that portion of the empire.

The Persians once more invaded Mesopotamia with a great army, under the command of Chanaranges, Aspebedes, and Mermeroes.

Since no one dared to engage with them, they made camp and began the siege of Martyropolis, where Bouzes and Bessas had been stationed as commanders of the garrison.

This city lies in the land called Sophanene, two hundred and forty stades north of Amida, right on the river Nymphius, which divides the land of the Romans and the Persians.

The Persians began to attack the fortifications. Although the besieged at first resisted them manfully, it did not seem likely that they would hold out long.

For the circuit-wall was very easy to attack in most places and could easily be captured by a Persian siege. Besides this, they did not have a sufficient supply of provisions, nor engines of war, nor anything else useful for defending themselves.

Meanwhile Sittas and the Roman army came to a place called Attachas, one hundred stades from Martyropolis. But they did not dare to advance farther; they made camp and remained there.

Hermogenes was also with them, having come again as ambassador from Byzantium. At this point the following event took place.

There has long been a custom among both Romans and Persians for spies to be fed at public expense. These men are accustomed to go secretly among the enemy, so that, after examining what is being done with precision, they may return and report it to the rulers.

Many of them, as is likely, are eager to use goodwill toward their own people; but some also hand over secrets to the enemy.

At that time, then, a certain spy sent from the Persians to the Romans came into the sight of the emperor Justinian. He revealed many things being done among the barbarians, and also that a nation of Massagetae, for the harm of the Romans, would very soon go out into the settled lands of the Persians, and from there, going into Roman territory, were ready to mingle with the Persian army.

When Justinian heard these things, and since he already had proof of the man's truthfulness toward him, he gave him a large sum of money and persuaded him to go to the Persian camp which was besieging the Martyropolitans. There he was to announce to the barbarians that these Massagetae, persuaded by money from the Roman emperor, were about to come against them almost immediately.

The spy did these things. Coming to the camp of the barbarians, he announced to Chanaranges and the others that an army of hostile Huns would soon come to the Romans against them.

When they heard this, they were seized with fear and were at a loss about the present situation.

At this point Cabades happened to fall gravely ill in body. He called one of the Persians who was among his closest intimates, named Mebodes, and conferred with him about Chosroes and the kingdom. He said that he feared the Persians might be eager to disregard some of the things he had decided.

Mebodes urged him to leave a declaration of his purpose in writing, telling him to be confident that the Persians would never dare to overlook it. Cabades therefore plainly set down that Chosroes should be made king over the Persians. Mebodes himself wrote the document, and immediately Cabades vanished from among men.

When all the lawful rites had been performed for the burial of the king, Caoses, trusting in the law, began to lay claim to the honor. But Mebodes prevented him, saying that no one ought to enter the kingship of his own accord, but by the vote of the notable men of the Persians.

Caoses entrusted the decision about the matter to the officials, suspecting that no obstacle would come to him from that direction.

When all the notable Persians had gathered and were seated for this purpose, Mebodes read out the document and revealed Cabades' intention concerning Chosroes. Remembering the virtue of Cabades, they all at once proclaimed Chosroes king over the Persians.

In this way Chosroes obtained the rule.

At Martyropolis, Sittas and Hermogenes were afraid for the city, for they had no way to defend it in its danger. They sent certain men to the enemy. Coming before the generals, these men spoke as follows:

"You do not notice that you are improperly standing in the way of the king of the Persians, of the good things of peace, and of the commonwealth of each side. Envoys sent from the emperor are now present, so that, going to the king of the Persians, they may dissolve the disputes and make treaties with him. Rise as quickly as possible from the land of the Romans, therefore, and allow the envoys to do what will benefit both sides.

"We are ready to give approved men as hostages for these very things, since they will in fact be fulfilled before long."

The envoys of the Romans said so much.

It happened also that a messenger from the palace had come to the Persians. He reported to them that Cabades had died and that Chosroes, son of Cabades, had been set up as king over the Persians, and that for this reason their affairs were unsettled.

Because of this the generals gladly heard the words of the Romans, since they also feared the attack of the Huns. The Romans therefore immediately gave Martinus as a hostage, and one of Sittas' guardsmen named Senecius. The Persians broke up the siege and made their retreat at once.

Not long afterward the Huns invaded the land of the Romans. Since they did not find the Persian army there, they made only a short raid and all withdrew homeward.

Wars 1.22.1-19

Immediately Rufinus, Alexander, and Thomas came to act as ambassadors with Hermogenes, and all of them came before the Persian king at the river Tigris.

When Chosroes saw them, he released the hostages. Then the ambassadors coaxed Chosroes and spoke many beguiling words, words quite unworthy of Roman ambassadors.

By this treatment Chosroes became tractable and agreed to establish a peace with them that should be without end, for the price of one hundred and ten centenaria, on the condition that the commander of the troops in Mesopotamia should no longer be at Daras, but should spend all his time at Constantina, as had been customary before.

But he refused to give back the fortresses in Lazica, although he himself demanded to receive back from the Romans both Pharangium and the fortress Bolum.

A centenarium weighs one hundred pounds, and for this reason it is so called; for the Romans call one hundred centum.

He demanded that this gold be given to him so that the Romans would not be compelled either to tear down the city of Daras or to share with the Persians the garrison at the Caspian Gates.

The ambassadors approved the rest, but said that they could not concede the fortresses unless they first asked the emperor about them.

It was therefore decided that Rufinus should be sent to Byzantium concerning these matters, and that the others should wait until he returned.

It was arranged with Rufinus that seventy days would be allowed until he should arrive.

When Rufinus came to Byzantium and reported to the emperor what Chosroes had decided about the peace, the emperor commanded them to make the peace on these terms.

Meanwhile a report, not true, came to Persia that the emperor Justinian had grown angry and had put Rufinus to death.

Chosroes was greatly disturbed by this and, already filled with anger, advanced against the Romans with his whole army.

But Rufinus met him on the road as he was returning, not far from the city of Nisibis.

They therefore went themselves to that city, and, since they were about to make the peace, the ambassadors began to bring the money there.

But the emperor Justinian was already repenting that he had given up the strongholds of Lazica, and he wrote a letter to the ambassadors expressly commanding them by no means to hand them over to the Persians.

For this reason Chosroes no longer thought it right to make the treaty. Then it came into Rufinus' mind that he had taken counsel more quickly than safely when he brought the money into Persian land.

Immediately, therefore, he threw himself on the ground and lay prone, begging Chosroes to send the money back with them and not to march at once against the Romans, but to put off the war to another time.

Chosroes ordered him to rise from the ground, promising that he would grant all these things. So the ambassadors came with the money to Daras, and the Persian army marched back.

Then the fellow ambassadors of Rufinus began to regard him with extreme suspicion, and they also denounced him to the emperor, basing their judgment on the fact that Chosroes had been persuaded to grant him everything he asked.

Yet the emperor showed him no disfavor on account of this.

At a time not long after this, Rufinus himself and Hermogenes were again sent to Chosroes. They immediately came to terms with one another for treaties: each side would return whatever places both had taken from the other in this war, and there would no longer be any military command at Daras. It was decided that the Iberians might choose either to remain there in Byzantium or to return to their own country.

Many remained, and many returned to their ancestral settled lands.

Thus they made the so-called Endless Peace, when Justinian was already in the sixth year of his reign.

The Romans gave Pharangium and the fortress Bolum, together with the money, to the Persians. The Persians gave the fortresses of Lazica to the Romans. The Persians also returned Dagaris to the Romans, receiving another notable man in exchange for him.

In later time this Dagaris often defeated in battle Huns who had invaded the land of the Romans and drove them out. For he was exceptionally good in war. In the manner described, then, both sides made firm the treaties between them.

Wars 2.1.1-15

Not long after this, Chosroes, learning that Belisarius had begun to win Italy also for the emperor Justinian, was no longer able to restrain his thoughts. He wished to discover pretexts, so that on grounds which seemed plausible he might break the treaty.

He conferred with Alamoundaras about this and ordered him to provide causes for war.

Alamoundaras therefore brought a charge against Arethas, saying that Arethas was doing him violence over boundary lines. In time of peace he entered into conflict with him and began overrunning Roman land under this pretext.

He declared that he himself was not breaking the treaty between the Persians and Romans, since neither side had included him in it.

This was true. No mention of Saracens had ever been made in treaties, because they were included under the names of Persians and Romans.

The country claimed at that time by both tribes of Saracens is called Strata and stretches south of the city of Palmyra.

Nowhere does it produce a single tree or any useful growth of grain-land, for it is burned exceedingly dry by the sun; but from ancient times it has been set apart for the pasturing of a few flocks.

Arethas maintained that the place belonged to the Romans, proving his claim by the name long applied to it by all; for Strata means "paved road" in the Latin tongue. He also brought forward the testimony of men from the oldest times.

Alamoundaras, however, was not at all inclined to quarrel about the name, but claimed that from ancient times tribute had been given to him by the owners of the flocks for pasture there.

The emperor Justinian therefore entrusted the settlement of the disputed matters to Strategius, a patrician and administrator of the royal treasures, a man both wise and of good family, and with him Summus, who had commanded the troops in Palestine.

This Summus was the brother of Julian, who not long before had served as envoy to the Ethiopians and Homeritae. Summus insisted that the Romans ought not surrender the country.

Strategius, however, begged the emperor not to gratify the Persians, who already desired war, by providing them with pretexts for the sake of a small piece of land, wholly without account, unproductive and unsuitable for crops.

The emperor Justinian therefore kept the matter under consideration, and much time was spent in the settlement of the question.

But Chosroes, king of the Persians, said that the treaties had been broken by Justinian, who had just shown great plotting against his house by trying, while the treaties were in force, to make Alamoundaras his ally.

For he said that Summus had recently come to Alamoundaras, ostensibly for arbitration, and had gotten around him with promises of great sums of money, on condition that he go over to the Romans. Chosroes brought forward letters which, he said, the emperor Justinian had written to Alamoundaras about these matters.

He also insisted that Justinian had sent a letter to certain Huns, urging them to invade the land of the Persians and to devastate the regions there as much as possible. He said that the Huns themselves, when they had come before him, had put this letter into his hands.

Bringing these charges against the Romans, Chosroes intended to break the treaties. Whether what he said happened to be true, I am not able to say.

Wars 2.3.1-57

At the same time another event also occurred, as follows.

The Symeon who had handed Pharangium over to the Romans persuaded the emperor Justinian, while the war was still at its height, to give him certain villages of Armenia.

When he became master of these places, those who had formerly possessed them plotted against him and murdered him.

After this crime had been done, the murderers fled into the land of Persia. They were two brothers, sons of Perozes.

When the emperor heard this, he gave the villages to Amazaspes, the nephew of Symeon, and appointed him ruler over the Armenians.

As time went on, this Amazaspes was denounced to the emperor Justinian by one of his friends, named Acacius, on the ground that he was abusing the Armenians and wished to hand over Theodosiopolis and certain other fortresses to the Persians.

After reporting this, Acacius, by the emperor's will, treacherously killed Amazaspes and himself obtained command over the Armenians by the emperor's gift.

Being base by nature, he gained the opportunity to display his inward character and proved the cruelest of all men toward his subjects.

He plundered their possessions without excuse and ordained that they should pay an unheard-of tax of four centenaria.

The Armenians, unable to bear him any longer, conspired together, killed Acacius, and fled for refuge to Pharangium.

Therefore the emperor sent Sittas from Byzantium against them. Sittas had been lingering there since the treaty had been made with the Persians.

He came to Armenia, but at first he entered the war unwillingly and tried to calm the people and restore the inhabitants to their former homes, promising to persuade the emperor to remit the payment of the new tax.

But the emperor kept assailing him with frequent reproaches for his delay, led on by the slanders of Adolius, the son of Acacius. At last Sittas made his preparations for battle.

First he tried, by promises of many good things, to persuade some of the Armenians and attach them to his side, so that overpowering the rest might be attended with less difficulty and labor.

The tribe called the Aspetiani, great in power and number, was willing to join him.

They came to Sittas and begged him to give them written pledges that, if they abandoned their kinsmen in battle and came to the Roman army, they would remain entirely unharmed and keep their own possessions.

Sittas was delighted and wrote pledges for them on tablets, just as they desired, sealed the writing, and sent it to them.

Then, confident that by their help he would win the war without fighting, he went with his whole army to a place called Oenochalakon, where the Armenians had their camp.

But by some chance those carrying the tablets went by another road and did not meet the Aspetiani at all.

Moreover, a part of the Roman army happened upon a few of them, and, not knowing the agreement that had been made, treated them as enemies.

Sittas himself caught some of their women and children in a cave and killed them, either because he did not understand what had happened or because he was angry with the Aspetiani for not joining him as had been agreed.

They, now possessed by anger, arrayed themselves for battle with all the rest.

Since both armies were on exceedingly difficult ground full of precipices, they did not fight in one place, but were scattered among ridges and ravines.

So it happened that a few Armenians and Sittas with not many of his followers came near one another, with only a ravine lying between them. Both parties were horsemen.

Sittas crossed the ravine with a few men following him and advanced against the enemy. The Armenians withdrew to the rear and then stopped, and Sittas pursued no farther but remained where he was.

Suddenly a man from the Roman army, an Erulian by birth, who had been pursuing the enemy, came back from them impetuously and came upon Sittas and his men.

As it happened, Sittas had planted his spear in the ground; the Erulian's horse fell upon it with a great rush and shattered it.

The general was exceedingly annoyed. One of the Armenians, seeing him, recognized him and declared to all the others that it was Sittas, for he happened to have no helmet on his head.

Thus it did not escape the enemy that he had come there with only a few men.

When Sittas heard the Armenian say this, and since his spear, as has been said, lay broken in two on the ground, he drew his sword and immediately tried to recross the ravine.

The enemy advanced upon him with great eagerness. A soldier overtook him in the ravine and struck him a glancing blow with a sword on the top of the head. He took off the whole scalp, but the steel did not injure the bone at all.

Sittas pressed forward still more than before, but Artabanes, son of John of the Arsacidae, fell upon him from behind and killed him with a thrust of the spear.

Thus Sittas was removed from among men in no notable way, in a manner unworthy of his courage and his continual achievements against the enemy. He was exceedingly handsome in appearance, a capable warrior, and a general second to none of his contemporaries.

Some say that Sittas did not die by the hand of Artabanes, but that Solomon, a man of very little account among the Armenians, destroyed him.

After the death of Sittas, the emperor commanded Bouzes to go against the Armenians. When he drew near, he sent to them, promising to effect a reconciliation between the emperor and all the Armenians, and asking that some of their notable men come to confer with him about these matters.

The Armenians as a whole were unable to trust Bouzes and were not willing to receive his proposals.

But there was a certain man of the Arsacidae, especially friendly with him, named John, the father of Artabanes. Trusting Bouzes as a friend, this man came to him with his son-in-law Bassaces and a few others.

When these men had reached the place where they were to meet Bouzes on the following day and had bivouacked there, they perceived that they had come into a place surrounded by the Roman army.

Bassaces, the son-in-law, earnestly begged John to flee. Since he could not persuade him, he left him there alone and, with all the others, eluded the Romans and went back again by the same road.

Bouzes found John alone and killed him.

After this, since the Armenians had no hope of ever coming to agreement with the Romans, and since they were unable to prevail over the emperor in war, they came before the Persian king, led by Bassaces, an energetic man.

When the first men among the Armenians came before Chosroes, they spoke as follows:

"There are many Arsacids among us, master, descendants of that Arsaces who was in no way alien to the kingdom of the Parthians, at the time when Persian affairs lay under the Parthians, and who became a famous king, no less than any of his own time.

"We are now present before you, all of us become slaves and fugitives, not willingly, but under the strongest compulsion: in appearance under the rule of the Romans, but in truth, O king, by your judgment. For if a man gives strength to those who wish to do wrong, he himself would justly bear the blame for their deeds. I shall speak from a little farther back, so that you may all be able to follow what has been done.

"Arsaces, the last king of our ancestors, willingly stepped aside from his own rule for Theodosius, emperor of the Romans, on the condition that all those who would belong to his family by descent for all time should live freely in every other respect and in no way be subject to tribute.

"We preserved the agreements until you made these much-proclaimed treaties, which we think one would not err in calling a common destruction.

"For from then on, with no regard for friends or enemies, the man who is yours, O king, in word a friend but in deed hostile, has thrown all human affairs into confusion and disorder. You yourself will know this before long, as soon as he is able to subject the western peoples entirely.

"What of the things formerly forbidden has he not done? What well-established thing has he not disturbed?

"Has he not imposed on us a tribute payment which did not exist before? Has he not enslaved the Tzani, our neighbors, who were autonomous? Has he not set a Roman ruler over the king of the miserable Lazi, a thing neither fitting with the nature of affairs nor easy to explain in speech?

"Has he not sent generals to the Bosporites, subjects of the Huns, and attached to himself a city that in no way belonged to him? Has he not made an alliance in arms with the realms of the Ethiopians, of whom the Romans had previously heard nothing at all?

"He has also encompassed the Homeritae and the Red Sea, and he is adding the Palm Grove to the Roman dominion.

"We pass over the fate of the Libyans and Italians. The whole earth is not large enough for the man; conquering the whole world together is too small a thing for him. He is even looking around the heavens and searching the hidden places beyond Ocean, wanting to acquire some other world for himself.

"Why, then, O king, do you still delay? Why do you respect that most accursed peace, so that he may make you the last morsel of all?

"If you wish to know what kind of man Justinian shows himself toward those who yield to him, seek the example near at hand from us and from the wretched Lazi.

"If you wish to see how he is accustomed to treat those unknown to him, who have done him not the least wrong, consider the Vandals and the Goths and the Moors.

"But the chief thing has not yet been spoken. Has he not tried, in time of peace, to win over by deception your slave Alamoundaras, most mighty king, and detach him from your kingdom?

"Has he not recently striven to attach to himself Huns wholly unknown to him, so as to make trouble for you? A deed stranger than this has not been done in all time.

"For since he perceived, as I think, that the overthrow of the West would speedily be accomplished, he has already taken in hand to assault you of the East, since the Persian power alone remains for him to grapple with.

"Therefore the peace, as far as he is concerned, has already been broken for you, and he himself has set an end to the Endless Peace.

"Those who break the peace are not those who may be first in arms, but those who are caught plotting against their neighbors in time of peace. The crime belongs to the one who attempts it, even if success does not follow.

"As for the course of the war, this is surely clear to everyone. It is not those who provide causes for war, but those who defend themselves against those who provide them, who are always accustomed to conquer their enemies.

"Moreover, the contest will not be evenly balanced for us even in strength. As it happens, most of the Roman soldiers are at the end of the world.

"As for the two best generals they had, we come here having killed one, Sittas, and Belisarius will never again be seen by Justinian. For, disregarding his master, he has remained in the West, holding the power of Italy himself.

"So when you go against the enemy, no one at all will confront you, and you will have us leading the army with goodwill, as is natural, and with exact knowledge of the country."

When Chosroes heard this, he was pleased. He called together all the noble-born Persians, disclosed to all of them what Vittigis had written and what the Armenians had said, and laid before them the question of what should be done.

Many opinions were expressed, inclining to either side. Finally it was decided that they must open hostilities against the Romans at the beginning of spring.

It was late autumn, in the thirteenth year of the reign of the emperor Justinian.

The Romans, however, did not suspect this and did not think that the Persians would ever break the so-called Endless Peace, although they heard that Chosroes blamed their emperor for his successes in the West and brought against him the charges I have just mentioned.

Wars 2.4.1-26

At that time the comet also appeared. At first it was about as long as a tall man, but later it became much greater. Its end was toward the setting sun, and its beginning toward the rising sun; and it followed behind the sun itself. The sun was in Capricorn, and the comet was in Sagittarius.

Some called it the sword-star, because it was long and had a very sharp beginning. Others called it the bearded star. It appeared for more than forty days.

The men wise in such things, agreeing with one another as little as possible, predicted different things as signified by this star. But I, writing what happened, allow each person to judge by the outcomes as he wishes.

Immediately a great Hunnic army crossed the river Ister and fell upon all Europe. This had already happened many times, but never before had it brought so many evils in number, nor such evils in magnitude, upon the people there.

From the Ionian Gulf these barbarians plundered everything in succession as far as the suburbs of Byzantium.

They took thirty-two fortresses in Illyricum, and by force they destroyed the city of Cassandreia, which the ancients called Potidaea, so far as we know, though they had never before fought against a wall.

Having their plunder and carrying away one hundred and twenty thousand captives, they all withdrew homeward, no obstacle having met them.

In later time they often came there again and did incurable terrible things to the Romans.

They also fought against the wall in the Chersonese. Forcing back those who defended from the wall, they crossed the circuit-wall through the surf of the sea, at the place which is by the gulf called the Black Gulf. In this way they came inside the Long Walls and fell unexpectedly upon the Romans in the Chersonese. They killed many and enslaved nearly all.

A few of them also crossed the strait between Sestus and Abydus, plundered the places in Asia, turned back again to the Chersonese, and went away homeward with the rest of the army and all the booty.

In another invasion they plundered the Illyrians and Thessalians and attempted to fight against the wall at Thermopylae. When the guards in the walls defended themselves most stoutly, they searched out the circuits and unexpectedly found the path which leads to the mountain rising there.

In this way they ruined nearly all the Greeks except the Peloponnesians, and then withdrew.

Not long afterward the Persians broke the treaties and did to the eastern Romans the deeds which I shall very soon set forth. Belisarius, after humbling Vittigis, king of the Goths and Italians, brought him alive to Byzantium.

I shall now proceed to tell how the army of the Persians invaded the land of the Romans.

When the emperor Justinian perceived that Chosroes was eager for war, he wished to offer him some counsel and dissuade him from the undertaking.

It happened that a certain man had come to Byzantium from the city of Daras, named Anastasius, well known for intelligence. He was the man who had broken the tyranny recently established in Daras.

Justinian therefore wrote a letter and sent it by this Anastasius to Chosroes. The message of the letter was as follows:

"It belongs to men of discretion, and to those by whom divine things are treated with due respect, when causes of war arise, especially against men who are truly friends, to exert all their power to end them.

"But it belongs to foolish men, and to those who most lightly bring upon themselves the enmity of heaven, to devise occasions for war and revolt which have no real existence.

"To destroy peace and enter upon war is not a difficult thing, since the nature of affairs makes the basest acts easy for the most dishonorable men.

"But when they have brought about war according to their intention, to return again to peace is, I think, not easy for men.

"And yet you charge me with writing letters which were not written with any dark purpose. Now you have hastened to interpret them by arbitrary judgment, not in the sense in which we conceived them when we wrote, but in a way that will help you, since you are eager to carry out your plans with some pretext.

"But we can point out that your Alamoundaras recently overran our land and did outrageous deeds in time of peace: capturing towns, seizing property, massacring and enslaving such a multitude of men. Concerning these things it is your duty not to blame us, but to defend yourself.

"For the crimes of wrongdoers are made plain to neighbors by their acts, not by their thoughts.

"Even with these things as they stand, we have still decided to hold to peace; but we hear that you, eager to make war on the Romans, are fabricating accusations which do not belong to us at all.

"This is natural enough. Those who are eager to preserve the present order repel even the most pressing charges against their friends; those who are not satisfied with established friendships exert themselves to provide even pretexts which do not exist.

"But this would not seem becoming even to ordinary men, much less to kings.

"Leaving these things aside, consider how many will be destroyed on both sides in the course of the war. Consider well who will justly bear the blame for what will come to pass.

"Consider the oaths you took when you carried away the money, and consider that if afterward you dishonor them wrongly by tricks or sophistries, you will not be able to twist them aside; for heaven is too mighty to be deceived by any man."

When Chosroes saw this message, he neither gave an immediate answer nor dismissed Anastasius, but compelled him to remain there.

Wars 2.10.1-24

A short time before this calamity God showed a sign to the inhabitants of that city, indicating the things that were to come.

The standards of the soldiers stationed there for a long time had previously stood facing west; of their own accord they turned and stood facing east, and then, untouched by anyone, returned again to their former position.

The soldiers showed this to many people nearby, including the manager of the camp finances, while the standards were still trembling. This man, named Tatianus, was especially prudent and came from Mopsuestia.

Even so, those who saw the sign did not recognize that rule over the place would pass from the western to the eastern king, evidently so that escape would be altogether impossible for those who were destined to suffer what came to pass.

I grow dizzy as I write of so great a calamity and transmit it to future times, and I am unable to understand why it should be God's will to lift high the fortunes of a man or a place and then cast them down and destroy them for no cause apparent to us.

For it is wrong to say that with Him all things are not always done by reason; yet He then endured seeing Antioch brought to the ground by the hands of a most unholy man, a city whose beauty and greatness in every respect could not even then be wholly concealed.

So, after the city had been destroyed, the church was left standing alone, because of the activity and foresight of the Persians to whom this task had been assigned.

Around the so-called Cerataeum many houses were also left, not by the foresight of any man, but because they were at the edge of the city and were not joined to any other building, so that the fire entirely failed to reach them.

The barbarians also burned the parts outside the fortifications, except the sanctuary dedicated to Saint Julian and the houses standing around it, since the ambassadors happened to have lodged there. The Persians left the fortifications wholly untouched.

A little later the ambassadors again came to Chosroes and spoke as follows: "If our words were not addressed to you in your presence, O king, we would never believe that Chosroes, son of Cabades, had come armed into Roman land, dishonoring the oaths recently sworn by you.

"Such pledges are regarded among men as the final and firmest security for mutual trust and truth. Yet you are breaking the treaty, although hope in treaties is the only thing left for those living insecurely because of the evils of war.

"One might say that such a condition is nothing other than the transformation of human ways into the ways of beasts. For when no treaties at all are made, there remains war without end, and endless war is always calculated to estrange those engaged in it from their proper nature.

"With what intention, moreover, did you recently write to your brother that he himself was responsible for breaking the treaty? Was it not plainly an admission that treaty-breaking is an exceedingly great evil?

"If therefore he has done no wrong, you are not now acting justly in coming against us. But if your brother has done some such thing, let your complaint go only so far and no farther, so that you may show yourself superior; for the man who submits to be defeated in evil things would rightly be victorious in better things.

"Yet we know well that the emperor Justinian has never gone contrary to the treaty, and we beg you not to inflict on the Romans harm from which the Persians will gain no advantage. You will gain only this: that you have unjustly done irreparable things to those who recently made peace with you."

So the ambassadors spoke.

When Chosroes heard these things, he insisted that the treaties had been broken by the emperor Justinian. He listed the causes that Justinian had provided, some worthy of account and others trivial and fabricated for no reason at all. Most of all, he wished to show that Justinian's letters, written to Alamoundaras and to the Huns, were the chief causes of the war, just as I have said in the preceding narrative.

Yet he could neither say nor show that any Roman had invaded the land of the Persians or displayed hostile deeds.

The ambassadors, however, referred some of the charges not to Justinian but to certain of those who had served him; in other cases they objected that the things said had not happened in that way.

In the end Chosroes demanded that the Romans give him a large sum of money. He advised them not to think they could make peace firm for all time merely by providing money for the moment.

Friendship among men that is made on money, he said, is generally spent away as the money is spent away.

It was necessary, therefore, for the Romans to carry some fixed yearly payment to the Persians. "For in this way," he said, "the Persians will keep the peace secure for them, guarding the Caspian Gates themselves and no longer being vexed with them because of the city of Daras, in return for which they themselves will be in paid service forever."

"So," the ambassadors said, "the Persians wish to hold the Romans as subjects under tribute."

"No," Chosroes said, "but the Romans will have the Persians hereafter as their own soldiers, providing them a stated wage for their service. For you give yearly gold to certain Huns and Saracens, not because you are subject to them in tribute, but so that they may guard your land unplundered for all time."

After Chosroes and the ambassadors had spoken many such things to one another, they later came to terms: Chosroes would immediately receive fifty centenaria from the Romans, and then five other centenaria each year as tribute for all time; he would do them no further harm, but, after receiving hostages from the ambassadors on this agreement, he would make his departure with the whole army to his ancestral land. There ambassadors sent from the emperor Justinian would place the treaties concerning peace on a firm basis thereafter.

Wars 2.15.1-35

Meanwhile Chosroes led his army against Colchis, the Lazi bringing him in for the following reason.

The Lazi at first inhabited the land of Colchis as subjects of the Romans, but not so as to pay tribute, nor obeying anything else announced to them, except that whenever their king died, the Roman emperor sent symbols of rule to the man who would succeed to the kingdom.

The king, together with those he ruled, guarded the boundaries of the country precisely, so that hostile Huns would not pass from the Caucasus mountain, which borders them, through Lazica and invade the land of the Romans.

They kept this guard while receiving neither money nor an army from the Romans, and without campaigning anywhere with the Romans. They were always engaged in trade by sea with the Romans who lived in Pontus.

For they themselves have neither salt nor grain nor any other good thing, but by providing hides, skins, and slaves, they obtained the things they needed.

But when the events concerning Gourgenes, king of the Iberians, happened, as I have said in the preceding narrative, Roman soldiers began to be quartered among the Lazi. These barbarians were vexed by them, and most of all by Peter the general, who was readily inclined to treat those he met with insolence.

This Peter came from Arzanene, which is beyond the Nymphius River and has been subject to the Persians from ancient times. While still a child he had been enslaved by the emperor Justin, when Justin, after the capture of Amida, invaded the land of the Persians with Celer's army. Since his owner treated him with much kindness, he attended a teacher of letters.

At first he became Justin's secretary. But when Anastasius died and Justin received the rule of the Romans, Peter became a general, ran aground on love of money as much as anyone, and used great stupidity toward everyone.

Later the emperor Justinian sent other officers to Lazica, and among them John, whom they called Tzibus, a man of obscure and ignoble birth, but one who had climbed to the office of general by nothing else than that he was the most accomplished villain in the world and most successful at discovering unlawful sources of revenue.

This man unsettled and threw into confusion all relations between Romans and Lazi.

He also persuaded the emperor Justinian to build a city on the sea in Lazica, named Petra. There he sat as in a citadel and plundered the possessions of the Lazi.

For the salt and all other cargoes considered necessary for the Lazi could no longer be brought by merchants into Colchis, nor could the Lazi purchase them elsewhere by sending for them. He set up in Petra the so-called monopoly, made himself a retail dealer and overseer of the whole handling of these goods, bought everything, and sold it to the Colchians not at the customary prices, but as dearly as possible.

At the same time, apart from this, the barbarians were vexed by the Roman army quartered upon them, a thing not previously customary.

Since they could no longer endure these things, they resolved to attach themselves to the Persians and Chosroes, and immediately they sent envoys to them. They ordered the envoys to arrange that pledges be given to the Lazi by Chosroes that he would never abandon them unwillingly to the Romans.

When the envoys came to the Persians, they met Chosroes secretly and spoke as follows: "If any people have ever gone over from their own friends to strangers in a senseless way, O king, and afterward, by the favor of fortune, came back again to those formerly dear to them, reckon that the Lazi are such people.

"For the Colchians in ancient times were allies of the Persians, and they performed many good services for them and received many from them in return. We have records of these things, some preserved in books, others remembered among us by report from our fathers.

"But in later times it came about that our ancestors, either neglected by you or for some other reason, went over to the Romans. We and the king of the Lazi now give ourselves and our land to the Persians, to be treated by you in whatever way seems best.

"Consider these matters as follows. If we have suffered nothing dreadful from the Romans, but are betraying them through madness, immediately reject our plea, considering us the basest of all men. For the man who wrongs his former friends would never be well-disposed toward those with whom he is not yet joined by kinship.

"But if in name we have been allies and friends of the Romans, while in fact we have been loyal slaves, and have suffered unholy treatment from those who tyrannize over us, receive us as your former subjects, make us haters of a bitter tyranny, and show by deed the justice which has always belonged to the Persians.

"For the man who does no violence himself is not just, unless he also saves those who are being wronged by others, whenever he has the power.

"It is right to tell you a few things from what the accursed Romans have dared against us. To our king they left only the appearance of rule; they themselves have appropriated the power in deeds. The king sits with the title of royalty, but fears the general who commands.

"They have set over us a crowd of soldiers, not to guard the country against those who trouble us, for none of the people around us harms us except indeed the Romans themselves, but so that they may shut us up as in a prison and become masters of our possessions.

"Wanting to make the plundering of our goods quicker, O king, they have forced upon us the so-called monopoly of goods needed by us. Need alone lets them put a name on this violence.

"They buy from us what is most valuable at the lowest possible price, and sell us what is most necessary at an unlimited price. In this way, besides other hardships, we are treated like slaves by trade.

"Therefore we have come to ask you, if possible, to help us, for we have suffered things that no one has ever suffered before. If you do this, you will gain the ancient possession of Colchis and will add to the Persian empire a most useful land.

"You will be master of the sea, through which you will be able to reach the palace of the Romans. No one will stand in your way. And through this country you will easily send out the Huns who live beside the Caucasus against Roman land, whenever you wish.

"You know well that Lazica has always been a barrier against these people for the Romans. Therefore, while justice is on your side and advantage is joined to justice, it would not be fitting to reject our plea."

Chosroes was pleased by the words of the envoys and agreed to aid the Lazi. He asked the envoys whether it would be possible for him to go into the land of Colchis with a great army.

He said that he had previously heard many people report that the country was reasonably difficult even for an unencumbered man to traverse, since it was exceedingly precipitous and held together for a very long distance by dense and spreading trees.

They insisted that the road there would be easy for the whole Persian army, if they cut the trees and threw them into the difficult places of the cliffs.

They agreed that they themselves would be guides of the road and would be the first laborers in this work for the Persians.

Encouraged by this advice, Chosroes gathered a great army and prepared the attack. He did not reveal the plan to the Persians, except only to those with whom he was accustomed to share secrets, and he commanded the envoys to tell no one what was being done. In appearance he set out for Iberia, as if to settle affairs there; for he gave out the report that a Hunnic nation had fallen somewhere there upon the Persian rule.

Wars 2.16.1-19

Meanwhile Belisarius, being in Mesopotamia, gathered the army from every side and sent certain men into the Persian lands as spies.

He wished to meet the enemy there himself if they should again make an incursion into Roman land; and on the spot he arranged and organized the soldiers, who for the most part were naked, unarmed, and afraid of the Persian name.

When the spies returned, they insisted that for the present there would be no invasion by the enemy, since Chosroes was elsewhere occupied with a Hunnic war.

When Belisarius heard this, he wished immediately to invade the enemy's land with the whole army.

Arethas came to him with a large army of Saracens, and the emperor also wrote letters ordering him to invade the land of the enemy with speed.

Therefore he called together all the officers in Daras and spoke as follows: "I know that all of you, fellow officers, are experienced in many wars. I have brought you together at the present moment, not so that by reminding you or making some exhortation I might urge your judgment against the enemy, for I think you have no need of a speech that leads into boldness, but so that, after making counsel among ourselves, we may choose what seems better and best for the affairs of the emperor.

"War is accustomed to succeed most of all by good counsel. Those who enter into counsel must make their judgment entirely free from shame and fear.

"For fear, always startling those who have fallen into it, does not allow the mind to choose the stronger course; and shame, casting a shadow over the things that seem better, carries inquiry away to the opposite judgment.

"If, therefore, it seems to you that some purpose has been formed either by our mighty emperor or by me about the present situation, let no thought of that enter your minds.

"As for him, he is altogether ignorant of what is being done and therefore cannot adapt his movements to the opportune moments. There is no fear, then, that by going against him we shall do something harmful to his cause.

"As for me, since I am human and have come here from the West after a long interval, it is impossible that some necessary things should not escape me.

"Therefore it is fitting that you, without too much reverence for my opinion, say plainly whatever will be advantageous for us and for the emperor.

"At the beginning, fellow officers, we came here to prevent the enemy from making any invasion of our land. But now, since affairs have gone better for us than we hoped, it is possible for us to take his land as the subject of deliberation.

"Now that you have been gathered for this purpose, I think it right that each of you should say without concealment what seems best and most advantageous."

So Belisarius spoke. Peter and Bouzes urged him to lead the army without delay against the enemy's country.

The whole council immediately followed their opinion.

Rhecithancus and Theoctistus, commanders of the troops in Lebanon, said that they too had the same desire as the others concerning the invasion, but feared that, if they abandoned the land of Phoenicia and Syria, Alamoundaras would ravage them with no one in his way.

They said that he had long watched for an opportunity to plunder Roman territory, and that if he found the country empty of soldiers he would make himself master of all the possessions there.

Therefore, they said, it was better for them to go first and guard the places under their command, and then, after taking care of the danger there, to join Belisarius again with all speed.

Belisarius approved their advice and ordered them to do as they proposed.

The others, after they had prepared what was necessary, invaded the land of the Persians. Arethas led the Saracens, and Belisarius commanded the Roman army.

Wars 2.26.1-46

In the following year Chosroes, son of Cabades, invaded Roman land for the fourth time, leading his army toward Mesopotamia.

This invasion was made by Chosroes not against Justinian, emperor of the Romans, nor indeed against any other man, but only against the God whom the Christians reverence.

For when in his first invasion he withdrew after failing to capture Edessa, both he and the Magi, since they had been beaten by the God of the Christians, fell into great dejection.

Seeking to dispel this, Chosroes threatened in the palace that he would enslave all the inhabitants of Edessa, bring them to the land of Persia, and turn the city into a pasture for sheep.

When he came near Edessa with the whole army, he sent some of the Huns who followed him against the circuit-wall of the city above the hippodrome. They were to do no other harm, but to seize sheep which the shepherds had stationed there in great number somewhere beside the wall, trusting in the strength of the place, since it was exceedingly steep, and supposing that the enemy would never dare to come so very close to the wall.

The barbarians were already laying hold of the sheep, but the shepherds resisted most stoutly and hindered them.

When many Persians had come to aid the Huns, the barbarians were able to take away some part of a flock from there. But Roman soldiers and people from the populace came out against the enemy, and the battle came to hand-to-hand fighting, while the flock of its own accord returned again to the shepherds.

One of the Huns, fighting before the others, troubled the Romans more than all. Some rustic, hitting him with a sling on the right knee, struck him, and he immediately fell headlong from his horse to the ground. This strengthened the Romans still more.

The battle, which began early in the morning, ended at midday, with each side thinking it had the advantage.

The Romans went inside the circuit-wall, while the barbarians pitched their tents and all encamped seven stades from the city.

Then Chosroes either saw some dream-vision or else a thought came to him that, if after making two attempts he should not be able to take Edessa, it would happen that he would wrap himself in great shame. For this reason he decided to sell his withdrawal to the Edessenes for a great sum of money.

On the following day, therefore, Paulus the interpreter came along by the wall and said that some Roman notables should be sent to Chosroes.

The citizens chose four of their illustrious men with all speed and sent them.

When these men reached the Median camp, Zaberganes met them by the king's order, first terrifying them with many threats and then asking which course was more desirable to them, the one leading to peace or the one leading to war.

When the envoys agreed that they would choose peace rather than the dangers of war, Zaberganes replied, "Then it is necessary for you to buy it for a great sum of money."

The envoys said that they would give as much as they had provided before, when Chosroes came against them after capturing Antioch.

Zaberganes dismissed them with laughter, telling them to deliberate most carefully about their safety and then return to the Persians.

A little later Chosroes summoned them. When they came before him, he recounted how many Roman towns he had enslaved before, and in what way he had done it.

Then he threatened that the inhabitants of Edessa would receive more dreadful treatment from the Persians, unless they gave them all the wealth they had inside the fortifications. Only on this condition, he said, would the army withdraw.

When the envoys heard these things, they agreed that they would buy peace from Chosroes, if he did not impose impossible terms on them. The end of the danger, they said, was plain to no one among all people before the contest. For the outcome of war is never something already agreed upon by those who wage it. At that time Chosroes, in anger, ordered the envoys to depart as quickly as possible.

On the eighth day from the beginning of the siege, wishing to raise an artificial hill against the circuit-wall of the city, he cut down many trees from the nearby country and set them together, leaves and all, in a square before the wall, at the place where a missile from the city could not reach. He heaped a great mass of earth over the trees and threw upon it a great quantity of stones, not stones fit for building, but cut at random, caring only for this: that the hill should be raised to a great height as quickly as possible.

He continually put long timbers between the earth and the stones, making them a binding of the work so that it would not be weak when it became high.

Peter, the Roman general, for he happened to be there with Martinus and Peranius, wished to halt the men doing this work and sent some of the Huns who followed him against them.

They came on suddenly and killed many, and most of all one of the guardsmen, named Argek. He alone killed twenty-seven. But from then on the barbarians kept precise guard, and no one was any longer able to make a sally against them.

When the workmen, moving forward, came within missile-range, the Romans, defending themselves most stoutly from the circuit-wall, worked their slings and bows against them. For this reason the barbarians devised the following plan.

They made screens of goat-hair cloth, the kind called Cilician, thick and long enough for the purpose. They hung them from long timbers and kept placing them before the men who were building the agesta, for that was what the Romans called the work in the Latin tongue.

Neither fire-bearing arrows nor other missiles could reach the workmen behind this covering; all of them were struck back by the screens and stopped there.

Then the Romans, having fallen into great fear, sent the envoys to Chosroes in much agitation, and with them Stephanus, a physician learned at least among the men of his own time. He had once healed Cabades son of Perozes when Cabades was ill, and from him had become master of great wealth.

When Stephanus came before Chosroes with the others, he spoke as follows: "All men from ancient times have regarded kindness as the mark of a good king.

"Therefore, most mighty king, while you are busy with murders, battles, and the enslavement of cities, it may perhaps be possible for you to win the other names, but you will never gain the reputation of being good.

"Yet least of all should the city of Edessa suffer any evil from you.

"For I come from that city, I who, knowing nothing of what was to come, reared you and counseled your father to appoint you successor to the kingdom. Thus I have been the chief cause of the Persian kingship for you, but for my fatherland the cause of its present evils.

"For human beings generally bring upon their own heads most of the misfortunes that are going to befall them.

"But if any memory of such a benefaction enters your mind, do us no further harm. Give me this repayment, by which, O king, it will come about that you do not seem most cruel."

So Stephanus spoke.

Chosroes declared that he would not depart from there until the Romans handed over Peter and Peranius to him, since, though they were his hereditary slaves, they had dared to stand against him.

If the Romans did not wish to do this, they were compelled to choose one of two alternatives: either to give the Persians five hundred centenaria of gold, or to receive into the city certain of his associates, who would search out all the property there and bring to him the gold and silver, as much as happened to be in the city, while leaving the rest for its owners to possess.

These were the terms Chosroes threw out, hoping to take Edessa with no labor.

The envoys, since all the conditions he had announced seemed impossible to them, went back toward the city in perplexity and deep vexation.

When they came inside the circuit-wall and reported Chosroes' message, the city was filled with tumult and lamentation.

The construction of the mound was now rising to a great height and advancing with great speed. The Romans, not knowing what they should do, again sent the envoys to Chosroes.

When these men arrived in the enemy camp and said that they had come to entreat him concerning the same matters, they gained no hearing at all from the Persians, but were driven away from there with insult and great tumult and returned to the city.

At first, then, the Romans tried to overtop the wall opposite the mound with another structure. But when the Persian work was already becoming much higher than this too, they stopped the building and persuaded Martinus to manage the business of an agreement in whatever way he wished.

Martinus came very close to the enemy camp and entered into conversation with some of the Persian commanders.

They deceived Martinus completely, saying that their king desired peace, but that he was altogether unable to persuade the Roman emperor to leave off his contention with Chosroes and at last make peace with him.

As proof of this they mentioned Belisarius, who, as Martinus himself would not deny, far surpassed him in power and rank. Belisarius had recently persuaded the king of the Persians, while he was somewhere in the midst of Roman territory, to withdraw from there into the Persian country, promising that envoys would come to him from Byzantium before long and would put the peace on a secure basis. But he had done none of the things agreed, because he had proved unable to force the judgment of the emperor Justinian.

Wars 2.28.1-44

At about this time two Roman generals died, Justus, the emperor's nephew, and Peranius the Iberian. Justus died of disease; Peranius fell from his horse while hunting and suffered a fatal rupture.

The emperor therefore appointed others in their places, sending Marcellus, his own nephew, who was just arriving at manhood, and Constantianus, who a little earlier had been sent as envoy to Chosroes with Sergius.

Then the emperor Justinian sent Constantianus and Sergius a second time to Chosroes to arrange the truce.

They overtook him in Assyria, at the place where there are two cities, Seleucia and Ctesiphon, built by the Macedonians who ruled the Persians and the other nations there after Alexander son of Philip.

These two cities are separated only by the river Tigris, for they have nothing else between them.

There the envoys met Chosroes and demanded that he give Lazica back to the Romans and establish peace with them on a thoroughly secure basis.

Chosroes said that it was not easy for them to come to terms with one another unless they first proclaimed an armistice, and then continued to go back and forth to one another without so much fear, settling their differences and making a peace secure for the future.

He said it was necessary that, in return for this continuing armistice, the Roman emperor give him money and also send a certain physician, named Tribunus, to spend a specified time with him.

For this physician had once freed him from a severe disease, and for that reason he was especially loved and greatly missed by him.

When the emperor Justinian heard this, he immediately sent both Tribunus and the money, amounting to twenty centenaria.

In this way the treaty was made between Romans and Persians for five years, in the nineteenth year of the reign of the emperor Justinian.

A little later Arethas and Alamoundaras, rulers of the Saracens, made war against each other by themselves, aided by neither Romans nor Persians.

Alamoundaras captured one of the sons of Arethas in a sudden raid while he was pasturing horses, and immediately sacrificed him to Aphrodite. From this it was known that Arethas was not betraying the Romans to the Persians.

Later they both came together in battle with their whole armies. The forces of Arethas were overwhelmingly victorious, turned the enemy to flight, and killed many of them.

Arethas came within a little of capturing alive two sons of Alamoundaras, but did not actually succeed.

Such, then, were the events among the Saracens.

But it became clear that Chosroes, king of the Persians, had made the truce with the Romans with treacherous intent, so that he might find them remiss because of the peace and inflict some grave harm on them.

For in the third year of the truce he devised the following schemes.

There were in Persia two brothers, Phabrizus and Isdigousnas, both holding very important offices there, and at the same time reckoned the basest of all Persians, with a great reputation for cleverness and wickedness.

Since Chosroes had formed the purpose of capturing Daras by a sudden stroke, and of moving all the Colchians out of Lazica and establishing Persian settlers in their place, he selected these two men to assist him in both undertakings.

It seemed to Chosroes a lucky stroke and a thing worthy of much account, if, after appropriating the land of Colchis, he could hold it securely in his possession. He reckoned that this would be useful to the Persian empire in many ways.

First, he would thereafter hold Iberia in security, since the Iberians, if they revolted, would no longer have any people to whom they might go and be saved.

For after the most notable of these barbarians, together with Gourgenes the king, had looked toward revolt, as I have said in the preceding narrative, the Persians no longer allowed them to set up a king for themselves; nor were the Iberians independent-minded subjects of the Persians, but they held much suspicion and distrust toward one another.

It was clear that the Iberians were exceedingly discontented and would not long afterward attempt revolution if ever they were able to seize some opportunity.

Also, the Persian empire would be forever unplundered by the Huns who live near Lazica, and Chosroes would send them more easily and with less trouble against the Roman dominion whenever he wished. For he considered Lazica nothing other than a fortress set against the barbarians living in the Caucasus.

Most of all, he hoped that mastery of Lazica would benefit the Persians in this: starting from it, they would be able with no labor to run down both by land and by ships the places on the so-called Euxine Sea, to bring over the Cappadocians and the Galatians and Bithynians who adjoin them, and to capture Byzantium by a sudden raid, no one standing against them.

For these reasons Chosroes was eager to get possession of Lazica, but he had least confidence in the Lazi themselves.

For since the time when the Romans had withdrawn from Lazica, the common people of the country naturally found Persian rule burdensome. The Persians, beyond all other men, are singular in their ways and exceedingly strict in the order of daily life.

Their laws are hard for all men to approach, and their demands are quite unbearable. But in comparison with the Lazi the difference in thought and manner of life appears in an altogether exceptional degree, since the Lazi are Christians in the most thorough sense, while the Persian opinions concerning religion are wholly opposite to theirs.

Apart from this, salt is produced nowhere in Lazica; nor does grain grow there, nor the vine, nor any other good thing. Everything is brought to them by ship from the Romans along the coast. Even then they do not pay gold to the merchants, but hides, slaves, and whatever else happens to be there in great abundance.

When they were cut off from this trade, they were, as one would expect, in continual vexation.

When Chosroes perceived this, he was eager to anticipate with certainty any move by them toward revolt.

After considering the matter, it seemed best to him to remove Goubazes, king of the Lazi, as quickly as possible, to move the Lazi in a body out of the country, and then to colonize the land with Persians and certain other nations.

When Chosroes had matured these plans, he sent Isdigousnas to Byzantium, ostensibly as an envoy, and selected five hundred of the bravest Persians to go with him.

He instructed them to get inside the city of Daras, lodge in many different houses, set all these houses on fire by night, and, while the Romans were naturally occupied with the fire, immediately open the gates and receive the rest of the Persian army into the city.

For word had already been sent to the commander of Nisibis to conceal a large force of soldiers nearby and keep them ready.

In this way Chosroes thought they would destroy all the Romans without trouble and, seizing Daras, would hold it securely.

But someone who knew well what was being arranged, a Roman who had come over to the Persians as a deserter a little earlier, told everything to George, who was then staying there.

This was the same man, mentioned earlier, who had persuaded the Persians besieged in the fortress of Sisauranon to surrender themselves to the Romans.

George therefore met this ambassador at the boundary between Roman and Persian soil and said that what he was doing was not in the manner of an embassy, and that never had such a great body of Persians spent the night in a Roman city.

He said that Isdigousnas ought to leave all the rest behind in the town of Ammodios and enter Daras himself with only a few men.

Isdigousnas was indignant and appeared to take it badly, as though he had been wrongfully insulted in spite of having been sent as an ambassador to the Roman emperor.

But George paid no attention to his anger and saved the city for the Romans, for he received Isdigousnas into the city with only twenty men.

Having failed in this attempt, the barbarian came to Byzantium as if on an embassy, bringing with him his wife and two daughters; this was his pretext for the crowd that had been gathered around him.

When he came before the emperor, however, he was unable to say anything great or small about any serious matter, although he spent no less than ten months in Roman territory.

He gave the emperor the gifts from Chosroes, as is customary, and a letter in which Chosroes asked Justinian to send word whether he was enjoying the best possible health.

Nevertheless the emperor Justinian received this Isdigousnas with more friendliness and treated him with greater honor than any other ambassador known to us.

So true was this that whenever he entertained him he caused Braducius, who followed him as interpreter, to recline on the couch with him, something that had never happened before in all time.

For no one ever saw an interpreter become a table-companion even of one of the more humble officials, much less of a king.

Justinian received and dismissed this man in a style more splendid than befitted an ambassador, although, as I have said, he had undertaken the embassy for no serious business.

For if anyone counted the money spent and the gifts Isdigousnas carried away when he departed, he would find them amounting to more than ten centenaria of gold.

So the plot against Daras ended for Chosroes in this way.

Wars 2.29.1-43

His first move against Lazica was as follows. He sent into the country a great amount of timber suitable for the construction of ships, explaining his purpose to no one, but saying outwardly that he was sending it to set up engines of war against the fortifications of Petra.

Next he chose three hundred capable Persian warriors and sent them there under the command of Phabrizus, whom I have just mentioned, ordering him to do away with Goubazes as secretly as possible. As for the rest, he himself would take care of it.

When this timber had been carried into Lazica, it happened that it was suddenly struck by lightning and reduced to ashes.

Phabrizus, upon arriving in Lazica with the three hundred, began contriving how he might carry out the orders received from Chosroes concerning Goubazes.

It happened that one of the notable men among the Colchians, named Pharsanses, had quarreled with Goubazes and had become exceedingly hostile to him. He now did not dare at all to come into the king's presence.

When Phabrizus learned this, he summoned Pharsanses, disclosed the whole plan to him in conference, and asked him in what way he ought to execute the deed.

After deliberating together, it seemed best to them that Phabrizus should go into Petra and summon Goubazes there, as if to announce to him what the king had decided concerning the interests of the Lazi.

But Pharsanses secretly revealed to Goubazes what was being prepared. Goubazes therefore did not come to Phabrizus at all, but began openly to plan revolt.

Then Phabrizus ordered the other Persians to attend as carefully as possible to guarding Petra and to make everything as secure as possible against a siege. He himself, with the three hundred, returned home without accomplishing his purpose.

Goubazes reported to the emperor Justinian the condition in which they stood, begged him to grant forgiveness for what the Lazi had done in the past, and asked him to come to their defense with all his strength, since they desired to be rid of Median rule.

If left by themselves, he said, the Colchians would not be able to repel the power of the Persians.

When the emperor Justinian heard this, he was overjoyed and sent seven thousand men under the leadership of Dagisthaeus and one thousand Tzani to aid the Lazi.

When this force reached Colchis, they encamped together with Goubazes and the Lazi around the fortifications of Petra and began a siege.

But since the Persians there made a very strong defense from the wall, much time was spent in the siege; for the Persians had stored an abundant supply of provisions in the town.

Chosroes, greatly disturbed by these things, sent a great army of cavalry and infantry against the besiegers, putting Mermeroes in command of them.

When Goubazes learned this, he considered the matter with Dagisthaeus and acted in the manner I shall presently describe.

The river Boas issues somewhere very near the boundaries of Tzanica, among the Armenians who dwell around Pharangium.

At first it goes to the right for a very long way, moving as a small stream and becoming fordable for everyone without difficulty, until the place where on the right are the boundaries of the Iberians, and directly opposite the Caucasus mountain comes to an end.

There many other nations dwell, and also the Alans and Abasgi, who are Christians and friends of the Romans from ancient times, and the Zechi, and after them the Huns who are called Sabiri.

When this river reaches the place where the boundaries of the Caucasus and of Iberia are, other waters are added to it there. It becomes much greater and from there flows, called Phasis instead of Boas, having become navigable as far as the so-called Euxine Sea, where its mouths happen to be. Lazica lies on both sides of it.

On the right, the whole country for a very long way is inhabited by the people there as far as the boundaries of Iberia. For all the villages of the Lazi are there within the river, and from ancient times they have made towns for themselves there, among them Archaeopolis, which is very strong; Sebastopolis is also there, and the fortress of Pityus, and Scanda and Sarapanis near the boundaries of Iberia. There are also two very notable cities there, Rhodopolis and Mocheresis.

On the left of the river are the boundaries of Lazica as far as one day's journey for a lightly-equipped man, but the country happens to be deserted of people. The Romans called Pontic live next to this country.

Within the boundaries of Lazica, in the part altogether uninhabited, the emperor Justinian founded the city Petra in my own time.

This was the place where John, surnamed Tzibus, established the monopoly, as I have told in the preceding narrative, and gave the Lazi cause for revolt.

As one leaves Petra going south, Roman territory begins at once. There are populous towns there, including one called Rhizaeum, also Athens and certain others as far as Trapezus.

When the Lazi brought in Chosroes, they crossed the river Boas and came to Petra keeping the Phasis on the right. They said that by this route they would avoid spending much time and trouble ferrying the men across the Phasis, but in truth they did not wish to show their own homes to the Persians.

Yet Lazica is everywhere difficult to traverse, on both the right and the left of the Phasis. On each side of the river there are exceedingly high and jagged mountains, and for that reason the passes are narrow and very long. The Romans call roads through such passes clisurae when they turn their own word into Greek form.

But since at that time Lazica happened to be unguarded, the Persians had reached Petra very easily with the Lazi as guides.

On this occasion, when Goubazes learned of the advance of the Persians, he directed Dagisthaeus to send men to guard with all their strength the pass below the river Phasis, and he ordered him on no account to abandon the siege until they were able to capture Petra and the Persians in it.

Meanwhile Goubazes himself, with the whole Colchian army, went to the frontier of Lazica in order to devote all his strength to guarding the pass there.

Long before, Goubazes had happened to bring the Alans and Sabiri into alliance. They agreed, for three centenaria, not only to guard the land for the Lazi without plundering it, but also to make Iberia so empty of men that it would no longer be possible for the Persians to go from there. Goubazes promised them that the emperor would give them this money.

He himself therefore reported the agreements to the emperor Justinian and begged him to send this money to the barbarians and to provide some comfort for the Lazi, who had been terribly harmed.

He also said that the public treasury owed him stipends for ten years, since he had been placed among the silentiaries in the palace and had received nothing from there since Chosroes came into the land of Colchis.

The emperor Justinian intended to fulfill the request, but when some business came upon him he did not send the money at the proper time. Goubazes, then, was doing these things.

Dagisthaeus, however, was rather young and by no means competent to carry on a war against Persia, and he did not manage the situation properly.

For although he ought to have sent at least the greater part of the army to the pass, and perhaps to have assisted this effort in person, he sent only one hundred men, as though he were handling a matter of secondary importance.

He himself, though besieging Petra with the whole army, accomplished nothing, although the enemy were few.

At the beginning they had been not less than fifteen hundred. But for a long time Romans and Lazi had shot at them while they fought at the wall, and they had displayed a valor such as no others known to us have displayed, so that many were constantly falling and they had been reduced to a very small number.

While the Persians, sunk in despair and not knowing what to do, remained quiet, the Romans dug a trench along the wall for a short distance, and at that point the circuit-wall immediately fell.

But it happened that inside this space there was a building which did not stand back at all from the circuit-wall and extended along the whole length of the fallen part. Taking the place of the wall for the besieged, it made them no less secure.

This was not enough to disturb the Romans greatly. Knowing well that by doing the same thing elsewhere they would capture the city with the greatest ease, they became more hopeful than before.

For this reason Dagisthaeus sent word to the emperor about what had happened and proposed that the prizes of victory be made ready for him, indicating what rewards the emperor should bestow on himself and his brother, since he would capture Petra after no great time.

So the Romans and the Tzani made a very vigorous assault on the wall, but the Persians unexpectedly withstood them, although only a very few were left.

Since the Romans accomplished nothing by assaulting the wall, they again turned to digging.

They went so far in this work that the foundations of the circuit-wall no longer rested on solid ground, but stood for the most part over empty space and, in the nature of things, would fall almost immediately.

If Dagisthaeus had been willing to set fire to the foundations at once, I think the city would have been captured by them immediately. But as it was, he was waiting for encouragement from the emperor; and so, always hesitating and wasting time, he remained inactive.

Such, then, were the events in the Roman camp.

Wars 3.1.1-19

Such, then, was the end of the Persian War for the emperor Justinian. I now come to tell what he did against the Vandals and the Moors. First I shall say where the Vandal army came from when it fell upon Roman land.

When Theodosius, the Roman emperor, had vanished from among men, after proving himself one of the justest of men and good in war, both his sons succeeded to his empire: Arcadius, the elder, to the eastern share, and Honorius, the younger, to the western.

The Roman power had been divided in this way from the time of Constantine and his sons. Constantine transferred the empire to Byzantium, made the city greater and much more renowned, and allowed it to be named from himself.

Ocean surrounds the earth in a circle, either the whole of it or the greater part; for we do not yet know anything clear about this. A certain outflow from it, entering at the western part and making the sea we know, splits the earth in two into two continents, beginning from Gadeira and extending as far as the Maeotic Lake itself.

Of these two continents, the one on the right as one sails into the sea, up to the lake, has been called Asia, beginning from Gadeira and from the other of the Pillars of Heracles.

The people of the place call the fortress there Septem, since seven hills appear there; for septem means seven in the Latin tongue.

The whole land opposite this has been called Europe. The strait there separates each continent by about eighty-four stades. From there onward they stand apart from one another by great seas as far as the Hellespont.

There they come together again around Sestus and Abydus, and again at Byzantium and Chalcedon as far as the rocks anciently called the Cyanean Rocks, where the place now called Hieron is. In these places the continents are separated from one another by a measure of ten stades or even less.

From the one Pillar of Heracles to the other, if one goes along the shore and does not go around the Ionian Gulf and the so-called Euxine Pontus, but crosses from Chalcedon to Byzantium and from Dryus to the mainland opposite, the journey is two hundred and eighty-five days for a lightly-equipped man.

For it was impossible to describe precisely all the places around the Euxine Pontus, which runs from Byzantium to the lake, since the barbarians beyond the river Ister, which they also call Danube, make the shore there least of all passable for the Romans. This much only may be said: from Byzantium to the mouths of the Ister is a journey of twenty-two days, which one must add when reckoning Europe.

On the side of Asia, the journey from Chalcedon to the river Phasis, which flows down from the country of the Colchians into the Pontus, is accomplished in forty days.

Thus the whole Roman dominion, at least by the road along the sea, comes to a measure of three hundred and forty-seven days, if, as has been said, one ferries across the Ionian Gulf, which extends about eight hundred stades from Dryus.

The passage across the gulf itself stretches to a journey of no less than four days. Such, then, was the extent of Roman rule in ancient times.

To the one who held the power of the west there fell most of Libya, extending to a journey of ninety days, for so much is the distance from Gadeira to the boundaries of Tripolis in Libya. In Europe he received a share of seventy-five days' journey.

For such is the distance from the other of the Pillars of Heracles to the Ionian Gulf. One might add also the circuit around the gulf.

The emperor of the east received a lot of one hundred and twenty days' journey, from the boundaries of Cyrene in Libya as far as Epidamnus, which lies on the Ionian Gulf and is now called Dyrrachium, and also whatever land around the Euxine Pontus is under the Romans, as has been said before.

One day's journey extends to two hundred and ten stades, as far as going from Athens to Megara. In this way, then, the Roman emperors divided each continent between themselves.

Of the islands, Britain, outside the Pillars of Heracles and by far the largest of all islands, was assigned, as was likely, with the western share. Inside them were Ebusa, lying in the sea as in a Propontis after the entrance from Ocean and extending to a journey of about seven days, and two other islands around it, called Majorica and Minorica by the people of the country.

Each of the islands in the sea fell to whichever of the two emperors had the boundaries within which it happened to lie.

Wars 3.3.1-36

The Vandals, who were living around the Maeotic Lake, were pressed by hunger and moved toward the Germans, now called Franks, and the river Rhine, having attached to themselves the Alans, a Gothic nation.

Then from there, with Godigisclus leading them, they settled in Spain, which is the first country of the Roman empire from the side of Ocean. At that time Honorius made an agreement with Godigisclus that they should settle there on the condition that it would not be for the ruin of the country.

There was a Roman law that, if people did not have their own possessions under their own hands and a period of thirty years passed, they should no longer have authority to go against those who had taken them by force, but entrance to the court should be cut off for them by prescription. Honorius wrote a law so that the time of the Vandals, for as long as they should spend it within the Roman dominion, should not count at all toward this thirty-year prescription.

Honorius died by disease when the western empire had been driven to this condition. Constantius had earlier held the empire together with Honorius. He was the husband of Placidia, the sister of Arcadius and Honorius; but after living only a few days in the office, he fell badly ill and then died while Honorius was still alive, having been able neither to say nor to do anything worth mention. The time he lived in the empire was not enough for him.

The son of this Constantius was Valentinian. He had only just left the nurse and was being reared in the palace of Theodosius. The men of the emperor's court in Rome chose as emperor one of the soldiers there, a man named John.

John was gentle, had good understanding, and knew how to lay claim to excellence.

At any rate, he held the tyranny for five years and guided it moderately. He neither offered his ear to slanderers, nor willingly committed unjust murder, nor set his hand to seizure of money. But he was not able to do anything at all against the barbarians, since war from Byzantium was upon him.

Against this John, Theodosius son of Arcadius sent a great army and the generals Aspar and Ardaburius, the son of Aspar. He deprived John of the tyranny and handed the empire over to Valentinian, who was still a child.

Valentinian took John alive, brought him into the hippodrome of Aquileia after one of his hands had been cut off, led him in procession mounted on a donkey, and, after John had suffered and heard many things from the actors there, killed him. In this way Valentinian received the western empire.

Placidia, his mother, reared and trained this emperor in a softened education and manner of life, and from childhood onward he became full of vice.

He spent most of his time with sorcerers and those who pried into the stars; he was madly eager for the love of other men's wives, and he used much lawlessness in his way of life, although he lived with a wife who was exceedingly fair to look upon.

For these reasons he recovered for the empire none of the things that had earlier been taken from it, but lost Libya besides and was himself destroyed.

When he died, it happened that his wife and daughters became captives taken by the spear. The disaster in Libya came about in this way.

There were two Roman generals, Aetius and Boniface, both as strong as any men and experienced in many wars, inferior to no one of that time.

These two men became opposed in political affairs, but they reached such a height of high spirit and other excellence that, if someone called either of them the last Roman man, he would not miss the mark. So it happened that all Roman excellence had been separated off into these two men.

Placidia appointed one of them, Boniface, general of all Libya. This was not what Aetius wanted, yet he by no means made public that it was displeasing to him. Their hostility had not yet come into the light, but was hidden under each man's face.

When Boniface had gone out of his way, Aetius slandered him to Placidia, saying that Boniface was attempting tyranny, depriving both her and the emperor of all Libya. He said it would be easy for her to discover the truth: if she summoned Boniface to Rome, he would never come.

When the woman heard this, Aetius seemed to her to have spoken well, and she acted accordingly. But Aetius went first and wrote secretly to Boniface, saying that the emperor's mother was plotting against him and wanted to remove him.

He warned him that there would be a great proof of the plot: for no reason at all he would very soon be summoned. This was what the letter declared.

Boniface did not disregard what had been written. As soon as those who summoned him as to the emperor arrived, he refused to obey the emperor and his mother, revealing Aetius' advice to no one.

When Placidia heard this, she thought Aetius especially well-disposed toward the emperor's affairs and took counsel about what came from Boniface.

Boniface, since it seemed to him neither possible to set himself against the emperor nor safe to go away to Rome, considered how, if he could, he might have an alliance in arms with the Vandals, who, as has been said before, had settled in Spain not far from Libya.

Godigisclus had died there, and his sons had succeeded to the rule: Gontharis, born from his lawful wife, and Gizeric, a bastard.

The one was still a child and had little energy; but Gizeric was trained for war in the best way and was the cleverest of all men.

Boniface sent to Spain those especially close to himself and made an equal and like agreement with each of the sons of Godigisclus: each should have a third part of Libya and rule the people around him; and if anyone should come to war against one of them, they should resist the attackers in common.

On this agreement the Vandals crossed the strait at Gadeira and came into Libya. In later time the Visigoths settled in Spain.

In Rome, Boniface's friends, considering the man's character and reckoning how strange the story was, were greatly amazed if Boniface was attempting tyranny. Some of them, at Placidia's urging, came to Carthage.

There they met with Boniface, saw Aetius' letters, heard the whole account, and returned to Rome with all speed, reporting to her how Boniface stood.

The woman was struck with amazement. She did nothing displeasing to Aetius and did not reproach him for what he had dared against the emperor's house, but disclosed to Boniface the whole business and begged him to come to aid the emperor's affairs.

Boniface immediately repented of what he had done, and he begged the barbarians earnestly to depart from Libya, promising that he would give them whatever money they might ask.

But the Vandals, since they would not consent to these proposals, Boniface stood against them in battle, was defeated, and, being besieged in Hippo Regius, a strong city in the land of Numidia on the seashore, called in the Romans from Byzantium and from Rome.

Aspar came with a great army from Byzantium, and with him came Ardaburius his son. They joined Boniface and battled the Vandals, but were badly defeated by the enemy. From this point Aspar went home, and Boniface came to Placidia. When Boniface accused Aetius, he was thought to be speaking the truth.

Placidia wished to put Aetius to death, but Aetius learned this beforehand and set out for the barbarians who lived in Pannonia. From there he returned not long afterward with a great army and made himself master of the western empire.

Boniface stood against him in battle, defeated Aetius, and died soon after from a disease. Aetius thus came to power in the West by force, while the Vandals, having now no one to stand against them, gained possession of Libya.

Gizeric, after the death of Gontharis, had become sole ruler of the Vandals. He was the cleverest of all men. He took possession of the whole of Libya, made Carthage his royal city, and held the country as his own.

Wars 3.4.1-35

In this way, then, the Vandals wrested Libya from the Romans and made it their own. Those of the enemy whom they took alive they reduced to slavery and kept under guard.

Among these was Marcian, who later, after the death of Theodosius, took up the imperial power. At that time, however, Gizeric ordered the captives to be brought into the king's court, so that by looking at them he might know what master each of them could serve without degradation.

When they had been gathered in the open air about midday, in the season of summer, they were distressed by the sun and sat down. Somewhere among them Marcian, neglected entirely, was sleeping.

Then an eagle flew over him, spreading its wings; and, as they say, always remaining in the same place in the air, it cast a shadow over Marcian alone.

Gizeric, seeing from the upper story what was happening, and being a most discerning man, suspected that the thing was a divine manifestation. He summoned the man and asked who he was.

Marcian answered that he was a confidential man of Aspar; the Romans call such a person a domesticus in their own tongue.

When Gizeric heard this and considered first the meaning of the bird's deed, and then remembered how great power Aspar had in Byzantium, it became plain to him that the man was being led toward royal power.

Therefore he by no means thought it right to kill him. He reasoned that, if he removed him from the world, the thing done by the bird would plainly be nothing, since it would not have honored with its shadow a king who was immediately going to die.

And if it was fated that in later times the man would become king, it would never be in his power to inflict death on him; for what has been decided by God could never be prevented by a man's decision.

Instead he bound Marcian with oaths that, if it should ever be in his power, he would not take up arms against the Vandals at least.

In this way Marcian was released and came to Byzantium; and when Theodosius later died, he received the empire. In all other respects he proved himself a good emperor, but he took no thought at all for affairs in Libya. These things, however, happened later.

At that time Gizeric, after conquering Aspar and Boniface in battle, displayed a forethought worthy of record, by which he made his good fortune very secure.

He feared that, if an army should again come against him from both Rome and Byzantium, the Vandals might not be able to use the same strength and enjoy the same fortune. Human affairs are accustomed to be overturned by God and to fail through the weakness of men's bodies.

Therefore he was not lifted up by the fortune that had come to him, but became moderate through fear. He made a treaty with the emperor Valentinian, agreeing that every year he would pay tribute from Libya to the emperor, and he gave over one of his sons, Honoric, as a hostage to make the agreement firm.

Thus Gizeric both showed himself a brave man in the battle and guarded the victory as securely as possible. When the friendship between the two peoples had grown great, he received his son Honoric back.

Placidia had died in Rome before this. After her, Valentinian her son also died, having no male child; but two daughters had been born to him from Eudoxia, the daughter of Theodosius. I shall now tell in what way Valentinian died.

There was a certain Maximus, a Roman senator, from the house of that Maximus who had usurped the imperial power, had been overthrown by the elder Theodosius, and had been put to death. Because of him the Romans also celebrate the yearly festival named from the defeat of Maximus.

This younger Maximus was married to a woman prudent in her ways and exceedingly famous for beauty. For this reason a desire came upon Valentinian to have her.

Since, though he wished it greatly, it was impossible for him to meet her, he plotted an unholy deed and brought it to completion.

He summoned Maximus to the palace and sat down with him to a game of draughts. A certain sum was set as the penalty for the loser.

The emperor won in this game, took Maximus' ring as a pledge for the agreed sum, and sent it to his house, ordering the messenger to tell the wife of Maximus that her husband bade her come to the palace as quickly as possible to greet the empress Eudoxia.

She judged from the ring that the message came from Maximus, entered her litter, and was carried to the emperor's court.

She was received by those whom the emperor had appointed for this service and was led into a certain room far removed from the women's quarters. There Valentinian met her and violated her, much against her will.

After the outrage, she went to her husband's house weeping and suffering the deepest possible grief over her misfortune. She cast many curses on Maximus as the cause of what had been done.

Maximus, being deeply pained by what had happened, immediately entered into a plot against the emperor. But when he saw that Aetius had great power, and that Aetius had just defeated Attila, who had invaded the Roman dominion with a great army of Massagetae and other Scythians, it came into his mind that Aetius would be an obstacle to what he was doing.

As he considered these things, it seemed better to him to remove Aetius first, though he took no account of the fact that the whole hope of the Romans rested on that man.

Since the eunuchs attending the emperor were favorable to him, Maximus persuaded the emperor through their devices that Aetius was attempting revolutionary things.

Valentinian, judging the account true from nothing other than the power and valor of Aetius, killed the man.

Then a certain Roman won good repute by a saying. When the emperor asked him whether Aetius' death had been well done, he answered that he could not know whether this had been done well or otherwise, but that he knew one thing most certainly: the emperor had cut off his own right hand with the other.

After Aetius died, Attila, having no one opposed to him, plundered all Europe with no labor and held both imperial courts obedient under tribute. Tribute payments were sent to him from the emperors every year.

At that time, when Attila was besieging Aquileia, a great and very populous city, on the shore but outside the Ionian Gulf, they say the following good fortune happened to him.

They say that, since he was unable to take the place either by force or in any other way, he gave up on the siege, which had already gone on for a very long time, and ordered the whole army to make ready at once for departure, so that on the next day all would rise from there with the rising sun.

On the following day, around sunrise, the barbarians had lifted the siege and were already beginning the departure. Then one stork, which had a nest on a tower of the city's circuit-wall and was rearing nestlings there, suddenly rose from there with its young.

The father stork flew, while the young storks, since they were not yet fully able to fly, partly shared in his flight and partly were carried on their father's back. Thus they flew away and came very far from the city.

When Attila saw this, for he was exceedingly clever at understanding and putting all things together, he ordered the army to remain again in the same place. He added that the bird would never have flown away from there with its nestlings at random, unless it were foretelling that some evil would soon happen to the place.

In this way, they say, the army of the barbarians again settled into the siege. Not long afterward, a portion of the circuit-wall, the very part that held this bird's nest, suddenly fell down without any evident cause, and there the enemy had an entrance into the city. Thus Aquileia was taken by force. Such, then, were the events concerning Aquileia.

Wars 3.11.1-31

Meanwhile the emperor, not yet having learned these things, was preparing four hundred soldiers under Cyril as commander to assist Godas in guarding the island.

Justinian already had in readiness, together with those men, the expedition against Carthage: ten thousand foot soldiers and five thousand horsemen, gathered from soldiers and foederati.

In earlier times only barbarians were enrolled among the foederati, those who had come into the Roman polity not as slaves, since they had not been defeated by the Romans, but on equal and like terms.

For the Romans call treaties with enemies foedera. At the present time nothing prevents all men from taking up this name, since time least of all agrees to preserve designations for the things on which they were set; affairs are always shifting in the direction men wish to lead them, and men neglect the earlier meanings they had given to names.

The commanders of the foederati were Dorotheus, general of the troops in Armenia, and Solomon, who managed Belisarius' generalship.

The Romans call such a man a domesticus. This Solomon was a eunuch, but his privates had not been cut off by a human plot; some accident while he was in swaddling clothes had assigned this fate to him. There were also Cyprian, Valerian, Martinus, Althias, John, Marcellus, and Cyril, whom I mentioned before.

Of the cavalry soldiers, the commanders were Rufinus and Aigan, who were of Belisarius' household, and Barbatus and Pappus. Of the infantry, the commanders were Theodorus, whom they surnamed Cteanus, Terentius, Zaidus, Marcian, and Sarapis.

A certain John, from Epidamnus, now called Dyrrachium, stood over all the leaders of the infantry.

Of all these men, Solomon happened to be an eastern man from the very frontier of the Romans, where the city Daras now stands; Aigan was by birth a Massagete, whom they now call Huns.

The rest almost all lived in the regions of Thrace.

Four hundred Eruli followed them, led by Pharas, and about six hundred barbarian allies from the nation of the Massagetae, all mounted archers.

Their leaders were Sinnion and Balas, men who had reached the highest point of courage and endurance.

For the whole force five hundred ships were required. No one of them could carry more than fifty thousand medimni, and none less than three thousand.

In all the ships together there were thirty thousand sailors, for the most part Egyptians, Ionians, and Cilicians. One commander was appointed over all the ships, Calonymus of Alexandria.

They also had ships of war prepared as if for sea-fighting, ninety-two in number. These were single-banked ships covered with decks, so that the men rowing them might, if possible, not be exposed to the missiles of the enemy.

People of the present time call such boats dromones, because they are able to run at great speed.

In these sailed two thousand men of Byzantium, all at once rowers and fighting men; for there was not a single superfluous man among them.

Archelaus also was sent, a man of patrician standing who had already been praetorian prefect both in Byzantium and in Illyricum. At that time he held the office of prefect of the army, for this is the name given to the official charged with maintaining the army.

As general with supreme power over all, the emperor sent Belisarius, who was holding command of the troops of the East for the second time.

Many spear-bearers and many shield-bearers followed him, men who were capable in war and thoroughly practiced in the dangers of battle.

The emperor gave him written instructions, bidding him do everything as seemed best to him and declaring that whatever he did would be final, as if the emperor himself had done it.

The writing in fact gave him the power of a king. Belisarius was a native of Germania, which lies between Thrace and Illyricum.

These things, then, took place in this way. Gelimer, however, deprived of Tripolis by Pudentius and of Sardinia by Godas, scarcely had hope of recovering Tripolis, since it lay far away and the rebels were already being assisted by the Romans, against whom just then it seemed best to him not to take the field.

But he was eager to get to the island before any army sent by the emperor for his enemies should arrive there.

Therefore he picked five thousand Vandals and one hundred and twenty of the swiftest ships, appointed his brother Tzazon general over them, and sent them off.

They were sailing with great zeal and eagerness against Godas and Sardinia.

Meanwhile the emperor Justinian sent Valerian and Martinus ahead of the others, so that they might await the rest of the army in the Peloponnesus.

When these two had gone aboard their ships, it came into the emperor's mind that there was something he wished to command them, a thing he had wanted to say earlier, but he had been busy with the other matters about which he had to speak, and his mind had been occupied by them, so that this subject had been driven out.

Accordingly he summoned them, intending to say what he wished. But when he considered the matter, he saw that it would not be auspicious for them to interrupt their journey.

Therefore he sent men to forbid them either to return to him or to disembark from their ships.

When these men came near the ships, they ordered them with much shouting and loud cries by no means to turn back. To those who were present it seemed that what had happened was no good omen, and that none of the men in those ships would ever return from Libya to Byzantium. Besides the omen, they suspected that a curse too had come upon the men from the emperor, though not at all by his will, so that they would not return.

If someone should interpret the incident in this way concerning the two commanders, Valerian and Martinus, he will find the first opinion untrue. But there was a certain man among the guards of Martinus, named Stotzas, who was destined to become an enemy of the emperor, to attempt tyranny, and not at all to return to Byzantium; one might suspect that the divine power brought that curse to fall upon him.

But whether these things stand in this way or otherwise, I leave each person to reckon as he wishes. I now come to tell how the general Belisarius and the army were sent.

Wars 3.18.1-19

On that day Gelimer ordered his nephew Gibamundus to go ahead of the rest of the army on the left with two thousand Vandals, so that Ammatas from Carthage, Gelimer himself from behind, and Gibamundus from the places on the left might come together into the same place and make the encirclement of the enemy more easily and with less trouble.

In this struggle it came into my mind to marvel at things divine and human alike: how God, seeing from far away the things that will be, marks out the way in which it seems good to him that events should turn out; while human beings, whether they fail or take the right counsel, do not know that they have stumbled, if that happens, or that they have acted correctly, so that a path may be made for fortune, which surely bears things toward what was decided before.

For if Belisarius had not arranged the formation in this way, ordering the men around John to go first and the Massagetae to go on the left of the army, we would never have been able to escape the Vandals.

And even with these things planned in this way by Belisarius, if Ammatas had kept the proper time and had not arrived before it by about a quarter of a day, the affairs of the Vandals would never have been ruined in this way.

But as it was, Ammatas came ahead to Decimum around midday, with us and the Vandal army far away. He erred not only by failing to arrive at the right time, but also by leaving the mass of the Vandals in Carthage and ordering them to come to Decimum as quickly as possible, while he himself, with a few men not even chosen from the best, came to hand-to-hand fighting with the men around John.

He killed twelve of the best men fighting in the front ranks, but he himself fell, having shown himself a brave man in this action.

When Ammatas fell, the rout became brilliant. The Vandals, fleeing at full speed, threw into confusion all those coming from Carthage to Decimum.

They were traveling in no order and not arrayed as for battle, but by companies, and small ones at that; they were going by thirties or twenties.

Seeing the Vandals around Ammatas fleeing, and supposing that those pursuing them were a very great multitude, they turned their backs and fled with them.

John and those with him killed whomever they met and came as far as the gates of Carthage.

The slaughter of Vandals in those seventy stades became so great that those who looked on could suppose it to be the work of twenty thousand enemies.

At the same time Gibamundus and his two thousand came to the Plain of Salt, which is forty stades from Decimum on the left as one goes to Carthage. It is deserted of people and trees and anything else, since the saltness of the water permits nothing except salt to grow there. There they fell in with the Huns and all perished.

There was a certain man among the Massagetae, well endowed with courage and strength, and leading a few men. This man had an honor from his fathers and ancestors: in all Hunnic armies he was the first to charge into the enemy.

For it was not lawful for a Massagete man, after striking first in battle, to take any of the enemy before someone from this house had made the first beginning of hands against the enemy.

When the armies had come not far from one another, this man rode out his horse and stood alone as close as possible to the camp of the Vandals.

The Vandals, either struck with wonder at the man's courage or suspecting that the enemy were contriving some device against them, resolved neither to move nor to shoot the man.

I think that since they had never yet had experience of battle with the Massagetae, and had heard that the nation was very warlike, they were terrified in this way by the danger.

The man turned back to his own people and said that God had sent them these strangers as ready food.

When the Massagetae then charged, the Vandals did not withstand them, but broke their order, looked least of all to courage, and were all shamefully destroyed.

Wars 3.19.1-33

But we, having learned nothing at all of what had happened, were going on to Decimum. Belisarius saw a place sufficiently fit for a camp, thirty-five stades from Decimum. He put around it a very well-made stockade, stationed all the infantry there, called together the whole army, and spoke as follows.

"Fellow soldiers, the time of struggle is already here. I perceive that the enemy are coming toward us. The nature of the place has carried the ships as far as possible from us, and the hope of safety has come around to stand in our hands.

"There is no friendly city, no other stronghold, in which we may trust and have confidence for ourselves.

"But if we become brave men, it is reasonable that we shall prevail over our opponents in the war. If we give way to softness, it will be left for us to fall under the Vandals and be shamefully destroyed.

"Yet we have many provisions toward victory: justice, with which we have come against our enemies, for we are here to recover our own things, and the hatred of the Vandals toward their own tyrant.

"For the alliance of God naturally joins itself to those who put forward just things, and a soldier ill-disposed toward the man ruling him does not know how to perform brave deeds.

"Apart from these things, we have spent all our time with Persians and Scythians, while the Vandals, since they gained control of Libya, have seen no enemy except naked Moors.

"Who does not know that, in every work, practice leads to experience, while idleness leads to ignorance? The stockade from which we must carry on the war has been made for us in the best possible way.

"Here we may put down our weapons and all the other things that we cannot carry as we go, and when we return here nothing necessary will be lacking for us.

"I pray that each of you, remembering both his own courage and the people at home, will then march against the enemy with contempt."

After saying these things and adding a prayer, Belisarius left his wife and the stockade to the infantry and rode out himself with all the cavalry.

It did not seem advantageous to him at present to risk danger with the whole army, but rather, after skirmishing first with the cavalry and testing the strength of the enemy, only then to fight with the whole force.

So he sent ahead the commanders of the foederati, and he himself followed with the rest of the army and his own spear-bearers and shield-bearers.

When the foederati with their leaders came to Decimum, they saw the bodies of those who had fallen: twelve companions from the men with John, and near them Ammatas and some Vandals.

After hearing the whole account from the people who lived there, they were vexed, being at a loss as to where they should go. While they were still at a loss and looking out from the hills over all the country there, dust appeared from the south, and a little later an enormous body of Vandal horsemen.

They sent to Belisarius, asking him to come as quickly as possible, since the enemy were pressing upon them. The opinions of the commanders were divided.

Some thought they should go to meet those who were attacking; others said that their force was not sufficient for this.

As the commanders were disputing these things with one another, the barbarians came near, led by Gelimer, who used a road between the one Belisarius held and the one by which the Massagetae who had fought with Gibamundus had come.

Since there were hilly places on either side, they did not allow him to see either the disaster of Gibamundus or Belisarius' palisaded camp, nor even the road along which Belisarius' men were marching.

When they had come near one another, a contest fell upon each army over which would master the highest of all the hills there.

It seemed suitable for making camp, and both sides chose from there to come to hands with the enemy.

The Vandals got there first, seized the hill by using pressure, and turned the enemy, having already become frightening to them.

The Romans fled and came to a place seven stades from Decimum, where Uliaris, Belisarius' spear-bearer, happened to be with eight hundred shield-bearers.

They all thought that Uliaris and his men would receive them, make a stand, and go with them against the Vandals. But when they came together, contrary to expectation they all now fled at full speed and went running toward Belisarius.

From this point I cannot say what Gelimer suffered, when he had the mastery of the war in his hands and voluntarily let it go to the enemy, unless one must refer it to God and to the things of folly. When God intends some evil to happen to a man, he first touches his reasoning and does not allow useful things to come into his counsel.

For if Gelimer had immediately made the pursuit, I do not think Belisarius himself could have withstood him, but all our affairs would have been utterly destroyed.

So great did the multitude of the Vandals appear, and so great the fear of them against the Romans. Or, if he had ridden straight to Carthage, he would easily have killed all those with John, since they were wandering in the plain one by one and two by two, without care, stripping the dead.

He would have saved the city together with its money, mastered our ships, which had come not far away, and wholly cut off from us the hope both of sailing away and of victory. But he did neither of these things.

Instead, he went down from the hill at a walk. When he reached the level ground and saw his brother's corpse, he turned to lamentations; and, taking care for the burial, he blunted the sharp moment of opportunity, which he could no longer seize again.

Belisarius met the fugitives and ordered them to stand. He arranged them all in good order and rebuked them at length. Then, after he had heard of Ammatas' death and John's pursuit, and had learned what he wanted about the place and the enemy, he moved at a run against Gelimer and the Vandals.

The barbarians, now disordered and unprepared, did not withstand them as they came on, but fled at full speed, losing many men there.

The battle ended at night. The Vandals fled neither to Carthage nor to Byzacium, from which they had come, but toward the plain of Boulla and the road leading into Numidia.

The men around John and the Massagetae returned to us around lamp-lighting. After learning all that had happened and reporting what they had done, they spent the night with us at Decimum.

Wars 4.1.1-25

When Gelimer saw all the Vandals gathered into one place, he led the army against Carthage.

When they had come very near the city, they cut through the aqueduct, a thing worth seeing, which brought water into the city. After camping for a time, they withdrew, since none of the enemy came out against them.

They went around the places there, kept watch over the roads, and thought that in this way they were besieging Carthage. Yet they plundered nothing and did not ravage the land, but claimed it as their own.

At the same time they kept hoping that some treachery would come to them from the Carthaginians themselves and from the Roman soldiers who practiced the doctrine of Arius.

They also sent to the leaders of the Huns. They promised that many good things would come to them from the Vandals, and begged them to become friends and allies.

The Huns had not been favorably disposed to Roman affairs even before this, since they had not come to the Romans willingly as allies. They said that Peter, the Roman general, had sworn an oath, had then disregarded what he had sworn, and had so carried them away to Byzantium. Therefore they received the Vandals' words, and promised that, when they came to actual battle, they would turn with them against the Roman army.

Belisarius held all this under suspicion, for he had heard it from deserters; and since the circuit-wall was not yet entirely completed, he did not think that a sortie against the enemy was possible for them at the present time. He was making ready what was inside as well as he could.

He impaled one Carthaginian named Laurus, who had been caught in treachery and convicted by his own secretary, on a hill before the city. From this the rest fell into an irresistible fear and kept away from any attempt at treason.

But he went after the Massagetae every day with gifts, a table, and all other flattery, and persuaded them to disclose to him what Gelimer had promised them.

These barbarians said that they had no eagerness for battle. They feared that, if the Vandals were defeated, the Romans would not send them back to their ancestral ways, but that they would be forced to grow old and die there in Libya. Besides this, they were also concerned about the booty, lest they be deprived of it.

Then Belisarius gave them pledges that, if the Vandals should be defeated decisively, they would be sent immediately to their own homes with all their spoil. In this way he bound them by oaths truly to carry the war through with the Romans in all eagerness.

When all things had been prepared by him as well as possible and the circuit-wall was now finished, he called the whole army together and spoke as follows.

"Men of Rome, I do not know that there is need to make an exhortation to you. You have lately conquered the enemy so completely that this Carthage, and all Libya with it, is now the possession of your courage. For that reason you need no counsel urging you toward boldness; the spirits of men who have conquered are not accustomed to be overcome.

"But I think it not out of season to remind you of this one thing: if at the present moment you prove as brave as your own selves, immediately the hopes of the Vandals will have an end, and so will your battle.

"Therefore it is reasonable that you should enter this encounter with the greatest eagerness. Labor is always sweet to men when it is ending and walking toward its close. Let no one among you reckon up the crowd of the Vandals.

"War is not usually decided by the multitude of men or by the measure of bodies, but by the excellence of souls. Let there enter your minds the strongest thing among all things in human beings: shame before one's own deeds.

"For to men who have understanding, it is shameful to be defeated by their own selves and to be seen as less than their own courage. I know well that dread and the memory of disasters have taken hold of the enemy and compel them to become worse men. The one frightens them by what has already happened, and the other drives away their hope.

"Fortune, as soon as she is seen to be wretched, enslaves the judgment of those who have fallen into her hands. I will show you how the present struggle is for greater things now than before.

"In the earlier battle, if affairs had not gone well for us, the danger lay in not taking another's land. Now, if we do not master the contest, we shall lose our own.

"As much as possessing nothing is lighter than being stripped of what one has, by so much now, more than before, fear touches the things most necessary to us.

"And yet, when our infantry had been left behind before, it happened that we won the victory. Now, entering the encounter with God gracious and with the whole army, I have hope of taking the enemy's camp, men and all.

"Therefore, since you have the end of the war ready at hand, do not by any neglect put it off to another time, lest you be forced to seek the moment after it has run past.

"For the fortune of war, when it is postponed, is not by nature disposed to advance in the same way as before, especially if the war is prolonged by the judgment of those who are carrying it on.

"The divine power is always accustomed to be indignant with those who throw away the prosperity already present. If anyone supposes that the enemy, seeing their children and wives and most precious things in our hands, will be bold beyond judgment and hazard themselves beyond their actual strength, he does not think rightly.

"For anger that grows excessively in the soul on behalf of what is most precious usually takes away the strength that is there and does not allow men to use the situation before them. Considering all these things, you ought to go against the enemy with great contempt."

Wars 4.3.1-28

After Gelimer and Tzazon had given such exhortations, they led the Vandals out. About the time for the midday meal, when the Romans were not expecting them but were preparing lunch for themselves, they arrived and drew themselves up for battle along the banks of the river.

The river flowing there is perennial, but its stream is so small that it does not receive a proper name from the local people; it is named only as a brook.

The Romans came to the other bank of this river, made their preparations as the circumstances allowed, and drew themselves up in this manner.

Martinus, Valerian, John, Cyprian, Althias, Marcellus, and the other commanders of the foederati held the left wing. Pappus, Barbatus, Aigan, and the other commanders of the cavalry rolls held the right.

In the center John took his position, leading the shield-bearers and spear-bearers of Belisarius and carrying the general's standard.

Belisarius himself arrived there at the proper moment with his five hundred horsemen, leaving the infantry to come up behind at a walk.

For all the Huns had been arrayed in another place. It had been customary for them even before this to avoid mingling with the Roman army, if they could; and then especially, since they had in mind what has already been explained, they did not wish to be drawn up with the rest of the army. Such was the Roman order.

Among the Vandals, the chiliarchs held each wing, and each led the company around him. In the center was Tzazon, the brother of Gelimer, while the Moors were arrayed behind.

Gelimer himself went everywhere, giving commands and urging them toward boldness. It had been ordered beforehand to all the Vandals that in this encounter they should use neither spear nor any other implement, but only their swords.

After a considerable time had passed and no one was beginning the battle, John, by the judgment of Belisarius, picked out a few of the men around him, crossed the river, and attacked the center. There Tzazon drove them back by pressure and pursued them.

The Romans, fleeing, came into their own camp; the Vandals, pursuing, came as far as the river, but did not cross it.

Again John led out more of Belisarius' shield-bearers and leapt upon the men around Tzazon. Again, beaten back from there, he withdrew to the Roman camp.

The third time, taking with him nearly all the spear-bearers and shield-bearers of Belisarius, and taking the general's standard, he made the attack with a shout and great noise.

The barbarians stood against them bravely and used only their swords. The battle became hard, and many of the Vandals fell, the best men among them, and Tzazon himself, Gelimer's brother.

Then the whole Roman army moved. Crossing the river, they advanced against the enemy, and the rout, beginning from the center, became clear; for each division turned those opposite them without difficulty.

When the Massagetae saw this, according to the agreement made among them, they joined the Roman army in the pursuit. But this pursuit did not go on for a great distance.

The Vandals entered their own camp quickly and kept quiet. The Romans, thinking that they would not be able to fight with them inside the stockade, stripped the dead who were carrying gold and returned to their own camp.

In this battle fewer than fifty Romans died, and about eight hundred Vandals.

When the infantry came to Belisarius late in the afternoon, he broke camp as quickly as he could with the whole army and went against the Vandal camp.

Gelimer, perceiving that Belisarius with the infantry and the rest of the army was immediately coming against him, neither said anything nor gave any command. He leapt onto his horse and fled along the road leading to Numidia.

His kinsmen and a few of his household servants followed him, struck with panic and keeping what was happening in silence.

For a time Gelimer's escape was hidden from the Vandals. But when they all perceived that he had fled, and the enemy could already be plainly seen, then the men began to make an uproar, the children cried out, and the women wailed.

They paid no heed to the money that lay before them, nor did they care for the lamentations of those dearest to them. Each fled, in no order, wherever he could.

The Romans came upon the camp and took it, empty of men and full of wealth. Pursuing through the whole night, they killed whatever men they met, and made slaves of the children and women.

They found in this camp such a quantity of wealth as had never before happened to be in one place.

For the Vandals had long plundered the Roman empire and carried much money into Libya. Since their land was especially good and greatly abundant in the most necessary crops, it happened that the revenues from those goods were not spent in another land for the purchase of food; those who possessed the country kept the income for themselves through the ninety-five years during which the Vandals ruled Libya.

From this, when the wealth had advanced into a very great sum, it came back again on that day into the hands of the Romans.

This battle, pursuit, and capture of the Vandal camp happened three months after the Roman army came to Carthage, about the middle of the last month, which the Romans call December.

Wars 4.13.1-45

While these things were taking place in Byzacium, Iaudas, who ruled the Moors in Aurasium, took with him more than thirty thousand fighting men, plundered the country toward Numidia, and enslaved many of the Libyans.

Althias happened to be keeping guard at Centuriae over the forts in that region. Eager to take back some of the captives from the enemy, he went outside the fort with the Huns who followed him, about seventy in number.

He reasoned that with seventy men he was not able to come to grips with so great a multitude of Moors. He wished to seize some narrow place, so that when the enemy were passing through it on the road he might be able to snatch away some of the captives.

Since there is no such road there, for level plains lie open everywhere in those places, he devised the following plan.

There is a city somewhere near by, named Tigisis. At that time it was unwalled, but it had a certain great spring in a very confined place.

Althias resolved to seize this spring, reckoning that the enemy, compelled by thirst, would certainly come there. There was hardly any other water anywhere near.

To everyone who calculated the disparity of numbers, his thought seemed irrational and mad.

But the Moors, worn by much toil and by great stifling heat in summer, and held, as was likely, by a very great thirst because of it, came running hard to the spring, with no obstacle at all in their minds.

When they found the water held by the enemy, they all stopped in perplexity, most of their strength already spent by longing for the water.

Therefore Iaudas came to parley with Althias and agreed to give him a third part of the booty, on condition that all the Moors should drink.

But Althias was in no way willing to accept the proposal. Instead, he demanded to fight him in single combat for these things.

When Iaudas accepted this challenge, it was agreed that, if Althias should happen to be defeated, the Moors would drink.

The whole army of the Moors rejoiced and was full of hope, since Althias was thin and not large in body, while Iaudas was the finest-looking and most warlike of all the Moors.

Both men happened to be mounted. Iaudas hurled his spear first; as it came against him, Althias, beyond expectation, was able to catch it with his right hand, and struck Iaudas and the enemy with astonishment.

With his left hand, since he was ambidextrous, he immediately bent his bow and struck Iaudas' horse, killing it.

When the horse fell, the Moors brought another horse for their commander. Iaudas sprang onto it and immediately fled, and the Moorish army followed him in no order at all.

Althias, having taken away from them both the captives and all the booty, gained a great name from this deed throughout all Libya. So these events went in this way.

Solomon, after spending a little time in Carthage, led the army against Mount Aurasium and Iaudas. He charged Iaudas with having plundered many places in Numidia while the Roman army was occupied in Byzacium; and this was true.

Other Moorish commanders, Massonas and Ortaias, also urged Solomon against Iaudas because of their own enmities. Massonas did so because Iaudas, though related to him by marriage, had killed his father Mephanias by treachery. Ortaias did so because Iaudas, together with Mastinas, who led the barbarians in Mauretania, had planned to drive him and the Moors he ruled out of the land where they had lived from ancient times.

The Roman army, with Solomon leading it, and all the Moors who had come into alliance with them, encamped at the river Abigas, which flows along Aurasium and waters the country there.

But to Iaudas it seemed unprofitable to array himself against the enemy in the plain. He prepared matters in Aurasium in whatever way seemed likely to make the greatest difficulty for those who came against him.

This mountain is about thirteen days' journey from Carthage, and is the greatest of all mountains known to us.

Its circuit there is a journey of three days for a lightly-equipped man. For anyone wishing to go onto it, the mountain is hard to approach and terribly wild; but when one has ascended and come upon the level ground, plains appear, many springs making rivers, and a great abundance of parks, wonderful to see.

The grain that grows there, and every fruit, is twice as large as it is naturally produced in all the rest of Libya.

There are also forts somewhere there, neglected because they do not seem necessary to those who live in that place.

For since the time when the Moors took Aurasium away from the Vandals, no enemy had yet come against it or brought the barbarians into fear. The Moors even emptied the populous city of Tamougadis, which lay near the mountain, at the beginning of the plain toward the rising sun, and razed it to the ground, so that the enemy would not be able to camp there, nor even use the city as a pretext for coming near the mountain.

The Moors of that region also held the country to the west of Aurasium,

a country both large and good. Beyond these, other nations of Moors lived, ruled by Ortaias, who, as was said before, came as an ally to Solomon and the Romans.

I heard this man say that beyond the country he ruled no human beings live, but desert land extends for a very great distance; and beyond this there are people, not dark in complexion like the Moors, but very white in body and blond in hair. So these things stand in this way.

Solomon, after giving great sums of money to the Moorish allies and making many exhortations, began to ascend Mount Aurasium with the whole army drawn up as for battle. He thought that on that day he would go through battle with the enemy and settle the matter with them in whatever way fortune wished.

For the soldiers did not bring provisions with them, except a little, either for themselves or for their horses.

After marching through much rough country for about fifty stades, they made camp.

They accomplished this much road on each day, and on the seventh day came to a place where there was an ancient fort and a certain perennial river. The Romans call the place Shield Mountain in their own language.

They had been told that the enemy were encamped there. When they came to this place and no enemy met them, they encamped, prepared themselves as for battle, and remained there. Three days' time was spent by them in that place.

When the enemy kept entirely out of their way and their provisions had failed, it occurred to Solomon and to the whole army that there had been some plot against them by the Moorish allies.

For those men were not inexperienced in the journey through Aurasium, and probably knew what the enemy had decided. They were said to have been secretly going out to meet them every day; and although they had often been sent by the Romans to the enemy for reconnaissance, they had resolved to report nothing sound, so that the Romans, without foreknowledge, would ascend Mount Aurasium with provisions for too short a time and without making the other preparations that would have been best.

In general, suspecting that an ambush had been made for them by men who were their allies, the Romans came into fear. They reasoned that the Moors are said to be by nature untrustworthy, especially whenever they march as allies with Romans, or with any others, against Moors.

Thinking of these things, and at the same time pressed by hunger, they withdrew from there quickly without accomplishing anything. When they came into the plain, they made a stockade.

After this Solomon stationed a part of the army in Numidia for guard duty, since it was already winter, and went with the rest to Carthage.

There he arranged and ordered every matter, so that at the beginning of spring he might again march against Aurasium with greater equipment and, if he could, without Moorish allies.

At the same time he was preparing generals, another army, and a fleet of ships against the Moors who had settled on the island of Sardinia.

For that island is large and otherwise prosperous, stretching to about two thirds the size of Sicily; for the perimeter of the land is a journey of twenty days for a lightly-equipped man. Since it lies between Rome and Carthage, it was being harried by the Moors who lived there.

The Vandals in ancient times, being angry at these barbarians, had sent a few of them with their wives to Sardinia and shut them in there.

As time went on, they took possession of the mountains somewhere near Caranalis. At first they made hidden raids upon the people living around them; but when they became no fewer than three thousand, they ran down openly too, no longer caring to escape notice, and plundered all the places there. They were called Barbaricini by the local people.

It was against these Moors, then, that Solomon was preparing the fleet during that winter. So events in Libya were proceeding in this way.

Wars 4.27.1-38

On the following day Gontharis sent the head of Areobindus to Antalas, but decided to deprive him of the money and the soldiers.

Antalas was angry because Gontharis was fulfilling none of the agreements with him; and when he considered both the oaths Gontharis had sworn and the deeds he had done against Areobindus, he was indignant.

For it did not seem to him that a man who had wronged such oaths would ever be faithful either to him or to anyone else.

After making many reckonings within himself, he wished to go over to the emperor Justinian; therefore he marched back.

Learning that Marcentius, who commanded the rolls in Byzacium, had taken refuge on one of the islands lying near that coast, he sent to him, explained the whole matter, gave pledges, and brought the man over.

Marcentius remained with Antalas in the camp, while the soldiers who were stationed in Byzacium, being well-disposed toward the emperor, guarded the city of Hadrumetum.

But the soldiers of Stotzas, no fewer than a thousand, perceived what was being done and ran over to Gontharis with John leading them.

Gontharis gladly received them into the city. Five hundred of them were Romans, about eighty were Huns, and all the rest were Vandals.

Artabanes, after receiving pledges, went up to the palace with his Armenians and agreed to serve the tyrant in whatever he commanded.

But secretly he was planning to kill Gontharis, having shared this plan with Gregorius his nephew and Artasires his spear-bearer.

Gregorius, urging him on to the deed, spoke as follows: "Artabanes, now it is in your power alone to take up the glory of Belisarius, or rather to surpass it by far.

"For Belisarius came here after receiving from the emperor an army of great account and large sums of money; he had commanders attending him, many advisers, a fleet of ships the like of which we have never heard, much cavalry, arms, and, to speak simply, everything prepared for him in a manner worthy of the Roman empire.

"Thus, with much labor, he saved Libya for the Romans.

"All these things have been so completely lost that, at the present moment, it is as if they had never happened at all; except, indeed, that what remains to the Romans now from Belisarius' victory is damage to their bodies and their money, and, in addition, that they have become unable even to guard the good things they gained.

"But to save all these things now for the emperor lies in your soul alone, and in your judgment and right hand.

"Therefore reckon that you are from the Arsacid stock from ancient times, and remember that it is fitting for men well-born to act bravely always and everywhere.

"You have already performed many wonderful deeds on behalf of freedom. While still young you killed Acacius, the ruler of the Armenians, and Sittas, the Roman general; and from this you became known to King Chosroes and campaigned with him against the Romans.

"Since you are such a man, so that it is yours not to look on while the Roman dominion lies under a drunken dog, show now that those earlier deeds, good sir, were done by noble birth and excellence of soul. I and this Artasires here will serve you in all that you command, as far as our power goes."

So Gregorius spoke, and he drove the mind of Artabanes still more strongly against the tyrant.

Gontharis, meanwhile, brought the wife and sister of Areobindus out of the fortress and compelled them to remain in a certain house. He did not insult them by word or deed in any way, nor did he leave them with fewer necessities than their need required, nor compel them to say or do anything else, except that Prejecta was forced to write to her uncle that Gontharis was honoring them exceedingly and was altogether clean of her husband's murder, and that Ulitheus had done the evil, with Gontharis in no way approving.

Gontharis did these things after being persuaded by Pasiphilus, a man who had been first among the mutineers in Byzacium and had greatly helped him in his attack upon tyranny.

Pasiphilus insisted that, if Gontharis did this, the emperor would marry the young woman to him and, in keeping with the kinship, would also give him a dowry of great money.

Gontharis ordered Artabanes to lead the army against Antalas and the Moors in Byzacium.

For Coutzinas, since he had quarreled with Antalas, had openly broken away from him and gone over to Gontharis. He gave him his son and his mother as hostages.

The army, then, with Artabanes leading, immediately went against Antalas. John, the leader of Stotzas' mutineers, was with him, and also Ulitheus the spear-bearer. Moors followed too,

led by Coutzinas. After passing by the city of Hadrumetum, they came upon their opponents somewhere there, made camp a little apart from the enemy, and spent the night.

On the next day John and Ulitheus remained there with a part of the army, while Artabanes and Coutzinas led the army against the enemy.

The Moors with Antalas did not withstand them, but rushed into flight.

But Artabanes deliberately played the coward. Suddenly turning the standard around, he rode away toward the rear.

Because of this Ulitheus intended to kill him when he came into the camp.

Artabanes defended himself by saying that he had feared Marcentius might come from the city of Hadrumetum, where he happened to be, to aid the enemy and do them irreparable harm.

Rather, he said, Gontharis ought to go against the enemy with the whole army.

At first he was considering going to Hadrumetum with those who followed him and joining himself to the emperor's army.

But after much deliberation it seemed better to him to remove Gontharis from the world and free both the emperor and Libya from difficult affairs.

Returning to Carthage, then, he reported to the tyrant that he would need a larger army against the enemy.

After consulting with Pasiphilus, Gontharis wished to arm the whole army, but intended to establish a guard in Carthage and himself lead the army against the enemy.

Each day he killed many men against whom he used some suspicion, even one that had no reason.

He sent orders to Pasiphilus, whom he was about to appoint over the guard of Carthage, to kill all the Greeks without taking anything into account.

Wars 5.3.1-30

Among the Goths there was a certain man named Theodahad, the son of Amalafrida, Theoderic's sister. He had already come to an advanced age. He had taken part in Latin literature and Platonic doctrines, but had no practice in war.

This Theodahad had become master of most of the lands in Tuscany, and was eager to use force and take the remaining properties away from their owners. For to have Theodahad as a neighbor was a kind of misfortune to all men.

Amalasuntha was urgent in restraining this zeal in him. Because of this he was always displeased with her and bore it heavily.

He was therefore planning to give Tuscany over to the emperor Justinian, on condition that he should receive much money and senatorial rank from him and spend the rest of his life in Byzantium.

When Theodahad had formed this plan, envoys came from Byzantium to the chief priest of Rome: Hypatius, priest of Ephesus, and Demetrius from Philippi in Macedonia. They had come because of the reputation Christians hold, disputing with one another about their faith.

I know the disputed questions, but I shall mention them as little as possible; for I hold it to be a kind of mad recklessness to investigate what the nature of God may be.

For I think that not even human things can be grasped precisely by a human being, much less those things that concern the nature of God. Let these things be safely passed over by me, in only not disbelieving what is honored.

For I would say nothing else whatever about God except that he is altogether good and has all things in his own power.

Let each person speak about these things as he thinks he understands them, priest and private man alike. Theodahad met secretly with these envoys and ordered them to announce to the emperor Justinian the things he had decided.

At this time Atalaric had fallen into boundless drunken excess and was seized by a wasting disease.

Therefore Amalasuntha was in perplexity. She had no confidence in her son's judgment, since he had been driven into such disorder; and if Atalaric himself should be removed from among men, she did not think that life would be safe for her, since she had offended the most notable Goths.

For this reason she wished to hand over the rule of the Goths and Italians to the emperor Justinian, so that she herself might be saved.

Alexander, a man of the senate, happened to have come there together with Demetrius and Hypatius.

For when the emperor heard that Amalasuntha's ship was anchored in the harbor of Epidamnus, but that she herself was still delaying, although much time had passed, he sent Alexander so that he might investigate and report the things concerning her.

In the formal account, however, the emperor sent Alexander as an envoy because he was disturbed by the affairs around Lilybaeum, which I have already set forth in the preceding books; and because ten Huns from the army in Libya had deserted and come to Campania, and Uliaris, who was guarding Naples, had received them, not at all against Amalasuntha's will; and because the Goths, while warring against the Gepaeds around Sirmium, had treated Gratiana, a city situated at the end of Illyricum, as hostile.

Accusing Amalasuntha of these things, he wrote a letter and sent Alexander. When Alexander came to Rome, he left the priests there to conduct the business for which they had come. He himself was brought to Ravenna and delivered the letter to Amalasuntha.

The writing declared these things: "You have taken and hold by force the fortress at Lilybaeum, which is ours; and after receiving barbarians who had become deserters from me, you have not yet chosen to return them, even now. You have also done what did not concern you in the matter of Gratiana.

"It is therefore time for you to consider what end may come from these things."

When the woman read the letter that had been brought to her, she replied as follows: "A great emperor, and one claiming a share in virtue, should rather support an orphaned child who understands least of all what is being done, not trouble him.

"For a contest, unless it is set against an opponent, does not bring even a fair victory.

"But you brandish Lilybaeum at Atalaric, and ten fugitives, and the error of soldiers who by some ignorance came into a friendly city when they were marching against their own enemies.

"Do not do this, emperor, no indeed. Remember that, when you were campaigning against the Vandals, we not only did not stand in your way, but provided you with a road against the enemy and a market for the most necessary things, with great good will.

"Yet one would justly be called an ally and friend not merely because he displays fellow-feeling in battle against neighbors, but also because he is seen furnishing to another in each war whatever he may need.

"Consider that at that time your fleet had nowhere else out of the sea to put in except Sicily, and could not go to Libya without what had been bought from there.

"Therefore the chief cause of your victory comes from us; for the one who gives a solution to impossibilities justly receives the outcome that follows from it.

"What could be sweeter to a man than mastery over enemies, emperor? Yet we happen to be diminished in no small matters, since we have not even received a share of the spoils according to the law of war.

"Now you even demand that we be stripped of Lilybaeum in Sicily, which from ancient times belonged to the Goths: one rock, emperor, worth not even a piece of silver, which it would have been reasonable for you to set against the service Atalaric performed for you while your dominion was in danger."

These things Amalasuntha wrote openly to the emperor. Secretly, however, she agreed to hand all Italy over to him.

The envoys returned to Byzantium and reported everything to the emperor Justinian: Alexander what seemed good to Amalasuntha, and Demetrius and Hypatius what they had heard Theodahad say.

Made very glad by these things, the emperor immediately sent Peter, an Illyrian by birth and from Thessalonica, to Italy. Peter was one of the rhetors in Byzantium, and otherwise intelligent and gentle.

Wars 5.5.1-19

Meanwhile it happened that Belisarius had won renown against Gelimer and the Vandals. When the emperor learned what had happened concerning Amalasuntha, he immediately entered upon the war, in the ninth year of his reign.

First he ordered Mundus, the general of Illyricum, to go to Dalmatia, which was subject to the Goths, and to make trial of Salonae. Mundus was barbarian by birth, but exceptionally loyal to the emperor and able in deeds of war. Then he sent Belisarius by sea with four thousand soldiers from the regular forces and the foederati, and about three thousand Isaurians.

The commanders were men of note: Constantinus and Bessas from the country of Thrace; and Peranius from Iberia near Media, a man born from the royal house of the Iberians, but one who had earlier deserted to the Romans because of enmity toward the Persians. The cavalry rolls were commanded by Valentinus, Magnus, and Innocentius; the infantry by Herodian, Paulus, Demetrius, and Ursicinus; and Ennes led the Isaurians.

Two hundred Huns also followed as allies, and three hundred Moors. Belisarius was general with supreme command over all, and had many approved spear-bearers and shield-bearers.

Photius also followed him, the son of Antonina his wife from an earlier marriage. He was still a young man with his first beard, but was very intelligent and showed a strength of nature beyond his age.

The emperor instructed Belisarius to say that he was being sent to Carthage; but when they came to Sicily, they were to disembark there as though some necessity required it, and test the island.

If it was possible to bring it under control without any labor, they were to hold it and no longer let it go. But if any obstacle should meet them, they were to sail to Libya with speed, giving no one any perception of the plan.

The emperor also sent to the leaders of the Franks and wrote these things: "The Goths took our Italy by force and have in no way chosen to restore it; beyond this, they have added wrongs against us that are neither bearable nor slight.

"For this reason we have been compelled to campaign against them. It is reasonable for you to carry through this war with us, a war that correct belief makes common to us, since it rejects the Arian judgment, and that our kinship with one another also makes common."

The emperor wrote these things. After giving them money, he agreed to give more when they should come to action. They promised to ally with him with much eagerness.

Mundus and the army with him came to Dalmatia, met the Goths there in hand-to-hand fighting, defeated them in the encounter, and took Salonae.

Belisarius sailed down to Sicily and took Catana. Setting out from there, he brought Syracuse and the other cities over by agreement without any labor, except that the Goths stationed in Panormus did not yield to him.

Belisarius, judging it impossible to take the place by land, ordered the fleet to sail into the harbor, which extended all the way to the wall.

For the harbor was outside the circuit-wall and entirely empty of men. When the ships had anchored there, it happened that their masts were higher than the battlements.

At once, therefore, he filled all the small boats of the ships with archers and hung them from the tops of the masts.

From there the enemy, struck from above, came into an irresistible fear and immediately delivered Panormus to Belisarius by agreement.

From this point the emperor held all Sicily subject to tribute. Then there happened to Belisarius a success greater than speech can tell.

For he had received the dignity of consul because he had defeated the Vandals; and while he still held it, after bringing all Sicily under control, he rode into Syracuse on the last day of his consulship, greeted by the whole army and by the Sicilians, who scattered gold coins before him.

He had not done this by design. Rather, some fortune happened to the man, after he had saved the whole island for the Romans, so that he rode into Syracuse on that day and laid down the office of consul there.

Wars 5.27.1-29

This exploit was carried out by the Goths on the third day after they had been driven back while fighting against the wall. Twenty days after Portus, both the city and the harbor, had been taken, Martinus and Valerian arrived,

bringing sixteen hundred horsemen. Most of these were Huns, Sclaveni, and Antae, peoples settled beyond the river Ister not far from its bank.

Belisarius was pleased by their arrival and thought that from then on they ought to carry the war against the enemy.

On the next day, then, he ordered one of his own spear-bearers, a spirited and active man named Trajan, to take two hundred horsemen from the shield-bearers and go straight toward the barbarians. When they came near the camps, they were to go up onto a high hill, which he pointed out to him, and remain quiet there.

If the enemy came against them, he was not to let the battle become hand-to-hand, nor touch sword or spear at all, but to use only arrows; and when they had nothing left in the quiver, they were to flee back as quickly as possible without any thought of shame, and retire at a run into the fortifications.

After giving these orders, he held in readiness the arrow-shooting engines and the craftsmen who worked them. Trajan, with the two hundred men, went out from the Salarian Gate against the enemy camp.

The enemy, struck with alarm by the suddenness of the thing, rushed out from the stockades, each man equipped as best he could.

The men around Trajan rode up onto the hill that Belisarius had shown them, and from there defended themselves against the barbarians by shooting.

Since their shafts were falling into a dense crowd, it happened that for the most part they struck either a man or a horse. When all their missiles had now failed them, they rode back at speed, and the Goths pressed hard after them.

But when they came nearer the circuit-wall, the craftsmen set the arrows from the engines to work, and the barbarians, fearing the pursuit, drew back.

It is said that no fewer than a thousand Goths died in this action. A few days later Belisarius sent Mundilas, another of his own spear-bearers, and Diogenes, men exceptionally good in war, with three hundred shield-bearers, ordering them to do the same thing as the others had done before.

When the enemy came against them, it happened that no fewer, perhaps even more, were destroyed in the same manner as in the former action.

A third time, too, he sent the spear-bearer Oilas with three hundred horsemen, ordering them to do the same things to the enemy, and he accomplished the same result.

By making three sallies, then, in the manner I have described, he destroyed about four thousand of his opponents.

But Vittigis did not understand the difference between the armies in equipment and in practice for deeds of war. He thought that he too would most easily do irreparable harm to the enemy if he attacked them with a small force.

He therefore sent five hundred horsemen, ordering them to go very near the circuit-wall and to display against the whole enemy army the same tactics that small numbers of the enemy had often used against them.

When they had come to a high place not far from the city, but just beyond missile range, they stood there.

Belisarius selected a thousand men, set Bessas over them as commander, and ordered them to advance directly against the enemy.

They made a circle around the barbarians, kept shooting them from behind, killed many, and by pressing hard on the rest forced them to come down into the plain.

There the battle became hand-to-hand, though the strength was not equal. Most of the Goths were destroyed; a few escaped with difficulty and withdrew into their own camp.

Vittigis reproached these men for having been defeated by cowardice. Promising that he would soon recover the loss through certain others, he remained quiet for the present. Three days later he chose five hundred men from all the camps and ordered them to make a display of brave deeds against the enemy.

As soon as Belisarius saw that these men had come rather near, he sent against them fifteen hundred men under the commanders Martinus and Valerian.

A cavalry battle immediately took place. Since the Romans far exceeded the enemy in number, they routed them without difficulty and destroyed almost all of them.

To the enemy this seemed altogether a terrible thing and an opposition of fortune: when they were many and the enemies coming against them were few, they were defeated; and when they themselves went in small numbers against the enemy, they were again destroyed.

The Romans publicly praised Belisarius for his intelligence, naturally holding it in great wonder. Privately, however, his friends asked him on what basis he had judged, on that day when he escaped from the enemy after being so completely defeated, and why he had been confident that he would master them decisively in the war.

He said that when he first came to grips with them with a few men, he observed what the difference between each army was. If he made his engagements with a force proportioned in strength to theirs, the enemy's multitude would be able to do no harm to the Romans because of their own small numbers.

The difference was this: almost all the Romans and their allies the Huns are good mounted archers, while no one among the Goths has practiced this work. Their horsemen are accustomed to use spears and swords only, and their archers enter battle on foot, under the cover of the heavy-armed men.

Therefore, if the encounter is not hand-to-hand, the horsemen, having no way to defend themselves against opponents using arrows, are easily struck and destroyed. The foot soldiers, for their part, can never be strong enough against men on horseback.

Belisarius maintained that for these reasons the barbarians had been defeated by the Romans in these engagements. The Goths, keeping in mind the unexpectedness of what had happened to them, thereafter neither attacked the fortifications in small numbers nor pursued the enemy when harassed by them, except only so far as to drive them back from their own camps.

Wars 6.1.1-34

After this the Romans no longer dared to risk everything with the whole army. Instead, making cavalry battles by sudden attacks in the former manner, they generally defeated the barbarians.

Foot soldiers also went from both sides,

not drawn up in a phalanx, but following the horsemen. Once Bessas, in the first rush, leapt among the enemy with his spear, killed three of their best horsemen, and turned the others to flight.

Again, when Constantinus led out the Huns in the Plain of Nero late in the afternoon and saw that the enemy were being overborne by weight of numbers,

he did the following. There has been in that place from ancient times a great stadium, where the gladiators of the city formerly fought. Men of old also built many other structures around this stadium, and because of them, as one would expect, narrow passages occur everywhere in the place.

At that time, since Constantinus was able neither to overcome the crowd of Goths nor to flee without great danger, he made all the Huns dismount from their horses and stood on foot with them in one of the narrow passages there.

From there, shooting from safety, they killed many of the enemy. For a time the Goths, though struck, held out.

They hoped that as soon as the arrows failed the Huns' quivers, they would surround them without difficulty, bind them, and lead them away to their own camp.

But since the Massagetae were good archers and were shooting into a great crowd, they struck an enemy with almost every shot. The Goths perceived that more than half their number had been destroyed, and since the sun was already going toward its setting and they did not know what to do, they rushed into flight.

Then many of them fell. The Massagetae followed them; and because they know how to shoot the bow with the greatest accuracy even while running at great speed, they killed them no less than before, shooting them in the back. In this way Constantinus came back to Rome with the Huns at night.

Not many days later, Peranius led some Romans through the Salarian Gate against the enemy. The Goths fled with all their might; but when a counter-pursuit suddenly took place around sunset, one Roman foot soldier, falling into great confusion, dropped into a certain deep pit, of the sort that many men of old made there, I suppose, for storing grain.

He did not dare to cry out, since the enemy were encamped somewhere near, and he was not able in any way to get out of the pit, for it had no means of ascent. He was therefore compelled to spend the night there.

On the following day, when the barbarians had again been routed, one of the Goths fell into the same pit.

There both men came together in mutual kindness and good will, necessity bringing them together. They gave pledges that each would earnestly labor for the other's safety, and then both shouted loudly and strangely.

The Goths followed the sound, looked over the edge of the pit, and asked who the man shouting might be.

As the two men had decided, the Roman kept silent. The other, in his native language, said that he had just fallen in during the rout that had taken place, and asked them to let down a rope so that he might climb up.

They threw down the ends of ropes as quickly as possible, thinking that they were pulling up the Goth. But the Roman took hold of the ropes and was drawn up, saying only this: if he went up first, the Goths would never neglect their comrade; but if they learned that only an enemy was there, they would make no account of him.

After saying this, he went up. When the Goths saw him, they marveled and were in great perplexity. After they heard the whole account from him, they next drew up his companion, who told them what had been agreed between them and what pledges both had given.

The Goth went away with his companions, and they released the Roman unharmed, allowing him to go back to the city.

After this, not many horsemen on either side often armed themselves for battle; but the contests always ended in single combat, and the Romans won all of them. These things, then, went in this way.

A little later, when an encounter was taking place in the Plain of Nero and small groups of horsemen were making pursuits in different directions, Chorsamantis, a man well regarded among the spear-bearers of Belisarius and a Massagete by birth, was pursuing seventy of the enemy with some other men.

When he had gone far out into the plain, the other Romans rode back, but Chorsamantis continued the pursuit alone. Seeing this, the Goths turned their horses and came against him.

He advanced into their midst, killed one of their best men with his spear, and went after the others. They again turned and rushed into flight.

But they were ashamed before the men in the camp, for they suspected that they were already being seen by them, and wished to attack him again.

They suffered the same thing as before, lost one of their best men, and turned into flight no less than before. Chorsamantis pursued them as far as the stockade, then turned back alone.

A little later, in another battle, this man was struck in the left shin. It was thought that the missile had touched the edge of the bone.

Yet he was made unfit for battle for some days by this wound, and, since he was a barbarian, he did not bear it gently, but threatened that he would very soon punish the Goths for the outrage against his leg.

Not long afterward, when he had recovered and was drunk at lunch, as was his custom, he planned to go alone against the enemy and avenge the insult to his foot. When he came to the small Pincian Gate, he said that he was being sent by Belisarius to the enemy camp.

The guards there, since they could not distrust a man who was among the best of Belisarius' spear-bearers, opened the gates and let him go wherever he wished.

When the enemy saw him, they at first thought that some deserter was coming over to them. But when he came near and took hold of his bow, twenty men, not knowing who he might be, advanced against him.

He drove them off easily and rode back at a walk. When more Goths came against him, he did not flee.

But when a great multitude poured against him and he still thought it right to defend himself, the Romans watching from the towers suspected that the man was mad; they did not yet know that it was Chorsamantis.

After displaying great deeds, deeds worthy of much speech, he fell into an encirclement by the enemy army

and paid the penalty for unreasoning boldness. When Belisarius and the Roman army learned these things, they came into great mourning, since the hope of all men that rested on this man had been destroyed, and they lamented.

Wars 6.4.1-30

With these words Belisarius encouraged the Roman people and dismissed them. He immediately ordered Procopius, who wrote this history, to go to Naples, for a report was going around that the emperor had sent an army there.

He instructed him to load as many ships as possible with grain, gather the soldiers who had for the moment arrived from Byzantium or had been left around Naples in charge of horses or for any other need, for he had heard that many such men were coming into the places in Campania, and also draw away some men from the garrisons there. Then he was to come back with them, convoying the grain to Ostia, where the harbor of the Romans was.

Procopius, accompanied by the spear-bearer Mundilas and a few horsemen, went out by night through the gate that bears the name of the Apostle Paul, escaping the notice of the enemy camp that had been set up very near the Appian Way to guard it.

When Mundilas and his men returned to Rome and announced that Procopius had already reached Campania without meeting any barbarians, since at night, they said, the enemy did not go outside their camp, everyone became hopeful. Belisarius, now taking courage, devised the following plan.

He sent many of his horsemen out to the neighboring fortresses. He directed them, if any of the enemy should come that way to bring provisions into their camps, to make constant sallies against them from their positions and set ambushes everywhere in that region, so that they would prevent them from succeeding.

Instead, with all their power, they were to fence them in, so that the city would be less distressed than before by lack of provisions, and the barbarians would seem to be besieged rather than to be themselves besieging the Romans.

He ordered Martinus and Trajan, with a thousand men, to go to Tarracina.

With them he also sent his wife Antonina, commanding that she be sent with a few men to Naples, to await there in safety whatever fortune would come to the Romans.

He sent Magnus and the spear-bearer Sinthues, who took about five hundred men with them, to the fortress of Tibur, one hundred and forty stades from Rome.

To the town of Albani, which was situated on the Appian Way at the same distance from the city, he had already happened to send Gontharis with a number of Eruli; not long afterward the Goths drove them from there by force.

There is a certain church of the Apostle Paul fourteen stades from the fortifications of Rome, and the river Tiber flows beside it.

There is no fortification in that place, but a colonnade extends all the way from the city to the church, and many other buildings around it make the place not easy to approach.

The Goths show a certain actual reverence for such sanctuaries. Indeed, through the whole time of the war no harm came to either church of the two Apostles at their hands, but all the rites were performed in them by the priests in the accustomed manner.

At this place Belisarius ordered Valerian to take all the Huns and make a stockade beside the bank of the Tiber, so that their horses might be kept in greater safety, and so that the Goths might be still further checked from going freely to great distances from their camps.

Valerian did these things. After the Huns made camp in the place where the general directed, he rode back to the city.

Having accomplished this, Belisarius remained quiet. He did not offer battle, but was eager to conduct the defense from the wall, if anyone should advance against it from outside with hostile intent.

He also furnished grain to some of the Roman people.

Martinus and Trajan passed by night between the enemy camps. After they reached Tarracina, they sent Antonina with a few men into Campania.

They themselves took possession of the fortified places in that district and, using them as bases and making sudden attacks from there, checked the Goths moving about in that region.

Magnus and Sinthues, in a short time, rebuilt the parts of the fortress that had fallen into ruin. As soon as they had made themselves secure, they immediately began to cause the enemy still more trouble, since the enemy fortress was not far away.

They did this not only by making frequent raids against them, but also by holding the barbarians who escorted supply trains in constant fear through the suddenness of their movements.

At last Sinthues was wounded in the right hand by a spear in a certain battle. Since the sinews were severed, he was thereafter unfit for battle.

The Huns likewise, after making their camp near by as I have said, caused the Goths no less trouble on their side.

Thus the Goths, as well as the Romans, were now pressed by famine, since they no longer had freedom to bring in their provisions as before.

Pestilence too fell upon them and destroyed many, especially in the camp that they had most recently made near the Appian Way, as I have previously stated.

The few of their number who had not perished withdrew from that camp to the other camps.

The Huns suffered in the same way and returned to Rome. So events there went in this way.

As for Procopius, when he reached Campania he gathered not fewer than five hundred soldiers there, loaded a great number of ships with grain, and held them in readiness.

Not long afterward Antonina joined him and immediately assisted him in arranging the fleet. At that time Mount Vesuvius rumbled; although it did not break out in eruption, because of the rumbling it caused people to expect with great certainty that an eruption would happen.

For this reason the inhabitants fell into great fear. This mountain is seventy stades from Naples and lies north of it, a very steep mountain: its lower parts spread wide in every direction, while the upper part is precipitous and very hard to climb. On the summit of Vesuvius, about the center of it, there appears a cavern of such depth that one would judge it to extend all the way to the bottom of the mountain. It is possible to see fire there, if one dares to lean over the edge. Although the flames as a rule merely twist around one another and bring no trouble to those who live in that region, whenever the mountain sends forth a rumbling sound like bellowing, it generally throws up not long afterward a great quantity of ash. If anyone traveling on the road is caught by this terrible shower, he cannot possibly survive; and if it falls upon houses, they too collapse beneath the weight of the great quantity of ash. But whenever a strong wind happens to come on, the ashes rise to a great height, so that they are no longer visible to the eye, and are carried wherever the wind that drives them goes, falling on lands exceedingly far away. Once, they say, they fell in Byzantium and frightened the people there so much that from that time to the present the whole city has thought it right to propitiate God with prayers every year; at another time they fell on Tripolis in Libya. Formerly this rumbling took place, they say, once in a hundred years or even more; in later times it has happened much more often. Yet they strongly affirm this: whenever Vesuvius belches out these ashes, the country around it is bound to flourish with an abundance of all crops. Furthermore, the air on this mountain is very light and by nature the most healthful in the world. Indeed, from ancient times physicians have sent those attacked by consumption to this place. So much, then, may be said about Vesuvius.

Wars 6.15.1-36

When the Eruli had been defeated by the Lombards in the battle already mentioned and had risen up from their ancestral dwelling-places, some of them, as I have related before, settled in the lands of Illyricum. But the others in no way chose to cross the river Ister; they settled somewhere at the very edges of the inhabited world.

These men, then, led by many of the royal blood, passed through all the nations of the Sclaveni in succession. After crossing much deserted country from there, they came to the people called the Varni.

After them they also ran past the nations of the Dani, the barbarians there doing them no violence.

From there they came to the Ocean, sailed upon it, put in at the island of Thule, and remained there. Thule is exceedingly large; it happens to be more than ten times the size of Britain.

It lies far away from Britain toward the north wind. On this island the land is mostly deserted, but in the inhabited country thirteen very populous nations are settled, and there are kings over each nation.

In that place something marvelous happens every year. Around the summer solstice the sun does not set anywhere for forty days, but appears continuously above the earth through all that time.

Not less than six months later, around the winter solstice, the sun is nowhere seen on this island for forty days, and endless night is poured over it. Because of this a dejection holds the people there through all that time, since they have no means of mingling with one another during the interval.

Though I was eager to go to this island and become an eyewitness of the things that have been said, it happened in no way for me.

Nevertheless, I asked those who came to us from there how they were able to reckon the measure of days when the sun neither rose nor set there at the proper times. They gave me an account both true and trustworthy.

They said that during those forty days the sun does not set, as has been stated, but appears to the people there at one time toward the east and at another toward the west.

Whenever, returning again around the horizon, it comes to the same place where they had previously been accustomed to see it rising, they reckon that one day and night have passed.

And when the time of nights comes, they always infer the measure of the days by the courses of the moon and the stars.

When a time of thirty-five days has run through this long night, certain men are sent to the summits of the mountains, for this is their custom. When they can in some way see the sun from there, they announce to the people below that in five days the sun will shine upon them.

Then the whole people celebrate a festival at the good news, and this in darkness. This is the greatest of the festivals among the Thulites.

For it seems to me that these islanders always become terribly afraid, even though the same thing happens to them every year, lest the sun fail them altogether.

Of the barbarians settled in Thule, only one nation, called the Scrithiphini, has a beastlike manner of life. They neither put on woven garments, nor walk with shoes, nor drink wine, nor have anything edible from the earth.

They do not work the land themselves, and their women do not work it for them; instead, the men always practice only hunting together with the women.

For both the woods, being exceedingly great, and the mountains that rise there bear for them a great abundance of wild animals and other living things.

They always feed on the flesh of the wild animals they catch, and wear their skins. Since they have neither flax nor a tool with which they might sew, they bind the skins together with the sinews of the animals and in this way cover the whole body.

Nor are their infants nursed in the same way as those of other human beings.

For the children of the Scrithiphini are not fed with women's milk and do not touch their mothers' breasts; they are nourished only on the marrow of the animals caught in the hunt.

As soon as a woman gives birth, she places the infant in a skin and immediately hangs it on a tree. After putting marrow in its mouth, she sets out with her husband for the accustomed hunt. For they do all other things in common and pursue this occupation together.

So, then, the way of life among these barbarians stands in this manner. The other Thulites, however, almost all of them, do not differ greatly from the rest of mankind. Yet they revere many gods and spirits: heavenly, airy, earthly, and sea spirits, and certain other spirits said to be in the waters of springs and rivers.

They very constantly offer every kind of sacrificial victim and make offerings to the dead. But the finest sacrificial victim among them is the first human being they have made captive in war.

For they sacrifice this man to Ares, since they believe him to be the greatest god. They consecrate the captive not only by sacrificing him, but also by hanging him from a tree, throwing him among thorns, and killing him by other most pitiable forms of death.

Thus the Thulites live. One populous nation among them is the Gauti, and beside them the Eruli who had come there as immigrants settled at that time.

Now the Eruli who dwelt among the Romans, after they had committed the murder of their king, sent some of their notable men to the island of Thule to search and bring back anyone of the royal blood whom they might be able to find there.

When these men came to the island, they found many there of the royal family. Selecting one who pleased them most, they turned back and set out with him.

But when he came among the Dani, he died of disease. Therefore these men again went to the island and brought back another man, named Datius. His brother Aordus followed him, as did two hundred young men of the Eruli in Thule.

Since much time was spent by them on this journey, the Eruli around Singidunum formed the thought that they were not acting in their own interest by bringing a leader from Thule when the emperor Justinian did not wish it.

They therefore sent to Byzantium and begged the emperor to send them whatever ruler he wished.

He immediately sent them one of the Eruli who had long been spending time there, a man named Suartuas.

At first the Eruli saw him, gladly did obeisance, and listened to him when he gave the customary commands. But not many days later a man came announcing that those from the island of Thule were somewhere near.

Suartuas ordered them to go meet those men, intending to destroy them; and the Eruli, approving the plan, immediately followed him.

When the two groups were one day's journey apart, all the king's men left him by night and went over as deserters to the immigrants. He himself fled alone and went away to Byzantium.

The emperor was eager with all his power to bring him back into the office, but the Eruli, fearing the power of the Romans, resolved to go over to the Gepaeds. This was the cause of the revolt among the Eruli.

Wars 6.26.1-26

Thus Theudebert, after campaigning into Italy, made his withdrawal. The men around Martin and John turned back no less, so that the enemy would not make some attack upon those besieging them.

The Goths in Auximum had learned nothing about the arrival of the Franks. They had given up on the hope from Ravenna, since it delayed in this way; and although they intended again to call Vittigis as witness, they could not escape the enemy guard and were grieving.

Afterward, when they saw one of the Romans, a Bessian by race named Burcentius, who was under Narses the Armenian, keeping watch alone at midday so that no one from the city might go out to get grass, they came nearer, entered into conversation with him, gave pledges that they would do him no harm, and invited him to meet with them, promising him great sums of money from themselves.

When they came together in the same place, the barbarians begged the man to carry a certain letter to Ravenna. They set a stated amount of gold for him at once, and promised to give more when he returned bringing letters from Vittigis to them.

The soldier, persuaded by the money, agreed to serve them in these matters and fulfilled the promise. Taking sealed letters, he came quickly to Ravenna. When he came into the sight of Vittigis, he handed over the letter.

It declared these things: "You will know clearly how present matters stand with us when you learn who the carrier of the letter is.

"For it is impossible for a Gothic man to get outside the circuit-wall. The most abundant food for us happens to be the grass beside the wall; and now we are not allowed even to touch it, except by losing many men in the struggle over it. You and the Goths in Ravenna must reckon to what end these things will come for us."

When Vittigis read these things, he answered in this way: "Let no one suppose, dearest of all men, that we have fallen back, or that we have come to such baseness that through slackness we are throwing away the affairs of the Goths.

"For my preparation for the march had recently been practiced as far as possible, and Uraias had been summoned from Mediolanum with the whole army.

"But the attack of the Franks, falling upon us unexpectedly, checked all that had been prepared by us; and I could not justly bear the blame for this.

"For things greater than human power grant blamelessness to those who have stumbled, since fortune always draws the accusations from events onto herself.

"Now, however, since we also hear that Theudebert has moved out of our way, we shall, if God wills, be present with you before long with the whole army of the Goths.

"You must bear what befalls bravely and suitably to necessity, reckoning your own courage, on account of which I chose you out from all and stationed you in Auximum, and feeling shame before the reputation that all Goths have for you, since they have set you before Ravenna and their own safety."

After writing these things, Vittigis gave the man much money and sent him away. When Burcentius came to Auximum, he went to his own companions and pretended that some illness had happened to him, and that because of it he had spent time at a certain shrine not far away. He then took up again the guard duty in which he was accustomed to stand, escaped everyone's notice, and gave the letters to the enemy. When they were read aloud to the multitude, they strengthened everyone still more,

although they were being pressed by hunger. Therefore they were in no way willing to go over to Belisarius, though he tried many ways to tame them. Again, since no army from Ravenna was reported to have come out for them, and they were now exceedingly distressed by lack of necessities, they sent Burcentius again, revealing only this in the letters: that they could no longer fight against famine for the remaining five days. He came back to them again, carrying a letter from Vittigis that hung them on the same hopes.

The Romans were no less distressed, because they had made so long a siege in a deserted country, and they were at a loss seeing that the barbarians, amid such evils, would not give in to them.

Therefore Belisarius was eager to take alive some notable man among the enemy, so that he might know why the barbarians were enduring these terrible things. Valerian readily promised that he would serve him in such a matter.

For he said that there were some men among his followers from the nation of the Sclaveni, who are accustomed to hide under a small stone or any bush that happens to be at hand and snatch up an enemy man.

They always display this skill beside the river Ister, where they are settled, against both Romans and the other barbarians. Belisarius was pleased with the account and ordered him to attend to the work quickly.

Valerian chose one of the Sclaveni, a man well fitted in size of body and especially active, and ordered him to bring an enemy man, assuring him that great money would be given to him by Belisarius.

He said that the man would do this easily in the place where the grass was; for because of their lack of necessities, the Goths had long been feeding there.

So the Sclavene came very close to the circuit-wall in the deep dawn, covered himself in a certain bush, gathered his body into a small compass, and hid near the grass.

At daybreak a Gothic man came there and quickly gathered the blades, suspecting nothing troublesome from the bush, but often looking around toward the enemy camp, lest someone should come against him from there.

The Sclavene fell upon him suddenly from behind and made him captive. Holding the man tightly around the middle with both hands, he carried him into the camp and delivered him to Valerian.

When Valerian questioned him, asking in what the Goths trusted, and what security they had, that they were least of all willing to go over to the Romans but voluntarily endured the most terrible things, the barbarian told the whole story about Burcentius; and when Burcentius came into his sight, he proved it against him.

Burcentius, when he perceived that he had already been found out, concealed none of what had been done. Therefore Belisarius handed him over to his companions to use as they wished. Not long afterward they burned him alive, while the enemy watched what was being done. Thus Burcentius profited from his love of money.

Wars 7.6.1-26

After this Totila took the fortresses of Caesena and Petra. A little later he entered Tuscany and made trial of the places there. Since no one was willing to yield to him, he crossed the Tiber, carefully avoiding the territory of Rome, and immediately advanced into Campania and Samnium.

Without trouble he took the strong city of Beneventum, whose walls he razed to the ground, so that any army coming from Byzantium would not be able to use this strong base and trouble the Goths.

After this he decided to besiege Naples, because the inhabitants, although he often spoke winningly to them, were wholly unwilling to receive him into the city.

Conon was guarding Naples with a force of a thousand Romans and Isaurians.

Totila himself, with the greater part of the army, made camp not far from the fortifications and remained quiet. But he sent out part of the army and took the fortress of Cumae and certain other strongholds, from which he succeeded in gathering great sums of money.

When he found the wives of senators there, he not only refrained from offering them any insult, but even showed such kindness that he let them go free; by this deed he won a great name for prudence and humanity among all Romans.

Since no hostile force was operating against him, he was constantly sending small detachments of the army around the country and accomplishing important things.

In this way he brought the Bruttii and Lucani under his power, and gained Apulia as well as Calabria.

He collected the public taxes himself and received the revenues from the land instead of those who owned the estates. In all other matters he conducted himself as one who had become master of Italy.

Because of this the Roman soldiers naturally did not receive their customary payments at the appointed times, and the emperor owed them great sums of money.

Because of these things, the Italians, driven out of their property and falling for a second time into extreme danger, began to be very dejected. The soldiers, for their part, became increasingly insubordinate to their commanders and were glad to remain inside the cities.

Constantianus was holding Ravenna; John, Rome; Bessas, Spolitium; Justinus, Florentia; and Cyprian, Perusia. Each of the others held whatever town had first offered him refuge and safety in his flight.

When the emperor heard these things, he was deeply distressed and quickly appointed Maximinus praetorian prefect of Italy, giving him authority over the commanders for carrying on the war and for furnishing provisions to the soldiers according to their need.

He sent a fleet of ships with him, manning them with Thracian and Armenian soldiers. Herodian was leader of the Thracians, and Phazas the Iberian, nephew of Peranius, was leader of the Armenians. A few Huns also sailed with them.

So Maximinus sailed out from Byzantium with the whole fleet and reached Epirus in Greece, where, for no good reason, he settled down and wasted the critical time.

For he was utterly inexperienced in deeds of war, and consequently both timid and very prone to delay.

Later the emperor also sent Demetrius as general, a man who had previously served under Belisarius as commander of a detachment of infantry.

Demetrius sailed to Sicily. Learning that Conon and the inhabitants of Naples were being pressed very hard by the siege and were altogether without provisions, he wished to go to their aid with all speed, but he was unable to do so because the force following him was so small as to count for little.

Therefore he devised the following plan. Gathering as many ships as possible from all Sicily and filling them with grain and other provisions, he sailed, making it appear to his opponents that an enormous army was aboard the ships.

He judged the enemy's mind correctly, for they thought that a great army was coming against them, drawing this conclusion because they had learned that a great fleet was sailing from Sicily.

If Demetrius had been willing at the very first to steer straight for Naples, I think he would have both struck terror into the enemy and saved the city, with no one opposing him.

But as it was, he thought the danger too great. He did not put in at Naples at all, but sailed to the harbor of Rome and began hastily to gather soldiers from there.

The soldiers at Rome, having been defeated by the barbarians and still regarding them with great awe, were in no way willing to follow Demetrius against Totila and the Goths.

Thus it came about that he was compelled to go to Naples with only the troops who had come with him from Byzantium.

Now there was another Demetrius, a Cephallenian by birth, who had previously been a sailor and was thoroughly experienced in matters of the sea and its dangers. Having sailed with Belisarius to Libya and to Italy, he had become notable for this skill. For this reason the emperor had appointed him governor of Naples.

When the barbarians began to besiege the town, this man was carried away by utter wantonness. He began to heap insults upon Totila and continued often doing so; the man was observed to have an exceedingly reckless tongue during that crisis.

As the situation grew worse and the loss of life among the besieged became serious, acting on Conon's advice he dared to embark secretly on a small boat and go alone to the general Demetrius.

To everyone's surprise he made the voyage safely, came before Demetrius, and tried with all his power to stir him to boldness, urging him to undertake the task before him.

But Totila had heard the whole truth about this fleet and was holding many very swift ships ready. When the enemy put in at that part of the coast not far from Naples, he came upon them unexpectedly, filled the whole force with panic, and turned it to flight.

Although he killed many of them, he captured a very large number. Only those escaped who succeeded at the first in leaping into the small boats of the ships; among them was Demetrius the general.

For the barbarians captured all the ships with their cargoes and crews. Among these they found Demetrius, the governor of Naples.

They cut off his tongue and both his hands. They did not kill him, but released him thus mutilated to go wherever he wished. This, then, was the penalty Demetrius paid to Totila for an unbridled tongue.

Wars 7.11.1-39

Such was the fate that befell Tibur. Belisarius arrived at Ravenna with the whole fleet. There he gathered the Goths who were in the city and the Roman soldiers, and spoke as follows.

"This is not the first time that the achievements of courage have been brought to nothing by wickedness. From ancient times this has been wholly natural in human affairs. Many times the depravity of the basest men has been enough to frustrate and destroy the deeds of good men.

"Now this very thing has ruined the emperor's cause. He, for his part, is so deeply concerned to correct the mistakes that have been made that he has thought the task of defeating the Persians less urgent than this situation, and has decided at the present time to send me to you.

"He has done this so that I may set right and remedy whatever has been done wrongly by the commanders in their treatment of his soldiers or of the Goths.

"It is not human for no mistakes at all to be made by anyone, nor is it possible in the natural course of events. But to set right the mistakes that have been made is a task especially fitting for an emperor, and one that can greatly console his subjects.

"For not only will you be released from distress, but you will also immediately be able to understand and enjoy the emperor's good will toward you. What greater good could there be for a man than this?

"Since I am here with you for this purpose, it is incumbent on each of you, in your turn, to exert himself to the utmost, so that you may profit by the service now offered.

"If any of you happens to have relatives or friends with the usurper Totila, let him summon them as quickly as possible and explain the emperor's purpose.

"By doing so, you could gain both the blessings that flow from peace and those that fall from the hand of a mighty emperor. For I, at least, have not come here with any desire for war against anyone, nor would I ever willingly be an enemy of the emperor's subjects.

"If, however, even now they consider it a trivial matter to choose the course that is better for themselves, and if they stand against us, then it will be necessary for us also, though much against our will, to treat them as enemies."

So Belisarius spoke. But not one of the enemy came over to him, neither Goth nor Roman.

Next he sent his bodyguard Thurimuth and some of his own troops, with Vitalius and the Illyrian soldiers, into Aemilia, commanding them to make trial of the towns there.

Vitalius with this force took up a position near the city of Bononia. After taking some of the neighboring fortresses by surrender, he remained inactive in Bononia.

Not long after this the whole body of the Illyrians serving under him suddenly withdrew secretly from the town by night and went homeward, though they had neither suffered any harsh treatment nor heard any rebuke.

They sent envoys to the emperor and begged him to grant them pardon, since they had come to their homes in this way for no other reason than that, after long service in Italy without receiving their regular pay, the state now owed them a large sum of money.

But it had happened that a Hunnic army had fallen upon the Illyrians and enslaved their women and children. It was because of this news, and also because they had a shortage of provisions in Italy, that they withdrew.

Although the emperor was at first angry with them, he later forgave them.

When Totila learned of the withdrawal of the Illyrians, he sent an army against Bononia in order to capture Vitalius and the troops with him by a swift attack.

But Vitalius and Thurimuth set ambushes in several places. In this way they destroyed many of the attacking force and turned the rest to flight.

There Nazares, a man of note and an Illyrian by birth, commander of the troops in Illyricum, surpassed all others by the remarkable display he made in deeds of war against the enemy.

After this Thurimuth came to Belisarius in Ravenna.

At last Belisarius sent three of his own bodyguards, Thurimuth, Ricilas, and Sabinianus, with a thousand soldiers to the city of Auximum, in order to support Magnus and the Romans besieged there.

This force slipped past Totila and the enemy camp by night and got inside Auximum. Then they began planning to make sallies against their opponents.

On the following day about noon, after learning that some of the enemy were near, they sallied out with the purpose of confronting them. But before going on, they decided to send scouts against them to spy out the enemy's strength, so that they would not attack without reconnoitering.

Ricilas, the bodyguard of Belisarius, who happened at the time to be drunk, would not allow any others to go scouting. Instead he rode out alone on horseback and went at full speed.

Coming upon three Goths on a steep slope, he at first took his stand intending to oppose them, for he was a man of extraordinary courage. But when he saw many men rushing toward him from every side, he hastened to flee.

His horse stumbled in a rough place. Then a great shout rose from the enemy and they all hurled their javelins at him.

When the Romans heard this uproar, they came running to the rescue. Ricilas was killed, buried under a great number of spears, but the troops of Thurimuth routed their opponents, lifted up the body, and carried it inside Auximum.

Thus Ricilas met his death in a manner unworthy of his courage.

Afterward Sabinianus and Thurimuth, in conference with Magnus, judged it inadvisable to spend any more time there. They reasoned that, because of Totila's numbers, they would never clearly be a match for the enemy in battle; on the other hand, by using up the provisions of the besieged, they would doom the city to be captured by the enemy even sooner.

When this had been decided, they and their thousand men began preparing for departure, intending to begin the journey by night. But one of the soldiers immediately deserted secretly to the enemy camp and made known the Romans' plans.

Totila therefore chose two thousand men distinguished for courage. As night came on, he placed guards on the roads thirty stades from Auximum, keeping his movements entirely secret.

When these guards, about midnight, saw the enemy passing by, they drew their swords and began the attack.

They killed two hundred of them; but Sabinianus and Thurimuth, together with the rest, succeeded because of the darkness in escaping and fleeing into Ariminum.

The Goths, however, captured all the pack animals that were carrying the servants, weapons, and clothing of the soldiers.

There are two fortresses on the coast of the Ionian Gulf, Pisaurus and Fanus, situated between Auximum and Ariminum.

At the beginning of this war Vittigis had dismantled them, burning their houses and tearing down their walls to about half their height, so that the Romans, by seizing them, might not be able to trouble the Goths.

Belisarius decided to seize one of these fortresses, Pisaurus, for it seemed to him well situated for pasturing horses.

He sent some of his associates by night and secretly obtained the exact measurements, both breadth and height, of each gateway. Next he had gates made, bound them with iron, loaded them on boats, and sent them off.

He commanded the men of Sabinianus and Thurimuth to fit these gates quickly to the walls, then remain inside the circuit-wall and, once they had secured their safety, build up in whatever way possible the parts of the circuit-wall that had fallen, using stones, mud, or any other material at all.

They carried out these instructions. But Totila, when he heard what was being done, marched against them with a great army.

He made an attempt on the town and stayed near it for some time. Since he was unable to capture it, he returned baffled to his camp at Auximum.

The Romans, however, were no longer making sallies against the enemy, but were remaining within the walls at each fortress.

Furthermore, even when Belisarius sent two of his guards to Rome, Artasires, a Persian, and Barbation of Thrace, to assist Bessas in guarding the city, he instructed them by no means to make sallies against the enemy.

As for Totila and the Gothic army, seeing that Belisarius' force was not sufficient to array itself against them, they decided to harry the strongest of the towns.

They therefore made camp in Picenum before Firmum and Asculum and began a siege. Winter drew to a close, and the tenth year ended in this war whose history Procopius has written.

Wars 7.12.1-20

Belisarius, having no way to aid the besieged towns, sent John, the nephew of Vitalian, to Byzantium. He bound him with the most solemn oaths that he would make it his concern to return as quickly as possible, and sent him to beg the emperor to send them a large army, much money, and also arms and horses.

For the soldiers, though very few, were themselves unwilling to fight, saying that the state owed them much money and that they themselves lacked everything.

And this was true. Belisarius also wrote a letter to the emperor about these matters. The writing declared as follows: "We have arrived in Italy, most mighty emperor, without men, horses, arms, or money. Without an adequate supply of these, I think, no one would ever be able to carry on a war.

"For we went most diligently through Thrace and Illyricum and gathered soldiers, but they are altogether few and pitiable, with no arms in their hands and wholly unpracticed in battle.

"We also see that those left here are neither sufficient in number nor free from terror of the enemy. Their spirit has been enslaved by being defeated by them many times. They did not merely escape their opponents at random, but abandoned their horses and threw their arms to the ground.

"It is impossible for us to obtain revenue from Italy, since it has again been taken over by the enemy.

"Therefore, having fallen behind in the soldiers' pay, we are least of all able to give orders to them; for the debt has taken away our freedom of speech.

"Know this well too, master: most of those serving under you have deserted to the enemy.

"If it was necessary only that Belisarius be sent to Italy, then the preparations for your war have been made excellently; for I am already somewhere in the midst of the Italians. But if you wish to overcome your enemies in the war, the other things too must be furnished.

"For a general, I think, cannot exist without those who serve him. Therefore it is especially fitting that my spear-bearers and shield-bearers be sent to me before all others; then a very great multitude of Huns and other barbarians is needed, and money must immediately be given to them."

So much Belisarius wrote. But John spent a long time in Byzantium and accomplished none of the things for which he had come; instead he married the daughter of Germanus, the emperor's nephew.

Meanwhile Totila took Firmum and Asculum by agreement. Coming into Tuscany, he besieged Spolitium and Asisium. Herodian commanded the garrison in Spolitium; Sisifridus commanded the one in Asisium. Sisifridus was Gothic by birth, but very loyal to the Romans and to the emperor's cause.

Herodian came to terms with the enemy, on condition that they remain quiet for thirty days.

If no assistance came to them during that time, he would hand over himself, the city, the soldiers, and the inhabitants to the Goths. He gave his son as hostage for this agreement.

When the appointed time was present and no Roman army came from anywhere, Herodian and those who held the garrison there, according to the agreement, delivered themselves and Spolitium to Totila and the Goths.

They say that Herodian delivered himself and Spolitium to the Goths because of his enmity toward Belisarius; for Belisarius had threatened to call him to account for the life he had lived. The affairs around Spolitium went in this way.

Sisifridus, making a sally with those who followed him, lost most of his men and himself died.

The people of Asisium, being at a loss amid present circumstances, immediately gave the city over to the enemy. Totila also sent at once to Cyprian and demanded that he hand Perusia over to him. He threatened him if he disobeyed, but promised to reward him with great money

if he carried this out. When nothing went forward for him with Cyprian, he persuaded one of Cyprian's spear-bearers, named Ulifus, with money to destroy the man by treachery.

Ulifus, then, met Cyprian alone, killed him, and fled away to Totila. Nevertheless, the soldiers of Cyprian continued to guard the city for the emperor; therefore the Goths resolved to withdraw from there.

Wars 7.13.1-26

After these things Totila marched against Rome; and when he came near the city he settled into a siege. Yet he did no injury to the farmers, either there or throughout all Italy, but ordered them to cultivate the land without fear, as they had always done, bringing to him the taxes which they had previously brought to the public treasury and to the owners of the estates.

When certain Goths came very close to the circuit-wall of Rome, Artasires and Barbation, drawing a large number of their followers after them, made a sally against them, though Bessas in no way approved of it.

At once they killed many of them and turned the rest to flight. But as they followed them and let the pursuit carry them a very long way, they ran into ambushes set by the enemy.

There they lost most of their men, and they themselves escaped with difficulty, accompanied by only a few. After that they no longer dared to go out against their opponents, even when the enemy pressed them hard.

From this time a cruel famine held the Romans, since they were no longer able to bring in necessities from the country, and the traffic by sea had been cut off.

For after the Goths had captured Naples, they had stationed a fleet of many light vessels there, and at the so-called Aeolian islands, and at the other islands lying off that shore, and by means of these they kept close watch over the sea passage.

Therefore every ship that put out from Sicily and began to sail toward the harbor of Rome fell into the hands of these patrols, crews and all.

Totila now sent an army into Aemilia, ordering it to take the city of Placentia, either by assault or by agreement.

This is the leading city in the country of Aemilia. It is strongly fortified, lies on the river Eridanus, and was the only city still left in that region under Roman power.

When this army came near Placentia, they offered terms to the garrison there, so that they might hand the city over by agreement to Totila and the Goths.

But when they got nowhere, they made camp there and began a siege, seeing that the people inside the city were short of provisions.

At that time a suspicion of treason against Cethegus, a patrician and leader of the Roman senate, arose among the commanders of the emperor's army in Rome. For this reason he hurried away to Centumcellae.

Belisarius, meanwhile, became anxious both for Rome and for the whole Roman cause, since there was no way to aid them from Ravenna in any case, and least of all with a small army. He therefore decided to leave that place and take possession of the district around Rome, so that by being near at hand he might be able to assist those who were in trouble there.

Indeed he repented that he had ever come to Ravenna at all. He had done this earlier because Vitalius persuaded him, and not to the advantage of the emperor's cause; for by shutting himself up in that place he had given the enemy freedom to arrange the war as they wished.

To me it seemed either that Belisarius chose the worse course because it was fated then that the Romans should fare badly, or that he had indeed resolved upon the better course, but God, intending to assist Totila and the Goths, stood in his way, so that even Belisarius' best plans turned out completely contrary to his expectation.

For those upon whom fortune blows from a favorable quarter, even if they make the worst plans, meet with no disaster, because Heaven changes those plans and brings them to an altogether fortunate issue.

But a man who lies under hostile fortune, I think, has no power at all to plan wisely; his understanding and his insight into the truth are stripped from him by the fact that he is fated to suffer ill.

And if he should ever devise a plan fitted to the need, fortune at once breathes against him after the plan has been made, and twists the wise intention into the most disastrous result.

Whether this is so or otherwise, I cannot say.

Belisarius therefore appointed Justinus commander of the garrison in Ravenna, and he himself, with only a few men, went from there through Dalmatia and the neighboring lands to Epidamnus. There he remained quiet, expecting an army from Byzantium.

He wrote a letter to the emperor and reported the present situation. Not long afterward, therefore, the emperor sent him John, the nephew of Vitalian, and Isaac the Armenian, brother of Aratius and Narses, together with an army of barbarian and Roman soldiers.

These troops reached Epidamnus and joined Belisarius there. The emperor also sent Narses the eunuch to the rulers of the Eruli, in order to persuade most of them to march to Italy.

Many of the Eruli followed him, under the command of Philemuth and certain others, and came with him into the land of Thrace. The plan was that, after spending the winter there, they would be sent to Belisarius at the opening of spring.

John also accompanied them, the man whom they called the Glutton. On this journey an unexpected chance befell them, and brought great good to the Romans.

For a large throng of barbarian Sclaveni had recently crossed the river Ister, plundered the lands on that side, and enslaved a very great multitude of Romans.

The Eruli suddenly came to blows with them and, contrary to expectation, defeated men who exceeded them by a great measure in number. They killed them, and released all the captives to go back to their own homes.

At that time Narses also found a man who was making fraudulent use of the name of Chilbudius, an illustrious man who had once served as general of the Romans, and he was easily able to expose the plot. What this matter was, I shall explain at once.

Wars 7.14.1-36

There was a certain Chilbudius from the household of the Emperor Justinian, exceedingly vigorous in war and at the same time so superior to money that, instead of a very great estate among his possessions, he possessed nothing at all.

When the emperor was in the fourth year of his rule, he proclaimed this Chilbudius general of Thrace and stationed him to guard the river Ister. He ordered him to keep watch so that the river would no longer be passable for the barbarians there, since the Huns, Antae, and Sclaveni had already crossed it many times and had done irreparable harm to the Romans.

Chilbudius became so terrifying to the barbarians that for the space of three years, so long as he spent his time there with this office, not only was no one able to cross the Ister against the Romans, but the Romans themselves often crossed with Chilbudius into the mainland opposite, and killed and enslaved the barbarians there.

But three years later Chilbudius crossed the river, as he was accustomed to do, with a small army, and the Sclaveni came against him with their whole people.

A fierce battle took place. Many of the Romans fell, and with them Chilbudius the general.

From that time the river became easy for the barbarians to cross whenever they wished, and the possessions of the Romans lay ready to their hands. The whole Roman empire proved unable to match the excellence of one man in this task.

Later the Antae and the Sclaveni fell into hostility with one another and joined battle. In this battle it happened that the Antae were defeated by their opponents.

In that fight one of the Sclaveni took captive a young enemy named Chilbudius, whose beard was just beginning to grow, and led him away to his own home.

As time went on this Chilbudius became devoted to his master beyond all measure, and proved a bold man in war against the enemy.

For many times he put himself in danger on behalf of his master, and by displaying deeds of courage he became very famous.

About this same time the Antae made a descent upon Thrace, plundered it, and enslaved many of the Roman inhabitants, whom they led away with them when they returned to their native country.

By chance one of these captives came into the hands of a master who was kindly and gentle.

This man was a great rogue, able to get round and deceive those who fell in his way.

Since he could find no device by which to return to the land of the Romans, although he strongly desired it, he contrived the following scheme.

Coming before his master, he praised him for his kindness and said that because of it God would grant him great blessings; he himself, he said, would not prove ungrateful to so good a master.

If only the master were willing to listen to the excellent advice he had to offer, he would shortly put him in possession of a great sum of money.

For among the nation of the Sclaveni, he said, there was one Chilbudius, formerly a general of the Romans, living in slavery, while all the barbarians were ignorant of who in the world he was.

If, then, the master were willing to pay the price demanded for Chilbudius and bring the man into the land of the Romans, it was likely that he would gain from the emperor not only a splendid reputation but also an immense amount of money.

With these words the Roman quickly persuaded his master, and he went with him into the midst of the Sclaveni. For these barbarians were by now at peace with one another and mixed together without fear.

Thus they were able, after paying a large sum of money to the master of Chilbudius, to purchase the man, and they departed at once with him.

When they had reached their own country, the man who had bought him asked whether he himself was Chilbudius, the Roman general.

He did not hesitate to tell the whole truth in order. He said that he too was by birth one of the Antae; that, while fighting with his fellow-countrymen against the Sclaveni, who were then at war with them, he had been captured by one of the enemy; and that now, since he had come into his native land, he too would from that time on be free according to the law.

At this, the man who had paid gold for him was struck speechless with vexation, seeing that he had failed of no small hope.

But the Roman, wishing to encourage the man and to fight down the truth, so that no obstacle might arise to prevent his own return home, still insisted that this man was in fact that Chilbudius. Plainly, he said, because he was among the barbarians, he was afraid and therefore quite unwilling to reveal the whole truth; but if he should come into the land of the Romans, he would not only cease concealing the truth, but in all likelihood would even glory in that very name.

At first these things were done without the knowledge of the other barbarians.

But when the report was carried about and reached the whole nation, nearly all the Antae gathered to deliberate about the matter.

They demanded that the affair be made public, believing that great advantage would come to them from the fact that they had now become masters of Chilbudius, the Roman general.

For these nations, the Sclaveni and the Antae, are not ruled by one man; they have lived from ancient times under a popular government, and for this reason everything that concerns their advantage, whether good or bad, is brought before the people.

In almost all other matters too these two barbarian peoples have had the same institutions and customs from olden times.

They believe that one god, the maker of the lightning, is the only lord of all things, and they sacrifice cattle and all other victims to him.

As for fate, they neither know it nor admit in any way that it has power among men. Whenever death stands close beside them, either when they are seized by sickness or when they are entering upon war, they promise that, if they escape, they will at once make a sacrifice to the god in return for their life.

If they escape, they sacrifice what they promised, and suppose that their safety has been bought by that same sacrifice.

They also revere rivers and nymphs and certain other spirits; they sacrifice to all of these as well, and they make their divinations in connection with these sacrifices.

They live in miserable huts, which they set up far apart from one another, and in general each man is always changing the place where he lives.

When they enter battle, most of them go against the enemy on foot, carrying small shields and javelins in their hands, but they never put on corselets.

Some of them do not even wear a tunic or cloak, but draw their trousers up only as far as their private parts and so enter battle against their opponents.

Both peoples also have the same language, a wholly barbarian tongue.

Nor do they differ from one another at all in appearance. They are all exceptionally tall and strong men; their bodies and hair are neither very fair or blond, nor do they altogether tend toward the dark, but all are somewhat ruddy in color.

They live a hard life, taking no account of bodily comforts, just as the Massagetae do, and like them they are at all times covered with dirt. Yet they are in no way wicked or malicious; instead they preserve the Hunnic character in its simplicity.

Indeed in ancient times the Sclaveni and the Antae had one name, for both were formerly called Spori, because, I suppose, since they live scattered, one apart from another, they inhabit their land in a dispersed fashion.

Because of this they also hold a great amount of land; for they alone inhabit the greater part of the northern bank of the Ister.

So much may be said concerning these peoples.

On the present occasion, then, the Antae assembled, as has been said, and tried to compel this man to agree with them that he was Chilbudius himself, the Roman general. They threatened to punish him if he denied it.

While this matter was proceeding in the way described, the Emperor Justinian meanwhile sent envoys to these same barbarians, through whom he declared his desire that they should all settle in an ancient city named Turris, which lies north of the river Ister.

This city had been built in earlier times by the Roman emperor Trajan, but for a long time it had stood uninhabited, after it had been plundered by the barbarians of that region.

The Emperor Justinian agreed to give them this city and the land around it, on the ground that it had belonged to the Romans from the beginning. He also agreed to help them with all his power in settling there, and to give them large sums of money, on condition that, as treaty partners from that time onward, they should always stand in the way of the Huns whenever these wished to invade Roman territory.

When the barbarians heard these things, they approved and promised to do everything, provided that he would restore Chilbudius to the generalship of the Romans and give him to them as fellow-founder of the settlement, firmly maintaining, because they wished it to be so, that this man was Chilbudius.

Lifted up by these hopes, the man himself now also wished and claimed to be Chilbudius, the Roman general. As he was being sent to Byzantium for this purpose, Narses encountered him on this journey.

When Narses met him and found the man playing the impostor, although he spoke the Latin tongue and had already learned many of Chilbudius' distinguishing marks and was able to imitate them well, he confined him in prison and compelled him to tell the whole story. Then he brought him to Byzantium in his own train.

But I shall return to the point from which I have digressed.

Wars 7.22.1-24

While these envoys were being sent to Byzantium and back again to Italy, the following events happened among the Lucanians.

Tullianus gathered the country people there and guarded the entrance, which was very narrow, so that the enemy might not go in and ravage the lands of Lucania.

Three hundred Antae were also guarding it with them. John had previously happened to leave these men there for Tullianus, at his request, for these barbarians are better than all others at fighting in difficult ground.

When Totila learned this, he thought it unprofitable to set Goths to the work. He gathered a multitude of country people, sent a few Goths along with them, and ordered them to attempt the entrance with all their strength.

When the two sides joined, there was much pushing and thrusting by both. But the Antae, by their own courage, and also because the rough ground helped them, together with the country people around Tullianus, turned their opponents to flight.

Many of them were killed there.

When Totila heard this, he resolved first to raze Rome to the ground, and then, leaving the greater part of his army in that region, to march with the rest against John and the Lucanians.

Accordingly he tore down the fortifications in many places, so that about one third of the defenses was destroyed.

He was on the point of burning the finest and most notable buildings also, and of making Rome a pasture for sheep. But Belisarius learned of his plan and sent envoys to him with a letter.

When these envoys came before Totila, they declared the reason for their coming and delivered the letter, which said the following:

"To create beauty in a city that has not been beautiful before belongs only to men of wisdom who know the meaning of civilization; but to destroy beauty already existing belongs naturally to men without understanding, men who are not ashamed to leave this sign of their own character to later generations.

"Among all the cities beneath the sun, Rome is agreed to be the greatest and most renowned.

"It was not created by the ability of one man, nor did it reach such greatness and beauty by a power of short duration. Many rulers, many companies of excellent men, a long stretch of time, and an extraordinary abundance of wealth have brought together in that city all the other things that are in the whole world, and skilled craftsmen besides.

"Thus, little by little, they built the city as you see it, leaving to future generations memorials of the ability of them all. Therefore an outrage against these monuments would rightly be considered a great crime against the men of all ages; by such an act the men of earlier generations are robbed of the memorials of their excellence, and future generations of the sight of their works.

"Since this is so, be well assured of this: one of two things must necessarily happen. Either you will be defeated by the emperor in this struggle, or, if it so happens, you will overcome him.

"If you are victorious, and you dismantle Rome, you will not have destroyed another man's possession, noble sir, but your own city; while if you preserve it, you will naturally enrich yourself with the fairest of all possessions.

"But if it should fall to you to experience the worse fortune, then by saving Rome you would have abundant gratitude from the victor, while by destroying the city you would make certain that no plea for mercy would any longer be left to you. Besides this, you would have gained no advantage from the deed.

"Furthermore, a reputation corresponding to your conduct will be your portion among all men, and it waits for you according as you decide either way. For the quality of the acts of rulers necessarily determines the quality of the reputation they win from those acts."

Such was the letter of Belisarius.

Totila read it many times and came to understand the meaning of the counsel accurately. He was persuaded, and did Rome no further harm.

He sent Belisarius a statement of his decision and immediately dismissed the envoys.

He ordered the main body of his army to camp not far from Rome at the town of Algedon, about one hundred and twenty stades from the city toward the west, and to remain quiet there, so that Belisarius' troops would have no freedom to go anywhere outside Portus.

He himself marched with the rest of the army against John and the Lucanians. As for the Romans, he kept the members of the senate with him, but all the others, together with their wives and children, he sent into Campania, not allowing a single soul to remain in Rome, but leaving it wholly deserted.

When John learned that Totila was coming against him, he no longer thought it right to remain in Apulia, but hurried to Dryus. The patricians who were being taken into Campania, by Totila's direction, sent some of their own people into Lucania and ordered their country tenants to give up what they were doing and cultivate the fields; for, the message said, they would have their masters' property.

So they withdrew from the Roman army and remained quietly in the fields. Tullianus fled and disappeared, and the three hundred Antae decided to withdraw to John.

Thus everything inside the Ionian gulf, except Dryus, again became subject to the Goths and Totila. The barbarians, now confident, scattered in bands and ranged over all the surrounding country.

When John learned this, he sent many of his followers against them. They fell upon the enemy unexpectedly and killed many.

Totila, made cautious by this, gathered all those with him around Mount Garganus, which rises somewhere in the middle of Apulia, and made camp in the fortified enclosure of Hannibal the Libyan. There he remained quiet.

Wars 7.23.1-18

At this time one of those who had fled from Rome with Conon when the city was captured, a man named Martinianus, Byzantine by birth, came to Belisarius and asked to be sent among the enemy, pretending in word to be a deserter. He promised that he would do great good for the Romans. When this seemed right to Belisarius, he went away.

Totila was very pleased when he saw him, for he had heard that the young man was renowned in single combats, and he had often seen him himself. Since Martinianus' wife and two children were among the captives, Totila immediately restored the wife and one of the children to the man, but kept the other child as a hostage, and sent him with certain others to Spolitium.

When the Goths had taken Spolitium by Herodian's surrender, they had torn the circuit-wall of the city down to the ground. But they had carefully blocked up the entrances of the hunting arena before the city, the structure commonly called an amphitheatre, and had placed a garrison there of Goths and Roman deserters.

They did this in order to guard the country there. When Martinianus came to Spolitium, he was able to make friends with fifteen soldiers, whom he persuaded to return to the Roman army after first doing some great deed against the barbarians.

He also sent some men to the commander of the garrison in Perusia, ordering him to send an army to him at Spolitium as quickly as possible, and making the whole matter clear to him.

At that time Odalgan, a Hun, commanded the garrison in Perusia, since Cyprian had been treacherously removed from the world by one of his own bodyguards, as has been said above.

Odalgan came in person with an army to Spolitium.

When Martinianus learned that this army was near, he and the fifteen soldiers suddenly killed the commander of the garrison, opened the gates, and received all the Romans into the fortress.

They killed most of the enemy, but made some prisoners and brought them before Belisarius.

Not long afterward Belisarius formed the plan of going up to Rome and seeing into what condition it had fallen. He selected a thousand of his soldiers and went with them to the city.

But a man of Rome went quickly to the enemy who were camped at Algedon and reported the presence of Belisarius' army.

So the barbarians occupied the district in front of Rome with several ambushes. When they saw that Belisarius' force had come near them, they rose from their places of ambush and attacked.

A fierce battle followed. The Romans, by their courage, routed the enemy and, after destroying most of them, immediately withdrew to Portus. Such was the course of events at Rome.

There is a city on the coast of Calabria called Tarentum, about two days' journey from Dryus, on the road from there to Thurii and Rhegium. John came there with a few men at the invitation of the Tarentines, after he had stationed the rest of his command as a garrison in Dryus.

When he saw that the city was extremely large and entirely without walls, he thought there was no device by which he could guard all of it. But he saw that, toward the north wind from the city, the sea formed a bay on both sides of a very narrow piece of land, where the harbor of Tarentum is, and that the space between the two bays naturally made an isthmus for not less than twenty stades.

He cut off the isthmus part from the rest of the city, enclosed it with a wall from one part of the sea to the other, and dug a deep trench around the wall.

There he gathered not only the Tarentines but also all those who lived in the surrounding country, and left them a garrison worthy of account.

In this way all the Calabrians were now in safety and looked toward revolt from the Goths. These things were happening in that quarter.

Totila, meanwhile, occupied a very strong fortress in Lucania, lying somewhere close to the borders of Calabria, which the Romans call Acherontis. He placed there a garrison of not fewer than four hundred men, and he himself, with the rest of the army, marched against Ravenna, leaving some of the barbarians in Campania to guard the Roman prisoners, the members of the senate being there.

Wars 7.29.1-21

About this time an army of Sclaveni crossed the river Ister and did irreparable deeds throughout all Illyricum as far as Epidamnus, killing and enslaving everyone in their path without regard to age, and plundering their property.

They were already able to take many fortresses there, places which had formerly been thought strong, since no one defended them; and they went everywhere at will, searching through everything.

The commanders of the Illyrians followed them with an army of fifteen thousand men, but they never dared to go anywhere near the enemy.

At that time also there were many earthquakes in the winter season, very severe and extraordinary, both in Byzantium and in other places, all of them at night.

The inhabitants of these cities, thinking they were about to be overwhelmed, fell into great fear; yet no harm came from the earthquakes.

Then too the river Nile rose more than eighteen cubits and flooded all Egypt with water. Yet in the Thebaid, which is farther upstream, the water settled and receded at the appointed time, giving the inhabitants there the opportunity to sow the land and perform their other tasks as usual.

But in the lower country, after the water had once covered the surface, it did not withdraw. It stayed in the way throughout the sowing season, something that had never before happened in all time.

There were places where the water, even after it had receded, flowed back again not long afterward.

Thus it happened that all the seeds which had been thrown into the ground during the interval rotted.

Because of this strange event, the people were reduced to great difficulty, and most of the animals died through lack of food.

At that time also the whale which the Byzantines called Porphyrius was caught.

This whale had been troubling Byzantium and the towns around it for fifty years, though not continuously, since at times it disappeared for a rather long interval.

It had sunk many boats, terrified the passengers of many others, driven them from their course, and carried them far away.

For this reason the Emperor Justinian had been concerned to capture the creature, but he had been unable to accomplish the matter by any device. I shall explain how it came to be caught on the present occasion.

It happened, while deep calm held the sea, that a very large number of dolphins gathered near the mouth of the Euxine sea. Suddenly they saw the whale and fled wherever each could. Most of them came in near the mouth of the Sangarius.

The whale managed to catch some of them, and swallowed them at once. Then, either still driven by hunger or by a spirit of strife, it went on pursuing them no less than before, until without noticing it, it came very near the land.

There it ran upon very deep mud; and though it struggled and exerted itself with all its strength to get out as quickly as possible, it could not escape the shoal, but sank still deeper into the mud.

When this was reported among all the people who lived around there, they immediately rushed upon the whale. Although they hacked at it continually with axes from every side, even so they did not kill it; but they dragged it up with heavy ropes, put it on wagons, and found that its length was about thirty cubits and its breadth ten. Then they formed several groups and divided it among themselves. Some ate the flesh immediately, while others decided to preserve the share that fell to them.

The Byzantines, observing the earthquakes and learning the circumstances of the Nile's rise and the capture of this whale, at once began to prophesy that various things would happen, according to each man's inclination.

For men who are at a loss amid present events like to utter wonders about what is to come; and when they are worn down by troubles, they infer future events from no rational argument.

But I leave prophecies and explanations of portents to others. This I know well: the Nile's lingering upon the country was, at that time at least, the cause of great calamities, while the disappearance of the whale plainly proved to be a release from many evils.

Some say that this was not the whale I mentioned, but another one which happened to be caught. I shall return to the point from which I made my digression.

Totila, then, after accomplishing the things already described, learned that the Romans in the fortress near Rusciane were beginning to lack necessities. Thinking he would capture them very quickly if they were unable to bring in any supplies, he camped as close as possible and settled into the siege.

Wars 7.35.1-30

Belisarius' journey to Byzantium was without honor. For five years he had nowhere set foot on the soil of Italy, nor had he been able to make a march by land there; instead, through all that time, he clung to a hidden flight.

He kept sailing from one fortified place on the coast to another seaside stronghold, and because of this the enemy, now finding less reason to fear him, had enslaved Rome and, one may say, almost everything else.

At that time he also abandoned Perusia, the first city among the Tuscans, though it was being besieged with great severity. It was captured by storm while he was still on the road. When he reached Byzantium, he remained there from then on, surrounded by great command of wealth and admired for the successes that had befallen him before, which the divine power had foretold to him by no obscure sign before he marched against Libya.

The sign happened in this way. Belisarius had an inherited estate in the suburb of the Byzantines called Panteichion, which lies on the mainland opposite. There, shortly before Belisarius was about to lead the Roman army against Gelimer and Libya, his vines bore an extraordinary abundance of grapes.

His servants filled a great number of jars with the wine produced from them, set these in the wine-cellar, buried the lower part of them in the earth, and carefully smeared the upper part with clay.

Eight months later, as the wine in certain jars began to ferment, it burst the clay with which each had been sealed. Then it flowed over the rims of the jars, poured out in abundance, and covered the ground around them with such a flood that it actually made a great pool on the floor there.

When the servants saw this they were amazed. They filled many amphoras from it, stopped the same jars again with clay, and kept silent about the matter.

But when they had seen this happen many times at about the same date, they reported the matter to their master. He gathered many of his friends there and displayed the phenomenon. They interpreted it to mean that many blessings would come to that house from this sign.

Such was the fortune of Belisarius. Vigilius, the chief priest of Rome, together with the Italians who were then in the city, many of them very distinguished men, gave the emperor no rest with their entreaty that he should stand forth with all his power as champion of Italy.

But Justinian was influenced most of all by Gothigus, a man of patrician rank who had long before risen to the consular dignity; for he too had recently come to Byzantium for this very purpose.

Although the emperor promised to concern himself personally with Italy, he spent most of his time on the doctrines of the Christians, seeking eagerly and with great determination to bring the questions in dispute among them to a satisfactory settlement.

Such was the situation in Byzantium. Meanwhile one of the Lombards had fled to the Gepaeds for the following reason.

When Vaces was ruler of the Lombards, he had a nephew named Risiulfus, who according to law would be called to the kingship when Vaces died.

Vaces, wishing to arrange that the kingdom should pass to his own son, brought an unjust accusation against Risiulfus and punished the man with exile.

Risiulfus left his home with a few friends and immediately fled to the Varni, leaving behind two children.

But Vaces bribed these barbarians to kill Risiulfus.

Of Risiulfus' children, one died of disease, while the other, named Ildiges, fled to the Sclaveni.

Not long after this, Vaces fell sick and departed from the world, and the rule of the Lombards passed to Valdarus, son of Vaces. Since he was very young, Auduin was appointed guardian over him and administered the government.

Because he acquired great power from this, Auduin himself seized the rule after no long time, the child having immediately departed from the world by a natural death.

When the war arose between the Gepaeds and the Lombards, as has already been told, Ildiges went at once to the Gepaeds, taking with him not only the Lombards who had followed him but also many of the Sclaveni. The Gepaeds hoped to restore him to the kingdom.

But because the treaty had now been made with the Lombards, Auduin immediately asked the Gepaeds, as friends, to hand Ildiges over.

They flatly refused to give up the man, but ordered him to leave their country and save himself wherever he could.

Without delay, then, he took his followers and some volunteers from the Gepaeds and returned to the Sclaveni.

From there he set out to join Totila and the Goths, having with him an army of not fewer than six thousand men.

When he reached Venetia, he encountered some Romans commanded by Lazarus. He engaged them, routed the force, and killed many.

Yet he did not join the Goths, but crossed the river Ister again and withdrew once more to the Sclaveni.

While these events were happening in this way, one of Belisarius' guardsmen, named Indulf, a barbarian by birth, passionate and energetic, who had been left in Italy, went over to Totila and the Goths for no good reason.

Totila at once sent him with a large army and a fleet to Dalmatia. He came to the place called Muicurum, a coast town lying very near Salones. At first, since he was a Roman and one of Belisarius' retinue, he mingled with the people of the town; then he drew his own sword, urged his followers to do the same, and suddenly killed them all.

Taking all the valuables as plunder, he went away from there and descended upon another fortress on the coast, which the Romans call Laureate. There he entered the town and killed those who fell in his way.

When Claudian, who was then commander of Salones, learned this, he sent an army against him on the vessels called dromones.

When these men reached Laureate, they came to blows with the enemy. They were defeated by a wide margin in the battle and fled wherever each could, abandoning the dromones in the harbor, where the other ships also happened to be lying, full of grain and the other necessities.

Indulf and the Goths captured all these, killed everyone in their path, plundered the valuables, and came back to Totila.

And the winter came to an end, and the fourteenth year of this war, which Procopius has written, was completed.

Wars 7.38.1-23

About this time an army of Sclaveni, gathered to no more than about three thousand men, crossed the river Ister without anyone opposing them. Immediately they crossed the river Hebrus without difficulty and divided into two parts.

One of their bands contained eighteen hundred men, and the other the remainder.

Although the bands were separated from one another, the commanders of the Roman army, both in Illyricum and in Thrace, came to blows with them and were unexpectedly defeated. Some were destroyed on the field, while others escaped and saved themselves in disorderly flight.

After all the generals had fared in this way at the hands of each barbarian army, though the barbarian camps were much smaller in number, one band of the enemy met Asbadus.

This man was a guardsman of the Emperor Justinian, serving among those called candidati, and he commanded the cavalry units that from ancient times had been stationed at Tzurullum, a fortress in Thrace; they were a numerous body of the best soldiers.

The Sclaveni routed these men too without difficulty, and killed most of them in a most shameful flight. They captured Asbadus and held him prisoner for the moment.

Afterward they burned him by throwing him into fire, first flaying strips from the man's back.

Having done these things, they turned to plundering all the towns of Thrace and Illyricum in relative safety.

Both armies captured many fortresses by siege, although they had no previous experience in attacking walls and had never before dared to come down into the open plain.

Indeed, it seems that these barbarians had never in all time attempted to overrun the land of the Romans before the occasion which I have mentioned above.

Then those who had defeated Asbadus plundered everything in order as far as the sea, and captured by storm a city on the coast called Topirus, though it had a garrison of soldiers. This is the first of the coastal towns of Thrace, and lies twelve days' journey from Byzantium.

They captured it in the following way. Most of them hid themselves in the rough ground that lay before the fortifications, while a few went near the gate that faces east and began harassing the Romans on the battlements.

The soldiers guarding there, supposing that these were no more than the men they could see, immediately took up their arms and all sallied out against them.

The barbarians began to withdraw backward, making the attackers think that they were retreating because they were thoroughly afraid of them. The Romans, drawn into pursuit, found themselves a considerable distance from the fortifications.

Then the men in ambush rose from their hiding places and took position behind the pursuers, so that it was no longer possible for them to enter the city.

At the same time those who had seemed to be fleeing turned around. Thus the Romans came to be exposed to attack on both sides.

The barbarians destroyed these men to the last and then attacked the fortifications.

The inhabitants of the city, deprived of the soldiers' support, fell into great difficulty; even so, they defended themselves against the attackers as well as the circumstances allowed.

At first they resisted successfully, heating oil and pitch until they were very hot and pouring them down on those attacking the wall, while all the people joined in throwing stones at them. In this way they came not far from driving off the danger.

But at last the barbarians overpowered them by the multitude of their missiles and forced them to abandon the battlements. Then they set ladders against the fortifications and captured the city by storm.

They immediately killed all the men, numbering fifteen thousand, plundered all the valuables, and enslaved the children and women.

Before this, however, they had spared no age. Both these and the other band, from the time when they fell upon Roman land, had been killing all who came in their way, young and old alike, so that the whole land inhabited by the Illyrians and Thracians was everywhere filled with unburied corpses.

They killed those who fell into their hands neither by sword nor spear nor any other usual manner. Instead, they fixed stakes very firmly in the ground, made them as sharp as possible, and with great force seated the wretched captives upon them, driving the point of the stake between the buttocks and forcing it up into the entrails. In this way they chose to destroy them.

These barbarians also planted four thick pieces of wood deep in the ground, bound to them the hands and feet of those they had captured, and then continually struck them on the head with clubs, killing them as one would kill dogs, snakes, or some other beast.

Others they shut up in houses together with cattle and sheep, all those things they were least able to take back to their native haunts, and burned them there without mercy. Thus the Sclaveni had always been killing those who fell in their way.

But now they and the men of the other band, as though drunk with the mass of blood, decided from this point onward to take alive some of those who fell into their hands. Therefore all of them departed for home, bringing with them countless myriads of captives.

Wars 7.40.1-45

While Germanus was gathering and ordering the army at Sardica, the city of the Illyrians, and preparing all things for the war with the greatest strength, a host of Sclaveni such as had never before come into Roman land crossed the river Ister and came into the region around Naissus.

A few of them, having become separated from the army, were wandering and going about the country there alone. Some Romans seized them, bound them, and asked why this army of the Sclaveni had crossed the river and what they intended to accomplish.

They insisted that they had come to take Thessalonica itself and the cities around it by siege. When the emperor heard this, he was greatly disturbed and at once wrote to Germanus, ordering him for the present to postpone the journey to Italy, to defend Thessalonica and the other cities, and to repel the invasion of the Sclaveni with all his power.

Germanus, then, was applying himself to this problem. But the Sclaveni, learning plainly from their captives that Germanus was in Sardica, fell into fear.

For Germanus had a great reputation among these barbarians for the following reason. In the reign of Justinian's uncle Justin, the Antae, who live close to the Sclaveni, had crossed the river Ister with a great army and invaded Roman territory.

Not long before this, as it happened, the emperor had appointed Germanus general of all Thrace. He joined battle with the hostile army, defeated it decisively, and killed almost all of them.

Because of this deed Germanus was held in great glory among all men, including these barbarians.

Therefore, because of their fear of him, as I have said, and also because they supposed that he was leading a formidable force, since he was being sent by the emperor against Totila and the Goths, the Sclaveni immediately turned aside from their march on Thessalonica and no longer dared to descend into the plain. Instead they crossed all the mountains of Illyricum and came into Dalmatia.

Germanus, accordingly, no longer paid attention to them. He ordered the whole army to prepare for the march, intending to begin the journey from there to Italy two days later.

But by some chance it happened that he was taken by sickness and suddenly reached the end of his life.

Thus Germanus suddenly departed, a man endowed with the finest qualities and remarkable for his energy. In war, he was not only a very able general, but also resourceful and independent in action; and in peace and good fortune, he knew well how to maintain both the laws and the institutions of the state with all firmness.

As a judge he was conspicuously upright; in private life he lent large sums of money to all who asked, and never even mentioned taking interest from them.

Both in the palace and in the marketplace he was impressive in appearance and very serious in manner; but in daily life at home he was pleasant, open-hearted, and gracious to his guests.

So far as his strength allowed, he permitted no offense against the established laws in the palace; nor did he ever share in the purpose or conversations of the conspirators in Byzantium, although many even of those in power had gone very far in their unnatural conduct.

Such was the course of these events. The emperor was deeply moved by this misfortune, and commanded John, the nephew of Vitalian and son-in-law of Germanus, together with Justinian, one of Germanus' two sons, to lead this army into Italy.

So they set out on the road to Dalmatia, intending to spend the winter at Salones. It seemed impossible to them at that season to make the circuit of the gulf, as they would have to do when traveling into Italy, and they could not ferry across because they had no ships.

Meanwhile Liberius, not yet having learned anything of the emperor's change of plan concerning the fleet he commanded, put in at Syracuse while it was being besieged by the enemy.

He forced his way through the barbarian lines, sailed into the harbor, and so came inside the fortifications with the whole fleet.

Not long afterward Artabanes reached Cephallenia. Finding that Liberius and his army had already put out from there and departed by sea on the way to Sicily, he immediately set out from there and crossed the so-called Adriatic sea.

But when he came near Calabria, a violent storm and an extraordinarily strong head wind fell upon him. It happened that all the ships were scattered so completely that it seemed most of them had been driven onto the shore of Calabria and had fallen into the hands of the enemy.

This, however, did not happen. They had first been separated by the great force of the wind, then had turned back while being violently battered by the sea, and had again reached the Peloponnesus.

Of the other ships, some were lost and some were saved, according to where chance carried each.

But the ship in which Artabanes himself was sailing had its mast broken off by the heavy sea. Yet after coming into such danger, it was carried by the surge and followed the swell until it came to land at the island of Melita.

Thus Artabanes was saved contrary to expectation. Liberius, meanwhile, found himself unable to make sallies against the besiegers or to fight a decisive battle with them; at the same time, the supplies could not possibly be enough for long, since his force was large. So he sailed from there with his troops, escaped the enemy's notice, and withdrew to Panormus.

Totila and the Goths, meanwhile, had plundered almost the whole land of Sicily. They had gathered as spoil a vast number of horses and other animals, and had stripped the island of grain and all its other crops. These, together with all the treasure, which amounted to a very great sum, they loaded onto their ships; then suddenly they abandoned the island and returned to Italy, being driven to do this for the following reason.

Not long before this, Totila had appointed one of the Romans, named Spinus, a native of Spolitium, to be his personal adviser. This man was staying in Catana, an unwalled town.

By some chance he fell into the hands of the enemy there. Totila, eager to rescue the man, wished to release to the Romans in exchange for him the wife of a notable man, whom he held prisoner.

But the Romans would not consent to take a woman in exchange for a man who held the office called quaestor.

The man therefore became afraid that he would be destroyed while in hostile hands, and promised the Romans that he would persuade Totila to leave Sicily immediately and cross over to Italy with the whole Gothic army.

So they first bound him with oaths to carry out this promise, and then gave him over to the Goths, receiving the woman in return.

He came before Totila and declared that the Goths were not looking to their own advantage by remaining there for a few insignificant fortresses, now that they had plundered almost the whole of Sicily.

He said that, while among the enemy, he had recently heard that Germanus, the emperor's nephew, had departed from the world, and that John, his son-in-law, and Justinian, his son, with the whole army gathered by Germanus, were already in Dalmatia and would move from there, after completing their preparations in the briefest time, straight for Liguria, plainly in order to fall suddenly upon the Goths, enslave their women and children, and plunder all their valuables.

It would be better for the Goths, he said, to be there to meet them, spending the winter meanwhile safely together with their families.

"For if we overcome that army, it will be possible for us, at the opening of spring, to renew the campaign against Sicily without anxiety and with no thought of an enemy in our minds."

Totila was persuaded by this advice. Leaving guards in four strongholds, he himself took all the booty and crossed over with all the rest of the army to Italy.

Such was the course of these events. John and the emperor's army, when they reached Dalmatia, decided to pass the winter at Salones, intending after the winter season to march from there straight to Ravenna.

But the Sclaveni now appeared again: both those who had previously come into the emperor's land, as I have recounted above, and others who had crossed the Ister not long afterward and joined the first. They began to overrun Roman territory with complete freedom.

Some suspected that Totila had bribed these barbarians with great gifts of money and had thus set them upon the Romans there, with the definite purpose that the emperor might not be able to manage the war against the Goths well because of his occupation with these barbarians.

But whether the Sclaveni were conferring a favor on Totila, or whether they came there without invitation, I am unable to say.

In any case, these barbarians divided themselves into three groups and did irreparable harm throughout all Europe, not merely plundering that country by sudden raids, but actually spending the winter there as though in their own land, with no fear of the enemy.

Afterward the Emperor Justinian sent a very considerable army against them, led by a number of commanders, among them Constantianus, Aratius, Nazares, Justinus the son of Germanus, and John who bore the name Glutton.

But over all of them he set Scholasticus, one of the palace eunuchs, as supreme commander.

This army came upon a part of the barbarians near Adrianople, which lies in inland Thrace, five days' journey from Byzantium.

The barbarians were unable to go farther, for they were bringing with them booty beyond all reckoning: men, animals, and valuables of every kind. So they remained there, eager to come to an engagement with the enemy, but not letting this be known to them in any way.

The Sclaveni were encamped on the hill that rises there, while the Romans were in the plain not far away.

When much time was spent in this way blockading the enemy, the soldiers grew resentful and made a great clamor. They accused the generals of having all provisions in abundance for themselves as commanders of the Roman army, while paying no attention to the soldiers, who were distressed by the lack of absolute necessities and were unwilling to engage the enemy.

Under these protests the generals were compelled to join battle with the enemy.

The battle that followed was fierce, but the Romans were decisively defeated. In that battle many of the best soldiers perished, and the generals came very near to falling into the hands of the enemy. Only with difficulty did they escape with the remnant of the army and save themselves, each as he could.

The barbarians also captured the standard of Constantianus, and, holding the Roman army in contempt, advanced farther.

They plundered at will the country called Astica, which had been unravaged from ancient times, and therefore it happened that they found there a very great amount of spoil. Plundering much country in this way, they came as far as the Long Walls, which are a little more than a day's journey from Byzantium.

Not long afterward, the Roman army followed these barbarians, came upon a part of them, and suddenly joined battle with them and turned them to flight.

They killed many of the enemy, rescued a great mass of Roman captives, and found and recovered the standard of Constantianus. The rest of the barbarians departed for home with the remaining booty.

Wars 8.2.1-33

This Pontus, then, begins from Byzantium and Chalcedon and ends at the land of the Colchians.

As one sails into it, the land on the right is inhabited by the Bithynians, and next to them the Honoriatae and Paphlagonians, who possess, besides other places, the coastal cities Heraclea and Amastris. After them are the people called Pontici, as far as the city of Trapezus and its boundaries. In that region there are small coastal cities, among them Sinope and Amisus; near Amisus are the place called Themiscyra and the river Thermodon, where they say the army of the Amazons had its origin. Concerning the Amazons I shall write a little later.

The territory of the Trapezuntines reaches from there to the village Susurmena and the place called Rhizaeum, which is two days' journey from Trapezus for one going along the coast toward Lazica.

Now that I have mentioned Trapezus, I must not leave out a very strange thing that happens there.

The honey produced in all the places around Trapezus is bitter; there alone it departs from its established reputation.

To the right of these places rise all the mountains of Tzanica, and beyond them are the Armenians who are subject to the Romans.

From these mountains of Tzanica the river Boas descends. After passing into countless thickets and crossing a mountainous country, it flows alongside the land of Lazica and empties into the so-called Euxine sea, though it no longer keeps the name Boas.

For when it approaches the sea, it loses this name and thereafter takes another from the character it now displays.

The natives call it Acampsis for the rest of its course, evidently because it is impossible to force a way through it after it has entered the sea. It discharges its stream with such force and swiftness, causing a great disturbance of the water before it, that it runs out a very great distance into the sea and makes coasting along at that point impossible.

Those who sail in that part of the Pontus, whether toward Lazica or even away from it, cannot hold a straight course in their voyage. They are quite unable to push through the river current; they must put out a very great distance into the sea there, somewhere near the middle of the Pontus, and only in this way escape the force of the river's discharge. So much may be said concerning the river Boas.

Beyond Rhizaeum is found a territory occupied by independent peoples, who live between the Romans and the Lazi.

There is a certain village there named Athenae, not, as some suppose, because settlers from Athens established themselves there, but because a certain woman named Athenaea ruled over the land in early times; the tomb of this woman is still there in my day.

Beyond Athenae are Archabis and Apsarus, an ancient city about three days' journey from Rhizaeum.

This city was called Apsyrtus in ancient times, having been named from that man because of his misfortune.

For in that place the natives say that Apsyrtus was removed from the world by the plot of Medea and Jason, and that from this circumstance the place received its name. He died on that spot, and the place was named after him.

But a very long time has passed since these events, and countless generations of men have flourished; the mere passage of time has therefore been enough to erase from memory the sequence of events from which the name arose and to transform the name of the place into its present form.

There is also a tomb of this Apsyrtus to the east of the city.

In ancient times this was a populous city. A great circuit of wall surrounded it, and it was adorned with a theatre, a hippodrome, and all the other things by which the size of a city is usually shown.

At present nothing of these remains except the foundations of the buildings.

It is now clear that one might reasonably wonder at those who say that the Colchians are adjacent to the Trapezuntines. For on that assumption it would appear that after Jason, together with Medea, had seized the fleece, he did not flee toward Hellas and his own country, but backward toward the river Phasis and the barbarians in the remotest interior.

They say that in the time of the Roman emperor Trajan detachments of Roman soldiers were stationed there and as far as the Lazi and Saginae. But at the present time the people who live there are subject neither to the Romans nor to the king of the Lazi, except that the bishops of the Lazi appoint their priests, since they are Christians.

Wishing to live in peace and friendship with both peoples, they have made a permanent agreement to provide escort for those who from time to time travel from one country to the other. It appears that they have been doing this even down to my time.

For they escort the messengers sent from one king to the other, sailing in their own boats.

Nevertheless, they have in no way become tributary down to the present time.

To the right of these places very sheer mountains rise above, and a barren land extends indefinitely.

Beyond this dwell the so-called Persarmenians, and also the Armenians who are subject to the Romans, stretching as far as the borders of Iberia.

From the city of Apsarus to Petra and the boundary of Lazica, where the Euxine sea reaches its end, is a journey of one day.

As this sea comes to an end here, its coast takes the form of a crescent.

The distance across this crescent is about five hundred and fifty stades, while all the land behind it is Lazica and is known by that name. Behind them in the interior are Scymnia and Suania; these nations are subjects of the Lazi.

Although these peoples have magistrates of their own blood, nevertheless whenever one of the magistrates reaches the end of life, it is always customary for another to be appointed in his place by the king of the Lazi.

At the side of this land, bordering for the most part on Iberia proper, dwell the Meschi, who from ancient times have been subjects of the Iberians and have their homes in the mountains. The mountains of the Meschi are neither rough nor unproductive, but abound in all good things; for the Meschi are skilled farmers, and there are even vineyards in their country.

Yet this land is enclosed by very lofty mountains covered with forests, so that they are exceedingly difficult to pass through. These mountains extend as far as the Caucasus; beyond them toward the east lies Iberia, reaching as far as Persarmenia.

Through the mountains rising here the river Phasis issues forth, having its source in the Caucasus and its mouth at the middle of the crescent of the Pontus. For this reason some consider that it forms the boundary between the two continents: the land on the left as one goes down the stream is Asia, while that on the right is called Europe.

It happens that all the settlements of the Lazi are on the European side. On the opposite side there is no fortress, stronghold, or village of note held by the Lazi, except the city of Petra, which the Romans built there in earlier times.

It was somewhere in this part of Lazica, as the inhabitants say, that the famous fleece was placed for safekeeping, that fleece on account of which, as the poets tell the story, the Argo was built.

But in saying this, in my opinion, they are not telling the truth at all. For I think Jason would not have escaped Aeetes and departed from there with Medea and the fleece unless both the palace and the other houses of the Colchians had been separated by the river Phasis from the place where that fleece happened to lie. The poets who recorded such things also indicate this.

The Phasis, then, flowing in the way I have described, empties into the Euxine Pontus at about the very point where it comes to an end. Of the crescent, at one end, the one belonging to Asia, stood the city of Petra; on the opposite shore, in the European part, is the country of the Apsilii.

The Apsilii are subjects of the Lazi and have been Christians from ancient times, just as all the other nations I have mentioned up to this point in the narrative.

Wars 8.3.1-21

Above this country are the mountains of the Caucasus. This mountain, the Caucasus, rises to such a height that neither rain nor snow ever touches its highest peaks; for they happen to stand above all the clouds. But the middle parts are always covered with snow down to the lowest slopes.

From this one may infer that the foothills are exceedingly high, not at all inferior to the crags of other mountains.

Of the foothills of the Caucasus, some turn toward the north wind and the setting sun and extend as far as the Illyrians and Thracians; others turn toward the rising sun and the south wind and reach the very passes through which the Hunnic nations living there make their way into the land of both the Persians and the Romans.

One of these passes is called Tzur, while the other has from ancient times been named the Caspian Gates. The country extending from the Caucasus range to the Caspian Gates is held by the Alani, an autonomous nation, who for the most part are allied with the Persians and march against the Romans and against the Persians' other enemies. So much may be said concerning the Caucasus.

The Huns called Sabiri live in that region, and also certain other Hunnic tribes.

They say that the Amazons truly had their origin here, and afterward established their camp near Themiscyra on the river Thermodon, as I have stated above, at the place where the city of Amisus now is.

But today no memory of the Amazons is preserved anywhere around the Caucasus range, nor any name connected with them, although much has been written about them by Strabo and by some others.

It seems to me, however, that those have spoken better than the others, at least concerning the Amazons, who have said that there never was a race of women endowed with the qualities of men, and that human nature did not depart from its established order only in the mountains of the Caucasus.

Rather, barbarians from these regions, together with their own women, made an invasion of Asia with a great army, established a camp at the river Thermodon, and left the women there. Then, while they themselves were overrunning the greater part of Asia, they met the inhabitants of the land and were utterly destroyed, so that not one man returned to the women's camp.

Thereafter the women, through fear of the people living around them and constrained by the failure of their supplies, put on manly courage, not at all willingly. Taking up the arms and armor left by the men in the camp and arming themselves excellently with these, they displayed manly courage, driven by sheer necessity, until they were all destroyed.

I too believe that this is approximately what happened, and that the Amazons made an expedition with their husbands, basing my judgment on what has actually happened in my own time. For customs handed down to remote descendants show the character of earlier generations.

I mean this: on many occasions when Huns have made raids into Roman territory and have joined battle with those who encountered them, some of course have fallen there; and after the barbarians withdrew, the Romans, searching the bodies of the fallen, have actually found women among them. No other army of women, however, has appeared in any place in Asia or Europe. On the other hand, we have no tradition that the mountains of the Caucasus were ever without men. Let this suffice concerning the Amazons.

Beyond the Apsilii and the other end of the crescent, the Abasgi live along the coast, and their country extends as far as the mountains of the Caucasus.

The Abasgi have from ancient times been subjects of the Lazi, but they have always had two rulers of their own blood. One of these lived in the western part of their country, the other in the eastern part.

Even down to my time these barbarians worshipped groves and forests, for with a kind of barbarian simplicity they supposed that the trees were gods.

But they suffered most cruelly at the hands of their rulers because of their excessive greed. Both kings used to take those boys of the nation whom they noticed to have handsome faces and fine bodies; dragging them away from their parents without the least hesitation, they made them eunuchs and sold them at high prices to anyone in Roman territory who wished to buy them.

They also immediately killed the fathers of these boys, in order that none of them might ever attempt to exact vengeance from the king for the wrong done to their sons, and also that there might be no subjects in the country suspected by the kings.

Thus the physical beauty of their sons resulted in the destruction of the fathers; the wretched men were destroyed by the fatal misfortune of having beautiful children. As a consequence, most of the eunuchs among the Romans, and especially those at the emperor's court, happened to be Abasgi by birth.

But during the reign of the present Emperor Justinian, the Abasgi changed everything and adopted a more civilized way of life. For they not only chose the doctrines of the Christians, but the Emperor Justinian also sent them one of the eunuchs from the palace, an Abasgus by birth named Euphratas, and through him explicitly commanded their kings that no male in this nation should thereafter be deprived of manhood by nature being violated with iron.

The Abasgi gladly accepted this, and, now taking courage from the command of the Roman emperor, they strove with all their strength to prevent this practice.

For each of them feared that he might at some time become the father of a beautiful child.

At that time the Emperor Justinian also built a sanctuary of the Mother of God among the Abasgi, appointed priests for them, and brought it about that they were thoroughly taught all the customs of the Christians. The Abasgi immediately deposed both kings and seemed thereafter to live in freedom. Thus these things happened.

Wars 8.4.1-13

Beyond the borders of the Abasgi, along the Caucasus range, dwell the Bruchi, who are between the Abasgi and the Alani; along the coast of the Euxine sea the Zechi are settled.

In ancient times the Roman emperor used to appoint a king over the Zechi, but at present these barbarians obey the Romans in no respect.

After them dwell the Saginae, and from ancient times the Romans held part of their coast.

They had built two fortresses on the coast, Sebastopolis and Pityus, two days' journey apart, and from the beginning they kept garrisons of soldiers in them.

Although in earlier times detachments of Roman soldiers held all the towns on the coast from the borders of Trapezus as far as the Saginae, as has already been said, in the end these two fortresses alone were left to them. They maintained garrisons there even to my own day, but not any longer.

For Chosroes, king of the Persians, after he had been invited by the Lazi to Petra, hastened to send an army of Persians there to take possession of these fortresses and settle down to garrison duty in them. But the Roman soldiers learned this beforehand; anticipating him, they set fire to the houses, razed the walls to the ground, and without hesitation embarked in small boats and made their way at once to the city of Trapezus on the opposite mainland. Thus, while they harmed the Roman empire by destroying the fortresses, they at the same time won it a great advantage, since the enemy did not become masters of the land. Because of this the Persians returned baffled to Petra. Thus this happened.

Above the Saginae are settled many Hunnic tribes.

From there onward the country has received the name Eulysia, and barbarian peoples hold both the coast and the interior of this land as far as the so-called Maeotic Lake and the Tanais River, which empties into the lake.

This lake has its outlet at the coast of the Euxine sea. The people settled there were called Cimmerians in ancient times, but now they are called Utigurs. Above them to the north are settled the countless tribes of the Antae.

At the exact point where the outlet of the lake begins dwell the Goths called Tetraxitae, a people not very numerous, but they reverence and observe the rites of the Christians as carefully as any people do. The inhabitants also give the name Tanais to this outlet, which starts from the Maeotic Lake and extends to the Euxine sea, a distance, they say, of twenty days' journey; and they call the wind blowing from there Tanaitis.

Whether these Goths were once of the Arian belief, as the other Gothic nations are, or whether some other peculiarity was practiced by them concerning the faith, I cannot say, since they themselves know nothing about it. At present they honor the faith with complete simplicity and much freedom from vain inquiry.

A short time ago, when the Emperor Justinian was in the twenty-first year of his reign, this people sent four envoys to Byzantium, asking him to give them a bishop; for the priest they had had died not long before, and they had learned that the emperor had sent a priest to the Abasgi. The Emperor Justinian very gladly granted their request before dismissing them.

These envoys, because they feared the Utigur Huns, made the public statement of the reason for their coming in a guarded way, since many were listening. Openly they announced nothing to the emperor except the matter concerning the priest; but when they met him with the greatest possible secrecy, they told him everything, showing how it would benefit the Roman empire if the barbarians who were their neighbors were always at odds with one another. How the Tetraxitae settled there, and whence they migrated, I shall now proceed to tell.

Wars 8.5.1-33

In ancient times a vast throng of Huns, who were then called Cimmerians, occupied the regions I have just mentioned, and one king stood over them all.

At one time a certain man gained this power; two sons were born to him, one named Utigur and the other Cutrigur.

When their father completed his life, these two divided the rule between themselves and gave their own names to those subject to them.

For this reason one group has been called Utigurs and the other Cutrigurs even to my time.

All these continued to live in this region, sharing freely in all the affairs of life, but not mingling with the people settled on the other side of the lake and its outlet. They never crossed these waters at any time, nor did they suspect that they could be crossed; fearing what was in fact easy, simply because they had never attempted it, they remained wholly ignorant that it was possible.

Beyond the Maeotic Lake and the outlet flowing from it, the first people were the Goths called Tetraxitae, whom I have just mentioned. In ancient times they lived close along the shore of this strait; the Goths, Visigoths, Vandals, and the other Gothic nations were located far away from them.

These Tetraxitae were also called Scythians in ancient times, because all the nations that hold these regions are generally called Scythians, while a few of them have an additional name, such as Sauromatae or Melanchlaenae or something else.

As time went on, they say, if indeed the story is sound, some young men of the Cimmerians were hunting, and a single doe fleeing before them leaped into these waters.

The young men, either moved by desire for glory or by some rivalry, or perhaps actually constrained by a divinity, followed this doe and absolutely refused to let it go until they came with it to the opposite shore.

Then the quarry, whatever it was, immediately disappeared from sight; for in my opinion it appeared for no other purpose than that evil should come upon the barbarians living in that region.

Thus, although the young men failed in their hunt, they found an incentive to battle and plunder.

They returned as quickly as possible to their own land and made clear to all the Cimmerians that these waters could be crossed by them.

Therefore they immediately took up arms as a nation, made the crossing without delay, and got onto the opposite mainland. This was at the time when the Vandals had already migrated from there and established themselves in Libya, while the Visigoths had settled in Spain.

So they suddenly fell upon the Goths who inhabited these plains, killed many, and turned the rest to flight.

Those who succeeded in escaping migrated from there with their children and wives, leaving their ancestral homes; by ferrying across the Ister River, they came into the land of the Romans.

At first they committed many outrages against the inhabitants of that region, but later, with the emperor's permission, they settled in Thrace. For part of this time they fought on the side of the Romans, receiving pay from the emperor every year just as the other soldiers did and being called foederati. The Romans at that time called them this in the Latin tongue, showing, I suppose, that the Goths had not been conquered by them in war, but had entered peaceful relations with them on the basis of a treaty; for the Latins call treaties in war foedera, as I have explained in the previous narrative. During the rest of the time, however, they actually made war on the Romans without cause, until they went off to Italy under the leadership of Theoderic. Thus the Goths fared.

But the Huns, after killing some of them and driving out the others, as has been said, took possession of the land.

The Cutrigurs summoned their children and wives and settled there in the very place where they have lived even to my time. Although they receive many gifts from the emperor every year, they still continually cross the Ister River and overrun the emperor's land, being both at peace and at war with the Romans.

The Utigurs, however, departed homeward with their leader, destined thereafter to live alone in that land.

When these Huns came near the Maeotic Lake, they happened upon the Goths there who are called Tetraxitae.

At first the Goths made a barrier with their shields and stood against their attackers in defense of themselves, trusting both in their own strength and in the advantage of the place; for they are the most stalwart of all the barbarians of that region.

The head of the outlet of the Maeotic Lake, where the Tetraxitae Goths were then settled, forms a crescent-shaped bay by which they were almost entirely surrounded, so that only one approach, and that not a very wide one, was open to those attacking them.

Afterward, seeing that the Huns were unwilling to waste time there and that the Goths had little hope of holding out long against the multitude of the enemy, they came to an agreement with one another.

They agreed that they would join forces and make the crossing in common; that the Goths would settle on the opposite mainland, especially along the bank of the outlet, where they are in fact settled at the present time; and that thereafter they would remain friends and allies of the Utigurs and live forever on terms of complete equality with them.

Thus these Goths settled here. As I have said, the Cutrigurs were left behind in the land on the other side of the lake, and the Utigurs alone possessed the land, causing no trouble at all for the Romans; for they do not even live near them, but are separated by many nations lying between, and are therefore compelled, against their will, not to meddle with them.

West of the Maeotic Lake and the Tanais River, then, the Cutrigur Huns established their homes over the greater part of the plains of that region, as I have said.

Beyond them Scythians and Taurians hold the whole country, a certain part of which is even now called Taurica. This is the place where they say the temple of Artemis stood, over which Iphigeneia, daughter of Agamemnon, once presided.

The Armenians, however, claim that this temple was in the part of their land called Celesene, and that at that time all the peoples of this region were called Scythians. As evidence they cite the story of Orestes and the city of Comana which I have related in that part of my narrative.

But let each person speak as he wishes about these matters; for men are accustomed to appropriate to their own country many things that happened elsewhere, or perhaps never really happened at all, and they are indignant if everyone does not follow their opinion.

Beyond these nations there is an inhabited city on the coast, named Bosporus, which became subject to the Romans not long ago.

From the city of Bosporus to the city of Cherson, which is situated on the coast and has likewise been subject to the Romans from olden times, all the territory between is held by barbarians, Hunnic nations.

Two other towns near Cherson, named Cepi and Phanaguris, have been subject to the Romans from ancient times even to my day; but not long ago these were captured by certain neighboring barbarians and razed to the ground.

From the city of Cherson to the mouth of the Ister River, which is also called the Danube, is a journey of ten days, and barbarians hold that whole region. The Ister rises in the Celtic mountains, skirts the borders of Italy, flows into the lands of Dacia, Illyricum, and Thrace, and finally empties into the Euxine sea.

From that point all the territory as far as Byzantium is under the rule of the Roman emperor.

Such is the circuit of the Euxine sea from Chalcedon to Byzantium.

As to the length of this circuit, however, I cannot speak accurately about all its parts, since, as I have said, so great a multitude of barbarians live along its shores, and the Romans have no intercourse with them except perhaps an occasional exchange of embassies. Those who have previously attempted to measure these distances have not been able to make any definite statement.

This, however, is clear: the right side of the Euxine sea, from Chalcedon to the river Phasis, is a journey of fifty-two days for an unencumbered traveler. From this one may reasonably infer that the other side of the Pontus is not far from the same measure.

Wars 8.6.1-31

Since we have now reached this point in the narrative, it has not seemed out of season to record the opinions concerning the boundaries of Asia and Europe which those skilled in such matters dispute with one another.

Some say that the river Tanais separates these two continents. They strongly maintain, first, that the divisions ought to be natural; and they support their claim by saying that while the sea runs from west toward east, the Tanais flows from the north toward the south between the two continents. In the same way, they say, the Egyptian Nile proceeds in the opposite direction, from south to north, and flows between Asia and Libya.

Others, opposing them directly, insist that this argument is not sound. They say that these two continents were originally divided by the strait at Gadira, which issues from the Ocean, and by the sea that extends from that point; the land on the right of the strait and the sea received the names Libya and Asia, while everything on the left was called Europe, roughly as far as the end of the so-called Euxine sea.

But on this hypothesis the river Tanais rises within the limits of Europe and empties into the Maeotic Lake, which in turn discharges into the Euxine sea, not at its end, nor even at its middle, but beyond it; yet the land on the left of this same sea is counted as part of Asia.

Apart from this, the river Tanais rises in the so-called Rhipaean mountains, which are in the land of Europe, as those who have written of these matters from ancient times agree.

The Ocean is very far away from these Rhipaean mountains. Therefore all the land beyond them and the Tanais River in both directions must necessarily be European.

At what point, then, the Tanais River begins to divide the two continents is not easy to say.

But if any river must be said to divide the two continents, that river would surely be the Phasis.

For it flows in a direction opposite to that of the strait at Gadira, and thus passes between the two continents. While the strait, coming out from the Ocean and forming this sea, has the two continents on either side, the Phasis River flows almost at the end of the Euxine sea and empties into the middle of the crescent, plainly continuing the division of land previously made by the sea.

These, then, are the arguments the two sides put forward as they quarrel over the question.

But not only the former argument, but also the one I have just stated, can boast, as I shall show, of high antiquity and the support of certain men of very ancient times.

For I know that, as a rule, if men first discover an ancient argument, they are no longer willing to endure the labor of searching for truth or to learn some later theory concerning the matter at hand. The older view always seems to them sound and worthy of honor, while contemporary opinions are considered negligible and classed as absurd.

Furthermore, in the present case the inquiry is not about something grasped only by thought or intellect, or otherwise obscure, but about rivers and lands; these are things which time has not been able either to change or to conceal in any way.

The test is close at hand, and sight can provide the most satisfactory evidence. I think nothing will prevent those eager to discover the truth.

To proceed, then: Herodotus of Halicarnassus, in the fourth book of his History, says that the whole earth is one, but is considered to be divided into three parts, bearing three separate names: Libya, Asia, and Europe. Between two of them, Libya and Asia, flows the Egyptian Nile; Asia and Europe, on the other hand, are divided by the Colchian Phasis. Since he knew that some thought the Tanais River performed this function, he mentioned that view afterward as well. It has not seemed inappropriate to me to insert into my narrative the very words of Herodotus, which are as follows:

"Nor am I able to conjecture for what reason, although the earth is one, three names are applied to it, and those women's names; and its lines of division have been set as the Egyptian Nile and the Colchian Phasis. But others name the Tanais River, which empties into the Maeotic Lake, and the Cimmerian Strait."

The tragic poet Aeschylus too, at the very beginning of the Prometheus Unbound, calls the Phasis River the boundary of the land of both Asia and Europe.

At this point I shall also mention that some of those versed in such matters think that the Maeotic Lake forms the Euxine sea, and that it spreads out from this lake partly to the right and partly to the left; this, they say, is the reason why the lake is called the mother of the Pontus.

They make this statement from observing that from the place called Hieron the outlet of this sea flows down toward Byzantium just like a river, and therefore they consider this point the limit of the Pontus.

But those who oppose this view explain that the whole sea is one, coming from the Ocean and extending without any other end to the land of the Lazi, unless someone thinks that a mere change of name makes an actual difference, since the sea is called Pontus beyond a certain point.

If the current does flow down from the place called Hieron to Byzantium, this has nothing to do with the matter.

For the phenomena that appear in all straits seem to admit of no explanation, nor has anyone ever shown himself able to account for them. Indeed this question led Aristotle of Stagira, a man eminent above all others as a philosopher, to go to Chalcis in Euboea, where he observed the strait called Euripus in an effort to discover by careful inquiry the physical cause by which, and the manner in which, the current of the strait sometimes flows from the west and at other times from the east, and the sailing of all boats there is governed by this fact.

For example, whenever the current is running from the east and sailors have begun to sail their boats from that direction, following the inflow of the water as they are accustomed to do, if the current then turns back upon itself, as is wont to happen there, at the upper part of the Bosporus it immediately turns these boats back toward the direction from which they started, while other boats sail from the west to the opposite end, even when no wind at all has blown upon them, but a deep calm prevails there with all winds absent.

The Stagirite observed all this and pondered it for a long time, until he worried himself to death with anxious thought and so reached the end of his life.

But this is not an isolated case; in the strait that separates Italy from Sicily, nature also plays many strange tricks.

For it appears that the current runs into this strait from the sea called the Adriatic, even though the forward movement of the sea takes place from the Ocean and Gadira.

There are also many whirlpools that suddenly appear there from no cause evident to us and destroy ships. On account of this the poets say that boats are swallowed by Charybdis whenever any happen to be in this strait at such a time.

The advocates of the second view think that all these exceedingly strange phenomena appearing in all straits occur because the two sides come very close to one another; the water, they say, being constrained by the narrow space, is subject to some strange and unaccountable compulsion.

Therefore, if the current does seem to flow from the place called Hieron to Byzantium, no one could reasonably maintain that the sea and the Euxine end at that point.

For this view rests on no solid basis in nature; here again the narrowness of the channel must be considered the determining factor.

Indeed not even this is all that happens here. The fishermen of the towns on the Bosporus say that the whole stream does not flow toward Byzantium. Rather, while the upper current, which we plainly see, flows in this direction, the deep water of the abyss, as it is called, moves in a direction exactly opposite to the upper current and so flows continually against the visible current.

Consequently, whenever they cast their nets anywhere there while going after fish, the nets are always carried by the force of the current toward Hieron.

But in Lazica the land checks the advance of the sea from every side and restrains its course, and thus causes the sea to make its first and only end there, the Creator plainly having set the boundaries of sea and land in that place.

For when the sea touches that shore, it neither moves farther forward nor rises to a greater height, although from every side it is constantly supplied by the mouths of countless rivers of extraordinary size. Instead it turns back and returns again, preserving the boundary set by the land as though it feared some law, and, under the necessity prescribed by it, holds itself precisely in check and takes care not to be found transgressing the covenant in any way.

For all the other shores of the sea happen to lie not opposite it, but sideways to it. Let each person know and speak about these matters as he wishes.

Wars 8.7.1-13

The reason why Chosroes was eager to possess Lazica has already been stated by me in an earlier passage. But the particular consideration that most of all drove him and the Persians toward this desire I shall set forth here, now that I have described the whole country and so made clear my account of the matter.

Many times these barbarians, under Chosroes' leadership, had invaded Roman territory with a mighty army; and although they inflicted sufferings on their enemy not easy to describe, as I have told in the books concerning these matters, nevertheless they gained no advantage at all from these invasions and had to bear the loss of both money and lives.

For they always departed from Roman territory after losing many men. Therefore, after returning to their own land, they would very secretly revile Chosroes and call him the destroyer of the Persian nation.

On one such occasion, when they had returned from Lazica and saw that they had suffered terrible losses there, they were actually on the point of joining openly against him and destroying him by a most cruel death. They would have done this if he had not learned of it beforehand and guarded against it by winning over the most notable men among them with constant flattery. Because of this incident, he wished to remove the sting of the accusation and was eager to gain some great advantage for the Persian empire.

Accordingly he made an attempt on the city of Daras; but, as I have told, he met with failure there and came into complete despair of capturing the place.

For he could no longer take it by a surprise attack, since the guards of the city were so alert; nor did he have hope of overpowering them by any device in a siege.

There is always a great abundance of provisions of every sort stored in the city of Daras against a siege, enough for it to last a very long time.

Nearby there is a spring set by nature among precipices, forming a large river which flows straight toward the city. Those who try to interfere with it are unable, because of the roughness of the terrain, either to turn it into another course or to do it violence in any other way.

As soon as this river gets inside the circuit-wall, it flows around the whole city, fills its cisterns, and then flows out; very close to the circuit-wall it falls into a chasm and disappears from sight. Where it emerges from there has become known to no one up to this time.

This chasm was not there in ancient times. Long after the Emperor Anastasius built this city, nature, unaided, fashioned and placed it there. For this reason, those who wish to draw a siege around the city of Daras are very hard pressed by lack of water.

So Chosroes, having failed in this attempt, as I have said, concluded that even if he should be able to take some other Roman city, he would still never be able to establish himself in the midst of the Romans while many strongholds were left behind in the hands of his enemy.

Indeed it was for this reason that, when he captured Antioch, he razed it to the ground and then departed from Roman soil. Consequently his thoughts rose high and were carried toward more distant hopes as he sought impossible things. For when he learned by report how those barbarians on the left of the Euxine sea, who dwell around the Maeotic Lake, overrun Roman territory fearlessly, he kept saying that if the Persians held Lazica, it would be possible for them, whenever they wished, to go straight to Byzantium without trouble and without crossing the sea, just as the other barbarian nations settled in that region are constantly doing.

For this reason, then, the Persians are trying to gain Lazica. But I shall return to the point from which I made this digression in the narrative.

Wars 8.9.1-30

Meanwhile the following events took place. The Lazi, going to Byzantium, began to denounce Dagisthaeus to the emperor, charging him with treachery and Medizing.

They declared that he had yielded to Persian persuasion when he refused to establish himself inside the fallen circuit-wall of Petra; meanwhile the enemy had filled bags with sand and laid courses of them instead of stones, and in this way had secured the parts of the circuit-wall that had fallen.

They stated that Dagisthaeus, whether driven by a bribe or by negligence, had postponed the attack to another time and had thus let slip for the moment the precious opportunity which, of course, he had never again been able to grasp.

The emperor therefore confined him in prison and kept him under guard.

He then appointed Bessas, who had returned from Italy not long before, general of Armenia, and sent him to Lazica with instructions to command the Roman army there. Venilus, brother of Buzes, had already been sent there with an army, as had Odonachus, Babas from Thrace, and Uligagus of the Eruli.

Nabedes had invaded Lazica with an army, but accomplished nothing of consequence beyond spending some time with this army among the Abasgi, who had revolted from the Romans and the Lazi, and taking from them sixty children of their notables as hostages.

At that time, as an incident of his journey, Nabedes captured Theodora, the consort of Opsites, who was uncle of Gubazes and king of the Lazi. He found her among the Apsilii and carried her away to the land of Persia.

This woman happened to be Roman by birth; for the kings of the Lazi from ancient times had been sending to Byzantium and, with the emperor's consent, arranging marriages with some of the senators, taking their wives home from there.

Indeed, Gubazes was descended from a Roman family on his mother's side.

I shall now set forth the reason why these Abasgi turned to revolt. When they had removed their own kings from power, as I have told above, Roman soldiers sent by the emperor began to be quartered among them very generally; and these soldiers sought to annex the land to the Roman empire, imposing certain new regulations on them. Because these were rather severe, the Abasgi became exceedingly angry.

Fearing, therefore, that thereafter they would be mere slaves of the Romans, they again put their rulers in power, one named Opsites in the eastern part of their country, and Scepamas in the western part.

Thus, because they had fallen into despair of better things, they naturally sought to regain the condition which had previously seemed painful to them in place of their later state, seeing that this had been worse.

Because of this change, they were afraid of Roman power and went over as secretly as possible to the Persians.

When the Emperor Justinian heard this, he ordered Bessas to send a strong army against them. Bessas accordingly selected a large number from the Roman army, appointed Uligagus and John the son of Thomas to command them, and immediately sent them by sea against the Abasgi.

It happened that one of the rulers of the Abasgi, the one named Scepamas, was away for some reason among the Persians; he had gone not long before under summons to Chosroes. But the other ruler, learning of the Roman invasion, mustered all the Abasgi and hastened to meet them.

Beyond the boundary of Apsilia, on the road into Abasgia, there is a place of the following sort: a lofty ridge runs out from the Caucasus and, as it goes along, gradually sinks to a lower level, resembling a ladder in a way, until it comes to an end at the Euxine sea.

On the lower slope of this mountain the Abasgi in ancient times built an exceedingly strong fortress of very considerable size.

Here they always take refuge and repel the incursions of their enemies, who are in no way able to storm so difficult a position.

Indeed there is only one path leading to this fortress and to the rest of the land of the Abasgi, and this is impassable for men marching two abreast; there is no way to proceed there except in single file and on foot, and that with difficulty. Above this path rises the side of an exceedingly rough gorge, which extends from the fortress to the sea. The place bears a name worthy of the gorge, for the inhabitants call it Trachea, using a Greek word.

The Roman fleet put in between the boundaries of the Abasgi and the Apsilii. John and Uligagus disembarked their troops and proceeded on foot, while the sailors followed the army along the coast with all the boats.

When they came near Trachea, they saw the whole force of the Abasgi fully armed and standing in order along the whole gorge above the path I have just mentioned. They fell into great perplexity, since they were quite unable to deal with the situation before them, until John, after long reasoning with himself, found a remedy for the trouble.

Leaving Uligagus there with half the army, he himself took the others and manned the boats.

By rowing, they rounded the place where Trachea was, passed it entirely, and thus got into the rear of the enemy. Then the Romans raised their standards and advanced.

The Abasgi, seeing the enemy pressing upon them from both sides, no longer offered resistance or even kept their ranks; turning to withdraw in a very disorderly retreat, they kept moving forward.

But they were so hindered by fear and the helplessness that came from it that they could no longer find their way through the rough terrain of their native haunts, nor could they easily get away from the place. Meanwhile the Romans followed them up from both sides and caught and killed many.

They reached the fortress on the run together with the fugitives, and found the small gate there still open; for the guards could in no way close the gates while they were still receiving the fugitives.

Pursued and pursuers, mingled together, all rushed toward the gate: the former eager to save themselves, the latter to capture the fortress.

Finding the gates open, they charged through them together; for the gatekeepers could neither distinguish the Abasgi from the enemy nor close the gates with the throng overpowering them.

The Abasgi, for their part, though relieved to get inside the fortress, were actually captured with the fortress; while the Romans, thinking they had mastered their opponents, found themselves involved there in a harder struggle.

For the houses were numerous and not far apart from one another; indeed they were crowded together so closely that they resembled a wall all around. The Abasgi mounted them and defended themselves with all their strength, hurling missiles upon the heads of the enemy, fighting with all their might, full of fear and pity for their children and women, and therefore overcome with despair, until it occurred to the Romans to set the houses on fire.

They accordingly set fire to them on all sides, and in this way became completely victorious in the struggle. Opsites, the ruler of the Abasgi, managed to escape with only a few men and withdrew to the neighboring Huns and the Caucasus mountains.

The others either were charred and burned to ashes with their houses, or fell into the hands of the enemy. The Romans also captured the women of the rulers with all their offspring, razed the defenses of the fortress to the ground, and made the land desolate for a great distance. This, then, was the outcome of the Abasgi revolt. Among the Apsilii, the following occurred.

Wars 8.11.1-64

As for Anasozadus, then, his fortune and his character ended in this way. When the fifth year of the truce had now come to an end, the Emperor Justinian sent Peter, a patrician holding the office of Magister, to Chosroes, so that they might arrange the treaty concerning the East in every detail.

But Chosroes sent him away, promising that after no long time the man who would arrange these matters in a way advantageous to both sides would follow him.

Not long afterward he sent Isdigousnas for the second time, a man of pretentious bearing and filled with a kind of unspeakable villainy, whose pompous swelling and blustering none of the Romans could endure.

He brought with him his wife, daughters, and brother, and was followed by a huge throng of retainers.

One might have supposed that the good men were going out to battle.

In his company were two of the most notable men among the Persians, who actually wore golden diadems on their heads.

It irritated the people of Byzantium that the Emperor Justinian did not receive him simply as an ambassador, but considered him worthy of much more friendly attention and magnificence.

Braducius did not come again with him to Byzantium, for they say Chosroes had removed him from the world, bringing no other charge against the man than that he had been a table-companion of the Roman emperor.

"For," he said, "as a mere interpreter he would not have attained such high honor from the emperor unless he had betrayed the cause of the Persians." But some say that Isdigousnas slandered him, asserting that he had conversed secretly with the Romans.

When this ambassador first met the emperor, he said not a word, small or great, about peace. Instead he charged that the Romans had violated the truce, alleging that Arethas and the Saracens allied with the Romans had outraged Alamoundaras in time of peace, and bringing forward other charges of no consequence, which it has not seemed at all necessary for me to mention.

While these negotiations were taking place in Byzantium, Bessas with the whole Roman army was beginning the siege of Petra.

First the Romans dug a trench along the wall exactly where Dagisthaeus had made his ditch when he pulled the wall down there. I shall explain why they dug in the same place.

Those who originally built this city placed the foundations of the circuit-wall mostly on rock, but here and there they allowed them to rest on earth.

There was such a portion of the wall on the western side of the city, not very extensive, on either side of which they had built the foundations of the circuit-wall on hard and unyielding rock.

This was the portion which Dagisthaeus on the previous occasion, and now Bessas likewise, undermined; the character of the ground did not allow them to go farther, but quite naturally determined the length of the trench for them and controlled it by nature.

Therefore, when the Persians, after Dagisthaeus' withdrawal, wished to build up this part of the wall which had fallen, they did not follow the earlier method in its construction, but acted as follows.

They filled the excavated space with gravel, laid upon it heavy timbers which they had planed very thoroughly and made entirely smooth, and then bound them together so as to cover a wide space.

They used these as a base instead of foundation stones, and upon them skillfully carried out the construction of the circuit-wall.

The Romans did not understand this and thought they were making their ditch under the foundations.

But by excavating the whole space under the timbers I have just mentioned and carrying their work across most of the ground, they did succeed in seriously damaging the wall; indeed a part of it suddenly dropped down.

Nevertheless, this fallen part did not incline at all to either side, nor was one course of stone disturbed; rather, the whole section descended intact in a straight line, as though lowered by a machine, into the excavated space, and stopped there, keeping its proper position, though not at the same height as before, but somewhat lower.

Thus, when the entire space under the timbers had been excavated, the timbers settled into it with the whole wall upon them.

But even so the wall did not become accessible to the Romans. For when Mermeroes had come there with his great throng of Persians, they had added much to the earlier masonry and built the circuit-wall exceedingly high.

So when the Romans saw that the part of the wall which had been shaken down still stood, they were at a loss and fell into great perplexity.

They could no longer mine, since their digging had produced such a result; nor were they able at all to use the ram, for they were fighting against a wall on a slope, and this engine cannot be brought up to a wall except on smooth and very flat ground.

By some chance it happened that in this Roman army there were a small number of the barbarians called Sabiri, for the following reason.

The Sabiri are a Hunnic nation and live in the region of the Caucasus, being a very numerous people and properly divided among many different rulers.

Some of these rulers from ancient times have had relations with the Roman emperor, others with the king of Persia.

Each of these two sovereigns was accustomed to pay a fixed amount of gold to those allied with him, not every year, but only as need drove him.

At that time, accordingly, the Emperor Justinian, wishing to invite those of the Sabiri who were friendly to him into a fighting alliance, had sent a man to convey money to them.

But this man, seeing that with enemies between them he could not travel safely into the Caucasus region in any way, especially while carrying money, went only as far as Bessas and the Roman army that was besieging Petra.

From there he sent to the Sabiri, bidding some of those who were to receive the money to come to him with all speed. The Sabiri selected three of their leading men and immediately sent them with a small escort into Lazica.

These, then, were the men who, when they arrived there, had entered into the attack on the wall with the Roman army.

When these Sabiri saw that the Romans were in despair and at a loss how to handle the situation, they devised a contrivance such as no one among the Romans or Persians had ever conceived since men have existed, although there have always been, and still are, many engineers in both countries.

Although both nations have often throughout their history needed this device when storming the walls of fortresses set on rough and difficult ground, this idea had come to none of them before it now occurred to these barbarians.

Thus, as time goes on, human ingenuity is accustomed to keep pace with it by discovering new devices.

For these Sabiri improvised a ram, not in the customary form, but by a new method which was their own innovation.

They put no beams into this engine, either upright or transverse; instead they bound together rather thick wands and fitted them everywhere in place of beams.

Then they covered the whole engine with hides and so preserved the shape of a ram. They hung a single beam by loose chains, as is customary, in the middle of the engine; its head, sharpened and covered with iron like the barb of a missile, was intended to strike repeated blows against the circuit-wall.

They made the engine so light that it no longer needed to be dragged or pushed along by the men inside. Rather, forty men, who were also to draw back the beam and thrust it forward against the wall, could carry the ram on their shoulders without difficulty while they were inside the engine and concealed by the hides.

These barbarians made three such engines, taking the beams with iron heads from the rams which the Romans had ready but could not draw up to the wall.

Roman soldiers chosen for courage, in groups of not fewer than forty, went inside each one of them and set them down very close to the wall.

Others stood on either side of each engine, armed with corselets, their heads carefully covered by helmets, and carrying poles whose ends were fitted with hook-shaped irons. These had been provided for this purpose: as soon as the ram's impact on the wall broke up the courses of stones, they could use the poles to loosen and pull down the stones that had been dislodged.

So the Romans set to work. The wall was already being shaken by frequent blows, while those on both sides of the engines used their hooked poles to pull down the stones as they were dislodged from their setting in the masonry. It seemed certain that the city would be captured at once.

But the Persians hit upon the following plan. They placed on top of the circuit-wall a wooden tower that had long before been made ready by them, filling it with their most warlike men, who had their heads and the rest of their bodies protected by iron caps and corselets.

They had filled pots with sulfur, bitumen, and the substance the Persians call naphtha and the Greeks Medea's oil; they now set fire to these and began throwing them upon the shelters of the rams, and came within a little of burning them all.

But the men standing beside them, as I have said, with the poles I just mentioned, kept removing these missiles with the greatest determination and clearing them away, so that they hurled everything down from the engines as soon as it fell.

Yet they could not expect to hold out long in this work, for the fire instantly kindled whatever it touched, unless it was immediately thrown off. Such was the course of events there.

Bessas, who had himself put on his corselet and had placed his whole army under arms, began moving many ladders forward to the part of the wall which had sunk.

After stirring their courage with a speech only long enough not to blunt the sharpness of the opportunity, he gave the rest of his exhortation through action.

For although he was a man more than seventy years old and already well past his prime, he was the first to mount the ladder.

There a battle took place, and a display of courage by both Romans and Persians, such as I, at least, believe has never once been seen in these times.

The number of the barbarians amounted to two thousand three hundred, while the Romans numbered as many as six thousand.

Practically all on both sides who were not killed received wounds, and it proved true that exceedingly few survived with their bodies intact.

The Romans, for their part, struggled with all their strength to force the ascent, while the Persians, on their side, beat them back with great vigor.

Thus many were being slain on both sides, and the Persians were not far from repelling the danger.

At the tops of the ladders there was a violent struggle for position; many of the Romans, fighting as they were against an enemy above them, were being killed, and Bessas the general also fell to the ground and lay there.

At that point a tremendous shout arose from both armies as the barbarians rushed together from every side and shot at him, while his bodyguards hurriedly gathered around him. All of them had helmets on their heads and wore corselets.

By holding their shields close together over their heads and crowding in so that they touched one another, they made a kind of roof over him, concealed their general in complete safety, and kept fending off the missiles with all their strength.

A great din arose from the missiles that were continually thrown and blunted on the shields and other armor; at the same time every man was shouting, panting, and exerting himself to the utmost.

Meanwhile all the Romans, eager to defend their general, were shooting at the wall without stopping for an instant, trying in this way to check the enemy.

In this crisis Bessas distinguished himself.

Although he could not get to his feet because of the hindrance of his armor and because his body was not nimble, since the man was fleshy and, as has been said, very old, still he did not yield to helpless despair even when he had come into such great danger. Instead he formed a plan on the spur of the moment by which he succeeded in saving both himself and the Roman cause.

He ordered his bodyguards to drag him by the foot and so pull him very far from the wall, and they carried out the order.

So while some dragged him, others retreated with him, holding their shields above him and toward one another, and walking at the same speed as he was being dragged, so that he would not be hit by the enemy through being uncovered.

As soon as Bessas reached safety, he got to his feet, urged his men forward, went toward the wall, and, setting foot on the ladder once more, hastened to mount it.

All the Romans following behind him displayed real heroism against the enemy.

Then the Persians became terrified and begged their opponents to give them some time, so that they might pack up and get out of the way when they handed over the city.

But Bessas suspected that they had contrived some trick, so that in the interval they might increase the strength of the circuit-wall. He therefore said that he was unable to stop the fighting, but that those who wished to meet him to discuss terms could, while the armies were fighting, nevertheless proceed with him to another part of the wall; and he designated a certain place for them.

This proposal, however, was not accepted by them, and once more fierce fighting began, involving a violent struggle.

While the conflict was still undecided, it happened that the wall at another point, where the Romans had previously undermined it, suddenly toppled over.

As a result, many from both armies rushed together at that spot.

Now the Romans showed their great superiority in number over the enemy, although they were divided into two parts, and kept pressing the battle against their opponents, shooting faster than ever and pushing forward with the greatest force.

The Persians, on the other hand, no longer resisted with the same strength as before, since they were violently assailed at both points; the smallness of their numbers, now divided between two fronts, was plain.

While both armies were still struggling in this way, and the Persians could not drive back the enemy pressing upon them, and the Romans could not completely force an entrance, a young man of the Armenian race named John, son of Thomas, whom they were accustomed to call Guzes, left the fallen part of the circuit-wall and the struggles there.

Taking with him a few of his Armenian followers, he climbed up by the precipice, where everyone thought the city was impregnable, and overpowered the guards at that point.

After getting onto the parapet, he killed with his spear one of the Persian defenders there, who appeared to be the most warlike.

In this way an entry was made possible for the Romans.

The Persians posted in the wooden tower had kindled a huge number of fire-bearing pots, so that by the sheer number of their missiles they could burn up the engines, men and all, since those defending them would be unable to push them all aside with their poles.

But suddenly a wind of extraordinary violence sprang up from the south and blew against them with a great roar; in some way or other it set fire to one of the planks of the tower.

The Persians there did not immediately comprehend this, for every one of them was working and shouting immoderately, filled with fear and in the midst of wild confusion; the urgency of the moment had robbed them of their senses.

So the flame rose little by little, fed by the oil bearing Medea's name and all the other things with which the tower was supplied, and consumed the whole tower and the Persians in it.

They were all burned to death, and their charred bodies fell, some inside the wall and others outside, where the engines stood with the Romans around them.

Then the other Romans also, who were fighting at the fallen part of the wall, got inside the fortifications, since the enemy were giving way before them in utter despair and no longer tried to resist; and Petra was captured completely.

About five hundred of the Persians ran up to the acropolis, seized the stronghold there, and remained quiet; but the Romans made prisoners of all the others whom they had not slain in the fighting, about seven hundred and thirty in number.

Among these they found only eighteen unhurt; all the rest had been wounded. Many of the best Romans also fell, among them John the son of Thomas, who, as he entered the city, was struck on the head by a stone thrown by one of the barbarians, but only after he had displayed marvelous deeds against the enemy.

Wars 8.13.1-30

Mermeroes, fearing that over the course of a long time some mishap might befall Petra and the Persians left there, set his whole army in motion and marched in that direction, moved also by the season, since winter was now past.

But on this journey he learned all that had happened and abandoned the march entirely, knowing well that the Lazi had no fortress beyond the Phasis River except only the one at Petra.

He then turned back and seized the passes from Iberia into the land of Colchis, where the Phasis can be forded; he crossed not only this river on foot, but also another river of no less difficulty, named the Rheon, which likewise is not navigable there.

In this way, getting onto the right side of the Phasis, he led his army forward against a city named Archaeopolis, the first and greatest city in Lazica.

This army, apart from a few men, was entirely cavalry; they had with them eight elephants, on which the Persians were to stand and shoot down upon the heads of their enemies as from towers.

Indeed one might reasonably marvel at the diligence and resourcefulness of the Persians in carrying on their wars. For they took in hand the road leading from Iberia into Colchis, which was everywhere blocked by precipitous ravines and difficult ground covered with brush, and hidden by forests of wide-spreading trees, so that previously even for an unencumbered traveler the way had seemed impassable.

They made it so smooth that not only did their whole cavalry pass that way without difficulty, but they even marched over that road taking with them as many of their elephants as they wished.

Huns also came to them as allies from the nation called the Sabiri, twelve thousand in number. But Mermeroes, fearing that these barbarians, being so numerous, would not only be wholly unwilling to obey his commands, but would actually do some terrible thing to the Persian army, allowed only four thousand to march with him, while he sent all the rest home after giving them a generous present of money.

The Roman army numbered twelve thousand. They were not, however, all gathered in one place, for only three thousand were in the garrison at Archaeopolis under the command of Odonachus and Babas, both able warriors.

All the rest were waiting in camp on the other side of the Phasis River, with the thought that if the enemy's army attacked at any point, they themselves would move out from there and go to the rescue with their whole force.

These were commanded by Venilus and Uligagus. Varazes the Persarmenian was also with them, having recently returned from Italy and having eight hundred Tzani under his command.

As for Bessas, as soon as he had captured Petra, he was quite unwilling to continue the struggle, but withdrew to the Pontici and the Armenians and gave the closest possible attention to the revenues from his territory; by this niggardly policy he again wrecked the cause of the Romans.

For if, immediately after the victory I have described and his capture of Petra, he had gone to the boundaries of Lazica and Iberia and barricaded the passes there, it seems to me that a Persian army would never again have entered Lazica.

But in fact this general, by slighting this task, all but surrendered Lazica to the enemy with his own hand, paying little heed to the emperor's anger.

For the Emperor Justinian was accustomed, for the most part, to condone the mistakes of his commanders; consequently they were very often found guilty of offenses both in private life and against the state.

There were two fortresses of the Lazi almost exactly on the boundary of Iberia, Scanda and Sarapanis.

These, being situated in extremely rugged and difficult country, were extraordinarily hard to approach.

In ancient times they used to be garrisoned by the Lazi with great difficulty; for no food at all grows there, and provisions had to be brought in by men carrying them on their shoulders.

But the Emperor Justinian, at the beginning of this war, removed the Lazi from these fortresses and put in a garrison of Roman soldiers instead.

Not long afterward these soldiers, hard pressed by lack of necessary supplies, abandoned the fortresses because they were quite unable to live for any considerable time on millet, as the Colchians did, since it was unfamiliar to them; and the Lazi no longer persevered in making the long journey to bring them all their supplies.

Thereupon the Persians occupied and held them; but in the treaty the Romans got them back in exchange for the fortress of Bolum and Pharangium, as I have described in detail in the preceding narrative.

The Lazi accordingly razed these fortresses to the ground, so that the Persians would not hold them as outposts against them.

But the Persians rebuilt and held the one of the two which they call Scanda, and Mermeroes led the Median army forward.

There had been a city in the plain called Rhodopolis, which lay first in the way of those invading Colchis from Iberia, situated so as to be easily accessible and altogether open to attack.

For this reason the Lazi, long before, fearing the Persian invasion, had razed it to the ground.

When the Persians learned this, they went straight toward Archaeopolis.

But Mermeroes learned that his enemy was camped near the mouth of the Phasis River, and he advanced against them.

It seemed better to him first to capture this force and then undertake the siege of Archaeopolis, so that they might not come from the rear and harm the Persian army. He went close by the fortifications of Archaeopolis and gave a mocking greeting to the Romans there, saying with some swagger that he would come back to them at the earliest moment.

For, he said, he wished first to address his greetings to the other Romans who were camped near the Phasis River. The Romans, in answer, told him to go wherever he wished, but declared that if he came upon the Romans there, he would never return to them.

When the commanders of the Roman army learned this, they became thoroughly frightened; thinking themselves too few to withstand the force of their attackers, every man of them embarked on the boats they had ready and ferried across the Phasis River.

They placed on the boats as much of their provisions as they could carry, and threw the rest into the river so that the enemy would not be able to feast on them.

When Mermeroes arrived there not long afterward with his whole army and saw the enemy's camp entirely abandoned, he was vexed and filled with resentment at the baffling situation. Then he burned the Roman stockade, and boiling with anger immediately turned back and led his army against Archaeopolis.

Wars 8.14.1-54

Archaeopolis is situated on an exceedingly rugged hill, and a river flows beside it, coming down from the mountains above the city.

It has two gates. One is below, opening at the base of the hill; this one is not inaccessible, except insofar as the ascent to it from the plain is not smooth.

The upper gate leads out toward the steep slope and is extremely difficult to approach, for the ground before this gate is covered with brush extending indefinitely. Since the inhabitants of this city can get no other water, those who built it constructed two walls extending from the city all the way to the river, so that it would be possible for them to draw water from it in safety.

Mermeroes, eager and determined to assault the wall there with his whole strength, acted as follows. First he ordered the Sabiri to build a great number of rams, of the sort that men could carry on their shoulders, because he was quite unable to bring the customary engines up to the circuit-wall of Archaeopolis, lying as it did along the lower slopes of the hill.

He had heard what had been accomplished not long before by the Sabiri who were allies of the Romans at the wall of Petra, and he sought, by following the method they had discovered, to reap the advantage of their experience.

They carried out his orders, immediately constructing a large number of rams, such as I have said were recently made for the Romans by the Sabiri.

Next he sent the Dolomites, as they are called, to the precipitous parts of the city, directing them to harass the enemy there with all their strength.

These Dolomites are barbarians who live in the middle of Persia, but have never become subject to the king of the Persians.

Their dwelling is on sheer mountainsides, altogether inaccessible, and so they have remained autonomous from ancient times down to the present day; but they always march with the Persians as mercenaries when the Persians go against their enemies.

They are all foot soldiers, each carrying a sword and shield and three javelins in his hand. They show extraordinary nimbleness in running over cliffs and mountain peaks, just as on a level plain.

For this reason Mermeroes assigned them to attack the wall there, while he himself, with the rest of the army, went against the lower gate, bringing up the rams and the elephants.

Then the Persians and Sabiri together, shooting rapidly at the wall so that they filled the air around it with their arrows, came not far from compelling the Romans there to abandon the parapet.

The Dolomites, hurling their javelins from the crags outside the circuit-wall, inflicted still more harm upon the Romans facing them. On every side, indeed, the situation of the Romans had become bad and full of danger, for they were in an extremely evil plight.

At that point Odonachus and Babas, either making a display of courage or wishing to test the soldiers, or perhaps because some divine influence moved them, left only a few of the soldiers where they were, directing them to ward off the attackers of the wall from the parapet.

Meanwhile they called together the greater part of the soldiers and made a short exhortation, speaking as follows:

"Fellow-soldiers, you perceive the danger upon us and the necessity in which we are caught. But we must not yield in the least to these evils.

"Those who come into a situation where safety is despaired of can be saved only by not courting safety; for love of life is usually followed by destruction.

"You must also consider this fact in our present distress: simply warding the enemy off from this parapet will by no means firmly establish your safety, even if we carry on the struggle with the greatest zeal.

"For a battle waged between armies standing apart gives no one an opportunity to show himself a brave man; the outcome as a rule is determined by chance.

"But if the conflict becomes hand-to-hand, zeal will prevail in most cases, and victory will appear where courage lies.

"Apart from this, even if men fighting from the wall succeed in the conflict, they would reap no great benefit from that success; for though they have for the moment succeeded in repelling the enemy, the danger will again be sharp tomorrow.

"On the other hand, if they fail even slightly, they are naturally destroyed together with their defenses. But once they have conquered their opponents in hand-to-hand combat, thereafter their safety is secure.

"Let us then, with these thoughts in mind, advance against the enemy with all zeal, calling to our aid the assistance from above, and raising our hopes high because of the desperate situation that has now fallen to us.

"For God is always accustomed to save above all others those men who find no hope of safety in themselves."

After Odonachus and Babas had encouraged the soldiers in this way, they opened the gates and led the army out at a run, leaving a few men behind for the following reason.

One of the Lazi, a man of note in that nation and an inhabitant of Archaeopolis, had on the previous day negotiated with Mermeroes for the betrayal of his native land.

Mermeroes had sent word to him to render the Persians only this service: whenever they began the assault on the wall, he should secretly set fire to the buildings where the grain and the rest of the provisions were stored.

He ordered him to do this reasoning that one of two things would happen: either the Romans, concerned about this fire and devoting their attention to it, would give his men the opportunity to scale the circuit-wall unmolested; or, in their eagerness to repel the Persians storming the wall, they would pay no attention to these buildings.

If in this way the grain and other provisions were burned, he would capture Archaeopolis without difficulty in a short time.

With this intention Mermeroes gave these instructions to the Laz, and he agreed to carry out the order when he saw the storming of the wall at its height, setting fire to these buildings as secretly as possible.

When the Romans saw the flames suddenly rising, a few of them went to the rescue and with great difficulty quenched the fire, which had done some damage; but all the rest, as stated, went out against the enemy.

This force, by falling upon them suddenly and terrifying them through the unexpectedness of the attack, killed many; for the Persians offered no resistance.

Indeed they did not even dare raise a hand against them.

This was because the Persians, not expecting that their enemies, few as they were, would make a sally against them, had taken up positions apart from one another with a view to storming the wall and were not arrayed for battle.

Those who were carrying the rams on their shoulders were naturally both unarmed and unprepared for battle, while the others, with only strung bows in their hands, were wholly unable to ward off an enemy pressing upon them in close formation.

Thus the Romans, slashing and turning from side to side, kept destroying them. At that moment it also happened that one of the elephants, either because he was wounded, as some say, or simply because he became excited, wheeled around out of control and reared up, throwing his riders and breaking up the lines of the others.

As a result, the barbarians began to retreat, while the Romans continued without fear to destroy those who from time to time fell in their way.

One might wonder at this point that the Romans, though knowing well by what means they ought to repel a hostile attack by elephants, did none of the necessary things, being plainly confused by the situation; yet this result was achieved for them without effort.

I shall now make clear what this means.

When Chosroes and the Median army were storming the fortifications of Edessa, one of the elephants, carrying a great number of the most warlike men among the Persians, came close to the circuit-wall and made it appear that in a short time he would overpower the men defending the tower there, since they were exposed to missiles falling thickly from above, and would thus take the city.

For it seemed that this was, in fact, an engine for capturing cities. The Romans, however, escaped this danger by suspending a pig from the tower.

As the pig hung there, it naturally gave out various squeals, and this angered the elephant so that he got out of control and, moving backward little by little, went off to the rear.

Such was the outcome in that case. But in the present case, the omission caused by the thoughtlessness of the Romans was made good by chance.

Now that I have mentioned Edessa, I shall not be silent about the portent that appeared there before this present war.

When Chosroes was about to break the so-called endless peace, a certain woman in the city gave birth to an infant who in other respects was a normally formed human being, but had two heads.

The meaning of this was made clear by the events that followed; for both Edessa and practically the whole East, and the greater part of the Roman empire toward the north, came to be fought over by two sovereigns.

Thus these things happened. But I shall return to the point from which I strayed.

When confusion thus fell upon the Median army, those stationed in the rear, seeing the disorder of those in front but having no real knowledge of what had happened, became panic-stricken and turned to retreat in great disorder.

The Dolomites also experienced a similar panic; for they were fighting from the higher positions and could see everything that happened. They too began to flee in a disgraceful manner, so that the rout became decisive.

Four thousand of the barbarians fell there, among whom, as it happened, were three of the commanders; and the Romans captured four of the Persian standards, which they immediately sent to Byzantium for the emperor.

They say, moreover, that not fewer than twenty thousand of their horses perished, not from wounds inflicted by the enemy's missiles or swords, but because, after traveling a great distance, they had become utterly exhausted and then found no sufficient fodder after they came into Lazica. So, they say, under the pressure of both starvation and weakness, they succumbed.

Having failed in this attempt, Mermeroes withdrew with his whole army to Mocheresis. For although they had failed to take Archaeopolis, the Persians still held mastery over the greater part of the rest of Lazica.

Mocheresis is one day's journey from Archaeopolis, a district that includes many populous villages.

This is truly the best land in Colchis; for both wine and the other good things are produced there, though the rest of Lazica is not of such a kind.

Along this district flows a river called Rheon. On it the Colchians in ancient times built a fortress, but in later times they themselves razed the greater part of it to the ground, because, lying as it did in a very flat plain, it seemed to them easy to approach.

In those times the fortress was named Cotiaion in the Greek language, but now the Lazi call it Cotais, having corrupted the true sound of the name because of their ignorance of the language.

Such is the account given by Arrian.

But others say that the place was a city in ancient times and was called Coetaeon, and that Aeetes was born there; as a result of this the poets both called him a Coetaean and applied the same name to the land of Colchis.

Mermeroes was now eager to rebuild this place; but since he had no equipment for the task, and at the same time winter was already setting in, he replaced with wood as quickly as possible the parts of the fortress that had fallen down, and remained there.

Very close to Cotais is an exceedingly strong fortress named Uthimereos; in this the Lazi were maintaining strict guard.

A small number of Roman soldiers also shared with them in the defense of the fortress.

So Mermeroes settled there with his whole army, holding the fairest part of the land of Colchis and preventing his opponents from carrying any provisions into the fortress of Uthimereos, or from going into the district called Suania and Scymnia, though this was subject to them.

For when an enemy is in Mocheresis, the road into this region is cut off for both the Lazi and the Romans. Thus the armies were engaged in Lazica.

Wars 8.16.1-33

While these negotiations about the treaty were taking place in Byzantium between the Romans and the Persians, the following events occurred in Lazica.

Gubazes, king of the Lazi, was well disposed toward the Romans, for he perceived that Chosroes, as I have stated in the previous narrative, was plotting his death.

But most of the other Lazi, subjected to outrageous treatment by the Roman soldiers and especially angry with the commanders of the army, began generally to favor the Medes, not because they preferred the cause of the Persians, but because they wished to be rid of Roman rule and preferred difficulties that were not present at the moment.

There was a man of no mean station among the Lazi, named Theophobius, who conferred very secretly with Mermeroes and promised to put the fortress of Uthimereos into his hands.

Mermeroes filled the man with great hopes and urged him to carry this out, declaring that as a result of this deed he would not only be a very close friend of King Chosroes, but would also be inscribed by the Persians as a benefactor for all time, and consequently would become great in fame, wealth, and power.

Theophobius, elated by these promises, kept working still more eagerly to accomplish his purpose.

At that time there was no free movement for the Romans and Lazi. While the Persians went everywhere in that country with complete liberty, some of the Romans and Lazi hid by the Phasis River, while others seized Archaeopolis or some other stronghold there and concealed themselves inside.

Meanwhile Gubazes himself, king of the Lazi, remained quietly on the summit of the mountains.

Consequently Theophobius was able without difficulty to make good his promise to Mermeroes. He went inside the fortress and told the Lazi and Romans guarding there that the whole Roman army had perished, that the cause of King Gubazes and all the Lazi around him was utterly lost, and that all Colchis was held by the Persians. There was, he said, not a single hope left for the Romans or Gubazes ever to recover the rule of the land.

For formerly, he pointed out, Mermeroes had accomplished this alone, bringing with him more than seventy thousand Persian fighting men and vast numbers of barbarian Sabiri; but now, he said, King Chosroes himself had actually come there with an unnumbered host and suddenly joined forces with them, and henceforth not even the whole land of the Colchians would suffice for this army.

With these high-flown words Theophobius reduced the guards there to terror and helplessness.

They begged him with entreaties in the name of their ancestral god to use all his power to turn the present situation to their advantage.

He then promised them that he would bring pledges from Chosroes for their safety, on condition that they surrender the fortress to the Persians.

The men were delighted with these terms, and he immediately departed from the place. Coming again before Mermeroes, he explained everything.

Mermeroes then selected the most notable men of the Persians and sent them with him to Uthimereos, in order to arrange pledges both for the money and for the lives of the guards of the place, and so take possession of that fortress.

Thus the Persians gained the fortress of Uthimereos and thereby secured mastery of Lazica most firmly.

Not only did the Persians bring this land of Lazica under their sway, but also Scymnia and Suania; in this way the whole territory from Mocheresis as far as Iberia became inaccessible to the Romans and to the king of the Lazi.

Neither the Romans nor the Lazi were able to ward off the enemy, for they did not even dare descend from the mountains or their strongholds, nor make any advances against the enemy.

As the winter season came on, Mermeroes built a wooden wall at Cotais and established there a guard of warlike Persians not less than three thousand strong, and he also left a sufficient force in Uthimereos.

He also built up the other fortress of the Lazi, which they call Sarapanis, situated at the very limit of the territory of Lazica, and remained there.

But later, learning that the Romans and Lazi were gathering and making camp at the mouth of the Phasis River, he moved against them with his whole army.

When Gubazes and the commanders of the Roman army learned this, they refused to withstand the enemy's attack; they dispersed and saved themselves as each could.

As for Gubazes, he ran up to the summit of the mountains and there passed the winter with his children, his wife, and those especially close to him, enduring the hardships of winter because of the hopelessness of his present evil situation, but confident about the future because of his hope in Byzantium. In this way he found consolation for his present fortune, as men are accustomed to do, and looked for a better day.

The rest of the Lazi likewise, ashamed to be outdone by King Gubazes, passed the winter as he did among the crags.

They feared no difficulty from the enemy there, for these mountains are always impracticable and wholly inaccessible to an attacking force, especially during winter; but they were forced to endure mortal suffering from hunger, cold, and the other hardships.

Meanwhile Mermeroes at leisure built many houses in the villages throughout Mocheresis and established stores of supplies everywhere among these places.

Then, by sending some of the deserters to the heights of the mountains and offering pledges, he succeeded in winning over many; they naturally lacked provisions, and he supplied them generously and cared for them as his own.

Indeed he carried on the whole administration with an air of complete security, as if he had become lord of the land. He wrote the following letter to Gubazes:

"There are two things that bring men's lives into harmony: power and wisdom. Some, being superior to their neighbors by reason of power, both live according to their own desires and never fail to lead those less powerful than themselves wherever they wish. Others, though enslaved to the stronger through weakness, can still remedy their impotence by discretion, and by courting the powerful with flattery are able to live with their own possessions, enjoying through their conciliatory attitude everything of which they are deprived by weakness.

"This does not hold for some nations of men while being otherwise among others; one might say it is implanted universally in human experience throughout the inhabited world, like any other natural characteristic.

"Accordingly, my dear Gubazes, if you think you are going to overcome the Persians in the war, do not hesitate or let anything stand in your way. You will find us in any part of Lazica you may choose, ready to meet your attack and prepared in battle-array to fight for this land with all our strength, so that by waging a decisive struggle you will have the opportunity to display your courage against us.

"If, however, even you yourself realize that you are unable to array yourself against the might of the Persians, then, good sir, take the second course: know yourself, and bow down before your master Chosroes as king and victor and lord.

"Beg that he be merciful to you despite your acts, so that henceforth you may escape the evils that harass you.

"For I personally promise that King Chosroes will be merciful to you and will give pledges, furnishing you as hostages sons of the notable rulers in Persia, that you will have your safety, your kingdom, and everything else in security for all time.

"But if neither of these things meets your wish, at least go off to some other land and thus grant to the Lazi, who have been reduced to misery through your folly, recovery at last and respite from the difficulties pressing upon them.

"Do not wish to inflict on them this lingering destruction, carried on by a deceptive hope, by which I mean assistance from the Romans. For they will never be able to defend you, just as they have not been able up to the present day."

Thus Mermeroes wrote. But even so he did not persuade Gubazes, who remained among the mountain summits awaiting the assistance to come from the Romans, and because of his hostility to Chosroes was wholly unwilling to despair of the Romans.

For men as a rule adapt their decisions to the needs of their desire: they always incline toward the argument that pleases them and accept all that follows from it, not examining whether it may be false; but they are hostile to the argument that pains them and disbelieve it with difficulty.

Wars 8.17.1-22

About this time certain monks came from India and, learning that the Emperor Justinian was eager that the Romans should no longer buy silk from the Persians, came before the emperor.

They promised to settle the silk matter in such a way that the Romans would no longer buy this article from their enemies, the Persians, nor indeed from any other nation.

For they said that they had spent a long time in the country situated north of the many nations of India, a country called Serinda, and there they had accurately learned by what means silk could be produced in the land of the Romans.

Thereupon the emperor made very diligent inquiries and asked them many questions to see whether their statements were true.

The monks explained to him that certain worms are the makers of silk, nature being their teacher and compelling them to work continually. Although it was impossible to convey the worms there alive, it was practicable and altogether easy to convey their offspring.

The offspring of these worms, they said, consisted of innumerable eggs from each one. Men bury these eggs, long after the time when they are produced, in dung, and after heating them in this way for a sufficient time, they bring forth the living creatures.

After they had spoken in this way, the emperor promised to reward them with large gifts and urged them to confirm their account in action.

They then went once more to Serinda, brought the eggs back to Byzantium, and in the manner described caused them to be transformed into worms, which they fed on the leaves of the mulberry. Thus from that time onward they made possible the production of silk in the land of the Romans.

At that time, then, matters stood thus between the Romans and the Persians, both with regard to the war and with regard to silk.

After the winter season, Isdigousnas arrived at the court of Chosroes with the money and announced the terms agreed upon by them. Chosroes, receiving the money, confirmed the armistice without any hesitation, but he was wholly unwilling to give up Lazica. In fact, he used this very money to purchase the alliance of a vast horde of the Sabiri Huns, and immediately sent them with some Persians to Mermeroes, whom he directed to pursue his task with all the power at his disposal. He also sent him a large number of elephants.

Accordingly Mermeroes, accompanied by the whole army of Persians and Huns, departed from Mocheresis and moved against the strongholds of the Lazi, taking the elephants with him.

The Romans, however, offered no resistance at all; under the leadership of Martinus they made themselves as secure as possible in a naturally strong position near the mouth of the Phasis River and remained quiet there. Gubazes, king of the Lazi, was also with them.

But this Median army, because of a certain chance that befell it, did no harm to anyone, either among the Romans or among the Lazi.

First, Mermeroes, learning that the sister of Gubazes was in a certain fortress, led his army against it, intending to capture it at all costs.

But because the guards of that place offered most valiant resistance, and also because the naturally strong position gave them substantial help, the barbarians were repulsed from the town without accomplishing their purpose and withdrew. Thereupon they quickly directed their course against the Abasgi.

But the Romans guarding Tzibile seized the pass, which was very narrow and precipitous, as I have stated previously, and quite impossible to force; in this way they blocked their route.

Consequently Mermeroes, having no means of dislodging his opponents by force, led his army back and immediately moved on Archaeopolis with the purpose of besieging it.

But when he made trial of the circuit-wall, he met with no success and therefore turned back again.

The Romans followed the retreating enemy and, in a dangerous pass, began to kill many of them. Among those who fell, as it happened, was the commander of the Sabiri.

A fierce battle took place over the corpse, and finally, at dusk, the Persians forced back their opponents and routed them, after which they retired to Cotais and Mocheresis. Such, then, were the fortunes of the Romans and the Persians.

In Libya, on the other hand, affairs had taken an altogether favorable turn for the Romans.

For it happened that John, whom the Emperor Justinian had appointed general there, met with a number of incredible pieces of good fortune. After securing the allegiance of one of the Moorish rulers, named Cutzinas, he first defeated the others in battle, and not long afterward reduced to subjection Antalas and Iaudas, who held sovereignty over the Moors of Byzacium and Numidia; they joined his train in the position of slaves.

As a result, the Romans at that time had no enemy in Libya, at any rate. But because of the previous wars and uprisings, the land remained for the most part destitute of human habitation.

Wars 8.18.1-24

While these events were taking place as described, the following meanwhile happened in Europe.

The Gepaeds had at first, as I have stated in the previous narrative, confirmed a treaty with their enemies the Lombards.

But being wholly unable to compose their differences with them, they decided not much later that they must make war.

So the Gepaeds and the Lombards advanced in full force against one another, both fully prepared for war.

The commanders were Thorisin on the side of the Gepaeds and Auduin on the side of the Lombards, each followed by many myriads of men.

They had already come close to one another, though the two armies could not yet see each other.

But the fear called panic suddenly fell upon both armies and carried the men all backward in a flight that had no real cause, only the commanders being left where they were with a small number of men. Although they tried to draw their men back and check the retreat, they could accomplish nothing either by humble entreaty or by terrible threats.

Auduin became thoroughly frightened at seeing the men taking to their heels in this disorderly manner, for he did not know that the enemy had shared the same fate. He immediately sent some of his followers as an embassy to his opponents, to beg for peace.

When these men came to Thorisin, commander of the Gepaeds, and observed what was taking place and understood from their own experience what had happened to their enemies, they asked Thorisin, when they came before him, where in the world the host of his subjects was.

He, making no denial of what had happened, said: "They are fleeing, though no man pursues."

Then the envoys answered him: "This very thing has happened to the Lombards also. Since you speak the truth, O king, we shall conceal nothing on our side.

"Accordingly, since it is not at all the will of God that these nations should utterly perish, and since for this reason he dissolved the battle lines, striking both armies with a saving fear, come now, let us too yield to the will of God by putting an end to the war."

"Very well, let it be so," said Thorisin. Thus they made a two-year truce, so that by maintaining embassies and keeping constantly in communication with one another during the interval, they might make a thorough settlement of all their differences. At that time they each withdrew under this agreement.

But when, during this truce, they found themselves unable to come to such terms with one another as to reach a settlement of the disputed matter, they were once more on the point of resorting to war.

The Gepaeds, fearing the power of the Romans, since it was expected that the Romans would array themselves with the Lombards, planned to invite some of the Huns into an offensive and defensive alliance.

They therefore sent to the rulers of the Cutrigurs, who live on the western side of the Maeotic Lake, and begged them to assist in carrying on the war against the Lombards.

These Huns immediately sent them twelve thousand men under different commanders, among whom was Chinialon, an especially capable warrior.

For the moment, however, the Gepaeds were embarrassed by the presence of these barbarians, since the time had not yet arrived when battle could be fought, for the truce still had a year to run.

So they persuaded them to overrun the emperor's land in the interval, turning their embarrassment to their profit by delivering this attack upon the Romans.

Since the Romans were carefully guarding the crossing of the Ister River both in Illyricum and in the land of Thrace, the Gepaeds themselves ferried these Huns across the Ister at the point where their own territory touched the river, and turned them loose in Roman territory.

They had already plundered practically the whole country there when the Emperor Justinian hit upon the following plan.

Sending to the rulers of the Utigur Huns, who live on the eastern side of the Maeotic Lake, he reproached them and denounced as unjust their inaction with regard to the Cutrigurs, if indeed one ought to consider it the height of injustice to watch without protest the destruction of one's friends.

"For the Cutrigurs," he said, "paying no heed to their neighbors the Utigurs, even though they receive great sums of money every year from Byzantium, are unwilling in any degree to cease from their injustice toward the Romans, but raid and plunder them every day without cause.

"And although the Utigurs themselves receive no portion of this plunder and share none of the booty with the Cutrigurs, they are not taking the side of the Romans who are being wronged, though they have been in close friendship with them from ancient times."

Thus the Emperor Justinian, by sending this message to the Utigurs, and not only making them a gift of money but also reminding them of all the gifts they had previously received from him on many occasions, immediately persuaded them to attack those Cutrigurs who had been left behind.

So they first drew into alliance with them two thousand of the Goths called Tetraxitae, who are their neighbors, and then crossed the Tanais River in full force.

They were commanded by Sandil, a man of the greatest cleverness and experienced in many wars, and one moreover well endowed with courage and endurance.

After they had crossed the river, they engaged a large number of Cutrigurs who disputed their advance.

Since this force offered very vigorous resistance to the attackers, the battle continued for a very long time. But finally the Utigurs routed their opponents and killed many.

Only a small number saved themselves by fleeing wherever each man could. Then their enemy enslaved their women and children and departed on the homeward way.

Wars 8.19.1-22

While these barbarians were fighting one another in the manner described, and when the struggle had reached its most violent point, it happened that great good fortune came to the Romans.

For all the Romans who happened to be among the Cutrigurs as slaves, amounting, they say, to many tens of thousands, during this struggle hurried away from there without being detected. Since no one pursued them, they reached their native land, thus profiting from another nation's victory at the moment of their greatest need.

The Emperor Justinian now sent the general Aratius to Chinialon and the other Huns, ordering him to announce to them what had happened in their own land and, by offering them money, to persuade them to depart from Roman territory with all possible speed.

When these Huns learned of the Utigur inroad and at the same time received a large sum of money from Aratius, they made an agreement that they would commit no further bloodshed, enslave none of the Romans, and do no other harm, but would withdraw, treating the people on the way as friends.

This also was agreed: if these barbarians were able to return and settle in their own country, they would remain there and hold fast their allegiance to the Romans in the future.

But if it should be impossible for them to remain in that land, they were to return once more to Roman territory, and the emperor would confer on them some district in Thrace, so that they might establish their homes there, be forever at peace with the Romans, and help guard the land carefully against all barbarians.

By this time two thousand of the Huns who had been defeated in the battle and had escaped the Utigurs entered the Roman empire, bringing their wives and children. Among their several leaders was Sinnion, who long before had marched with Belisarius against Gelimer and the Vandals, and they now made themselves suppliants of the Emperor Justinian.

He received them with all kindness and ordered them to settle on Thracian soil.

But when Sandil, king of the Utigurs, learned this, he was exasperated and filled with anger.

He saw that, while he himself, by way of punishing the Cutrigurs, his kinsmen, for the wrong they had done the Romans, had driven them from their ancestral home, they in turn had been received by the emperor, settled in Roman territory, and were going to live much more comfortably.

He therefore sent envoys to the emperor to protest against what had been done. He placed no letter in their hands, for the Huns are completely unacquainted with writing and unskilled in it up to the present time; they have no writing-master, nor do the children among them toil over letters at all as they grow up. Instead, he instructed them to deliver by word of mouth, in the barbarian fashion, everything he enjoined upon them.

So when these envoys came before the Emperor Justinian, they stated that their king Sandil spoke through them as though by a letter, as follows:

"I know a certain proverb which I have heard from my boyhood, and, if I have not forgotten it, the proverb runs somewhat as follows. The wild beast, the wolf, might perhaps be able to change the color of his fur in some degree; but he does not transform his character, since nature does not permit him to change it.

"This proverb," says Sandil, "I have heard from my elders, who by means of a dark saying hinted at the ways of men.

"And I know something else which I have learned from experience, one of those things it is natural for a rough barbarian to learn: shepherds take dogs while they are still suckling and rear them in the house with no lack of care. The dog is an animal grateful to those who feed it and most mindful of kindness.

"This is plainly done by shepherds for this purpose: whenever wolves attack the flock, the dogs may check their attacks, standing over the sheep as guardians and saviors.

"I think this happens throughout the whole world. For no man in the world has ever seen dogs attacking a flock or wolves defending it; nature, as lawgiver, has established this as a kind of ordinance for dogs, sheep, and wolves.

"I think that even in your empire, where almost everything is found in abundance, doubtless including even impossible things, there is not the slightest departure from this rule.

"Otherwise, make a demonstration to my envoys, so that on the threshold of old age we may actually learn something new to our experience.

"But if these things are everywhere fixed by nature, I do not think it fair for you to receive hospitably the nation of the Cutrigurs, inviting in a foul set of neighbors, and making at home with you now those whom you did not endure beyond your borders.

"For they will, after no long delay, show their own true character toward the Romans. Apart from this, no enemy will be lacking who will prey upon Roman territory in the hope that, if defeated, he will be better off at your hands; and no friend will be left to the Romans who will someday stand in the way of those wishing to overrun your land, through fear that when he gains the mastery by fortune's gift, he may see the vanquished faring more splendidly than himself at your hands.

"We eke out our existence in a deserted and thoroughly unproductive land, while the Cutrigurs are free to trade in grain, revel in wine-cellars, and live on the fat of the land. No doubt they have access to baths too, and wear gold, the vagabonds, and have no lack of fine clothes embroidered and overlaid with gold.

"Yet another point: the Cutrigurs had previously enslaved countless thousands of Romans and carried them off to their own land.

"These cursed men have taken no slight pains to impose all the indignities of slavery upon their victims. No doubt they were always ready to apply the lash even to those who had done no wrong, or to put them to death; and they practiced whatever other cruelties natural inclination and opportunity suggest to a barbarian master.

"We, on the other hand, by struggles and dangers involving our lives, delivered them from the fate that then bound them and restored them to their parents, so that they proved to be the object of all our labors in the war.

"For these different actions we and they have each received from you opposite rewards, if it is true that we, on the one hand, still share our ancestral miseries, while they are allotted an equal share in the land of those who by our courage escaped from being their slaves."

Thus spoke the envoys of the Utigurs. But the emperor, after soothing them with many words and comforting them with a quantity of gifts, sent them away not long afterward. Such was the course of these events.

Wars 8.21.1-22

Such was the progress of the wars in each land. The Gothic War continued as follows.

After the emperor had summoned Belisarius to Byzantium, as stated in the preceding narrative, he held him in honor; not even at the death of Germanus did he intend to send him to Italy. Instead he actually appointed him commander of the imperial guards, as general of the East, and kept him there.

Belisarius was first of all the Romans in dignity, although some of them had been enrolled among the patricians before him and had even ascended to the seat of the consuls.

Even so, they all yielded first place to him, being ashamed, in view of his achievements, to take advantage of the law and claim the right it conferred. This circumstance pleased the emperor exceedingly.

Meanwhile John, the nephew of Vitalian, was passing the winter at Salones. During all this time the commanders of the Roman army, expecting him in Italy, remained inactive. The winter drew to its close, and the sixteenth year ended in this Gothic War, the history of which Procopius has written.

When the following year opened, John intended to depart from Salones and lead his army as quickly as possible against Totila and the Goths.

But the emperor prevented him, ordering him to remain there until Narses the eunuch arrived; for he had decided to appoint Narses commander-in-chief for this war.

Why this was the emperor's wish was explicitly evident to no one in the world, since an emperor's purpose cannot be discovered except by his own will. But I shall set down here the surmises which people expressed.

The thought had occurred to the Emperor Justinian that the other commanders of the Roman army would be quite unwilling to take orders from John, not consenting in any way to be inferior to him in rank.

Consequently he feared that, by being at cross purposes or by playing the coward through envy, they might ruin their operations.

I also heard the following account of the matter from a Roman gentleman when I was staying in Rome; this man was a member of the senate.

This Roman said that once, during the time when Atalaric, grandson of Theoderic, ruled Italy, a herd of cattle came into Rome from the country in the late evening through the forum which the Romans call the Forum of Peace. In that place from ancient times has stood the Temple of Peace, which was struck by lightning.

There is a certain ancient fountain before this forum, and a bronze bull stands by it, the work, I think, of Pheidias the Athenian or of Lysippus; for there are many statues in this quarter which are the works of these two men.

Here, for example, is another statue which is certainly the work of Pheidias, for the inscription on the statue says this. There too is the calf of Myron. The ancient Romans took great pains to make all the finest things of Greece adornments of Rome.

He said that one of the cattle then passing by, a steer, left the herd and, mounting this fountain, stood over the bronze bull.

By chance a certain man of Tuscan birth was passing by, one who appeared to be very rustic, and he understood the scene that was being enacted and said, for the Tuscans even down to my day are gifted with prophecy, that one day a eunuch would undo the ruler of Rome.

Then, indeed, that Tuscan and the words he uttered earned only laughter. For before actual experience comes, men are always accustomed to mock at prophecies; proof does not unsettle them, because the events have not yet come about and the tale of them is not credible, but seems akin to some ridiculous myth.

But now all men, yielding to the arguments of actual events, marvel at this sign.

It was perhaps for this reason that Narses marched as general against Totila, the emperor's judgment penetrating the future, or chance ordaining the inevitable thing.

So Narses, receiving a notable army and great sums of money from the emperor, set forth.

But when he came with his command into the middle of Thrace, he spent some time at Philippopolis, having been cut off from his road.

For an army of Huns had made a descent upon Roman territory and was plundering and pillaging everything, with no man to stand in its way.

But after some of them advanced against Thessalonica and the rest took the road to Byzantium, Narses finally departed from there and marched forward.

Wars 8.22.1-32

While John, on the one hand, was at Salones awaiting Narses, and Narses, on the other, was traveling rather slowly, being hindered by the inroad of the Huns, Totila, while awaiting the army of Narses, was meanwhile engaged as follows.

He placed a part of the Romans and some of the members of the senate in Rome, leaving the rest in Campania.

He commanded them to look after the city as well as they could, plainly showing by this that he repented of what he had previously done to Rome; for, as it happened, he had burned large parts of it, especially on the farther side of the Tiber River.

But these Romans, reduced to the condition of slaves and stripped of all their money, were unable not only to lay claim to the public funds, but even to secure what belonged to them personally.

Yet the Romans love their city above all men we know, and they are eager to protect all their ancestral treasures and preserve them, so that nothing of the ancient glory of Rome may be obliterated.

For even though for a long period they were under barbarian rule, they preserved the buildings of the city and most of its adornments, such as by the excellence of their workmanship could withstand so long a passage of time and such neglect.

Furthermore, all such memorials of the race as were still left are preserved even to this day, among them the ship of Aeneas, the founder of the city, an altogether incredible sight.

For they built a ship-house in the middle of the city on the bank of the Tiber, and depositing it there, they have preserved it from that time.

I shall now explain what sort of ship this is, having seen it myself.

The ship is one with a single bank of oars and is very long, being one hundred and twenty feet in length and twenty-five feet wide; its height is all that it can be without becoming impossible to row.

There is nowhere in the boat any joining together of timbers, nor are the timbers fastened together by any device of iron. Rather, all the timbers are of one piece, a thing strange and unheard of, and true only, so far as we know, of this one boat.

The keel, which is a single piece, extends from the extreme stern to the bow, gradually sinking toward the middle of the ship in a remarkable way and then rising again from there properly and in due order until it stands upright and rigid.

All the heavy timbers that fit into the keel, which the poets call oak-stays but others call shepherds, extend each and every one from one side all the way to the other side of the ship.

These too, sinking from either end, form a remarkably shapely bend, so that the ship may be fashioned with a very wide hull, whether nature, constrained by their future use, originally carved out the timbers and fashioned this arch, or the sweep of the ribs was properly adjusted by craftsmen's skill and other devices.

Each plank, furthermore, extends from the very stem to the other end of the ship, being of one piece and pierced by iron spikes only for this purpose: that by being fastened to the timbers they may form the side of the ship.

This ship, constructed in this way, makes an impression when seen that surpasses all description; for the nature of things always makes those works most cunningly built not easy for men to describe, but by her innovations so prevails over our usual habits of mind as to check even our power of speech.

None of these timbers has rotted or shown the least sign of unsoundness; the ship, intact throughout, just as if newly made by the hand of the builder, whoever he was, has preserved its strength in a marvelous way even to my time. Such are the facts concerning the ship of Aeneas.

Totila now manned as many as three hundred ships of war with Goths and ordered them to go to Greece, instructing them to make every effort to capture those who fell in their way.

But this fleet, as far as the land of the Phaeacians, which is now called Corcyra, was able to do no damage.

For it happens that there is no inhabited island in that part of the sea which extends from the strait of Charybdis as far as Corcyra, so that many times, while passing that way, I have been at a loss to know where in the world the island of Calypso was.

Nowhere in that sea have I seen an island except three not far from Phaeacia, only about three hundred stades distant, crowded close together, very small, and having no habitation of men or animals or anything else at all.

These islands are now called Othoni. One might say that Calypso lived there, and that Odysseus, consequently, being not far from the land of the Phaeacians, ferried himself over from here on a raft, as Homer says, or by some other means without any ship.

But let this be ventured by us only as a possible interpretation. It is not easy to reconcile actual facts precisely with very ancient records, since the long passage of time is generally accustomed to change the names of places and the beliefs concerning them.

Such is the case of the ship that stands by the shore of the island in the land of the Phaeacians, made of white stone and supposed by some to be the very one that carried Odysseus to Ithaca when he had the fortune to be entertained in Phaeacia.

Yet this boat is not a monolith, but is composed of a very great number of stones.

An inscription has been cut in it and cries aloud that some merchant in earlier times set up this offering to Zeus Casius.

For the men of this place once honored Zeus Casius, since the very city in which this boat stands is called Casope up to the present time.

In the same manner, that ship is made of many stones which Agamemnon the son of Atreus set up to Artemis at Geraestus in Euboea, seeking even in this way to blot out the insult to her at the time when, through the suffering of Iphigeneia, Artemis permitted the Greeks to set sail.

This is declared by an inscription on this boat in hexameters, engraved either then or later.

Though most of it has disappeared because of the passage of time, the first verses are discernible even to the present and run as follows: "Here on this spot Agamemnon set me, a ship made of marble, a sign of the fleet of the Greeks sailing to Troy."

At the end it has these words: "Made by propitiate Artemis, who had detained the Trojan expedition by contrary winds. Tynnichus, to Artemis Bolosia." For thus they used to name Eileithyia in former times, because they called the pains of travail bolae.

But I must return to the point from which I have strayed.

When this Gothic expedition reached Corcyra, they plundered it thoroughly in a sudden raid, and also the other islands called Sybotae which lie near it.

Then, suddenly crossing over to the mainland also, they plundered the whole country around Dodona, and especially Nicopolis and Anchialus, where the natives say Anchises, father of Aeneas, departed from the world while sailing from captured Troy with his son, and thus gave the place its name.

Going along the whole coast and meeting many Roman ships, they captured every one of them, cargoes and all.

Among these happened to be some of the ships carrying provisions from Greece for the army of Narses. Thus these things happened.

Wars 8.25.1-25

A throng of Sclaveni now descended upon Illyricum and inflicted sufferings there not easily described.

The Emperor Justinian sent an army against them commanded by the sons of Germanus with others.

But since this army was far outnumbered by the enemy, it was quite unable to engage them; instead it always remained in the rear and cut down the stragglers left by the barbarians.

They killed many of them and took a few prisoners, whom they sent to the emperor.

Nevertheless these barbarians continued their work of devastation. Spending a long time in this plundering expedition, they filled all the roads with corpses, enslaved countless multitudes, and pillaged everything without meeting any opposition. Then at last they departed on the homeward journey with all their plunder.

Nor could the Romans ambush them while they were crossing the Ister River, or harm them in any other way, since the Gepaeds, having engaged their services, took them under their protection and ferried them across, receiving large payment for their labor.

The payment was at the rate of one gold stater per head. At this the emperor was grievously vexed, seeing that for the future he had no possible way of checking the barbarians either when they crossed the Ister River to plunder Roman territory or when they departed from such expeditions with the booty they had gained. For these reasons he wished to enter into some kind of treaty with the nation of the Gepaeds.

Meanwhile the Gepaeds and the Lombards were once more moving against one another, determined to make war.

But the Gepaeds, fearing the power of the Romans, for they had certainly heard that the Emperor Justinian had made a sworn offensive and defensive alliance with the Lombards, were eager to become friends and allies of the Romans.

They accordingly sent envoys straightway to Byzantium, inviting the emperor to accept an offensive and defensive alliance with them also.

He gave them the pledges of alliance without hesitation.

At the request of the same envoys, twelve members of the senate also furnished them with a sworn statement confirming this treaty.

But not long after this, when the Lombards, according to the terms of their alliance, requested an army to fight with them against the Gepaeds, the Emperor Justinian sent it, laying against the Gepaeds the charge that after the treaty they had transported certain of the Sclaveni across the Ister River to the detriment of the Romans.

The leaders of this army were, first, Justin and Justinian, the sons of Germanus; second, Aratius; third, Suartuas, who had previously been appointed by Justinian ruler over the Eruli, but when those who had come from the island of Thule rose against him, as I have told in the previous narrative, he fled back to the emperor and immediately became general of the Roman forces in Byzantium; and last, Amalafridas, a Goth, grandson of Amalafrida the sister of Theoderic king of the Goths, and son of Hermenefridus, the former ruler of the Thuringians.

This man had been brought by Belisarius to Byzantium with Vittigis; the emperor appointed him a Roman commander and betrothed his sister to Auduin, ruler of the Lombards.

But not a man of that army reached the Lombards except this Amalafridas with his command.

For the others, by direction of the emperor, stopped at the city of Ulpiana in Illyricum, since a civil war had arisen among the inhabitants of that place over those matters about which the Christians fight among themselves, as will be told by me in the treatise on this subject.

So the Lombards in full force, accompanied by Amalafridas, came into the lands of the Gepaeds; when the Gepaeds encountered them, a fierce battle followed in which the Gepaeds were defeated, and they say that a vast number of them perished in this engagement.

Thereupon Auduin, king of the Lombards, sent some of his followers to Byzantium, first to announce the good news to the Emperor Justinian, since the enemy had been defeated, and second to reproach him because the emperor's army had not been present in accordance with the terms of their alliance, although such a host of Lombards had recently been sent to march with Narses against Totila and the Goths. Such was the course of these events.

At this time extraordinary earthquakes occurred throughout Greece; Boeotia, Achaea, and the country on the Crisaean Gulf were badly shaken.

Countless towns and eight cities were leveled to the ground, among them Chaeronea, Coronea, Patrae, and all of Naupactus, where there was also great loss of life.

The earth was torn open in many places and formed chasms. Some of these openings came together again so that the earth presented the same form and appearance as before, but in other places they remained open, with the result that the people in those places could not intermingle with one another except by making many detours.

In the gulf between Thessaly and Boeotia there was a sudden influx of the sea at the city called Echinus and at Scarphea in Boeotia.

Advancing far over the land, it flooded the towns there and leveled them immediately. For a long time the sea thus visited the mainland, so that for a considerable period it was possible for men on foot to walk to the islands within this gulf, since the water of the sea had plainly abandoned its proper place and, strange to say, spread over the land as far as the mountains rising there.

But when the sea returned to its proper place, fish were left on the ground. Since their appearance was wholly unfamiliar to the people of the country, they seemed a kind of prodigy.

Thinking them edible, they picked them up to boil them; but when the heat of the fire touched them, the whole body was reduced to a liquid putrefaction of an unbearable kind.

In the locality where the so-called Schisma, or Cleft, is located, there was a tremendous earthquake which caused more loss of life than in all the rest of Greece, especially because of a certain festival they happened to be celebrating there, for which many had gathered in that place from all Greece.

In Italy the following occurred. The people of Croton and the soldiers who formed the garrison there, commanded by Palladius, were being very closely besieged by the Goths.

Hard pressed by scarcity of provisions, they had many times sent to Sicily without being detected by the enemy, calling the commanders of the Roman army there, especially Artabanes, to witness, and saying that if they did not relieve them at the earliest possible moment, they would, little as they wished it, surrender themselves and the city to the enemy not long afterward.

But no one came from there to assist them.

And the winter drew to a close, and the seventeenth year ended in this war, the history of which Procopius has written.

Wars 8.26.1-25

When the emperor learned of the situation at Croton, he sent to Greece and ordered the garrison of Thermopylae to sail with all speed to Italy and bring all the help in their power to those besieged in Croton.

They acted accordingly, setting sail with great haste; chancing upon a favorable wind, they unexpectedly put in at the harbor of Croton.

When the barbarians suddenly saw the fleet, they were immediately plunged into great fear and, in wild confusion, broke up the siege.

Some of them escaped by ship to the harbor of Tarentum, while others withdrew by land to Mount Scylaeum.

This event humbled the spirit of the Goths still more. Because of this, Ragnaris, a Goth of very great note who commanded the garrison at Tarentum, and Moras, who commanded the guards in Acherontia, opened negotiations, by the wish of their soldiers, with Pacurius son of Peranius, commander of the Romans in Dryus. They agreed that, on condition that they receive pledges for their safety from the Emperor Justinian, they would surrender themselves with their commands to the Romans, together with the strongholds they had been set to guard. In order to confirm this agreement, Pacurius journeyed to Byzantium.

Narses now set out from Salones and moved against Totila and the Goths with the whole Roman army, which was extraordinarily large. He had received from the emperor an exceedingly large sum of money, with which he was first to gather a very formidable army and meet the other needs of the war, and after that to pay the soldiers in Italy all the money owed to them from the past. The emperor had long been delinquent in this matter, since the soldiers were not receiving from the public treasury, as was usual, the pay assigned to them. Furthermore, he was to bring pressure also upon those soldiers who had deserted to Totila, so that they would be made tractable by this money and reverse their choice of allegiance.

Indeed, although the Emperor Justinian had previously conducted this war very negligently, he made the most notable preparation for it at the end.

For when Narses saw that the emperor urgently desired him to lead an expedition against Italy, he displayed an ambition worthy of a general, declaring that he would obey the emperor's command on no other condition than that he take with him forces sufficient for the purpose.

By taking this position, he obtained from the emperor money, men, and arms in quantities worthy of the Roman empire, and he himself showed tireless enthusiasm and thus gathered an adequate army.

He not only took with him a great number of Roman soldiers from Byzantium, but also gathered many from the lands of Thrace and Illyricum.

John too, with his own army and that left by his father-in-law Germanus, accompanied him.

Moreover Auduin, ruler of the Lombards, having been won over by the Emperor Justinian with much money and in accordance with the treaty of alliance, selected twenty-five hundred of his followers who were capable warriors and sent them to fight with the Romans.

These were also attended by more than three thousand fighting men as servants.

Narses also had with him more than three thousand men of the Erulian nation, all horsemen, commanded by Philemuth and others, besides great numbers of Huns.

Dagisthaeus was there too with his followers, having been released from prison for this purpose, and also Cabades with many Persian deserters. This man was son of Zames and grandson of Cabades the Persian king, and has been mentioned in the previous narrative as having escaped from his uncle Chosroes through the efforts of the chanaranges and having come long before to the land of the Romans.

There was also Asbadus, a young man of the race of the Gepaeds and an especially active man, having with him four hundred men of his race who were capable warriors.

Besides these there was Aruth of the nation of the Eruli, who from boyhood had admired Roman ways and had taken as wife the daughter of Mauricius son of Mundus. He himself was a most valiant fighter and brought with him a large number of Eruli who were especially distinguished in the perils of war.

Finally there was John surnamed the Glutton, whom I have mentioned in the preceding narrative, bringing a large force of able Roman soldiers.

Narses, for his part, was a man of princely generosity and extraordinarily eager to help those who needed it; clothed with great power by the emperor, he exercised his judgment the more freely regarding the matters in which he was interested.

Consequently many commanders and soldiers also had in former times experienced his generosity.

Naturally, then, when he was appointed general against Totila and the Goths, each and every one most eagerly desired to serve under him, some wishing to repay old favors, others probably expecting, as was natural, to receive great gifts from his hand.

The Eruli and the other barbarians were particularly well disposed toward him, having been especially well treated by him.

When they had reached a point very close to Venetia, he sent a messenger to the rulers of the Franks who commanded the fortresses there, demanding that they allow his army free passage, since they were friends.

But they said they would by no means grant this to Narses. They did not openly reveal the real reason, but with all possible care concealed the fact that it was in the interest of the Franks or because of their goodwill toward the Goths that they were barring his passage.

They put forward a kind of pretext which did not seem very plausible, saying that he came bringing with him Lombards, who were their bitterest enemies.

Narses was at first perplexed by this and asked the Italians who were with him what should be done. But some men brought news that even if the Franks permitted them to pass through this country, they would still be utterly unable to get on from there to Ravenna, nor could he march that way farther than the city of Verona.

For Totila, they reported, had gathered whatever was notable in the Gothic army and, appointing Teias the Goth, a conspicuously able warrior, as general over them, had sent him to the city of Verona, which was subject to the Goths, for the purpose of preventing, as far as lay in him, the Roman army from passing by.

This was in fact the case.

By the time Teias entered the city of Verona, he had shut off entirely the road by which his enemy had to pass, having by artificial means made the land bordering the Padus River such that traveling in it or through it was altogether out of the question.

In some places he had constructed brush entanglements, ditches, and gullies; in others, sloughs of the greatest depth and certain expanses of swampy ground. He himself with the Gothic army kept close guard so as to engage the Romans if they attempted to pass by that road.

Totila had devised these things with the idea that the Romans would never be able to make the march along the coast of the Ionian Gulf, since a great number of navigable rivers have their mouths there and make the route entirely impassable. On the other hand, he thought that they certainly did not have ships in such numbers as to ferry the whole army together across the Ionian Gulf; if they should sail in small groups, he himself with the rest of the Gothic army would easily stop the disembarkation each time.

Such was Totila's purpose in giving these orders, and they were being duly executed by Teias.

Narses thus found himself completely bewildered. But John, the nephew of Vitalian, being familiar with these regions, advised him to proceed with the whole army along the coast, since the inhabitants of this district, as previously stated, were subject to them, while some ships and a large number of small boats accompanied them.

For whenever they came to the mouth of a river, they would throw a bridge of these boats across the river's current and thus make the crossing comparatively easy.

Such was John's advice, and Narses was persuaded. In this way he made the journey to Ravenna with the whole army.

Wars 8.27.1-29

While these things were going on as described, the following occurred.

Ildigisal the Lombard has been mentioned in the preceding narrative as a personal enemy of Auduin, who was ruler of these barbarians. The kingship belonged to Ildigisal by birth, but Auduin had taken it from him by violent means.

He now escaped from his native land and set out for Byzantium.

When he arrived there, the Emperor Justinian treated him with very particular consideration and appointed him commander of one of the companies of guards assigned to the palace, which they call scholae.

He was followed by no fewer than three hundred able warriors of the Lombard nation, who at first lived together in Thrace.

Auduin accordingly demanded Ildigisal from the Emperor Justinian on the ground that he was a friend and ally of the Romans, claiming as payment for his friendship the betrayal of the suppliant to him. But Justinian absolutely refused to give him up.

Later, however, Ildigisal began to complain that both his rank and his maintenance were not commensurate with his worth and the good name of the Romans, and he appeared to be exceedingly dissatisfied.

This was observed by Goar, a Goth, who long before had come there from Dalmatia as a captive taken in this war, at the time when Vittigis, king of the Goths, was carrying on the war against the Romans; he was an impetuous and exceedingly active fellow, constantly in rebellion against the fate that lay upon him.

When the Goths, after the overthrow of Vittigis, planned a revolution and took up arms against the emperor, he was plainly caught working against the state.

Condemned to exile, he went to the city of Antinous in Egypt, where he spent a long time under this punishment.

But later the emperor, moved by pity, brought him back to Byzantium. This Goar, then, seeing Ildigisal in a state of discontent, as I have said, kept after him without interruption and tried to persuade him to flee, promising that he would leave Byzantium with him.

Since this plan pleased them, they fled suddenly with only a few followers; when they reached the Thracian city of Apri, they joined forces with the Lombards who were there.

Next they happened upon the imperial horse pastures and took from them a great number of horses, which they took along as they proceeded.

When the emperor learned of this, he sent into all Thrace and Illyricum and instructed all commanders and soldiers to use every means in their power to check these runaways.

First of all, a small number of the Huns called Cutrigurs, men who had migrated from their ancestral homes, as I have stated not long since, and settled in Thrace with the emperor's permission, came to an engagement with these fugitives.

But they were defeated in battle and some of them fell, while the rest were routed and did not continue the pursuit, but remained where they were.

Thus Ildigisal and Goar with their followers passed through the whole of Thrace without being molested by anyone.

But when they reached Illyricum they found a Roman army carefully gathered to oppose them.

This army was commanded by Aratius, Rhecithancus, Leonianus, Arimuth, and others, all of whom happened to have been riding the whole day.

When they reached a wooded place about nightfall, they stopped, intending to bivouac and pass the night there.

So these commanders gave their soldiers the usual orders, instructing them to care for their horses and refresh themselves beside the river that flowed by, thus repairing the fatigue of the journey.

Meanwhile they themselves took three or four bodyguards each and began to drink from the river in a hidden place, for they were naturally suffering from severe thirst.

But the men of Goar and Ildigisal who were nearby had sent out scouts and found this out. Falling upon them unexpectedly as they drank, they killed every one of them.

Thereafter they conducted their march as they pleased, without further fear.

For the soldiers, finding themselves without commanders, fell into perplexity; being completely at a loss, they began to withdraw. So Goar and Ildigisal escaped in this way and came to the Gepaeds.

It so happened that a certain man named Ustrigothus had fled from the Gepaeds to the Lombards in the following circumstances.

Elemundus, who had been king of the Gepaeds, had been taken from the world by disease not long before, and this Ustrigothus was his only surviving child; but Thorisin had forced him aside, for he was still a stripling, and had thus secured the power.

Consequently the boy, having no means of defending himself against the aggressor, departed from his native land and made off to the Lombards, who were then at war with the Gepaeds.

A little later, however, a reconciliation was effected by the Gepaeds with both the Emperor Justinian and the Lombard nation, and they bound themselves by the most solemn oaths that from that time forward they would preserve an eternal friendship with one another.

As soon as the details of the agreement had been most firmly fixed, both the Emperor Justinian and Auduin, ruler of the Lombards, sent to Thorisin, ruler of the Gepaeds, demanding the surrender of Ildigisal as a common enemy, and asking that he make the betrayal of his suppliant the first proof of his friendship to them.

He then conferred about the situation with the notable men of the Gepaeds and eagerly asked whether he was bound to fulfill the demand of the two sovereigns.

They absolutely forbade him to do so, firmly declaring that it was better for the nation of the Gepaeds to perish at once with their women and their whole stock than to become polluted by such impiety.

Hearing this, Thorisin was plunged into uncertainty.

For he could neither perform the deed against the will of his subjects, nor did he wish to revive once more a war against the Romans and Lombards which had been brought to an end with great labor and expenditure of time.

Later, however, he thought of the following plan. He sent to Auduin and demanded the surrender of Ustrigothus, son of Elemundus, urging him to commit a sin equal to the one urged upon himself, and inviting him to betray one suppliant in exchange for the other.

In this way he hoped that he would frustrate their demand through dread of a similar transgression, and would immediately catch Auduin himself by the proposed unlawful bargain.

So when they had reached these decisions and understood clearly that neither Lombards nor Gepaeds were willing to have any share in the pollution, they did nothing at all openly, but each of them put the other's enemy to death by stealth. As to how they did this, I shall not undertake to tell, for the accounts of this matter do not agree with one another, but differ widely, as is natural in matters of a very secret nature. Such was the end of the story of Ildigisal and Ustrigothus.

Wars 8.30.1-20

So these events had gone as described. Both armies now made ready for battle, and Narses gathered his army into a small space and exhorted them as follows.

"Men who are being brought into danger against enemies equal to them in strength may perhaps need much exhortation, and counsel that urges them on to eagerness, so that, by having this advantage over their opponents, they may come out of the battle in the best temper of mind. But for you, men, whose battle is against men far inferior to you in courage, numbers, and all other preparation, I think nothing further is needed than to enter this encounter with God gracious toward you.

"Bring Him, then, constantly to your aid by prayer, and go forward against these robbers with great contempt for them. From the beginning they were slaves of the great emperor; then they became runaways, set up over themselves a common tyrant from the rabble, and by a sort of stealth found strength for a time to throw the Roman empire into confusion.

"Indeed, if they had reasoned as they ought, one would not have suspected that they would now so much as draw themselves up opposite us.

"But dying in a fit of reckless audacity, and displaying a mad forwardness, they dare to choose a death that lies plain before them. They are not putting good hope before them; nor are they watching for anything that may arise for them out of the unexpected or the incredible. Rather, they are plainly being led by God to pay the penalties for what they have done in the state. For men upon whom some suffering has been judged from above go forward to their punishments of their own accord.

"Apart from this, you enter this encounter risking yourselves on behalf of a lawful commonwealth; they are revolutionaries struggling against the laws. They do not expect to pass anything they possess on to any successors, but know well that everything will perish together with them, and that they live with only a day's hope.

"For this reason they most deserve to be despised. From men who are not held together by law and good polity, every virtue has departed; and victory, as is natural, has already been decided, since it is not accustomed to array itself against the virtues."

Such was the exhortation Narses made.

Totila also, seeing his followers astonished at the Roman army, called them all together and spoke as follows.

"Men and fellow soldiers, I have gathered you here to give you my last exhortation.

"For after this encounter, I think, there will be no further need of another address; the war will in every way be decided in a single day.

"For it has so happened that we, and the Emperor Justinian too, have been drained of strength and stripped of all forces. We have lived for a very great length of time with labors, battles, and hardships, and have been exhausted by the necessities of war. Therefore, if in the present encounter we prevail over our opponents, they will have no way hereafter to renew the struggle. But if we suffer some setback in this battle, no hope of fighting again will be left to the Goths. Each side will have a plausible excuse, in defeat, for remaining quiet permanently.

"For when men are forced by events to renounce the worst hardships, they no longer dare to return to them, but even if necessity pushes them toward these things with great force, they are checked in their judgments, since the memory of evils terrifies their souls.

"Knowing these things, men, be brave with all your strength. Do not store away any excellence of soul for another time. Endure hardship with all courage, and do not save your body for some later danger.

"Let there be no sparing of arms or horses among you, since they will no longer be of use to you. For Fortune, having worn out all other things beforehand, has kept only the head of our hope for this day.

"Practice good courage, then, and prepare yourselves for daring. For those whose hope stands on a hair's breadth, as yours does now, will not profit by lying back even for the slightest turn of time.

"When the prime moment has passed, zeal becomes useless thereafter, even if it is extraordinarily great; the nature of events does not admit stale valor, since, after the need has gone by, what comes afterward must be out of season.

"I think, then, that you must seize the contest in action at the most opportune moment, so that you may also be able to use its good things. Know also that at present flight is especially fit to destroy you.

"For men flee, abandoning the line, for no other reason than that they may live; but if flight is going to bring obvious death with it, the man who stands the danger will be far safer than the man who has fled.

"The crowd of the enemy should be despised, since it has been collected from as many nations as possible. An alliance gathered piecemeal from many places brings neither trust nor strength secure with it, but, being split by peoples, is naturally divided also in mind.

"Do not suppose that Huns and Lombards and Eruli, hired by them for I do not know how much money, will ever risk themselves for them to the point of death.

"Their life is not so cheap to them that it takes second place to silver in their judgment. I know well that, while making a show of fighting, they will at once willingly play the coward, either because they have already received their hire or because they have fulfilled the command laid on them by the rulers among them.

"For even those things in human affairs that seem most pleasant, not to mention hostile things, if they are not done according to one's own will, but by compulsion, or for pay, or under some other necessity, no longer fall out according to desire, but appear miserable because of the compulsion. Thinking on these things, let us advance against the enemy with all eagerness."

Wars 8.31.1-21

So much, then, did Totila also say. The armies came together for battle and were drawn up in the following way.

On both sides all stood facing forward, intending to make the front of the phalanx as deep and as long as possible.

On the Roman side, Narses and John held the left wing around the hill, together with whatever was best in the Roman army.

For apart from the other soldiers, each of them was followed by a picked body of spearmen, guards, and barbarian Huns, chosen for their excellence.

On the right Valerian and John the Glutton, together with Dagisthaeus and all the remaining Romans, were arrayed.

They placed about eight thousand foot archers from the enrolled soldiers on the two wings. In the middle of the phalanx Narses posted the Lombards, the nation of the Eruli, and all the other barbarians, after dismounting them from their horses and making them serve as infantry, so that if they proved cowardly in action, or willingly played the coward, they would not have swift means of slipping away.

Narses set the end of the Roman left wing's front at an angle, stationing fifteen hundred cavalry there.

He had ordered the five hundred, as soon as any of the Romans happened to be routed, to hurry to their aid; and he ordered the thousand, whenever the enemy infantry began action, immediately to come behind them and place them between two attacks.

Totila likewise set his whole army opposite the enemy in the same manner. Passing around his own line, he encouraged the soldiers and called them to daring by his look and speech.

Narses did the same thing, raising bracelets, necklaces, and golden bridles on poles, and displaying certain other incentives to kindle eagerness for the danger.

For some time neither side began the battle, but both remained quiet, awaiting the attack of the other.

After this a man from the Gothic army, named Coccas, who had long had a reputation for energy, rode his horse out and came very near the Roman army, challenging anyone who wished to come out against him for single combat.

This Coccas was one of the Roman soldiers who had previously deserted to Totila.

At once one of Narses' guards stood opposite him, an Armenian by birth, named Anzalas, himself mounted on a horse.

Coccas, attacking first, rushed against his enemy as if to strike him with his spear, aiming at his belly.

But Anzalas suddenly turned his horse aside and made Coccas' own onset useless to him. Thus coming at the enemy from the side, he drove his spear into his left flank.

Coccas fell from his horse and lay dead on the ground. An extraordinary shout rose from the Roman army, yet even so neither side began any battle.

Totila then came alone into the space between the armies, not to fight in single combat, but to steal this moment away from his opponents. For learning that the two thousand Goths who were missing were approaching somewhere near, he was putting off the encounter until their arrival, and did the following.

First, he did not disdain to show the enemy what sort of man he was. He wore a suit of armor wholly covered with gold, and the adornment of his cheek-pieces, cap, and spear hung down in purple and in other royal fashion, wonderful in its abundance.

Mounted on an extraordinary horse, he skillfully played an armed game in the space between the armies. He wheeled the horse round in a circle, then turned it to either side and made circular courses again.

As he rode, he let his spear go into the air; then, catching it as it quivered, passing it often from hand to hand on either side and shifting it skillfully, he made a display of his practice in such things, leaning back, bending toward the flank, and inclining to either side, as if he had been accurately taught the dance from childhood.

Doing these things, he wore away the whole early afternoon. Wanting to extend the postponement of the battle still longer, he sent to the Roman camp, saying that he wished to meet them for talks. But Narses insisted that he was trying to deceive them, since if he had formerly meant to make war, when there was opportunity to propose talks, he now came to discussions only after he had entered the space between the armies.

Colophon

This Good Works Translation was prepared for the Scythian shelf by the New Tianmu Anglican Church from the Greek source text printed below. The translation was made against the PerseusDL canonical Greek repository file tlg4029.tlg001.perseus-grc2.xml, inspected locally for each source-unit. Dewing's public-domain English translation, preserved in the local ToposText capture and older archival witness, was used only as a control.

The dossier is a selected source corpus, not a complete translation of Procopius' Wars. It preserves the prepared Scythian and northern-frontier passages from Books 1-8: White Huns, Ephthalites, Huns, Massagetae, Sabiri, Utigurs, Cutrigurs, Tetraxitae, Sclaveni, Antae, Gepaeds, Eruli, Alans, Bosporus, Lazica, Caucasus, Maeotis, Tanais, Phasis, and related Black Sea geography.

Compiled and formatted for the Good Work Library by the New Tianmu Anglican Church, 2026.

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Source Text: Προκόπιος, Ὑπὲρ τῶν Πολέμων

Greek source text from Procopius, Wars. Presented here for reference, study, and verification alongside the English translation above.

Wars 1.3

§ 1.3.1 Χρόνῳ δὲ ὕστερον Περόζης ὁ Περσῶν βασιλεὺς πρὸς τὸ Οὔννων τῶν Ἐφθαλιτῶν ἔθνος, οὕσπερ λευκοὺς ὀνομάζουσι, πόλεμον περὶ γῆς ὁρίων διέφερε, λόγου τε ἄξιον στρατὸν ἀγείρας ἐπ’ αὐτοὺς ᾔει.

§ 1.3.2 Ἐφθαλῖται δὲ Οὐννικὸν μὲν ἔθνος εἰσί τε καὶ ὀνομάζονται, οὐ μέντοι ἀναμίγνυνται ἢ ἐπιχωριάζουσιν Οὔννων τισὶν ὧν ἡμεῖς ἴσμεν, ἐπεὶ οὔτε χώραν αὐτοῖς ὅμορον ἔχουσιν οὔτε πη αὐτῶν ἄγχιστα ᾤκηνται, ἀλλὰ προσοικοῦσι μὲν Πέρσαις πρὸς βορρᾶν ἄνεμον, οὗ δὴ πόλις Γοργὼ ὄνομα πρὸς αὐταῖς που ταῖς Περσῶν ἐσχατιαῖς ἐστιν, ἐνταῦθα δὲ περὶ γῆς ὁρίων διαμάχεσθαι πρὸς ἀλλήλους εἰώθασιν.

§ 1.3.3 οὐ γὰρ νομάδες εἰσὶν ὥσπερ τὰ ἄλλα Οὐννικὰ ἔθνη, ἀλλ’ ἐπὶ χώρας ἀγαθῆς τινος ἐκ παλαιοῦ ἵδρυνται.

§ 1.3.4 ταῦτά τοι οὐδέ τινα ἐσβολὴν πεποίηνται πώποτε ἐς Ῥωμαίων τὴν γῆν ὅτι μὴ ξὺν τῷ Μήδων στρατῷ. μόνοι δὲ Οὔννων οὗτοι λευκοί τε τὰ σώματα καὶ οὐκ ἄμορφοι τὰς ὄψεις εἰσίν.

§ 1.3.5 οὐ μὴν οὔτε τὴν δίαιταν ὁμοιότροπον αὐτοῖς ἔχουσιν οὔτε θηρίου βίον τινὰ ᾗπερ ἐκεῖνοι ζῶσιν, ἀλλὰ καὶ πρὸς βασιλέως ἑνὸς ἄρχονται καὶ πολιτείαν ἔννομον ἔχοντες ἀλλήλοις τε καὶ τοῖς πέλας ἀεὶ ὀρθῶς καὶ δικαίως ξυμβάλλουσι,

§ 1.3.6 Ῥωμαίων τε καὶ Περσῶν οὐδέν τι ἧσσον. οἱ μέντοι εὐδαίμονες αὑτοῖς φίλους ἑταιρίζονται ἄχρι ἐς εἴκοσιν, ἂν οὕτω τύχοι, ἢ τούτων πλείους, οἵπερ αὐτοῖς ξυμπόται μὲν ἐς ἀεὶ γίνονται, τῶν δὲ χρημάτων μετέχουσι πάντων, κοινῆς τινος ἐξουσίας αὐτοῖς ἐς ταῦτα οὔσης.

§ 1.3.7 ἐπειδὰν δὲ τῷ αὐτοὺς ἑταιρισαμένῳ τελευτῆσαι ξυμβαίη, τούτους δὴ τοὺς ἄνδρας ζῶντας ξὺν αὐτῷ ἐς τὸν τάφον ἐσκομίζεσθαι νόμος.

§ 1.3.8 Ἐπὶ τούτους τοὺς Ἐφθαλίτας τῷ Περόζῃ πορευομένῳ ξυμπαρῆν πρεσβευτής, ὃς δὴ ἔτυχε πρὸς βασιλέως Ζήνωνος παρ’ αὐτὸν ἐσταλμένος, Εὐσέβιος ὄνομα. Ἐφθαλῖται δὲ δόκησιν παρεχόμενοι τοῖς πολεμίοις ὅτι δὴ αὐτῶν κατωρρωδηκότες τὴν ἔφοδον ἐς φυγὴν ὥρμηνται, ᾔεσαν δρόμῳ ἐς χῶρόν τινα ὅνπερ ὄρη ἀπότομα πανταχόθεν ἐκύκλουν, συχνοῖς τε καὶ ἀμφιλαφέσιν ἐς ἄγαν καλυπτόμενα δένδροις.

§ 1.3.9 ἐντὸς δὲ τῶν ὀρῶν προϊόντι ὡς πορρωτάτω ὁδὸς μέν τις ἐφαίνετο ἐν μέσῳ εὐρεῖα ἐπὶ πλεῖστον διήκουσα, ἔξοδον δὲ τελευτῶσα οὐδαμῆ εἶχεν, ἀλλ’ ἐς αὐτὸν μάλιστα τὸν κύκλον τῶν ὀρῶν ἔληγε.

§ 1.3.10 Περόζης μὲν οὖν, δόλου παντὸς ἀφροντιστήσας οὐκ ἐννοῶν τε ὡς ἐν γῇ ἀλλοτρίᾳ πορεύοιτο, ἀνεπισκέπτως ἐδίωκε.

§ 1.3.11 τῶν δὲ Οὔννων ὀλίγοι μέν τινες ἔμπροσθεν ἔφευγον, οἱ δὲ πλεῖστοι ἐν ταῖς δυσχωρίαις διαλαθόντες κατὰ νώτου ἐγένοντο τοῦ τῶν πολεμίων στρατοῦ, οὔπω τε αὐτοῖς ἐβούλοντο ἔνδηλοι εἶναι, ὅπως δὴ τῆς ἐνέδρας πόρρω χωρήσαντες ἐντός τε τῶν ὀρῶν ἐπὶ πλεῖστον γεγενημένοι μηκέτι ὀπίσω ἀναστρέφειν οἷοί τε ὦσιν.

§ 1.3.12 ὧνπερ οἱ Μῆδοι αἰσθόμενοι ʽἤδη γὰρ καί τι τοῦ κινδύνου ὑπέφαινεν’ αὐτοὶ μὲν δέει τῷ ἐκ Περόζου τὰ παρόντα σφίσιν ἐν σιωπῇ εἶχον, Εὐσέβιον δὲ πολλὰ ἐλιπάρουν παραίνεσιν ἐς τὸν βασιλέα ποιήσασθαι μακρὰν ἀπολελειμμένον τῶν οἰκείων κακῶν, βουλεύεσθαι μᾶλλον ἢ θρασύνεσθαι οὐκ ἐν δέοντι, καὶ διασκοπεῖσθαι ἤν τίς ποτε μηχανὴ ἐς σωτηρίαν φέρουσα εἴη.

§ 1.3.13 ὁ δὲ Περόζῃ ἐς ὄψιν ἐλθὼν τύχην μὲν τὴν παροῦσαν ὡς ἥκιστα ἀπεκάλυψεν, ἀρξάμενος δὲ μυθοποιΐας λέοντά ποτε τράγῳ ἔφασκεν ἐντυχεῖν δεδεμένῳ τε καὶ μηκωμένῳ ἐπὶ χώρου τινὸς οὐ λίαν ὑψηλοῦ, ἐπὶ θοίνῃ δὲ αὐτοῦ τὸν λέοντα ἐφιέμενον ὁρμῆσαι μὲν ὡς ἁρπάσοντα, ἐμπεσεῖν δὲ ἐς κατώρυχα βαθεῖαν μάλιστα, ὁδὸν κυκλοτερῆ ἔχουσαν στενήν τε καὶ οὐ πεπερασμένην ʽδιέξοδον γὰρ οὐδαμῆ εἶχεν̓, ἣν δὴ οἱ τοῦ τράγου κύριοι ἐξεπίτηδες τεχνησάμενοι ὕπερθεν τῆς κατώρυχος τὸν τράγον τεθείκασι τῷ λέοντι ποδοστράβην ἐσόμενον.

§ 1.3.14 ταῦτα Περόζης ἀκούσας ἐς δέος ἦλθε μή ποτε Μῆδοι ἐπὶ πονηρῷ τῷ σφετέρῳ τὴν δίωξιν ἐπὶ τοὺς πολεμίους πεποίηνται. καὶ πρόσω μὲν οὐκέτι ἐχώρει, μένων δὲ αὐτοῦ τὰ παρόντα ἐν βουλῇ ἐποιεῖτο.

§ 1.3.15 Οὖννοι δὲ ἤδη ἑπόμενοι ἐκ τοῦ ἐμφανοῦς τοῦ χώρου τὴν εἴσοδον ἐν φυλακῇ εἶχον, ὅπως μηκέτι οἱ πολέμιοι ὀπίσω ἀπελαύνειν οἷοί τε ὦσι.

§ 1.3.16 καὶ οἱ Πέρσαι τότε δὴ λαμπρῶς ᾐσθημένοι οὗ ἦσαν κακοῦ ἐν συμφορᾷ ἐποιοῦντο τὰ παρόντα σφίσι, διαφεύξεσθαι τὸν κίνδυνον ἐν ἐλπίδι οὐδεμιᾷ τὸ λοιπὸν ἔχοντες.

§ 1.3.17 ὁ δὲ τῶν Ἐφθαλιτῶν βασιλεὺς πέμψας παρὰ Περόζην τῶν οἱ ἑπομένων τινάς, πολλὰ μὲν αὐτῷ θράσους πέρι ἀλογίστου ὠνείδισεν, ἀφ’ οὗ δὴ αὑτόν τε καὶ τὸ Περσῶν γένος κόσμῳ οὐδενὶ διαφθείρειεν, ἐνδώσειν δὲ καὶ ὣς τὴν σωτηρίαν Οὔννους αὐτοῖς ἐπηγγέλλετο, ἤν γε αὐτόν τε Περόζης προσκυνεῖν βούλοιτο, ἅτε δεσπότην γεγενημένον, καὶ ὅρκους τοὺς σφίσι πατρίους ὀμνὺς τὰ πιστὰ δοίη μήποτε Πέρσας ἐπὶ τὸ Ἐφθαλιτῶν ἔθνος στρατεύσασθαι.

§ 1.3.18 ταῦτα ἐπεὶ Περόζης ἤκουσε, μάγων τοῖς παροῦσι κοινολογησάμενος ἀνεπυνθάνετο εἰ τὰ ἐπαγγελλόμενα πρὸς τῶν ἐναντίων ποιητέα εἴη.

§ 1.3.19 οἱ δὲ μάγοι ἀπεκρίναντο τὰ μὲν ἀμφὶ τῷ ὅρκῳ ὅπη οἱ βουλομένῳ ἐστὶν αὐτὸν διοικήσασθαι, ἐς μέντοι τὸ ἕτερον σοφίᾳ περιελθεῖν τὸν πολέμιον.

§ 1.3.20 εἶναι γὰρ αὐτοῖς νόμον τὰς τοῦ ἡλίου ἀνατολὰς προσκυνεῖν ἡμέρᾳ ἑκάστῃ.

§ 1.3.21 δεήσειν οὖν αὐτὸν τηρησαντα ἐς τὸ ἀκριβὲς τὸν καιρὸν ξυγγενέσθαι μὲν ἅμα ἡμέρᾳ τῷ τῶν Ἐφθαλιτῶν ἄρχοντι, τετραμμένον δέ που πρὸς ἀνίσχοντα ἥλιον προσκυνεῖν· ταύτῃ γὰρ ἂν ἐς τὸ ἔπειτα τῆς πράξεως τὴν ἀτιμίαν φυγεῖν δύναιτο.

§ 1.3.22 Περόζης μὲν οὖν ἀμφί τε τῇ εἰρήνῃ τὰ πιστὰ ἔδωκε καὶ τὸν πολέμιον προσεκύνησε καθάπερ τῶν μάγων ἡ ὑποθήκη παρήγγελλεν, ἀκραιφνεῖ δὲ παντὶ τῷ Μήδων στρατῷ ἐπ’ οἴκου ἄσμενος ἀνεχώρησε.

Wars 1.4

§ 1.4.1 Χρόνῳ δὲ οὐ πολλῷ ὕστερον ἀλογήσας τὰ ὀμωμοσμένα τίσασθαι Οὔννους τῆς ἐς αὐτὸν ὕβρεως ἤθελε.

§ 1.4.2 πάντας οὖν αὐτίκα ἐκ πάσης γῆς Πέρσας τε καὶ ξυμμάχους ἀγείρας ἐπὶ τοὺς Ἐφθαλίτας ἦγε, τῶν παίδων ἕνα μὲν Καβάδην ὄνομα μόνον ἀπολιπὼν ʽτηνικαῦτα γὰρ ἡβηκὼς ἔτυχἐ, τοὺς δὲ λοιποὺς ἅπαντας ἐπαγόμενος τριάκοντα μάλιστα.

§ 1.4.3 Ἐφθαλῖται δὲ αὐτοῦ τὴν ἔφοδον γνόντες ἀχθόμενοί τε οἶς δὴ πρὸς τῶν πολεμίων ἠπάτηντο τὸν βασιλέα ἐκάκιζον, ἅτε προέμενον Μήδοις τὰ πράγματα.

§ 1.4.4 καὶ ὃς αὐτῶν ξὺν γέλωτι ἐπυνθάνετο τί ποτε ἄρα σφῶν προέμενος εἴη, πότερον τὴν γῆν ἢ τὰ ὅπλα ἢ ἄλλο τι τῶν πάντων χρημάτων.

§ 1.4.5 οἱ δὲ ὑπολαβόντες οὐκ ἄλλο οὐδὲν πλήν γε δὴ ὅτι τὸν καιρὸν ἔφασαν, οὗ τἄλλα πάντα ἠρτῆσθαι ξυμβαίνει.

§ 1.4.6 οἱ μὲν οὖν τοῖς ἐπιοῦσιν ὑπαντιάζειν πάσῃ προθυμίᾳ ἠξίουν, ὁ δὲ αὐτοὺς μὲν ἔν γε τῷ παρόντι ἐκώλυεν. οὐ γάρ πω σαφές τι ἀμφὶ τῇ ἐφόδῳ ἰσχυρίζετο γεγονέναι σφίσιν, ἐπεὶ οἱ Πέρσαι ἔτι ἐν γῇ τῇ οἰκείᾳ τυγχάνουσιν ὄντες· μένων δὲ αὐτοῦ ἐποίει τάδε.

§ 1.4.7 ἐν τῷ πεδίῳ ᾗ ἔμελλον Πέρσαι ἐς τὰ Ἐφθαλιτῶν ἤθη ἐσβάλλειν χώραν πολλήν τινα ἐπὶ πλεῖστον ἀποτεμών, τάφρον εἰργάσατο βαθεῖάν τε καὶ εὔρους ἱκανῶς ἔχουσαν, ὀλίγον τινὰ ἐν μέσῳ ἀκραιφνῆ χῶρον ἀπολιπὼν ὅσον ἵππων ὁδῷ ἐπαρκεῖν δέκα.

§ 1.4.8 καλάμους τε τῇ τάφρῳ ὕπερθεν ἐπιθεὶς καὶ γῆν ἐπὶ τοὺς καλάμους συναμησάμενος, ταύτῃ ἐπιπολῆς ἔκρυψεν, Οὔννων τε τῷ ὁμίλῳ ἐπέστελλεν, ἐπειδὰν ἐνθένδε ὀπίσω ἀπελαύνειν μέλλωσι, διὰ χώρου τοῦ χέρσου ἐς ὀλίγους σφᾶς ξυναγαγόντας σχολαιτέρους ἰέναι, φυλασσομένους ὅπως μὴ ἐς τὰ ἐσκαμμένα ἐμπίπτοιεν·

§ 1.4.9 τοὺς δὲ ἅλας ἄκρου σημείου τοῦ βασιλείου ἀπεκρέμασεν ἐς οὓς τὸν ὅρκον Περόζης ὤμοσε πρότερον, ὃν δὴ ἀλογήσας εἶτα ἐπὶ Οὔννους ἐστράτευσεν.

§ 1.4.10 ἕως μὲν οὖν ἐν γῇ τῇ σφετέρᾳ τοὺς πολεμίους ἤκουεν εἶναι, ἡσυχῇ ἔμενεν, ἐπεὶ δὲ αὐτοὺς ἐς Γοργὼ πόλιν ἔμαθεν ἀφικέσθαι πρὸς· τῶν κατασκόπων, ἥπερ ἐν τοῖς ἐσχάτοις Περσῶν ὁρίοις τυγχάνει οὖσα, ἐνθένδε τε ἀπαλλαγέντας ὁδῷ ἐπὶ σφᾶς ἤδη ἰέναι, αὐτὸς μὲν τῷ πλείονι τοῦ στρατοῦ τῆς τάφρου ἐντὸς ἔμεινεν, ὀλίγους δὲ πέμψας ὀφθῆναι μὲν τοῖς ἐναντίοις ἐν τῷ πεδίῳ ἐκέλευε μακρὰν ἄποθεν, ὀφθέντας δὲ μόνον εἶτα ἀνὰ κράτος φεύγειν ὀπίσω, ἐν μνήμῃ τὰς αὐτοῦ ἐντολὰς ἀμφὶ τῇ κατώρυχι ἔχοντας, ἡνίκα δὴ αὐτῆς ἄγχιστα ἵκοιντο.

§ 1.4.11 οἱ δὲ κατὰ ταῦτα ἐποίουν, καὶ ἐπεὶ τῆς διώρυχος ἀγχοτάτω ἐγένοντο, ἐς ὀλίγους σφᾶς ξυναγαγόντες διέβησαν ἅπαντες καὶ τῷ ἄλλῳ στρατῷ ἀνεμίγνυντο.

§ 1.4.12 οἱ δὲ Πέρσαι ξυνεῖναι τῆς ἐπιβουλῆς οὐδαμῆ ἔχοντες κατὰ κράτος ἐν πεδίῳ λίαν ὑπτίῳ ἐδίωκον, θυμῷ πολλῷ ἐς τοὺς πολεμίους ἐχόμενοι, ἔς τε τὴν τάφρον ἐμπεπτώκασιν ἅπαντες, οὐχ οἱ πρῶτοι μόνον, ἀλλὰ καὶ ὅσοι ὄπισθεν εἵποντο·

§ 1.4.13 ἅτε γὰρ τὴν δίωξιν ξὺν θυμῷ μεγάλῳ, καθάπερ ἐρρήθη, ποιούμενοι, ὡς ἥκιστα ᾔσθοντο τοῦ κακοῦ ὃ δὴ ξυντετύχηκε τοῖς ἔμπροσθεν ἰοῦσιν, ἀλλ’ ὑπὲρ αὐτοὺς ξὺν τοῖς ἵπποις τε καὶ δόρασιν ἐμπεπτωκότες ἐκείνους τε, ὡς τὸ εἰκός, ἔκτειναν καὶ αὐτοὶ οὐδέν τι ἧσσον ξυνδιεφθάρησαν.

§ 1.4.14 ἐν οἷς καὶ Περόζης ἦν ξὺν παισὶ τοῖς αὑτοῦ ἅπασι. καὶ αὐτὸν μέλλοντα ἐς τὸ βάραθρον τοῦτο ἐμπεσεῖσθαί φασι τοῦ τε δεινοῦ ᾐσθῆσθαι καὶ τὸ μάργαρον, ὅ οἱ λευκότατόν τε καὶ μεγέθους ὑπερβολῇ ἔντιμον ἐξ ὠτὸς τοῦ δεξιοῦ ἀπεκρέματο, ἀφελόντα ῥῖψαι, ὅπως δὴ μή τις αὐτὸ ὀπίσω φοροίη, ἐπεὶ ἀξιοθέατον ὑπερφυῶς ἦν, οἷον οὔπω πρότερον ἑτέρῳ τῳ βασιλεῖ γέγονεν, ἐμοὶ μὲν οὐ πιστὰ λέγοντες.

§ 1.4.15 οὐ γὰρ ἂν ἐνταῦθα γενόμενος τοῦ κακοῦ ἄλλου ὁτουοῦν ἐς φροντίδα ἦλθεν, ἀλλ’ οἶμαι τό τε οὖς αὐτῷ ἐν τούτῳ ξυγκεκόφθαι τῷ πάθει καὶ τὸ μάργαρον ὅπη ποτὲ ἀφανισθῆναι.

§ 1.4.16 ὅπερ ὁ Ῥωμαίων βασιλεὺς τότε πρίασθαι πρὸς τῶν Ἐφθαλιτῶν ἐν σπουδῇ ποιησάμενος ἥκιστα ἴσχυσεν. οὐ γὰρ αὐτὸ εὑρέσθαι οἱ βάρβαροι εἶχον, καίπερ πόνῳ πολλῷ τὴν ζήτησιν ποιησάμενοι. φασὶ μέντοι Ἐφθαλίτας εὑρομένους αὐτὸ ὕστερον τῷ Καβάδῃ ἀποδόσθαι.

§ 1.4.17 Ὅσα δὲ ἀμφὶ τῷ μαργάρῳ τούτῳ Πέρσαι λέγουσιν εἰπεῖν ἄξιον· ἴσως γὰρ ἄν τῳ καὶ οὐ παντάπασιν ἄπιστος ὁ λόγος δόξειεν εἶναι.

§ 1.4.18 λέγουσιν οὖν Πέρσαι εἶναι μὲν ἐν τῷ κτενὶ τὸ μάργαρον τοῦτο ἐν θαλάσσῃ ἣ ἐν Πέρσαις ἐστί, νήχεσθαι δὲ τὸν κτένα τῆς ταύτῃ ἠιόνος οὐ πολλῷ ἄποθεν· ἀνεωγέναι τε αὐτοῦ ἄμφω τὰ ὄστρακα, ὧν δὴ κατὰ μέσον τὸ μάργαρον εἱστήκει θέαμα λόγου πολλοῦ ἄξιον. ἄλλο γὰρ αὐτῷ εἰκασθῆναι οὐδαμῆ ἔσχεν οὔτε τῷ μεγέθει οὔτε τῷ κάλλει ἐκ τοῦ παντὸς χρόνου.

§ 1.4.19 κύνα δὲ θαλάσσιον ὑπερφυᾶ τε καὶ δεινῶς ἄγριον ἐραστὴν τοῦ θεάματος τούτου γενόμενον ἕπεσθαι κατ’ ἴχνος αὐτῷ, οὔτε νύκτα ἀνιέντα οὔτε ἡμέραν, ἀλλὰ καὶ ἡνίκα τροφῆς ἐπιμελεῖσθαι ἀναγκασθείη, ἐνταῦθα μέν τι περισκοπεῖσθαι τῶν ἐδωδίμων, εὑρόντα δέ τι καὶ ἀνελόμενον ἐσθίειν μὲν ὅτι τάχιστα, καταλαβόντα δὲ αὐτίκα δὴ μάλα τὸν κτένα θεάματος αὖθις τοῦ ἐρωμένου ἐμπίπλασθαι.

§ 1.4.20 καί ποτε τῶν τινα γριπέων φασὶ τὰ μὲν ποιούμενα ἐπιδεῖν, ἀποδειλιάσαντα δὲ τὸ θηρίον ἀποκνῆσαι τὸν κίνδυνον, ἔς τε τὸν βασιλέα Περόζην ἅπαντα τὸν λόγον ἀνενεγκεῖν.

§ 1.4.21 ἃ δὴ τῷ Περόζῃ ἀκούσαντι πόθον φασὶ τοῦ μαργάρου γενέσθαι μέγαν, πολλαῖς τε ἀπ’ αὐτοῦ θωπείαις τὸν ἀσπαλιέα τοῦτον καὶ ἀγαθῶν ἐλπίσιν ἐπᾶραι.

§ 1.4.22 ὃν δὴ ἀντιτείνειν αἰτουμένῳ δεσπότῃ οὐκ ἔχοντα λέγουσι τάδε τῷ Περόζῃ εἰπεῖν “Ὠ δέσποτα, ποθεινὰ μὲν ἀνθρώπῳ χρήματα, ποθεινοτέρα δὲ ἡ ψυχή, πάντων μέντοι ἀξιώτατα τέκνα.

§ 1.4.23 ὧν δὴ τῇ στοργῇ ἀναγκασθεὶς φύσει ἴσως ἄν τις καὶ πάντα τολμήσειεν. ἐγὼ τοίνυν τοῦ τε θηρίου ἀποπειράσεσθαι καὶ τοῦ μαργάρου σε κύριον·

§ 1.4.24 θήσεσθαι ἐλπίδα ἔχω. καὶ ἢν μὲν κρατήσω τοῦ ἀγῶνος τούτου, εὔδηλον ὡς ἐν τοῖς καλουμένοις ὀλβίοις τὸ ἐνθένδε τετάξομαι. σέ τε γὰρ πᾶσιν ἀγαθοῖς με δωρήσεσθαι ἅτε βασιλέων βασιλέα οὐδὲν ἀπεικός, καὶ ἐμοὶ ἀποχρήσει, καίπερ οὐδέν, ἂν οὕτω τύχοι, κεκομισμένῳ, τὸ δεσπότου εὐεργέτην τοῦ ἐμοῦ γεγενῆσθαι.

§ 1.4.25 εἰ δὲ ἐμὲ δεῖ τῷ θηρίῳ τούτῳ ἁλῶναι, σὸν δὴ ἔργον ἔσται, ὦ βασιλεῦ, τοὺς παῖδας τοὺς ἐμοὺς θανάτου τοῦ πατρῴου ἀμείψασθαι.

§ 1.4.26 οὕτω γὰρ ἐγὼ μὲν καὶ τετελευτηκὼς ἐν τοῖς ἀναγκαιοτάτοις ἔμμισθος ἔσομαι, σὺ δὲ ἀρετῆς δόξαν ἀποίσῃ μείζω. τὰ παιδία γὰρ ὠφελῶν εὖ ποιήσεις ἐμὲ ὅσπερ σοι τῆς εὐεργεσίας τὴν χάριν οὐδαμῆ εἴσομαι. αὕτη γὰρ ἂν εὐγνωμοσύνη ἀκίβδηλος γένοιτο μόνη ἡ ἐς τοὺς ἀποθανόντας ἐπιδειχθεῖσα.”

§ 1.4.27 τοσαῦτα εἰπὼν ἀπηλλάσσετο. καὶ ἐπεὶ ἐς τὸν χῶρον ἀφίκετο ἵνα δὴ ὅ τε κτεὶς νήχεσθαι καὶ ὁ κύων αὐτῷ εἴθιστο ἕπεσθαι, ἐνταῦθα ἐπὶ πέτρας ἐκάθητό τινος, καιροφυλακῶν εἴ πως ἔρημόν ποτε τὸ μάργαρον τοῦ ἐραστοῦ λάβοι.

§ 1.4.28 ἐπειδὴ δὲ τῷ κυνὶ τάχιστα τῶν τινι ἐς τὴν θοίνην οἱ ἐπιτηδείως ἐχόντων ἐντετυχηκέναι ξυνέπεσε καὶ περὶ τοῦτο διατριβὴν ἔχειν, ἀπολιπὼν ἐπὶ τῆς ἀκτῆς ὁ ἁλιεὺς τούς οἱ ἐπὶ ταύτῃ δὴ ἑπομένους τῇ ὑπουργίᾳ εὐθὺ τοῦ κτενὸς σπουδῇ πολλῇ ᾔει, καὶ αὐτοῦ ἤδη λαβόμενος ἔξω γενέσθαι κατὰ τάχος ἠπειγετο.

§ 1.4.29 οὗ δὴ ὁ κύων αἰσθόμενος ἐβοήθει ἐνταῦθα. ἰδών τε αὐτὸν ὁ σαγηνευτής, ἐπεὶ καταλαμβάνεσθαι τῆς ἠιόνος οὐ μακρὰν ἔμελλε, τὸ μὲν θήραμα ἠκόντισεν ἐς τὴν γῆν δυνάμει τῇ πάσῃ, αὐτὸς δὲ ἁλοὺς διεφθάρη οὐ πολλῷ ὕστερον.

§ 1.4.30 ἀνελόμενοι δὲ τὸ μάργαρον οἱ ἐπὶ τῆς ἀκτῆς λελειμμένοι τῷ τε βασιλεῖ ἀπεκόμισαν καὶ τὰ ξυνενεχθέντα πάντα ἐσήγγειλαν.

§ 1.4.31 τὰ μὲν οὖν ἀμφὶ τῷ μαργάρῳ τούτῳ τῇδε, ᾗπερ ἐρρήθη, Πέρσαι ξυνενεχθῆναί φασιν. ἐγὼ δὲ ἐπὶ τὸν πρότερον λόγον ἐπάνειμι.

§ 1.4.32 Οὕτω μὲν Περόζης τε διεφθάρη καὶ ξύμπασα ἡ Περσῶν στρατιά. εἰ γάρ τις οὐκ ἐμπεπτωκὼς ἐς τὴν διώρυχα ἔτυχεν, ὅδε ὑπὸ τῶν πολεμίων ταῖς χερσὶ γέγονε.

§ 1.4.33 καὶ ἀπ’ αὐτοῦ νόμος τέθειται Πέρσαις μή ποτε σφᾶς ἐν γῇ πολεμίᾳ ἐλαύνοντας δίωξιν ποιεῖσθαί τινα, ἢν καὶ κατὰ κράτος τοὺς ἐναντίους σφίσι τραπῆναι ξυμβαίη.

§ 1.4.34 ὅσοι μέντοι Περόζῃ οὐ ξυστρατεύσαντες ἐν χώρᾳ τῇ αὑτῶν ἔμειναν, οὗτοι δὴ βασιλέα σφίσι Καβάδην εἵλοντο τὸν νεώτατον Περόζου υἱόν, ὅσπερ τηνικαῦτα περιῆν μόνος.

§ 1.4.35 τότε δὴ Ἐφθαλίταις κατήκοοι ἐς φόρου ἀπαγωγὴν ἐγένοντο Πέρσαι, ἕως Καβάδης τὴν ἀρχὴν ἰσχυρότατα κρατυνάμενος φόρον αὐτοῖς ἀποφέρειν τὸν ἐπέτειον οὐκέτι ἠξίου. ἦρξαν δὲ Περσῶν οἱ βάρβαροι οὗτοι ἐνιαυτοὺς δύο.

Wars 1.5

§ 1.5.1 Μετὰ δὲ Καβάδης ἐπὶ τὸ βιαιότερον τῇ ἀρχῇ χρώμενος ἄλλα τε νεώτερα ἐς τὴν πολιτείαν εἰσῆγε καὶ νόμον ἔγραψεν ἐπὶ κοινὰ ταῖς γυναιξὶ μίγνυσθαι Πέρσας· ὅπερ τὸ πλῆθος οὐδαμῆ ἤρεσκε. διὸ δὴ αὐτῷ ἐπαναστάντες παρέλυσάν τε τῆς ἀρχῆς καὶ δήσαντες ἐν φυλακῇ εἶχον.

§ 1.5.2 καὶ βασιλέα μὲν σφίσι Βλάσην τὸν Περόζου ἀδελφὸν εἵλοντο, ἐπειδὴ γόνος μὲν οὐδεὶς ἔτι ἄρρην Περόζῃ, ὥσπερ ἐρρήθη, ἐλέλειπτο, Πέρσαις δὲ οὐ θέμις ἄνδρα ἐς τὴν βασιλείαν καθίστασθαι ἰδιώτην γένος, ὅτι μὴ ἐξιτήλου παντάπασι γένους τοῦ βασιλείου ὄντος·

§ 1.5.3 Βλάσης δὲ τὴν βασιλείαν παραλαβὼν Περσῶν τε τοὺς ἀρίστους ξυνέλεξε καὶ τὰ ἀμφὶ τῷ Καβάδῃ ἐν βουλῇ ἐποιεῖτο· τὸν γὰρ ἄνθρωπον ἀποκτιννύναι οὐκ ἦν βουλομένοις τοῖς πλείοσιν.

§ 1.5.4 ἔνθα δὴ πολλαὶ μὲν ἐλέχθησαν γνῶμαι ἐφ’ ἑκάτερα φέρουσαι, παρελθὼν δὲ τῶν τις ἐν Πέρσαις λογίμων, ὄνομα μὲν Γουσαναστάδης, χαναράγγης δὲ τὸ ἀξίωμα ʽεἴη δ’ ἂν ἐν Πέρσαις στρατηγὸς τοῦτό γἐ, πρὸς αὐταῖς που ταῖς ἐσχατιαῖς τῆς Περσῶν γῆς τὴν ἀρχὴν ἔχων ἐν χώρᾳ ἣ τοῖς Ἐφθαλίταις ὅμορός ἐστι, καὶ τὴν μάχαιραν ἐπιδείξας ᾗ τῶν ὀνύχων τὰ προὔχοντα Πέρσαι εἰώθασιν ἀποτέμνεσθαι, μῆκος μὲν ὅσον δακτύλου ἀνδρός, πάχος δὲ οὐδὲ τριτημόριον δακτύλου ἔχουσαν “Ταύτην ὁρᾶτε,” εἶπε,

§ 1.5.5 “τὴν μάχαιραν, βραχεῖαν παντάπασιν οὖσαν· αὕτη μέντοι ἔργον ἐν τῷ παρόντι ἐπιτελεῖν οἵα τέ ἐστιν, ὅπερ εὖ ἴστε ὀλίγῳ ὕστερον, ὦ φίλτατοι Πέρσαι, μυριάδες δύο τεθωρακισμένων ἀνδρῶν ἐξεργάζεσθαι οὐκ ἂν δύναιντο.” ὁ μὲν ταῦτα εἶπε,

§ 1.5.6 παραδηλῶν ὡς, ἢν μὴ Καβάδην ἀνέλωσιν, αὐτίκα πράγματα Πέρσαις περιὼν παρέξει.

§ 1.5.7 οἱ δὲ κτεῖναι ἄνδρα τοῦ βασιλείου αἵματος οὐδ’ ὅλως ἔγνωσαν, ἀλλ’ ἐν φρουρίῳ καθεῖρξαι ὅπερ τῆς Λήθης καλεῖν νενομίκασιν.

§ 1.5.8 ἢν γάρ τις ἐνταῦθα ἐμβληθεὶς τύχῃ, οὐκέτι ὁ νόμος ἐφίησι μνήμην αὐτοῦ εἶναι, ἀλλὰ θάνατος τῷ ὠνομακότι ἡ ζημία ἐστί· διὸ δὴ καὶ τὴν ἐπωνυμίαν ταύτην πρὸς Περσῶν ἔλαχεν.

§ 1.5.9 ἅπαξ δὲ ἡ τῶν Ἀρμενίων ἱστορία φησὶ νόμου τοῦ ἀμφὶ τῷ Λήθης φρουρίῳ παραλελύσθαι τὴν δύναμιν Πέρσαις τρόπῳ τοιῷδε.

§ 1.5.10 Πόλεμός ποτε Πέρσις τε καὶ Ἀρμενίοις ἀκήρυκτος γέγονεν εἰς δύο καὶ τριάκοντα ἔτη ἐπὶ Πακουρίου μὲν Περσῶν βασιλεύοντος, Ἀρμενίων δὲ Ἀρσάκου Ἀρσακίδου ἀνδρός. τούτῳ τε τῷ πολέμῳ μηκυνομένῳ κεκακῶσθαι μὲν ἐς ἄγαν ἀμφοτέρους ξυνέβη καὶ διαφερόντως τοὺς Ἀρμενίους.

§ 1.5.11 ἀπιστίᾳ δὲ πολλῇ ἐς ἀλλήλους ἐχόμενοι ἐπικηρυκεύεσθαι παρὰ τοὺς ἐναντίους οὐδέτεροι εἶχον. ἐν τούτῳ δὲ Πέρσας τετύχηκε πόλεμον πρὸς ἄλλους βαρβάρους τινὰς οὐ πόρρω Ἀρμενίων ᾠκημένους διενεγκεῖν.

§ 1.5.12 οἵ τε Ἀρμένιοι ἐν σπουδῇ ἔχοντες ἐπίδειξιν ἐς Πέρσας τῆς ἐς αὐτοὺς εὐνοίας τε καὶ εἰρήνης ποιήσασθαι, ἐσβαλεῖν ἐς τούτων δὴ τῶν βαρβάρων τὴν γῆν ἔγνωσαν, δηλώσαντες τοῦτο πρότερον Πέρσαις.

§ 1.5.13 ἀπροσδόκητοί τε αὐτοὶ ἐπιπεσόντες σχεδόν τι ἅπαντας ἡβηδὸν ἔκτειναν. ὅ τε Πακούριος τοῖς πεπραγμένοις ὑπερησθείς, πέμψας παρὰ τὸν Ἀρσάκην τῶν οἱ ἐπιτηδείων τινὰς τά τε πιστά οἱ παρασχόμενος τὸν ἄνθρωπον μετεπέμψατο.

§ 1.5.14 καὶ ἐπεὶ παρ’ αὐτὸν Ἀρσάκης ἀφίκετο, τῆς τε ἄλλης αὐτὸν φιλοφροσύνης ἠξίωσε καὶ ἅτε ἀδελφὸν ἐπὶ τῇ ἴσῃ καὶ ὁμοίᾳ ἔσχε.

§ 1.5.15 καὶ τότε μὲν ὅρκοις δεινοτάτοις τόν τε Ἀρσάκην καταλαβὼν καὶ αὐτὸς οὐδέν τι ἧσσον ὀμωμοκὼς ἦ μὴν εὔνους τε καὶ ξυμμάχους Πέρσας τε τὸ λοιπὸν καὶ Ἀρμενίους ἀλλήλοις εἶναι, αὐτίκα δὴ αὐτὸν ἐς τὰ πάτρια ἤθη ἀφῆκεν ἰέναι.

§ 1.5.16 Χρόνῳ δὲ οὐ πολλῷ ὕστερον διέβαλον τὸν Ἀρσάκην τινὲς ὡς δὴ πράγμασι νεωτέροις ἐγχειρεῖν βούλοιτο. οἷσπερ ἀναπεισθεὶς ὁ Πακούριος αὖθις αὐτὸν μετεπέμπετο, ὑπειπὼν ὅτι δὴ αὐτῷ τι κοινολογεῖσθαι ὑπὲρ τῶν ὅλων ἐπιμελὲς εἴη.

§ 1.5.17 καὶ ὃς οὐδέν τι μελλήσας ἐς αὐτὸν ἦλθεν, ἄλλους τε τῶν ἐν Ἀρμενίοις μαχιμωτάτων ἐπαγόμενος καὶ Βασσίκιον ὅσπερ αὐτῷ στρατηγός τε καὶ ξύμβουλος ἦν· ἀνδρίας τε γὰρ καὶ ξυνέσεως ἐπὶ πλεῖστον ἀφῖκτο.

§ 1.5.18 εὐθὺς οὖν ὁ Πακούριος ἄμφω, τόν τε Ἀρσάκην καὶ Βασσίκιον, πολλὰ ὀνειδίζων ἐκάκιζεν, εἰ τὰ ὀμωμοσμένα ἠλογηκότε οὕτω δὴ τάχιστα ἐς ἀπόστασιν ἴδοιεν. οἱ δὲ ἀπηρνοῦντό τε καὶ ἀπώμνυον ἐνδελεχέστατα μηδὲν σφίσιν αὐτοῖς βεβουλεῦσθαι τοιοῦτο.

§ 1.5.19 τὰ μὲν οὖν πρῶτα ὁ Πακούριος αὐτοὺς ἐν ἀτιμίᾳ ἐφύλασσεν, ἔπειτα δὲ τῶν μάγων ἀνεπυνθάνετο ὅ τί οἱ ποιητέα ἐς αὐτοὺς εἴη.

§ 1.5.20 οἱ δὲ μάγοι τῶν μὲν ἀρνουμένων καὶ οὐ διαρρήδην ἐληλεγμένων καταγινώσκειν οὐδαμῆ ἐδικαίουν, ὑποθήκην δὲ αὐτῷ τινα ἔφραζον, ὅπως ἂν Ἀρσάκης αὐτὸς ἄντικρυς αὑτοῦ κατηγορεῖν ἀναγκάζοιτο.

§ 1.5.21 τὸ γὰρ τῆς βασιλικῆς σκηνῆς ἔδαφος κόπρῳ καλύπτειν ἐκέλευον, ἥμισυ μὲν ἐκ τῆς Περσῶν χώρας, θάτερον δὲ ἥμισυ ἐκ τῆς Ἀρμενίας. καὶ ὁ βασιλεὺς κατὰ ταῦτα ἐποίει.

§ 1.5.22 τότε δὴ οἱ μάγοι τὴν σκηνὴν ὅλην μαγείαις τισὶ καταλαβόντες ἐκέλευον τὸν βασιλέα ξὺν τῷ Ἀρσάκῃ τοὺς περιπάτους ἐνταῦθα ποιεῖσθαι, ἐπικαλοῦντα τοῖς τε ξυγκειμένοις καὶ ὀμωμος μένοις λυμήνασθαι.

§ 1.5.23 δεῖν δὲ καὶ αὐτοὺς τῷ διαλόγῳ παραγενέσθαι. οὕτω γὰρ ἂν τῶν λόγων μάρτυρες ἁπάντων εἶεν. αὐτίκα γοῦν ὁ Πακούριος τὸν Ἀρσάκην μεταπεμψάμενος διαύλους ἐν τῇ σκηνῇ ξὺν αὐτῷ ἐποιεῖτο, παρόντων σφίσιν ἐνταῦθα τῶν μάγων, καὶ ἀνεπυνθάνετο τοῦ ἀνθρώπου ὅτου δὴ ἕνεκα τὰ ὀμωμοσμένα ἠλογηκὼς εἶτα Πέρσας τε καὶ Ἀρμενίους αὖθις τρίβειν ἀνηκέστοις κακοῖς ἐγχειροίη·

§ 1.5.24 ὁ δὲ Ἀρσάκης, ἕως μὲν ἐν τῷ χώρῳ οἱ λόγοι ἐγίνοντο οὗ δὴ ὁ χοῦς ἐκ γῆς τῆς Περσίδος ἐπέκειτο, ἀπηρνεῖτό τε καὶ ὅρκοις τοῖς δεινοτάτοις πιστούμενος ἀνδράποδον ἰσχυρίζετο εἶναι Πακουρίου πιστόν·

§ 1.5.25 ἐπειδὴ δὲ μεταξὺ λέγων ἐς τῆς σκηνῆς τὸ μέσον ἀφῖκτο, ἵνα δὴ κόπρου τῆς Ἀρμενίας ἐπέβησαν, ἐνταῦθα οὐκ οἶδα ὅτῳ ἀναγκασθεὶς λόγους μὲν τούτους ἐπὶ τὸ θρασύτερον ἐξαπιναίως μεταβιβάζει, ἀπειλῶν δὲ τῷ τε Πακουρίῳ καὶ Πέρσαις οὐκέτι ἀνίει, ἀλλὰ τίσασθαι αὐτοὺς ἐπηγγέλλετο ὕβρεως τῆσδε ἐπειδὰν αὐτὸς αὑτοῦ τάχιστα κύριος γένοιτο.

§ 1.5.26 καὶ ταῦτα λέγων τε καὶ νεανιευόμενος ἐποιεῖτο τὸν περίπατον ὅλον, ἕως ἀναστρέψας ἐς κόπρον αὖθις τὴν ἐκ γῆς τῆς Περσίδος ἀφίκετο. ἐνταῦθα γὰρ πάλιν ὥσπερ τινὰ παλινῳδίαν ᾅδων ἱκέτης τε ἦν καὶ οἰκτρούς τινας τῷ Πακουρίῳ προὔφερε λόγους.

§ 1.5.27 ἐπεὶ δὲ ἐς χοῦν αὖθις τὸν Ἀρμενίων ἦλθεν, ἐς τὰς ἀπειλὰς ἀπεχώρησε. καὶ πολλάκις οὕτω μεταβληθεὶς ἐφ’ ἑκάτερα ἔκρυψε τῶν οἱ ἀπορρήτων οὐδέν.

§ 1.5.28 τότε δὴ οἱ μὲν μάγοι κατέγνωσαν αὐτοῦ ἔς τε τὰς σπονδὰς καὶ τοὺς ὅρκους ἠδικηκέναι. Πακούριος δὲ Βασσικίου μὲν τὸ δέρμα ἐκδείρας ἀσκόν τε αὐτὸ πεποιημένος καὶ ἀχύρων ἐμπλησάμενος ὅλον ἀπεκρέμασεν ἐπὶ δένδρου τινὸς ὑψηλοῦ λίαν.

§ 1.5.29 τὸν μέντοι Ἀρσάκην ʽἀποκτεῖναι γὰρ ἄνδρα τοῦ βασιλείου αἵματος ὄντα οὐδαμῆ εἶχεν’ ἐν τῷ τῆς Λήθης φρουρίῳ καθεῖρξε.

§ 1.5.30 Χρόνῳ δὲ ὕστερον τῶν τις Ἀρμενίων τῷ τε Ἀρσάκῃ ἐν τοῖς μάλιστα ἐπιτηδείων καί οἱ ἐπισπομένων ἐς τὰ Περσῶν ἤθη ἰόντι, Πέρσαις ἐπί τι ἔθνος ἰοῦσι βαρβαρικὸν ξυνεστράτευσεν· ὃς δὴ ἀνήρ τε ἀγαθὸς ἐν τῷ πόνῳ τούτῳ, ὁρῶντος Πακουρίου τὰ ποιούμενα, γέγονε καὶ τῆς νίκης αἰτιώτατος Πέρσαις.

§ 1.5.31 διὸ δὴ αὐτὸν ὁ Πακούριος ὅ τι ἂν βούλοιτο αἰτεῖσθαι ἠξίου, ἰσχυρισάμενος ὅτι δὴ οὐδενὸς πρὸς αὐτοῦ ἀτυχήσει.

§ 1.5.32 ὁ δὲ ἄλλο οἱ οὐδὲν γενέσθαι ἠξίου ἢ ὥστε τὸν Ἀρσάκην ἐν ἡμέρᾳ μιᾷ θεραπεῦσαι ᾗ βούλοιτο.

§ 1.5.33 τοῦτο τὸν βασιλέα ἠνίασε μὲν ἐς τὰ μάλιστα, εἰ λύειν νόμον οὕτω δὴ παλαιὸν ἀναγκάζοιτο, ὅπως μέντοι παντάπασιν ἀληθίζηται, ξυνεχώρει τὴν δέησιν ἐπιτελῆ γενέσθαι.

§ 1.5.34 ἐπεὶ δὲ βασιλέως ἐπαγγείλαντος γέγονεν ἐν τῷ τῆς Λήθης φρουρίῳ, ἠσπάσατο μὲν τὸν Ἀρσάκην, ἄφμω δὲ ἀλλήλοιν περιβαλόντε ἐθρηνησάτην τε ἡδύν τινα θρῆνον καὶ ἀπολοφυραμένω τὴν παροῦσαν τύχην μόλις ἀπ’ ἀλλήλοιν διαλύειν τὰς αὑτοῦ χεῖρας ἑκάτερος ἔσχεν.

§ 1.5.35 ἐπεὶ δὲ τῶν ὀδυρμῶν ἐς κόρον ἐλθόντες ἐπαύσαντο, ἔλουσε μὲν ὁ Ἀρμένιος τὸν Ἀρσάκην καὶ τἄλλα οὐκ ἀπημελημένως ἐκόσμησε, σχῆμα δὲ αὐτῷ περιθέμενος τὸ βασίλειον ἐπὶ στιβάδος ἀνέκλινεν.

§ 1.5.36 ἐνταῦθά τε τοὺς παρόντας Ἀρσάκης βασιλικῶς εἱστία ᾗπερ εἰώθει τὰ πρότερα.

§ 1.5.37 ἐν ταύτῃ τῇ θοίνῃ πολλοὶ μὲν ἐπὶ κύλικι λόγοι ἐλέχθησαν οἵπερ τὸν Ἀρσάκην ἱκανῶς ἤρεσκον, πολλὰ δὲ ἄλλα ἐς μέσον ἦλθεν ἅπερ αὐτῷ ἐν ἡδονῇ ἦν· μηκυνομένου τε τοῦ πότου ἄχρι ἐς νύκτα τῇ πρὸς ἀλλήλους ὁμιλίᾳ ὑπερφυῶς ἥσθησαν, μόλις δὲ ἀλλήλων ἀπαλλαγέντες διελύθησαν,

§ 1.5.38 καταβεβρεγμένοι τῇ εὐπαθείᾳ. τότε δὴ λέγουσι τὸν Ἀρσάκην εἰπεῖν ὡς ἡμέραν τὴν ἡδίστην διατελέσας ἐν ταύτῃ τε ξυγγενόμενος τῷ ποθεινοτάτῳ ἀνθρώπων ἁπάντων, οὐκ ἂν ἔτι ἑκών γε εἶναι ὑποσταίη τὰ φλαῦρα τοῦ βίου,

§ 1.5.39 καὶ ταῦτα εἰπόντα μαχαίρᾳ ἑαυτὸν διαχειρίσασθαι ἥνπερ ἐν τῇ θοίνῃ ἐξεπίτηδες κεκλοφὼς ἔτυχεν, οὕτω τε αὐτὸν ἐξ ἀνθρώπων ἀφανισθῆναι.

§ 1.5.40 τὰ μὲν οὖν κατὰ τοῦτον δὴ τὸν Ἀρσάκην ἡ τῶν Ἀρμενίων συγγραφὴ λέγει ταύτῃ, ᾗπερ ἐρρήθη, κεχωρηκέναι, καὶ τὸν νόμον τότε ἀμφὶ τῷ τῆς Λήθης φρουρίῳ λελύσθαι. ἐμοὶ δὲ ὅθενπερ ἐξέβην ἰτέον.

Wars 1.6

§ 1.6.1 Καθειρχθέντα δὲ τὸν Καβάδην ἐθεράπευεν ἡ γυνὴ ἐσιοῦσά τε παρ’ αὐτὸν καὶ τὰ ἐπιτήδεια ἐσκομίζουσα· ἣν δὴ ὁ τῆς εἱρκτῆς ἄρχων πειρᾶν ἤρξατο· ἦν γὰρ τὴν ὄψιν ἐς τὰ μάλιστα εὐπρεπής.

§ 1.6.2 ὅπερ ἐπεὶ ὁ Καβάδης παρὰ τῆς γυναικὸς ἔμαθεν, ἐκέλευσεν ἐνδιδόναι αὑτὴν τῷ ἀνθρώπῳ ὅ τι βούλοιτο χρῆσθαι. οὕτω δὴ τῇ γυναικὶ ἐς εὐνὴν ξυνελθὼν ὁ τοῦ φρουρίου ἄρχων ἠράσθη τε αὐτῆς ἔρωτα ἐξαίσιον οἷον,

§ 1.6.3 καὶ ἀπ’ αὐτοῦ ξυνεχώρει παρὰ τὸν ἄνδρα τὰς εἰσόδους ποιεῖσθαι, ὅπη ἂν αὐτῇ βουλομένῃ εἴη, καὶ αὖθις ἐνθένδε ἀπαλλάσσεσθαι, οὐδενὸς ἐμποδὼν ἱσταμένου. ἦν δέ τις τῶν ἐν Πέρσαις λογίμων Σεόσης ὄνομα, Καβάδῃ ἐς τὰ μάλιστα φίλος,

§ 1.6.4 ὃς ἀμφὶ τὸ φρούριον τοῦτο διατριβὴν εἶχε, καιροφυλακῶν εἴ πως αὐτὸν ἔνδοθεν ἐξελέσθαι δυνήσεται.

§ 1.6.5 διά τε τῆς γυναικὸς τῷ Καβάδῃ ἐσήμαινεν ὡς ἵπποι τέ οἱ καὶ ἄνδρες ἐν παρασκευῇ τυγχάνουσιν ὄντες τοῦ φρουρίου οὐ μακρὰν ἄποθεν, δηλώσας τι χωρίον αὐτῷ.

§ 1.6.6 καί ποτε νυκτὸς ἐπιλαβούσης ἀνέπεισε τὴν γυναῖκα Καβάδης ἐσθῆτα μὲν αὐτῷ τὴν οἰκείαν δοῦναι, τὰ δὲ αὑτοῦ ἀμπεχομένην ἱμάτια ἐπὶ τῆς εἱρκτῆς ἀντ’ αὐτοῦ καθῆσθαι, οὗπερ ἐκεῖνος ἐκάθητο.

§ 1.6.7 οὕτω μὲν οὖν Καβάδης ἀπηλλάσσετο ἐκ τοῦ δεσμωτηρίου. κατιδόντες δὲ αὐτὸν οἷς ἡ φυλακὴ αὕτη ἐπέκειτο τὴν γυναῖκα ὑπετόπαζον εἶναι· ταῦτά τοι οὔτε κωλύειν οὔτε ἄλλως αὐτὸν ἐνοχλεῖν ἔγνωσαν.

§ 1.6.8 ἅμα τε ἡμέρᾳ τὴν γυναῖκα ἐς τὸ δωμάτιον ἐν τοῖς τοῦ ἀνδρὸς ἱματίοις ἰδόντες καὶ μακρὰν ἀπολελειμμένοι τοῦ ἀληθοῦς ᾤοντο Καβάδην ἐνταῦθα εἶναι. ἥ τε δόκησις αὕτη ἐν ἡμέραις συχναῖς ἤκμαζεν,

§ 1.6.9 ἕως Καβάδης πόρρω που τῆς ὁδοῦ ἐγεγόνει. τὰ μὲν οὖν ἀμφὶ τῇ γυναικὶ ξυνενεχθέντα, ἐπεὶ ἐς φῶς ἡ ἐπιβουλὴ ἦλθε, καὶ ὅντινα αὐτὴν τρόπον ἐκόλασαν, ἐς τὸ ἀκριβὲς οὐκ ἔχω εἰπεῖν. οὐ γὰρ ὁμολογοῦσι Πέρσαι ἀλλήλοις· διὸ δὴ αὐτὰ λέγειν ἀφίημι.

§ 1.6.10 Καβάδης δὲ λαθὼν ἅπαντας ξὺν τῷ Σεόσῃ ἐς Οὔννους τοὺς Ἐφθαλίτας ἀφίκετο, καὶ αὐτῷ τὴν παῖδα γυναῖκα ὁ βασιλεὺς γαμετὴν δίδωσιν, οὕτω τε στράτευμα λόγου πολλοῦ ἄξιον ἅτε κηδεστῇ ἐπὶ Πέρσας ξυνέπεμψε.

§ 1.6.11 τούτῳ τῷ στρατῷ Πέρσαι ὑπαντιάζειν οὐδαμῆ ἤθελον, ἀλλὰ ἄλλος ἄλλῃ ἐς φυγὴν ὥρμηντο.

§ 1.6.12 ἐπεὶ δὲ ὁ Καβάδης ἐν τῇ χώρᾳ ἐγένετο ἔνθα ὁ Γουσαναστάδης τὴν ἀρχὴν εἶχεν, εἶπε τῶν ἐπιτηδείων τισὶν ὡς χαναράγγην καταστήσεται ἄνδρα ἐκεῖνον, ὃς ἂν αὐτῷ Περσῶν πρῶτος ἐκείνῃ τῇ ἡμέρᾳ ἐς ὄψιν ἥκων ὑπουργεῖν βούλοιτο.

§ 1.6.13 εἰπόντι τέ οἱ μετέμελεν ἤδη τοῦ λόγου, ἐπεὶ νόμος αὐτὸν ἐσῄει, ὃς δὴ οὐκ ἐᾷ Πέρσαις ἐς τοὺς ἀλλοτρίους τὰς ἀρχὰς φέρεσθαι, ἀλλ’ οἷς ἡ τιμὴ ἑκάστη κατὰ γένος προσήκει.

§ 1.6.14 ἔδεισε γὰρ μή τις ἵκοιτο ἐς αὐτὸν πρῶτος τῷ χαναράγγῃ οὐ ξυγγενὴς ὤν, τόν τε νόμον ἀναγκάζηται λύειν ὅπως αὐτὸς ἀληθίζηται.

§ 1.6.15 ταῦτα δέ οἱ ἐν νῷ ἔχοντι ξυνέβη τις τύχη ὥστε μὴ τὸν νόμον ἀτιμάζοντι ἀληθεῖ εἶναι. ἔτυχε γὰρ πρῶτος Ἀδεργουδουνβάδης ἐς αὐτὸν ἥκων, νεανίας ἀνήρ, ξυγγενής τε ὢν τῷ Γουσαναστάδῃ καὶ διαφερόντως ἀγαθὸς τὰ πολέμια.

§ 1.6.16 ὃς δὴ δεσπότην τε προσεῖπε Καβάδην καὶ βασιλέα προσεκύνησε πρῶτος, ἐδεῖτό τέ οἱ ἅτε δούλῳ ὅ τι βούλοιτο χρῆσθαι.

§ 1.6.17 Καβάδης οὖν ἐν τοῖς βασιλείοις οὐδενὶ πόνῳ γενόμενος, ἔρημόν τε Βλάσην τῶν ἀμυνομένων λαβὼν ἐξετύφλωσε, τρόπῳ δὴ ὅτῳ τυφλοὺς οἱ Πέρσαι ποιεῖν τοὺς κακούργους εἰώθασιν, ἔλαιον ἕψοντες καὶ αὐτὸ ὡς μάλιστα ζέον ἐς τοὺς ὀφθαλμοὺς οὔτι μύοντας ἐπιχέοντες, ἢ περόνην τινὰ σιδηρᾶν πυρακτοῦντες ταύτῃ τε τῶν ὀφθαλμῶν τὰ ἐντὸς χρίοντες, καὶ τὸ λοιπὸν ἐν φυλακῇ εἶχεν ἄρξαντα Περσῶν ἐνιαυτοὺς δύο.

§ 1.6.18 καὶ τὸν μὲν Γουσαναστάδην κτείνας τὸν Ἀδεργουδουνβάδην ἀντ’ αὐτοῦ κατεστήσατο ἐπὶ τῆς τοῦ χαναράγγου ἀρχῆς, τὸν δὲ Σεόσην ἀδρασταδάραν σαλάνην εὐθὺς ἀνεῖπε. δύναται δὲ τοῦτο τὸν ἐπὶ ἀρχαῖς τε ὁμοῦ καὶ στρατιώταις ἅπασιν ἐφεστῶτα.

§ 1.6.19 ταύτην ὁ Σεόσης τὴν ἀρχὴν πρῶτός τε καὶ μόνος ἐν Πέρσαις ἔσχεν· οὔτε γὰρ πρότερον οὔτε ὕστερόν τινι γέγονε· τήν τε βασιλείαν ὁ Καβάδης ἐκρατύνατο καὶ ξὺν τῷ ἀσφαλεῖ διεφύλαξεν. ἦν γὰρ ἀγχίνους τε καὶ δραστήριος οὐδενὸς ἧσσον.

Wars 1.7

§ 1.7.1 Ὀλίγῳ δὲ ὕστερον χρήματα Καβάδης τῷ Ἐφθαλιτῶν βασιλεῖ ὤφειλεν, ἅπερ ἐπεὶ ἀποτιννύναι οἱ οὐχ οἷός τε ἦν, Ἀναστάσιον τὸν Ῥωμαίων αὐτοκράτορα ᾔτει ταῦτά οἱ δανεῖσαι τὰ χρήματα· ὁ δὲ κοινολογησάμενος τῶν ἐπιτηδείων τισὶν ἐπυνθάνετο εἴ γέ οἱ ταῦτα ποιητέα εἴη.

§ 1.7.2 οἵπερ αὐτὸν τὸ συμβόλαιον ποιεῖσθαι οὐκ εἴων. ἀξύμφορον γὰρ ἀπέφαινον εἶναι βεβαιοτέραν τοῖς πολεμίοις χρήμασιν οἰκείοις ἐς τοὺς Ἐφθαλίτας τὴν φιλίαν ποιήσασθαι, οὓς δὴ ἐς ἀλλήλους ξυγκρούειν ὅτι μάλιστα σφίσιν ἄμεινον εἶναι.

§ 1.7.3 διὸ δὴ Καβάδης ἐξ αἰτίας οὐδεμιᾶς ἔγνω ἐπὶ Ῥωμαίους στρατεύεσθαι. καὶ πρῶτα μὲν αὐτάγγελος Ἀρμενίων τῇ χώρᾳ ἐπῆλθε, καὶ αὐτῆς τὰ πολλὰ ἐξ ἐπιδρομῆς ληισάμενος ἐς Ἄμιδαν πόλιν ἐν Μεσοποταμίᾳ κειμένην ἐκ τοῦ αἰφνιδίου ἀφίκετο, ἧς δὴ χειμῶνος ὥρᾳ ἐς πολιορκίαν καθίστατο.

§ 1.7.4 Ἀμιδηνοὶ δὲ στρατιωτῶν μέν, ἅτε ἐν εἰρήνῃ καὶ ἀγαθοῖς πράγμασιν, οὐ παρόντων σφίσι, καὶ ἄλλως δὲ ἀπαράσκευοι παντάπασιν ὄντες, ὅμως τοῖς πολεμίοις ὡς ἥκιστα προσχωρεῖν ἤθελον, ἀλλὰ τοῖς τε κινδύνοις καὶ τῇ ταλαιπωρίᾳ παρὰ δόξαν ἀντεῖχον.

§ 1.7.5 Ἦν δέ τις ἐν Σύροις ἀνὴρ δίκαιος, Ἰάκωβος ὄνομα, ᾧ τὰ ἐς τὸ θεῖον ἐς τὸ ἀκριβὲς ἤσκητο. οὗτος ἐν χωρίῳ Ἐνδιήλων, διέχοντι Ἀμίδης ἡμέρας ὁδῷ, πολλοῖς ἔμπροσθεν χρόνοις αὑτὸν καθεῖρξεν, ὅπως δὴ ἀδεέστερον τὰ ἐς τὴν εὐσέβειαν μελετᾶν δύνηται.

§ 1.7.6 καὶ αὐτοῦ οἱ ταύτῃ ἄνθρωποι ὑπουργοῦντες τῇ γνώμῃ δρυφάκτοις τισὶ περιέβαλον, οὐ ξυνημμένοις μέντοι, ἀλλὰ χωρὶς πεπηγόσιν ἀλλήλων, ὥστε ὁρᾶν τε τοὺς προσιόντας καὶ ξυγγίνεσθαι οἷόν τε εἶναι.

§ 1.7.7 καὶ στέγος τι αὐτῷ ἐτεκτήναντο βραχὺ ὕπερθεν, ὅσον ὄμβρους τε καὶ νιφετοὺς ἀποκρούεσθαι. ἐνταῦθα οὗτος ὁ ἀνὴρ ἐκ παλαιοῦ καθῆστο, πνίγει μὲν ἢ ψύχει ὡς ἥκιστα εἴκων, σπέρμασι δέ τισιν ἀποζῶν, οἷσπερ οὐ καθ’ ἡμέραν, ἀλλὰ χρόνου πολλοῦ σιτίζεσθαι εἰώθει.

§ 1.7.8 τοῦτον οὖν τὸν Ἰάκωβον τῶν τινες Ἐφθαλιτῶν καταθέοντες τὰ ἐκείνῃ χωρία εἶδον, καὶ τὰ τόξα σπουδῇ πολλῇ ἐντεινάμενοι βάλλειν ἤθελον. πᾶσι δὲ ἀκίνητοι αἱ χεῖρες γεγονυῖαι τὰ τόξα ἐνεργεῖν οὐδαμῆ εἶχον.

§ 1.7.9 ὅπερ ἐπεὶ ἐν τῷ στρατοπέδῳ περιφερόμενον ἐς Καβάδην ἦλθεν, αὐτόπτης γενέσθαι τοῦ ἔργου ὁ Καβάδης ἐβούλετο, ἰδών τε ἐν θάμβει μεγάλῳ ξὺν Περσῶν τοῖς παροῦσιν ἐγίνετο, καὶ τὸν Ἰάκωβον ἐλιπάρει ἀφεῖναι τοῖς βαρβάροις τὸ ἔγκλημα. ὁ δὲ ἀφῆκέ τε λόγῳ ἑνὶ καὶ τὰ δεινὰ τοῖς ἀνθρώποις ἐλέλυντο.

§ 1.7.10 Καβάδης μὲν οὖν· αἰτεῖν τὸν ἄνδρα ἐκέλευεν ὅ τι ἂν αὐτῷ βουλομένῳ εἴη, χρήματα οἰόμενος αὐτὸν μεγάλα αἰτήσειν, καί τι καὶ νεανιευσάμενος ὡς οὐδενὸς πρὸς αὐτοῦ ἀτυχήσει.

§ 1.7.11 ὁ δέ οἱ τοὺς ἀνθρώπους ἐδεῖτο χαρίζεσθαι ὅσοι ἐν τῷ πολέμῳ τούτῳ καταφεύγοντες παρ’ αὐτὸν ἵκωνται. ταύτην Καβάδης τὴν δέησιν ἐπιτελῆ ἐποίει καὶ γράμματα ἐδίδου τῆς ἀσφαλείας ἐνέχυρα. πολλοὶ γοῦν πανταχόθεν ξυρρέοντες ἐνταῦθα ἐσώζοντο· περιβόητος γὰρ ἡ πρᾶξις ἐγένετο. ταῦτα μὲν ὧδέ πη ἔσχε.

§ 1.7.12 Καβάδης δὲ Ἄμιδαν πολιορκῶν κριὸν τὴν μηχανὴν πανταχόσε τοῦ περιβόλου προσέβαλε. καὶ Ἀμιδηνοὶ μὲν τὴν ἐμβολὴν ἀεὶ δοκοῖς τισιν ἐγκαρσίαις ἀνέστελλον, ὁ δὲ οὐκ ἀνῆκεν, ἕως ταύτῃ ἀνάλωτον εἶναι τὸ τεῖχος ἔγνω.

§ 1.7.13 πολλάκις γὰρ ἐμβαλὼν καθελεῖν τι τοῦ περιβόλου ἢ κατασεῖσαι ἥκιστα ἴσχυσεν, οὕτως ἀσφαλῶς ἡ οἰκοδομία τοῖς δειμαμένοις τὸ παλαιὸν εἴργαστο.

§ 1.7.14 τούτου δὲ Καβάδης ἀποτυχών, λόφον τινὰ χειροποίητον ἐπιτείχισμα τῇ πόλει ἐποίει μέτρῳ πολλῷ ὑπεραίροντα τοῦ τείχους τὸ μῆκος, οἵ τε πολιορκούμενοι ἐντὸς τοῦ περιβόλου ἀρξάμενοι κατώρυχα μέχρι ἐς τὸν λόφον ἐποίουν, καὶ λάθρα ἐνθένδε τὸν χοῦν ἐκφοροῦντες κενὰ ἐπὶ πλεῖστον τὰ ἐντὸς τοῦ λόφου εἰργάσαντο. τὰ μέντοι ἐκτὸς ἐφ’ οὗπερ ἐγεγόνει σχήματος ἔμενεν οὐδενὶ αἴσθησιν παρεχόμενα τοῦ πρασσομένου.

§ 1.7.15 πολλοὶ μὲν οὖν Πέρσαι ὥσπερ ἐπ’ ἀσφαλοῦς ἀναβαίνοντες ἔν τε τῇ ἄκρᾳ ἐγένοντο καὶ βάλλειν ἐνθένδε κατὰ κορυφὴν τοὺς ἐν τῷ περιβόλῳ διενοοῦντο. τοῦ δὲ ὁμίλου δρόμῳ ἐπιρρέοντος ἐμπεσὼν ὁ λόφος ἐκ τοῦ αἰφνιδίου σχεδόν τι ἅπαντας ἔκτεινε.

§ 1.7.16 Καβάδης δὲ τοῖς παροῦσιν ἀπορούμενος τὴν προσεδρείαν διαλύειν ἔγνω, καὶ τῷ στρατοπέδῳ ἀναχωρεῖν ἐς τὴν ὑστεραίαν ἐπήγγειλε.

§ 1.7.17 τότε δὴ οἱ πολιορκούμενοι, ἅτε τοῦ κινδύνου ἀφροντιστήσαντες, πολλὰ τοὺς βαρβάρους ξὺν γέλωτι ἀπὸ τοῦ περιβόλου ἐτώθαζον.

§ 1.7.18 καί τινες ἑταῖραι ἀνελκύσασαι κόσμῳ οὐδενὶ τὴν ἐσθῆτα Καβάδῃ ἄγχιστά που ἑστηκότι ἐδείκνυον ὅσα τῶν γυναικῶν γυμνᾶ φανῆναι ἀνδράσιν οὐ θέμις.

§ 1.7.19 ὅπερ κατιδόντες οἱ μάγοι τῷ τε βασιλεῖ ἐς ὄψιν ἦλθον καὶ τὴν ἀναχώρησιν ἐκώλυον, ξυμβαλεῖν ἰσχυριζόμενοι τῷ γεγονότι ὡς ἅπαντα Καβάδῃ Ἀμιδηνοὶ τά τε ἀπόρρητα καὶ κρυπτόμενα οὐκ ἐς μακρὰν δείξουσιν. οὕτω μὲν τὸ Περσῶν στρατόπεδον αὐτοῦ ἔμεινεν.

§ 1.7.20 Ἡμέραις δὲ τῶν τις Περσῶν οὐ πολλαῖς ὕστερον ἄγχιστα τῶν πύργων τινὸς ἐκβολὴν ὑπονόμου παλαιοῦ εἶδεν οὐ ξὺν τῷ ἀσφαλεῖ κεκαλυμμένην, ἀλλὰ χάλιξι σμικραῖς τε καὶ οὐ λίαν συχναῖς.

§ 1.7.21 νύκτωρ τε μόνος ἐνταῦθα ἥκων καὶ τῆς εἰσόδου ἀποπειρασάμενος ἐντὸς τοῦ περιβόλου ἐγένετο. ἅμα δὲ ἡμέρᾳ τὸν πάντα λόγον Καβάδῃ ἀπήγγειλε. καὶ ὃς τῇ ἐπιγινομένῃ νυκτὶ κλίμακας ἐν παρασκευῇ ποιησάμενος ξὺν ὀλίγοις τισὶν ἐνταῦθα ἦλθε. καί τις αὐτῷ δεξιὰ ξυνηνέχθη τύχη τρόπῳ τοιῷδε.

§ 1.7.22 τὸν πύργον, ὃς δὴ τοῦ ὑπονόμου ἀγχοτάτω ἐτύγχανεν ὤν, φυλάσσειν τῶν Χριστιανῶν οἱ σωφρονέστατοι ἔλαχον, οὕσπερ καλεῖν μοναχοὺς νενομίκασι. τούτους ἑορτήν τινα τῷ θεῷ ἄγειν ἐνιαύσιον ἐκείνῃ τῇ ἡμέρᾳ τετύχηκεν.

§ 1.7.23 ἐπεί τε ἡ νὺξ ἐπεγένετο, ἅπαντες, ἅτε κόπῳ μὲν πολλῷ διὰ τὴν πανήγυριν ὁμιλήσαντες, μᾶλλον δὲ τοῦ εἰθισμένου σιτίων τε καὶ ποτοῦ ἐς κόρον ἐλθόντες, ὕπνον τινὰ ἡδύν τε καὶ πρᾷον ἐκάθευδον καὶ ἀπ’ αὐτοῦ ὡς ἥκιστα τῶν ποιουμένων ᾐσθάνοντο.

§ 1.7.24 Πέρσαι γοῦν διὰ τοῦ ὑπονόμου ἐντὸς τοῦ περιβόλου κατ’ ὀλίγους γενόμενοι ἐς τὸν πύργον ἀνέβαινον, καὶ τοὺς μοναχοὺς καθεύδοντας ἔτι εὑρόντες, ἔκτειναν ἅπαντας.

§ 1.7.25 ὅπερ ἐπεὶ Καβάδης ἔγνω, τὰς κλίμακας τῷ τείχει τούτου δὴ ἄγχιστα τοῦ πύργου προσῆγεν.

§ 1.7.26 ἡμέρα δὲ ἦν ἤδη. καὶ τῶν Ἀμιδηνῶν οἳ ἐν πύργῳ τῷ ἐχομένῳ ἐφύλασσον, αἰσθόμενοι τοῦ κακοῦ, κατὰ τάχος ἐβοήθουν ἐνταῦθα.

§ 1.7.27 ὠθισμῷ τε πολλῷ ἐπὶ πλεῖστον ἀμφότεροι ἐς ἀλλήλους ἐχρῶντο, καὶ τὸ πλέον ἤδη Ἀμιδηνοὶ ἔχοντες τῶν τε ἀναβεβηκότων πολλοὺς ἔκτεινον καὶ τοὺς ἀπὸ τῶν κλιμάκων ἀνέστελλον, καὶ τοῦ ἀπεῶσθαι τὸν κίνδυνον οὐ μακράν που ἐγένοντο.

§ 1.7.28 ἀλλὰ Καβάδης αὐτὸς τὸν ἀκινάκην σπασάμενος καὶ αὐτῷ ἀεὶ δεδισσόμενος ἐς τὰς κλίμακας ὁρμῶν οὐκ ἀνίει τοὺς Πέρσας, θάνατός τε ἦν ἡ ζημία τοῖς ἐνθένδε ἀναστρέφειν τολμῶσι.

§ 1.7.29 διὸ δὴ πλήθει πολλῷ οἱ Πέρσαι καθυπέρτεροι τῶν ἐναντίων γενόμενοι ἐνίκησάν τε αὐτοὺς τῇ μάχῃ καὶ κατὰ κράτος ἡ πόλις ἥλω ὀγδοηκοστῇ ἀπὸ τῆς πολιορκίας ἡμέρᾳ.

§ 1.7.30 φόνος τε Ἀμιδηνῶν πολὺς ἐγεγόνει, ἕως ἐσελαύνοντι ἐς τὴν πόλιν Καβάδῃ τῶν τις Ἀμιδηνῶν γέρων τε καὶ ἱερεὺς προσελθὼν εἶπεν ὡς οὐ βασιλικὸν τὸ φονεύειν τοὺς ἡλωκότας εἴη.

§ 1.7.31 Καβάδης μὲν οὖν θυμῷ ἔτι ἐχόμενος ἀπεκρίνατο, “Διὰ τί γάρ μοι πολεμεῖν ἔγνωτε;” ὁ δὲ ὑπολαβὼν αὐτίκα ἔφη, “Ὅτι δὴ ὁ θεὸς οὐχ ἡμετέρᾳ γνώμῃ, ἀλλὰ σῇ ἀρετῇ παραδιδόναι σοι Ἄμιδαν

§ 1.7.32 ἤθελε.” τούτῳ τῷ λόγῳ Καβάδης ἡσθεὶς κτείνειν οὐδένα τὸ λοιπὸν εἴασεν, ἀλλὰ τά τε χρήματα ληίζεσθαι Πέρσας ἐκέλευε καὶ τοὺς περιόντας ἐν ἀνδραπόδων ποιεῖσθαι λόγῳ, καὶ αὑτῷ ἐξελέσθαι ἅπαντας αὐτῶν τοὺς δοκίμους ἐπέστελλεν.

§ 1.7.33 Ὀλίγῳ δὲ ὕστερον χιλίους ἐπὶ τῇ φυλακῇ ἐνταῦθα λιπὼν ἄρχοντά τε αὐτοῖς ἐπιστήσας Γλώνην, ἄνδρα Πέρσην, καὶ τῶν Ἀμιδηνῶν ἀνθρώπους τινὰς ὀλίγους οἰκτρούς, οἳ δὴ ἐς τὴν δίαιταν ὑπηρετήσειν Πέρσαις ἔμελλον, αὐτὸς παντὶ τῷ ἄλλῳ στρατῷ τοὺς ἡλωκότας ἔχων ἐπ’ οἴκου ἀπήλαυνεν.

§ 1.7.34 ἐς τούτους δὲ τοὺς αἰχμαλώτους φιλανθρωπίᾳ ἐχρήσατο βασιλεῖ πρεπούσῃ· χρόνου γὰρ ὀλίγου εἰς τὰ οἰκεῖα ξύμπαντας ἀφῆκεν ἰέναι,

§ 1.7.35 τῷ δὲ λόγῳ ἀπέδρασαν αὐτόν, ὅ τε Ῥωμαίων βασιλεὺς Ἀναστάσιος ἔργα ἐς αὐτοὺς ἐπεδείξατο ἀρετῆς ἄξια· φόρους τε γὰρ τοὺς ἐπετείους ἐς ἔτη ἑπτὰ ξύμπαντας ἀφῆκε τῇ πόλει καὶ αὐτοὺς κοινῇ τε καὶ ἰδίᾳ ἕκαστον πολλοῖς τισιν ἀγαθοῖς ἐδωρήσατο, ὥστε αὐτοῖς λήθην τῶν ξυμβεβηκότων πολλὴν γενέσθαι. ἀλλὰ ταῦτα μὲν χρόνῳ τῷ ὑστέρῳ ἐγένετο.

Wars 1.8

§ 1.8.1 Τότε δὲ βασιλεὺς Ἀναστάσιος πολιορκεῖσθαι μαθὼν Ἄμιδαν στράτευμα κατὰ τάχος διαρκὲς ἔπεμψεν. ἄρχοντες δὲ ἦσαν μὲν κατὰ συμμορίαν ἑκάστων, στρατηγοὶ δὲ ἅπασιν ἐφεστήκεσαν τέσσαρες, Ἀρεόβινδός τε, Ὀλυβρίου κηδεστής, τοῦ ἐν τῇ ἑσπερίᾳ βεβασιλευκότος ὀλίγῳ πρότερον,

§ 1.8.2 τῆς ἑῴας δὲ τότε στρατηγὸς ἐτύγχανεν ὤν· καὶ τῶν ἐν παλατίῳ ταγμάτων ἀρχηγὸς Κέλερ ʽμάγιστρον Ῥωμαῖοι τὴν ἀρχὴν καλεῖν νενομίκασιν̓· ἔτι μὴν καὶ οἱ τῶν ἐν Βυζαντίῳ στρατιωτῶν ἄρχοντες, Πατρίκιός τε ὁ Φρὺξ καὶ Ὑπάτιος ὁ βασιλέως ἀδελφιδοῦς· οὗτοι μὲν τέσσαρες στρατηγοὶ ἦσαν.

§ 1.8.3 ξυνῆν δὲ αὐτοῖς καὶ Ἰουστῖνος, ὃς δὴ ὕστερον Ἀναστασίου τελευτήσαντος ἐβασίλευσε, καὶ Πατρικιόλος ξὺν Βιταλιανῷ τῷ παιδί, ὃς ὅπλα ἀντάρας Ἀναστασίῳ βασιλεῖ οὐ πολλῷ ὕστερον ἐτυράννησε, καὶ Φαρεσμάνης Κόλχος μὲν γένος, διαφερόντως δὲ ἀγαθὸς τὰ πολέμια, καὶ Γοδίδισκλός τε καὶ Βέσσας, Γότθοι ἄνδρες, Γότθων τῶν οὐκ ἐπισπομένων Θευδερίχῳ ἐς Ἰταλίαν ἐκ Θρᾴκης ἰόντι, γενναίω τε ὑπερφυῶς ἄμφω καὶ τῶν κατὰ τὸν πόλεμον πραγμάτων ἐμπείρω, ἄλλοι τε πολλοὶ καὶ ἄριστοι εἵποντο.

§ 1.8.4 στράτευμα γὰρ τοιοῦτό φασιν οὔτε πρότερον οὔτε ὕστερον ἐπὶ Πέρσας Ῥωμαίοις ξυστῆναι. οὗτοι μέντοι ἅπαντες οὐκ ἐς ταὐτὸ ἀγηγερμένοι οὐδὲ στράτευμα ἓν ποιησάμενοι ᾔεσαν, ἀλλ’ αὐτὸς ἕκαστος τοῖς κατ’ αὐτὸν στρατιώταις ἐξηγεῖτο ἐπὶ τοὺς πολεμίους.

§ 1.8.5 χορηγὸς δὲ τῆς τοῦ στρατοπέδου δαπάνης Ἀπίων Αἰγύπτιος ἐστάλη, ἀνὴρ ἐν πατρικίοις ἐπιφανής τε καὶ δραστήριος ἐς τὰ μάλιστα, καὶ αὐτὸν βασιλεὺς κοινωνὸν τῆς βασιλείας ἐν γράμμασιν ἀνεῖπεν, ὅπως οἱ ἐξουσία εἴη τὰ ἐς τὴν δαπάνην ᾗ βούλοιτο διοικήσασθαι.

§ 1.8.6 Ὁ μὲν οὖν στρατὸς οὗτος χρόνῳ τε ξυνελέγοντο καὶ σχολαίτεροι ἐπορεύοντο. διὸ δὴ τοὺς βαρβάρους ἐν γῇ τῇ Ῥωμαίων οὐχ εὗρον, ἐπεὶ ἐξ ἐπιδρομῆς οἱ Πέρσαι τὴν ἔφοδον ποιησάμενοι αὐτίκα δὴ ἐς τὰ πάτρια ἤθη ἀνεχώρησαν ξὺν πάσῃ τῇ λείᾳ.

§ 1.8.7 τῶν δὲ στρατηγῶν οὐδεὶς ἐς πολιορκίαν τῶν ἐν Ἀμίδῃ ἀπολελειμμένων ἐν τῷ παρόντι καθίστασθαι ἤθελε· πολλὰ γὰρ ἐσκομίσασθαι σφᾶς τὰ ἐπιτήδεια ἔμαθον· ἀλλ’ ἐς τῶν πολεμίων τὴν χώραν ἐσβολὴν ποιήσασθαι ἐν σπουδῇ εἶχον.

§ 1.8.8 οὐ μὴν ἐπὶ τοὺς βαρβάρους κοινῇ ᾔεσαν, ἀλλὰ χωρὶς ἀλλήλων στρατοπεδευόμενοι ἐπορεύοντο. ταῦτα Καβάδης μαθὼν ʽἄγχιστα γάρ που ἐτύγχανεν ὢν’ ἐς τὰ Ῥωμαίων ὅρια κατὰ τάχος ἐλθὼν ὑπηντίαζεν.

§ 1.8.9 οὔπω μέντοι Ῥωμαῖοι τῷ παντὶ στρατῷ Καβάδην ἰέναι ἐπ’ αὐτοὺς ἔμαθον, ἀλλὰ Περσῶν ᾤοντο στράτευμα βραχύ τι ἐνταῦθα εἶναι.

§ 1.8.10 οἱ μὲν οὖν ἀμφὶ Ἀρεόβινδον ἐστρατοπεδεύσαντο ἐν χωρίῳ Ἀρζάμων, ἀπέχοντι Κωνσταντίνης πόλεως δυοῖν ἡμέραιν ὁδόν, οἱ δὲ ἀμφὶ Πατρίκιον καὶ Ὑπάτιον ἐν χωρίῳ Σίφριος, ὅπερ Ἀμίδης πόλεως οὐχ ἧσσον ἢ πεντήκοντα καὶ τριακοσίους σταδίους ἀπέχει. Κέλερ γὰρ οὔπω ἐνταῦθα ἀφῖκτο.

§ 1.8.11 Ἀρεόβινδος δὲ ἐπειδὴ Καβάδην παντὶ τῷ στρατῷ ἐπιέναι σφίσιν ἐπύθετο, ἀπολιπὼν τὸ στρατόπεδον ξὺν τοῖς ἑπομένοις ἅπασιν ἐς φυγὴν ὥρμητο καὶ ἐς Κωνσταντίναν δρόμῳ ἐχώρει.

§ 1.8.12 ἐπελθόντες δὲ ὀλίγῳ ὕστερον οἱ πολέμιοι ἔρημον ἀνδρῶν αὐτοῖς χρήμασι τὸ στρατόπεδον εἷλον. ἔνθεν τε κατὰ τάχος ἐπὶ Ῥωμαίων τὸ ἄλλο στράτευμα ᾔεσαν.

§ 1.8.13 οἱ δὲ ἀμφὶ Πατρίκιον καὶ Ὑπάτιον Ἐφθαλίταις ἐντυχόντες ὀκτακοσίοις οἳ τοῦ Περσῶν στρατοῦ ἔμπροσθεν ᾔεσαν, σχεδόν τι ἅπαντας ἔκτειναν.

§ 1.8.14 οὐδὲν δὲ ἀμφὶ τῷ Καβάδῃ καὶ τῇ Περσῶν στρατιᾷ πεπυσμένοι, ἅτε νενικηκότες, ἀδεέστερον τῇ διαίτῃ ἐχρῶντο. τὰ γοῦν ὅπλα καταθέμενοι ἄριστον σφίσιν ἡτοίμαζον. ἤδη γὰρ τῆς ἡμέρας ὁ καιρὸς ἐνταῦθα ἦγε.

§ 1.8.15 ῥύαξ δέ τις ἔρρει ἐν τούτῳ τῷ χώρῳ, ἵνα Ῥωμαῖοι τὰ κρέα καθαίρειν ἤρξαντο οἷς δὴ σιτίζεσθαι ἔμελλον.

§ 1.8.16 τινὲς δὲ ἀχθόμενοι τῷ πνίγει καὶ λοῦσθαι ἠξίουν, ταύτῃ τε ταραχθὲν τὸ τοῦ ῥύακος ὕδωρ πρόσω ἐχώρει. Καβάδης δὲ τὰ ἐς τοὺς Ἐφθαλίτας ξυμπεσόντα μαθὼν ἐπὶ τοὺς πολεμίους κατὰ τάχος ᾔει·

§ 1.8.17 κατιδών τε συγκεχυμένον τὸ τοῦ ῥύακος ὕδωρ καὶ ξυμβαλὼν τὸ ποιούμενον ἔγνω ἀπαρασκεύους τοὺς ἐναντίους εἶναι, καὶ κατὰ κράτος ἤδη ἐπ’ αὐτοὺς ἐλαύνειν ἐκέλευεν. αὐτίκα τε αὐτοῖς ἑστιωμένοις τε καὶ ἀνόπλοις οὖσιν ἐπέστησαν.

§ 1.8.18 Ῥωμαῖοι δὲ οὐκ ἐνεγκόντες τὴν ἔφοδον ἐς ἀλκὴν μὲν τὸ παράπαν οὐκ ἔβλεπον, ἔφευγον δὲ ὡς ἕκαστός πη ἐδύνατο, καὶ αὐτῶν οἱ μὲν καταλαμβανόμενοι ἔθνησκον, οἱ δὲ ἀνιόντες εἰς τὸ ὄρος ὃ ταύτῃ ἀνέχει ἐρρίπτουν αὑτοὺς κατὰ τὸ κρημνῶδες ξὺν φόβῳ καὶ θορύβῳ πολλῷ.

§ 1.8.19 ὅθεν δὴ οὐδένα σεσῶσθαί φασι, Πατρίκιος δὲ καὶ Ὑπάτιος κατ’ ἀρχὰς τῆς ἐφόδου διαφυγεῖν ἴσχυσαν. ἔπειτα δὲ Καβάδης, Οὔννων πολεμίων ἐς γῆς τὴν αὐτοῦ ἐσβεβληκότων, παντὶ τῷ στρατῷ ἐπ’ οἴκου ἀνεχώρησε, πόλεμόν τε μακρὸν πρὸς τὸ ἔθνος τοῦτο ἐς τῆς χώρας τὰ πρὸς ἄρκτον διέφερεν.

§ 1.8.20 ἐν τούτῳ δὲ καὶ τὸ ἄλλο στράτευμα Ῥωμαίων ἦλθε, λόγου μέντοι ἄξιον οὐδὲν ἔδρασαν, ὅτι δὴ αὐτοκράτωρ τοῦ πολέμου κατέστη οὐδείς, ἀλλ’ ἴσοι πρὸς ἀλλήλους οἱ στρατηγοὶ ὄντες ἀντεστάτουν τε ἀλλήλων ταῖς γνώμαις καὶ γίνεσθαι ἐν τῷ αὐτῷ οὐδαμῆ ἤθελον.

§ 1.8.21 Κέλερ δὲ ξὺν τοῖς ἑπομένοις Νύμφιον ποταμὸν διαβὰς ἐσβολήν τινα ἐς τὴν Ἀρζανηνὴν ἐποιήσατο.

§ 1.8.22 ἔστι δὲ ὁ ποταμὸς οὗτος Μαρτυροπόλεως μὲν ἀγχοτάτω, Ἀμίδης δὲ ὅσον ἀπὸ σταδίων τριακοσίων. οἳ δὴ ληισάμενοι τὰ ἐκείνῃ χωρία ἐπανῆλθον οὐ πολλῷ ὕστερον. δι’ ὀλίγου τε ἡ ἐπιδρομὴ αὕτη ἐγένετο.

Wars 1.9

§ 1.9.1 Μετὰ δὲ Ἀρεόβινδος μὲν ἐς Βυζάντιον ὡς βασιλέα μετάπεμπτος ἦλθεν, οἱ δὲ λοιποὶ ἐς Ἄμιδαν ἀφικόμενοι χειμῶνος ὥρᾳ ἐς πολιορκίαν καθίσταντο. καὶ βίᾳ μὲν ἑλεῖν τὸ χωρίον, καίπερ πολλὰ ἐγκεχειρηκότες, οὐκ ἴσχυσαν, λιμῷ δὲ τοῦτο ποιεῖν ἔμελλον· πάντα γὰρ τοὺς πολιορκουμένους τὰ ἐπιτήδεια ἐπιλελοίπει.

§ 1.9.2 ἀλλ’ οἱ στρατηγοὶ οὐδὲν πεπυσμένοι ἀμφὶ τῶν πολεμίων τῇ ἀπορίᾳ, ἐπειδὴ τοὺς στρατιώτας τῇ προσεδρείᾳ καὶ τῷ χειμῶνι ἀχθομένους ἑώρων, ἅμα δὲ καὶ Περσῶν στράτευμα ἐπὶ σφᾶς ἥξειν οὐκ εἰς μακρὰν ὑπετόπαζον, τρόπῳ ὅτῳ δὴ ἐνθένδε ἀπαλλάσσεσθαι ἐν σπουδῇ εἶχον.

§ 1.9.3 οἵ τε Πέρσαι, οὐκ ἔχοντες τίνες ἂν ἐν τοῖσδε τοῖς δεινοῖς γένοιντο, τὴν μὲν ἀπορίαν τῶν ἀναγκαίων ἐς τὸ ἀκριβὲς ἔκρυπτον, δόκησιν παρέχοντες ὡς πάντων σφίσι τῶν ἐπιτηδείων ἀφθονία εἴη, ἐς δὲ τὰ οἰκεῖα ξὺν τῷ εὐπρεπεῖ λόγῳ ἀναχωρεῖν ἤθελον.

§ 1.9.4 γίνονται οὖν ἐν ἀμφοτέροις λόγοι, ἐφ’ ᾧ δὴ Πέρσαι λίτρας χρυσίου χιλίας λαβόντες ἀποδώσουσι Ῥωμαίοις τὴν πόλιν. ἑκάτεροί τε ἄσμενοι τὰ ξυγκείμενα ἐπιτελῆ ἐποίουν, τά τε χρήματα λαβὼν ὁ τοῦ Γλώνου υἱὸς Ἄμιδαν Ῥωμαίοις παρέδωκε. Γλώνης γὰρ ἤδη ἐτετελευτήκει τρόπῳ τοιῷδε.

§ 1.9.5 Οὔπω μὲν στρατοπεδευσαμένων ἐνταῦθα Ῥωμαίων, Ἀμίδης δὲ πόλεως ὄντων οὐ μακρὰν ἄποθεν, τῶν τις ἀγροίκων, ὅσπερ εἰώθει ἐς τὴν πόλιν ἐσιὼν λάθρα ὄρνις τε καὶ ἄρτους καὶ τῶν ὡραίων πολλὰ τῷ Γλώνῃ τούτῳ ἀποδίδοσθαι χρημάτων μεγάλων, Πατρικίῳ τῷ στρατηγῷ ἐς ὄψιν ἐλθὼν Γλώνην οἱ ἐς χεῖρας παραδώσειν ξὺν Πέρσαις διακοσίοις ὑπέσχετο, ἤν τινος ἀμοιβῆς ἐλπίδα λαβὼν παρ’ αὐτοῦ εἴη.

§ 1.9.6 ὁ δὲ αὐτῷ ἅπαντα ὅσα ἦν βουλομένῳ ὑποσχόμενος ἔσεσθαι τὸν ἄνθρωπον ἀπεπέμψατο. καὶ ὃς τά τε ἱμάτια δεινῶς διαρρήξας καὶ δεδακρυμένῳ ἐοικὼς ἐς τὴν πόλιν εἰσῆλθε.

§ 1.9.7 παρά τε τὸν Γλώνην ἥκων τάς τε τρίχας τίλλων, “Ἐτύγχανον μέν, ὦ δέσποτα,” εἶπεν, “ἅπαντά σοι ἐκ τοῦ χωρίου τἀγαθὰ φέρων, ἐντυχόντες δὲ στρατιῶται Ῥωμαῖοι ʽκαὶ γάρ που ἐς τὰ ταύτῃ χωρία κατ’ ὀλίγους περιιόντες τοὺς οἰκτροὺς ἀγροίκους βιάζονταἰ πληγάς τέ μοι οὐ φορητὰς προσετρίψαντο καὶ πάντα ἀφελόμενοι οἱ λῃσταὶ ᾤχοντο, οἷς δὴ ἐκ παλαιοῦ Πέρσας τε δεδιέναι καὶ τοὺς γεωργοὺς βιάζεσθαι νόμος.

§ 1.9.8 ἀλλ’ ὅπως, ὦ δέσποτα, σαυτῷ τε καὶ ἡμῖν καὶ Πέρσαις ἀμύνῃς. ἢν γὰρ ἐς τῆς πόλεως τὰ προάστεια κυνηγετήσων ἴῃς, θήραμά σοι οὐ φαῦλον ἔσται. κατὰ πέντε γὰρ ἢ τέτταρας οἱ κατάρατοι περιιόντες λωποδυτοῦσιν.” ὁ μὲν ταῦτα·

§ 1.9.9 εἶπεν. ἀναπεισθεὶς δὲ ὁ Γλώνης τοῦ ἀνθρώπου ἀνεπυνθάνετο πόσους ποτὲ Πέρσας οἴεταί οἱ ἐς τὴν πρᾶξιν ἱκανοὺς ἔσεσθαι.

§ 1.9.10 ὁ δὲ πεντήκοντα μὲν ἀποχρήσειν οἱ μάλιστα ἔφη· οὐ γὰρ ἂν αὐτῶν πλείοσί ποτε ἢ κατὰ πέντε ὁδῷ ἰοῦσιν ἐντύχοιεν, τοῦ δὲ μηδὲν ἀπροσδόκητον σφίσι ξυμβῆναι οὐδέν τι χεῖρον καὶ ἑκατὸν ἐς τὸ ἔργον ἐπαγαγέσθαι· ἢν δὲ καὶ τούτων διπλασίους, τῷ παντὶ ἄμεινον. βλάβος γὰρ ἀνθρώπῳ ἐκ τοῦ περιόντος οὐκ ἂν γένοιτο.

§ 1.9.11 Γλώνης μὲν οὖν ἱππέας διακοσίους ἀπολεξάμενος τὸν ἄνθρωπον σφίσιν ἐξηγεῖσθαι ἐκέλευεν.

§ 1.9.12 ὁ δὲ ἄμεινον ἰσχυρίζετο εἶναι αὐτὸν ἐπὶ κατασκοπῇ στέλλεσθαι πρότερον, καὶ ἢν ἔτι ἐν χωρίοις τοῖς αὐτοῖς περιιόντας Ῥωμαίους ἰδὼν ἀπαγγείλῃ, οὕτω δὴ ἐν δέοντι ποιεῖσθαι τὴν ἔξοδον Πέρσας. εὖ τε οὖν εἰπεῖν ἔδοξε τῷ Γλώνῃ καὶ αὐτοῦ ἀφιέντος ἐστέλλετο.

§ 1.9.13 παρά τε τὸν στρατηγὸν Πατρίκιον ἥκων ἅπαντα ἔφραζε· καὶ ὃς τῶν δορυφόρων τῶν αὑτοῦ δύο καὶ στρατιώτας χιλίους ξὺν αὐτῷ ἔπεμψεν.

§ 1.9.14 οὓς δὴ ἀμφὶ κώμην Θιλασάμων σταδίους τεσσαράκοντα Ἀμίδης διέχουσαν ἐν νάπαις τε καὶ χωρίοις ὑλώδεσιν ἔκρυψε, καὶ αὐτοῦ μένειν ἐν ταύταις δὴ ταῖς ἐνέδραις ἐπέστελλεν, ἔς τε τὴν πόλιν δρόμῳ ἐχώρει.

§ 1.9.15 καὶ τῷ Γλώνῃ ἕτοιμον εἰπὼν τὸ θήραμα εἶναι, αὐτῷ τε καὶ τοῖς διακοσίοις ἐξηγήσατο ἐπὶ τὴν τῶν πολεμίων ἐνέδραν. ἐπειδή τε διέβησαν τὸν χῶρον οὗ προλοχίζοντες Ῥωμαῖοι ἐκάθηντο, Γλώνην τε καὶ Πέρσας λαθὼν ἅπαντας, ἔκ τε τῆς ἐνέδρας τοὺς Ῥωμαίους ἀνέστησε καὶ αὐτοῖς τοὺς πολεμίους ἐπέδειξεν.

§ 1.9.16 οὕσπερ ἐπειδὴ ἐπὶ σφᾶς ἰόντας κατεῖδον Πέρσαι, κατεπλάγησάν τε τῷ ἀπροσδοκήτῳ καὶ ἀμηχανίᾳ πολλῇ εἴχοντο. οὔτε γὰρ ὀπίσω ἀπελαύνειν οἷοί τε ἦσαν, κατὰ νώτου ὄντων σφίσι τῶν ἐναντίων, οὔτε πη ἑτέρωσε φεύγειν ἐν γῇ πολεμίᾳ ἐδύναντο.

§ 1.9.17 ἐκ δὲ τῶν παρόντων ὡς ἐς μάχην ταξάμενοι τοὺς ἐπιόντας ἠμύνοντο, τῷ τε πλήθει παρὰ πολὺ ἐλασσούμενοι ἡσσήθησάν τε καὶ ξὺν τῷ Γλώνῃ ἅπαντες διεφθάρησαν.

§ 1.9.18 ὅπερ ἐπειδὴ ὁ τοῦ Γλώνου υἱὸς ἔμαθε, περιαλγήσας τε καὶ τῷ θυμῷ ζέων ὅτι δὴ τῷ πατρὶ ἀμύνειν οὐκ εἶχε, τὸν Συμεώνου νεὼν ἔκαυσεν, ἁγίου ἀνδρός, ἵνα δὴ ὁ Γλώνης κατέλυε.

§ 1.9.19 καίτοι ἄλλην τινὰ οἰκοδομίαν οὔτε Γλώνης οὔτε Καβάδης, οὐ μὴν οὐδὲ Περσῶν τις ἄλλος οὔτε καθελεῖν ἔγνω οὔτε τῳ ἄλλῳ ἀφανίζειν τρόπῳ ἔν γε Ἀμίδῃ ταύτης ἐκτός. ἐγὼ δὲ ἐπὶ τὸν πρότερον λόγον ἐπάνειμι.

§ 1.9.20 Οὕτω μὲν Ἄμιδαν Ῥωμαῖοι τὰ χρήματα δόντες ἀπέλαβον δύο ἐνιαυτοῖς ὕστερον ἢ πρὸς τῶν πολεμίων ἑάλω. καὶ ἐπεὶ ἐν ταύτῃ ἐγένοντο, ἥ τε αὐτῶν ὀλιγωρία καὶ Περσῶν τὸ καρτερὸν τῆς διαίτης ἐγνώσθη.

§ 1.9.21 σιτίων γὰρ τῶν ἐνταῦθα λελειμμένων τὸ μέτρον καὶ βαρβάρων τῶν ἐξεληλυθότων τὸν ὅμιλον λογισάμενοι, ἑπτὰ μάλιστα ἡμερῶν ηὕρισκον δαπάνην ἐν τῇ πόλει ἀπολελεῖφθαι, καίπερ Γλώνου τε καὶ τοῦ ἐκείνου παιδὸς ἐνδεεστέρως ἢ κατὰ τὴν χρείαν πολλοῦ χρόνου ἐνδιδόντος τὰ σιτία Πέρσαις.

§ 1.9.22 Ῥωμαίοις γὰρ τοῖς ἐν τῇ πόλει, ὥσπερ μοι προδεδήλωται, ξὺν αὐτοῖς μείνασιν οὐδὲν τὸ παράπαν χορηγεῖν ἔγνωσαν, ἐξ ὅτου οἱ πολέμιοι ἐς τὴν πολιορκίαν κατέστησαν, οἳ δὴ ἐς βρώσεις ἀήθεις τὰ πρῶτα ἐλθόντες τῶν τε οὐ θεμιτῶν ἁψάμενοι πάντων,

§ 1.9.23 εἶτα τελευτῶντες καὶ ἀλλήλων ἐγεύσαντο. διὸ δὴ ἐξηπατημένοι τε πρὸς τῶν βαρβάρων οἱ στρατηγοὶ ᾔσθοντο καὶ τοῖς στρατιώταις τὴν ἀκρασίαν ὠνείδιζον, ὅτι δὴ ἀπειθεστέρους αὑτοὺς παρεχόμενοι σφίσι, παρὸν δορυαλώτους Πέρσας τε τοσούτους τὸ πλῆθος καὶ Γλώνου τὸν υἱὸν σὺν τῇ πόλει ἑλεῖν, οἱ δὲ τὰ Ῥωμαίων χρήματα ἐς τοὺς πολεμίους μετενεγκόντες αἶσχός τε ἀνεδήσαντο μέγα καὶ Ἄμιδαν ἀργυρώνητον πρὸς Περσῶν ἔλαβον.

§ 1.9.24 ὕστερον δὲ Πέρσαι, τοῦ πρὸς Οὔννους πολέμου σφίσι μηκυνομένου, ἐς σπονδὰς Ῥωμαίοις ξυνίασιν, αἵπερ αὐτοῖς ἐς ἑπτὰ ἔτη ἐγένοντο, Κέλερός τε τοῦ Ῥωμαίου καὶ Ἀσπεβέδου τοῦ Πέρσου αὐτὰς ποιησαμένων, ἐπ’ οἴκου τε ἀμφότεροι ἀναχωρήσαντες ἡσυχῆ ἔμενον.

§ 1.9.25 οὕτω μέν, ὥσπερ ἐρρήθη, ἀρξάμενος ὁ Ῥωμαίων τε καὶ Περσῶν πόλεμος ἐς τόδε ἐτελεύτα. τὰ δὲ ἀμφὶ πύλας τὰς Κασπίας ξυνενεχθέντα ἐρῶν ἔρχομαι.

Wars 1.10

§ 1.10.1 Τὸ Κιλίκων ὄρος ὁ Ταῦρος ἀμείβει μὲν τὰ πρῶτα Καππαδόκας τε καὶ Ἀρμενίους καὶ τῶν Περσαρμενίων καλουμένων τὴν γῆν, ἔτι μέντοι Ἀλβανούς τε καὶ Ἴβηρας, καὶ ὅσα ἄλλα ἔθνη αὐτόνομά τε καὶ Πέρσαις κατήκοα ταύτῃ ᾤκηνται.

§ 1.10.2 ἐξικνεῖται γὰρ ἐς χώραν πολλήν, προϊόντι δὲ ἀεὶ τὸ ὄρος τοῦτο ἐς μέγα τι χρῆμα εὔρους τε καὶ ὕψους διήκει.

§ 1.10.3 ὑπερβάντι δὲ τοὺς Ἰβήρων ὅρους ἀτραπός τίς ἐστιν ἐν στενοχωρίᾳ πολλῇ, ἐπὶ σταδίους πεντήκοντα ἐξικνουμένη.

§ 1.10.4 αὕτη δὲ ἡ ἀτραπὸς ἐς ἀπότομόν τινα καὶ ὅλως ἄβατον τελευτᾷ χῶρον. δίοδος γὰρ οὐδεμία τὸ λοιπὸν φαίνεται, πλήν γε δὴ ὅτι ὥσπερ τινὰ χειροποίητον πυλίδα ἐνταῦθα ἡ φύσις ἐξεῦρεν, ἣ Κασπία ἐκ παλαιοῦ ἐκλήθη.

§ 1.10.5 τὸ δὲ ἐνθένδε πεδία τέ ἐστιν ἱππήλατα καὶ ὑδάτων πολλῶν ἀτεχνῶς ἔμπλεα, καὶ χώρα πολλὴ ἱππόβοτός τε καὶ ἄλλως ὑπτία.

§ 1.10.6 οὗ δὴ τὰ Οὔννων ἔθνη σχεδόν τι ἅπαντα ἵδρυται ἄχρι ἐς τὴν Μαιῶτιν διήκοντα λίμνην.

§ 1.10.7 οὗτοι ἢν μὲν διὰ τῆς πυλίδος ἧς ἄρτι ἐμνήσθην ἴωσιν ἐς τὰ Περσῶν τε καὶ Ῥωμαίων ἤθη, ἀκραιφνέσι τε τοῖς ἵπποις ἴασι καὶ περιόδῳ τινὶ οὐδαμῆ χρώμενοι οὐδὲ κρημνώδεσιν ἐντυχόντες χωρίοις, ὅτι μὴ τοῖς πεντήκοντα σταδίοις ἐκείνοις οἷσπερ εἰς τοὺς Ἰβηρίους ὅρους, ὥσπερ ἐρρήθη, διήκουσιν.

§ 1.10.8 ἐπ’ ἄλλας δέ τινας ἐξόδους ἰόντες πόνῳ τε πολλῷ παραγίνονται καὶ ἵπποις οὐκέτι χρῆσθαι τοῖς αὐτοῖς ἔχοντες. περιόδους τε γὰρ αὐτοὺς περιιέναι πολλὰς ἐπάναγκες καὶ ταύτας κρημνώδεις.

§ 1.10.9 ὅπερ ἐπειδὴ ὁ Φιλίππου Ἀλέξανδρος κατενόησε, πύλας τε ἐν χώρῳ ἐτεκτήνατο τῷ εἰρημένῳ καὶ φυλακτήριον κατεστήσατο. ὃ δὴ ἄλλοι τε πολλοὶ προϊόντος χρόνου ἔσχον καὶ Ἀμβαζούκης, Οὖννος μὲν γένος, Ῥωμαίοις δὲ καὶ Ἀναστασίῳ βασιλεῖ φίλος.

§ 1.10.10 οὗτος Ἀμβαζούκης, ἐπειδὴ ἔς τε γῆρας ἀφῖκτο βαθὺ καὶ τελευτᾶν ἔμελλε, πέμψας παρὰ τὸν Ἀναστάσιον, χρήματά οἱ δοθῆναι ᾔτει, ἐφ’ ῳ τό τε φυλακτήριον καὶ πύλας τὰς Κασπίας ἐνδώσει Ῥωμαίοις.

§ 1.10.11 βασιλεὺς δὲ Ἀναστάσιος ʽδρᾶν γὰρ ἀνεπισκέπτως οὐδὲν οὔτε ἠπίστατο οὔτε εἰώθεἰ λογισάμενος ὅτι οἱ στρατιώτας ἐνταῦθα ἐκτρέφειν ἀδύνατα ἦν ἐν χωρίῳ ἐρήμῳ τε ἀγαθῶν ἁπάντων καὶ οὐδαμῆ ἐν γειτόνων ἔχοντι ἔθνος Ῥωμαίοις κατήκοον, χάριν μὲν τῷ ἀνθρώπῳ τῆς ἐς αὐτὸν εὐνοίας πολλὴν ὡμολόγει, τὸ δὲ ἔργον τοῦτο οὐδενὶ λόγῳ προσίετο.

§ 1.10.12 Ἀμβαζούκης μὲν οὖν οὐ πολλῷ ὕστερον ἐτελεύτα νόσῳ, Καβάδης δὲ βιασάμενος τοὺς αὐτοῦ παῖδας τὰς πύλας ἔσχεν.

§ 1.10.13 Ἀναστάσιός τε βασιλεύς, ἐπειδὴ ἐγένοντο αὐτῷ αἱ πρὸς Καβάδην σπονδαί, πόλιν ἐδείματο ἐν χωρίῳ Δάρας ὀχυράν τε ὑπερφυῶς καὶ λόγου ἀξίαν, αὐτοῦ βασιλέως ἐπώνυμον.

§ 1.10.14 ἀπέχει δὲ αὕτη πόλεως μὲν Νισίβιδος σταδίους ἑκατὸν δυοῖν δέοντας, χώρας δὲ ἣ τὰ Ῥωμαίων τε καὶ Περσῶν διορίζει ὀκτὼ καὶ εἴκοσι μάλιστα.

§ 1.10.15 Πέρσαι δὲ κωλύειν τὴν οἰκοδομίαν σπουδὴν ἔχοντες οὐδαμῆ ἴσχυον ἀσχολίᾳ τῇ ἐς πόλεμον τὸν Οὐννικὸν πιεζόμενοι.

§ 1.10.16 ἐπειδή τε αὐτὸν τάχιστα Καβάδης κατέλυσε, πέμψας παρὰ Ῥωμαίους ᾐτιᾶτο πόλιν αὐτοὺς οἰκοδομήσασθαι ἄγχιστά που τῶν σφετέρων ὁρίων, ἀπειρημένον τοῦτο ἐν τοῖς Μήδοις τε καὶ Ῥωμαίοις ξυγκειμένοις τὰ πρότερα.

§ 1.10.17 τότε μὲν οὖν Ἀναστάσιος τὰ μὲν ἀπειλῶν, τὰ δὲ φιλίαν τε τὴν ἐς αὐτὸν προτεινόμενος καὶ χρήμασιν οὐ φαύλοις δωρούμενος, παρακρούεσθαί τε καὶ τὴν αἰτίαν ἐκλύειν ἤθελε.

§ 1.10.18 καὶ πόλιν δὲ ἄλλην ταύτῃ ὁμοίαν ἐν Ἀρμενίοις ὁ βασιλεὺς οὗτος ἀγχοτάτω ἐδείματο τῶν Περσαρμενίας ὁρίων, ἣ κώμη μὲν ἐκ παλαιοῦ ἐτύγχανεν οὖσα, πόλεως δὲ ἀξίωμα μέχρι ἐς τὸ ὄνομα πρὸς Θεοδοσίου βασιλέως λαβοῦσα ἐπώνυμος αὐτοῦ ἐγεγόνει.

§ 1.10.19 ἀλλ’ Ἀναστάσιος τείχει αὐτὴν ὀχυρωτάτῳ περιβαλὼν πράγματα Πέρσαις οὐδέν τι ἧσσον ἢ διὰ τῆς ἑτέρας παρέσχετο· ἐπιτειχίσματα γὰρ αὐτῶν τῇ χώρᾳ γέγονεν ἄμφω.

Wars 1.12

§ 1.12.1 Εὐθὺς δὲ Καβάδης, καίπερ ἐν σπουδῇ ἔχων ἐσβολήν τινα ἐς τῶν Ῥωμαίων ποιεῖσθαι τὴν γῆν, οὐδαμῆ ἴσχυσεν, ἐπεὶ αὐτῷ ἐναντίωμα τοιόνδε ξυνηνέχθη γενέσθαι.

§ 1.12.2 Ἴβηρες οἳ ἐν τῇ Ἀσίᾳ οἰκοῦσι πρὸς αὐταῖς που ταῖς Κασπίαις ἵδρυνται πύλαις, αἵπερ αὐτοῖς εἰσι πρὸς βορρᾶν ἄνεμον. καὶ αὐτῶν ἐν ἀριστερᾷ μὲν ἐχομένη πρὸς τὰς ἡλίου δυσμὰς Λαζική ἐστιν, ἐν δεξιᾷ δὲ πρὸς ἀνίσχοντα ἥλιον τὰ Περσῶν ἔθνη.

§ 1.12.3 οὗτος ὁ λεὼς Χριστιανοί τέ εἰσι καὶ τὰ νόμιμα τῆς δόξης φυλάσσουσι ταύτης πάντων μάλιστα ἀνθρώπων ὧν ἡμεῖς ἴσμεν, κατήκοοι μέντοι ἐκ παλαιοῦ τοῦ Περσῶν βασιλέως τυγχάνουσιν ὄντες.

§ 1.12.4 τότε δὲ αὐτοὺς ἤθελε Καβάδης ἐς τὰ νόμιμα τῆς αὑτοῦ δόξης βιάζεσθαι. καὶ αὐτῶν τῷ βασιλεῖ Γουργένῃ ἐπέστελλε τά τε ἄλλα ποιεῖν ᾗ Πέρσαι νομίζουσι καὶ τοὺς νεκροὺς τῇ γῇ ὡς ἥκιστα κρύπτειν, ἀλλ’ ὄρνισί τε ῥιπτεῖν καὶ κυσὶν ἅπαντας.

§ 1.12.5 διὸ δὴ Γουργένης προσχωρεῖν Ἰουστίνῳ βασιλεῖ ἤθελε τά τε πιστὰ ἠξίου λαβεῖν ὡς οὔποτε Ἴβηρας καταπροήσονται Πέρσαις Ῥωμαῖοι.

§ 1.12.6 ὁ δὲ ταῦτά τε αὐτῷ ξὺν προθυμίᾳ πολλῇ ἐδίδου καὶ Πρόβον τὸν Ἀναστασίου τοῦ βεβασιλευκότος ἀδελφιδοῦν, ἄνδρα πατρίκιον, ξὺν χρήμασι πολλοῖς ἐς Βόσπορον ἔπεμψεν, ἐφ’ ᾧ στράτευμα Οὔννων χρήμασιν ἀναπείσας Ἴβηρσι πέμψῃ ἐς ξυμμαχίαν.

§ 1.12.7 ἔστι δὲ πόλις ἐπιθαλασσία ἡ Βόσπορος, ἐν ἀριστερᾷ μὲν ἐσπλέοντι τὸν Εὔξεινον καλούμενον πόντον, Χερσῶνος δὲ πόλεως, ἣ γῆς τῆς Ῥωμαίων ἐσχάτη ἐστίν, ὁδῷ διέχουσα ἡμερῶν εἴκοσιν. ὦν δὴ τὰ ἐν μέσῳ ἅπαντα Οὖννοι ἔχουσιν.

§ 1.12.8 οἱ δὲ Βοσπορῖται αὐτόνομοι μὲν τὸ παλαιὸν ᾤκουν, Ἰουστίνῳ δὲ βασιλεῖ ἔναγχος προσχωρεῖν ἔγνωσαν.

§ 1.12.9 ἐπεὶ δὲ Πρόβος ἐνθένδε ἄπρακτος ἀνεχώρησε, Πέτρον στρατηγὸν σὺν Οὔννοις τισὶν ἐς Λαζικὴν βασιλεὺς ἔπεμψε Γουργένῃ ὅση δύναμις ξυμμαχήσοντα.

§ 1.12.10 ἐν τούτῳ δὲ Καβάδης στράτευμα λόγου πολλοῦ ἄξιον ἐπί τε Γουργένην καὶ Ἴβηρας ἔπεμψε καὶ στρατηγὸν ἄνδρα Πέρσην, οὐαρίζην μὲν τὸ ἀξίωμα, Βόην δὲ ὄνομα.

§ 1.12.11 ὅ τε Γουργένης ἐλάσσων ὀφθεὶς ἢ φέρειν τὴν Περσῶν ἔφοδον, ἐπεί οἱ τὰ ἐκ Ῥωμαίων οὐχ ἱκανὰ ἦν, ξὺν Ἰβήρων τοῖς λογίμοις ἅπασιν ἐς Λαζικὴν ἔφυγε, τήν τε γυναῖκα καὶ τοὺς παῖδας ξὺν τοῖς ἀδελφοῖς ἐπαγόμενος, ὧν δὴ Περάνιος ὁ πρεσβύτατος ἦν.

§ 1.12.12 ἐν δὲ τοῖς Λαζικῆς ὁρίοις γενόμενοι ἔμενον, ταῖς τε δυσχωρίαις φραξάμενοι τοὺς πολεμίους ὑφίσταντο.

§ 1.12.13 Πέρσαι δὲ αὐτοῖς ἐπισπόμενοι οὐδὲν ὅ τι καὶ λόγου ἄξιον ἔπρασσον, τοῦ πράγματος σφίσι διὰ τὰς δυσχωρίας ἀντιστατοῦντος.

§ 1.12.14 Ἔπειτα δὲ οἵ τε Ἴβηρες ἐς Βυζάντιον παρεγένοντο καὶ Πέτρος ἐς βασιλέα μετάπεμπτος ἦλθε, καὶ τὸ λοιπὸν βασιλεὺς Λαζοῖς οὐ βουλομένοις ξυμφυλάσσειν τὴν χώραν ἠξίου, στράτευμά τε καὶ Εἰρηναῖον ἄρχοντα πέμψας.

§ 1.12.15 ἔστι δὲ φρούρια ἐν Λαζοῖς δύο εὐθὺς εἰσιόντι ἐκ τῶν Ἰβηρίας ὁρίων, ὧν ἡ φυλακὴ τοῖς ἐπιχωρίοις ἐκ παλαιοῦ ἐπιμελὴς ἦν, καίπερ ταλαιπωρίᾳ πολλῇ ἐχομένοις, ἐπεὶ οὔτε σῖτος ἐνταῦθα οὔτε οἶνος οὔτε ἄλλο τι ἀγαθὸν γίνεται.

§ 1.12.16 οὐ μὴν οὐδέ τι ἑτέρωθεν ἐσκομίζεσθαι διὰ τὴν στενοχωρίαν οἷόν τέ ἐστιν,

§ 1.12.17 ὅτι μὴ φερόντων ἀνθρώπων. ἐλύμοις μέντοι τισὶν ἐνταῦθα γιγνομένοις εἰθισμένον σφίσιν οἱ Λαζοὶ ἀποζῆν ἴσχυον.

§ 1.12.18 τούτους ἐξαναστήσας ἐνθένδε βασιλεὺς τοὺς φρουρούς, στρατιώτας Ῥωμαίους ἐκέλευεν ἐπὶ τῇ φυλακῇ τῶν φρουρίων καθίστασθαι.

§ 1.12.19 οἷς δὴ κατ’ ἀρχὰς μὲν ἐπιτήδεια μόλις Λαζοὶ ἔφερον, ὕστερον δὲ αὐτοί τε πρὸς τὴν ὑπουργίαν ἀπεῖπον καὶ Ῥωμαῖοι τὰ φρούρια ταῦτα ἐξέλιπον, οἵ τε Πέρσαι πόνῳ αὐτὰ οὐδενὶ ἔσχον. ταῦτα μὲν ἐν Λαζοῖς γέγονε.

§ 1.12.20 Ῥωμαῖοι δέ, Σίττα τε καὶ Βελισαρίου ἡγουμένων σφίσιν, ἐς Περσαρμενίαν τὴν Περσῶν κατήκοον ἐσβαλόντες χώραν τε πολλὴν ἐληίσαντο καὶ Ἀρμενίων πάμπολυ πλῆθος ἀνδραποδίσαντες ἀπεχώρησαν.

§ 1.12.21 τούτω δὲ τὼ ἄνδρε νεανία μὲν καὶ πρῶτον ὑπηνήτα ἤστην, Ἰουστινιανοῦ δὲ στρατηγοῦ δορυφόρω, ὃς δὴ χρόνῳ ὕστερον ξὺν Ἰουστίνῳ τῷ θείῳ τὴν βασιλείαν ἔσχεν. ἑτέρας δὲ ἐσβολῆς Ῥωμαίοις ἐς Ἀρμενίαν γεγενημένης Ναρσῆς τε καὶ Ἀράτιος παρὰ δόξαν ὑπαντιάσαντες ἐς χεῖρας ἦλθον.

§ 1.12.22 οἳ οὐ πολλῷ ὕστερον ἐς Ῥωμαίους τε αὐτόμολοι ἵκοντο καὶ ξὺν Βελισαρίῳ ἐς Ἰταλίαν ἐστράτευσαν, τότε μέντοι τοῖς ἀμφὶ Σίτταν τε καὶ Βελισάριον ξυμβαλόντες τὸ πλέον ἔσχον.

§ 1.12.23 εἰσέβαλε δὲ καὶ ἀμφὶ πόλιν Νίσιβιν ἄλλη Ῥωμαίων στρατιά, ἧς Λιβελάριος ἐκ Θρᾴκης ἦρχεν. οἳ φεύγοντες εὐθυωρὸν τὴν ἀναχώρησιν ἐποιήσαντο, καίπερ οὐδενὸς σφίσιν ἐπεξιόντος.

§ 1.12.24 διὸ δὴ Λιβελάριον μὲν παρέλυσε τῆς ἀρχῆς βασιλεύς, Βελισάριον δὲ ἄρχοντα καταλόγων τῶν ἐν Δάρας κατεστήσατο. τότε δὴ αὐτῷ ξύμβουλος ᾑρέθη Προκόπιος ὃς τάδε ξυνέγραψε.

Wars 1.15

§ 1.15.1 Καβάδης δὲ ἄλλο στράτευμα ἐς Ἀρμενίαν τὴν Ῥωμαίων κατήκοον ἔπεμψε. τὸ δὲ στράτευμα τοῦτο Περσαρμενίων τε καὶ Σουνιτῶν ἦσαν, οἳ δὴ Ἀλανοῖς εἰσιν ὅμοροι. Οὖννοί τε αὐτοῖς οἱ Σάβειροι καλούμενοι τρισχίλιοι ξυνῆσαν, μαχιμώτατον ἔθνος.

§ 1.15.2 στρατηγὸς δὲ Μερμερόης, Πέρσης ἀνήρ, ἅπασιν ἐφειστήκει. οἵπερ ἐπειδὴ Θεοδοσιουπόλεως τριῶν ἡμερῶν ὁδῷ διεῖχον, ἐνστρατοπεδευσάμενοί τε ἔμενον ἐν Περσαρμενίων τῇ χώρᾳ καὶ τὰ ἐς τὴν ἐσβολὴν ἐξηρτύοντο.

§ 1.15.3 ἐτύγχανε δὲ Ἀρμενίας μὲν στρατηγὸς Δωρόθεος ὤν, ἀνὴρ ξυνετός τε καὶ πολέμων πολλῶν ἔμπειρος. Σίττας δὲ ἀρχὴν μὲν τὴν στρατηγίδα ἐν Βυζαντίῳ εἶχε, παντὶ δὲ τῷ ἐν Ἀρμενίοις στρατῷ ἐφειστήκει.

§ 1.15.4 οἳ δὴ στράτευμα πολεμίων γνόντες ἐν Περσαρμενίοις ἀγείρεσθαι, δορυφόρους δύο εὐθὺς ἔπεμψαν ἐφ’ ᾧ διασκοπήσαντες ἅπασαν σφίσι τῶν πολεμίων τὴν δύναμιν ἐσαγγείλωσιν.

§ 1.15.5 ἄμφω τε ἐν τῷ στρατοπέδῳ τῶν βαρβάρων γενόμενοι καὶ ἅπαντα ἐς τὸ ἀκριβὲς κατανοήσαντες ἀπηλλάσσοντο.

§ 1.15.6 ὁδῷ τε ἰόντες ἔς τι τῶν ἐκείνῃ χωρίων Οὔννοις πολεμίοις ἀπροσδόκητοι ἐντυγχάνουσιν. ὑφ’ ὧν ἅτερος μέν, Δάγαρις ὄνομα, δεθεὶς ἐζωγρήθη, ὁ δὲ δὴ ἄλλος φυγεῖν τε ἴσχυσε καὶ τοῖς στρατηγοῖς τὸν πάντα λόγον ἀπήγγειλεν.

§ 1.15.7 οἱ δὲ ἅπαν τὸ στράτευμα ἐξοπλίσαντες, τῶν πολεμίων τῷ στρατοπέδῳ ἐκ τοῦ αἰφνιδίου ἐπέστησαν.

§ 1.15.8 οἵ τε βάρβαροι τῷ ἀπροσδοκήτῳ καταπλαγέντες οὐκέτι ἐς ἀλκὴν ἔβλεπον, ἀλλ’ ἔφευγον ὡς ἕκαστός πη ἐδύνατο. ἐνταῦθα Ῥωμαῖοι κτείναντές τε συχνοὺς καὶ τὸ στρατόπεδον ληισάμενοι αὐτίκα δὴ ὀπίσω ἀπήλαυνον.

§ 1.15.9 Μερμερόης τε ξύμπασαν ἀγείρας τὴν στρατιὰν οὐ πολλῷ ὕστερον ἐς γῆν τὴν Ῥωμαίων ἐσέβαλλε, καὶ καταλαμβάνουσι τοὺς πολεμίους ἀμφὶ Σάταλαν πόλιν. οὗ δὴ ἐνστρατοπεδευσάμενοι ἐν χωρίῳ Ὀκτάβῃ ἡσύχαζον, ὅπερ τῆς πόλεως ἕξ τε καὶ πεντήκοντα σταδίους ἀπέχει.

§ 1.15.10 Σίττας μὲν οὖν χιλίους ἐπαγαγόμενος ὄπισθεν τῶν τινος λόφων ἐκρύπτετο, οἷοι πολλοὶ Σάταλαν τὴν πόλιν ἐν πεδίῳ κειμένην κυκλοῦσι.

§ 1.15.11 Δωρόθεον δὲ ξὺν τῷ ἄλλῳ στρατῷ ἐντὸς τοῦ περιβόλου ἐκέλευε μένειν, ἐπεὶ ἐν τῷ ὁμαλῷ τοὺς πολεμίους ὑφίστασθαι οἷοί τε εἶναι οὐδαμῆ ᾤοντο, οὐχ ἧσσον ἢ τρισμυρίους ὄντας, αὐτοὶ μόλις ἐς τὸ ἥμισυ ἐξικνούμενοι.

§ 1.15.12 τῇ δὲ ἐπιούσῃ ἡμέρᾳ οἱ βάρβαροι ἄγχιστα τοῦ περιβόλου γενόμενοι, κύκλωσιν αὐτοῦ ποιεῖσθαί τινα ἐν σπουδῇ εἶχον. ἄφνω δὲ κατιδόντες τοὺς ἀμφὶ Σίτταν ἐξ ὑψηλοῦ ἤδη ἐπ’ αὐτοὺς καταβαίνοντας, καὶ αὐτῶν ξυμμετρεῖσθαι τὸ πλῆθος ἥκιστα ἔχοντες, ἅτε κονιορτοῦ ὥρᾳ θέρους πολλοῦ ἐγκειμένου, πολλῷ τε πλείους ᾤοντο εἶναι καὶ τῆς κυκλώσεως κατὰ τάχος ἀφέμενοι ἐς ὀλίγον τινὰ χῶρον αὑτοὺς ξυναγαγεῖν ἠπείγοντο.

§ 1.15.13 φθάσαντες δὲ Ῥωμαῖοι καὶ διελόντες σφᾶς αὐτοὺς ἐς ξυμμορίας δύο ἀναχωροῦσιν ἐκ τοῦ περιβόλου ἐπέθεντο, ὅπερ ἐπειδὴ ἅπας εἶδεν ὁ Ῥωμαίων στρατός, ἐθάρσησάν τε καὶ δρόμῳ πολλῷ ἐκ τοῦ περιβόλου ξυρρέοντες ἐπὶ τοὺς ἐναντίους ἐχώρησαν.

§ 1.15.14 μέσους δὲ αὐτοὺς καταστησάμενοι εἰς φυγὴν ἔτρεψαν. πλήθει μέντοι, ὥσπερ ἐρρήθη, τῶν πολεμίων οἱ βάρβαροι ὑπεραίροντες ἔτι ἀντεῖχον, ἥ τε μάχη καρτερὰ ἐγεγόνει καὶ ἐκ χειρὸς ἦν.

§ 1.15.15 ἀγχιστρόφους δὲ τὰς διώξεις ἐποιοῦντο ἐς ἀλλήλους ἑκάτεροι, ἐπεὶ ἱππεῖς ἅπαντες ἦσαν. ἐνταῦθα Φλωρέντιος Θρᾷξ, καταλόγου ἱππικοῦ ἄρχων, εἰς μέσους ὁρμήσας τοὺς πολεμίους καὶ αὐτῶν τὸ στρατηγικὸν σημεῖον ἁρπάσας, ἐπικλίνας τε αὐτὸ ὡς μάλιστα, ὀπίσω ἀπήλαυνε.

§ 1.15.16 καὶ αὐτὸς μὲν καταληφθείς τε καὶ κρεουργηθεὶς αὐτοῦ ἔπεσε, τῆς δὲ νίκης Ῥωμαίοις αἰτιώτατος γέγονεν. ἐπεὶ γὰρ τὸ σημεῖον οἱ βάρβαροι οὐκέτι ἑώρων, ἐς ἀκοσμίαν τε πολλὴν καὶ ὀρρωδίαν ἐμπεπτωκότες ὑπεχώρησάν τε καὶ γενόμενοι ἐν τῷ στρατοπέδῳ ἡσύχαζον,

§ 1.15.17 πολλοὺς ἐν τῇ μάχῃ ἀποβαλόντες. τῇ τε ὑστεραίᾳ ἐπ’ οἴκου ἅπαντες ἀνεχώρησαν οὐδενὸς σφίσιν ἐπισπομένου, ἐπεὶ μέγα τε καὶ λόγου πολλοῦ ἄξιον ἐφαίνετο εἶναι τῷ Ῥωμαίων στρατῷ βαρβάρους τοσούτους τὸ πλῆθος ἔν τε τῇ σφετέρᾳ χώρᾳ ἐκεῖνα πεπονθέναι ἅπερ μοι ὀλίγῳ ἔμπροσθεν εἴρηται, καὶ ἐς τὴν πολεμίαν ἐμβεβληκότας ἀπράκτους τε καὶ οὕτω πρὸς τῶν ἐλασσόνων ἡσσημένους ἀπαλλαγῆναι.

§ 1.15.18 Τότε καὶ Περσῶν χωρία ἐν Περσαρμενίοις Ῥωμαῖοι ἔσχον, φρούριόν τε τὸ Βῶλον καὶ τὸ Φαράγγιον καλούμενον, ὅθεν δὴ τὸν χρυσὸν Πέρσαι ὀρύσσοντες βασιλεῖ φέρουσιν.

§ 1.15.19 ἐτύγχανον δὲ καὶ ὀλίγῳ πρότερον καταστρεψάμενοι τὸ Τζανικὸν ἔθνος, οἳ ἐν γῇ τῇ Ῥωμαίων αὐτόνομοι ἐκ παλαιοῦ ἵδρυντο· ἅπερ αὐτίκα ὅντινα ἐπράχθη τρόπον λελέξεται.

§ 1.15.20 Ἐκ τῶν Ἀρμενίας χωρίων ἐς Περσαρμενίαν ἰόντι ἐν δεξιᾷ μὲν ὁ Ταῦρός ἐστιν, ἔς τε Ἰβηρίαν καὶ τὰ ἐκείνῃ ἔθνη διήκων, ὥσπερ μοι ὀλίγῳ ἔμπροσθεν εἴρηται, ἐν ἀριστερᾷ δὲ κατάντης μὲν ἐπὶ πλεῖστον ἀεὶ προϊοῦσα ἡ ὁδὸς γίνεται, καὶ ὄρη ἀποκρέμαται λίαν ἀπότομα νεφέλαις τε καὶ χιόσι κεκαλυμμένα τὸν πάντα αἰῶνα,

§ 1.15.21 ἔνθεν ἐξιὼν ποταμὸς Φᾶσις φέρεται ἐς γῆν τὴν Κολχίδα. ταύτῃ τὸ ἐξ ἀρχῆς βάρβαροι, τὸ Τζανικὸν ἔθνος, οὐδενὸς κατήκοοι ᾤκηντο, Σάνοι ἐν τοῖς ἄνω χρόνοις καλούμενοι, λῃστείαις μὲν χρώμενοι ἐς τοὺς περιοίκους Ῥωμαίους, δίαιταν δὲ σκληρὰν ὑπερφυῶς ἔχοντες καὶ τοῖς φωρίοις ἀεὶ ἀποζῶντες· οὐ γάρ τι ἐς βρῶσιν αὐτοῖς ἀγαθὸν ἡ γῆ ἔφερε.

§ 1.15.22 διὸ δὴ αὐτοῖς χρυσίον τακτὸν ἀνὰ πᾶν ἔτος ὁ Ῥωμαίων βασιλεὺς ἔπεμπεν, ἐφ’ ᾧ δὴ μήποτε ληίσονται τὰ ἐκείνῃ χωρία.

§ 1.15.23 οἱ δὲ καὶ ὅρκους τοὺς σφίσι πατρίους ὑπὲρ τούτων ὀμνύντες καὶ τὰ ὀμωμοσμένα ἐν ἀλογίᾳ ποιούμενοι ἀπροσδόκητοί τε ἐμπίπτοντες ἐκ τοῦ ἐπὶ πλεῖστον ἐκακούργουν οὐκ Ἀρμενίους μόνον, ἀλλὰ καὶ τοὺς αὐτῶν ἐχομένους Ῥωμαίους μέχρι ἐς θάλασσαν, δι’ ὀλίγου τε τὴν ἔφοδον πεποιημένοι εὐθὺς ἐπ’ οἴκου ἀπεκομίζοντο.

§ 1.15.24 καὶ Ῥωμαίων ἴσως ἐντυχόντες στρατῷ ἡσσῶντο μὲν τῇ μάχῃ, ἁλώσιμοι δὲ παντάπασιν οὐκ ἐγίνοντο χωρίων ἰσχύϊ. μάχῃ τοίνυν ὁ Σίττας αὐτοὺς πρὸ τοῦδε τοῦ πολέμου νικήσας, ἐπαγωγά τε πολλὰ ἐς αὐτοὺς εἰπών τε καὶ πράξας,

§ 1.15.25 προσποιήσασθαι παντελῶς ἴσχυσε. τήν τε γὰρ δίαιταν ἐπὶ τὸ ἡμερώτερον μεταβαλόντες ἐς καταλόγους αὑτοὺς Ῥωμαϊκοὺς ἐσεγράψαντο, καὶ τὸ λοιπὸν ξὺν τῷ ἄλλῳ Ῥωμαίων στρατῷ ἐπὶ τοὺς πολεμίους ἐξίασι. τήν τε δόξαν ἐπὶ τὸ εὐσεβέστερον μετέθεντο, ἅπαντες Χριστιανοὶ γεγενημένοι. τὰ μὲν οὖν ἀμφὶ τοῖς Τζάνοις ταύτῃ πη ἔσχεν.

§ 1.15.26 ʽΥπερβάντι δὲ τὰ αὐτῶν ὅρια φάραγξ ἐστὶ βαθεῖά τε καὶ λίαν κρημνώδης, μέχρι ἐς τὰ Καυκάσια ὄρη διήκουσα. ἐνταῦθα χωρία τε πολυανθρωπότατά ἐστι καὶ ἄμπελός τε καὶ ἡ ἄλλη ὀπώρα διαρκῶς φύεται.

§ 1.15.27 καὶ μέχρι μὲν ἐς τριῶν ἡμερῶν ὁδὸν μάλιστα Ῥωμαίοις ἡ φάραγξ αὕτη ὑποτελὴς τυγχάνει οὖσα, τὸ δὲ ἐνθένδε οἱ Περσαρμενίων ὅροι ἐκδέχονται, οὗ δὴ καὶ τὸ τοῦ χρυσοῦ μέταλλόν ἐστιν ὅπερ Καβάδου δόντος ἐπετρόπευε τῶν τις ἐπιχωρίων Συμεώνης ὄνομα.

§ 1.15.28 οὗτος ὁ Συμεώνης, ἐπειδὴ ἀμφοτέρους ἐς τὸν πόλεμον ἀκμάζοντας εἶδε, Καβάδην τῆς τῶν χρημάτων προσόδου ἀποστερεῖν ἔγνω.

§ 1.15.29 διὸ δὴ αὑτόν τε καὶ τὸ Φαράγγιον Ῥωμαίοις ἐνδοὺς οὐδετέροις τὸν ἐκ τοῦ μετάλλου χρυσὸν ἀποφέρειν ἠξίου.

§ 1.15.30 Ῥωμαῖοι μὲν γὰρ οὐδὲν ἔπραττον, ἀποχρῆν σφίσιν ἡγούμενοι ἀπολωλέναι τοῖς πολεμίοις τὴν ἐνθένδε φοράν, Πέρσαι δὲ οὐχ οἷοί τε ἦσαν ἀκόντων Ῥωμαίων τοὺς ταύτῃ ᾠκημένους ἀντιστατούσης τῆς δυσχωρίας βιάζεσθαι.

§ 1.15.31 Ὑπὸ δὲ τοὺς αὐτοὺς χρόνους Ναρσῆς τε καὶ Ἀράτιος, οἳ Βελισαρίῳ καὶ Σίττᾳ ἐν Περσαρμενίων τῇ χώρᾳ κατ’ ἀρχὰς τοῦδε τοῦ πολέμου ἐς χεῖρας ἦλθον, ὥσπερ ἔμπροσθέν μοι δεδήλωται, ξὺν τῇ μητρὶ αὐτόμολοι ἐς Ῥωμαίους ἧκον, καὶ αὐτοὺς Ναρσῆς ὁ βασιλέως ταμίας ἐδέξατο ʽΠερσαρμένιος γὰρ καὶ αὐτὸς γένος ἐτύγχανἐ χρήμασί τε αὐτοὺς δωρεῖται μεγάλοις.

§ 1.15.32 ὅπερ ἐπειδὴ Ἰσαάκης, ὁ νεώτατος αὐτῶν ἀδελφός, ἔμαθε, Ῥωμαίοις λάθρα ἐς λόγους ἐλθὼν Βῶλον αὐτοῖς τὸ φρούριον, ἄγχιστά πη ὂν τῶν Θεοδοσιουπόλεως ὁρίων, παρέδωκε.

§ 1.15.33 στρατιώτας γὰρ ἐγγύς πη ἐπέστελλε κρύπτεσθαι, οὓς δὴ τῷ φρουρίῳ νύκτωρ ἐδέξατο, μίαν αὐτοῖς λάθρα ἀνακλίνας πυλίδα· οὕτω τε καὶ αὐτὸς ἐς Βυζάντιον ἦλθεν.

Wars 1.21

§ 1.21.1 Ἑρμογένης δὲ τότε, ἐπειδὴ τάχιστα ἡ πρὸς τῷ Εὐφράτῃ μάχη ἐγένετο, παρὰ Καβάδην ἐπὶ πρεσβείᾳ ἥκων, ἐπέραινεν οὐδὲν τῆς εἰρήνης πέρι ἧς ἕνεκα ἦλθεν, ἐπεὶ αὐτὸν οἰδαίνοντα ἔτι ἐπὶ Ῥωμαίους εὗρε· διὸ δὴ ἄπρακτος ἀνεχώρησε.

§ 1.21.2 καὶ Βελισάριος βασιλεῖ ἐς Βυζάντιον μετάπεμπτος ἦλθε περιῃρημένος ἣν εἶχεν ἀρχήν, ἐφ’ ᾧ ἐπὶ Βανδίλους στρατεύσειε.

§ 1.21.3 Σίττας δέ, Ἰουστινιανῷ βασιλεῖ τοῦτο δεδογμένον, ὡς φυλάξων τὴν ἑῴαν ἐνταῦθα ἦλθε.

§ 1.21.4 καὶ Πέρσαι αὖθις στρατῷ πολλῷ ἐς Μεσοποταμίαν, Χαναράγγου τε καὶ Ἀσπεβέδου καὶ Μερμερόου ἡγουμένων σφίσιν, ἐσέβαλον.

§ 1.21.5 ἐπεί τε αὐτοῖς ἐτόλμα οὐδεὶς ἐς χεῖρας ἰέναι, Μαρτυρόπολιν ἐγκαθεζόμενοι ἐπολιόρκουν, οὗ δὴ Βούζης τε καὶ Βέσσας τεταγμένοι ἐπὶ τῇ φυλακῇ ἔτυχον.

§ 1.21.6 αὕτη δὲ κεῖται μὲν ἐν τῇ Σοφανηνῇ καλουμένῃ χώρᾳ, πόλεως Ἀμίδης τεσσαράκοντά τε καὶ διακοσίοις σταδίοις διέχουσα πρὸς βορρᾶν ἄνεμον· πρὸς αὐτῷ δὲ Νυμφίῳ τῷ ποταμῷ ἐστιν, ὃς τήν τε Ῥωμαίων γῆν καὶ Περσῶν διορίζει.

§ 1.21.7 οἱ μὲν οὖν Πέρσαι τῷ περιβόλῳ προσέβαλλον, οἱ δὲ πολιορκούμενοι κατ’ ἀρχὰς μὲν αὐτοὺς ἀνδρείως ὑφίσταντο, οὐ διὰ πολλοῦ δὲ ἀνθέξειν ἐπίδοξοι ἦσαν.

§ 1.21.8 ὅ τε γὰρ περίβολος ἐπιμαχώτατος ἦν ἐκ τοῦ ἐπὶ πλεῖστον καὶ πολιορκίᾳ Περσῶν ῥᾷστα ἁλώσιμος, αὐτοί τε τὰ ἐπιτήδεια οὐ διαρκῶς εἶχον, οὐ μὴν οὐδὲ μηχανὰς οὐδέ τι ἄλλο ἀξιόχρεων καθ’ ὅ τι ἀμύνωνται.

§ 1.21.9 Σίττας δὲ καὶ ὁ Ῥωμαίων στρατὸς ἐς χωρίον μὲν Ἀτταχᾶς ἦλθον, Μαρτυροπόλεως ἑκατὸν σταδίοις διέχον, ἐς τὰ πρόσω δὲ οὐκ ἐτόλμων ἰέναι, ἀλλ’ αὐτοῦ ἐνστρατοπεδευσάμενοι ἔμενον.

§ 1.21.10 ξυνῆν δὲ αὐτοῖς καὶ Ἑρμογένης αὖθις ἐπὶ πρεσβείᾳ ἐκ Βυζαντίου ἥκων. ἐν τούτῳ δὲ τοιόνδε τι ξυνηνέχθη γενέσθαι.

§ 1.21.11 Κατασκόπους ἐκ παλαιοῦ ἔν τε Ῥωμαίοις καὶ Πέρσαις δημοσίᾳ σιτίζεσθαι νόμος, οἳ δὴ λάθρα ἰέναι παρὰ τοὺς πολεμίους εἰώθασιν ὅπως περισκοπήσαντες ἐς τὸ ἀκριβὲς τὰ πρασσόμενα εἶτα ἐπανιόντες τοῖς ἄρχουσιν ἐσαγγείλωσι.

§ 1.21.12 τούτων πολλοὶ μὲν εὐνοίᾳ, ὡς τὸ εἰκός, χρῆσθαι ἐς τοὺς ὁμογενεῖς ἐν σπουδῇ ἔχουσι, τινὲς δὲ καὶ τοῖς ἐναντίοις προΐενται τὰ ἀπόρρητα.

§ 1.21.13 τότε οὖν ἐκ Περσῶν κατάσκοπός τις ἐς Ῥωμαίους σταλεὶς ἐς ὄψιν τε Ἰουστινιανῷ βασιλεῖ ἥκων, ἄλλα τε πολλὰ ἐξεῖπεν ἐν τοῖς βαρβάροις πρασσόμενα καὶ ὡς γένος Μασσαγετῶν ἐπὶ τῷ Ῥωμαίων πονηρῷ αὐτίκα δὴ μάλα ἐς τὰ Περσῶν ἤθη ἐξίασιν, ἐνθένδε τε ἐς Ῥωμαίων τὴν γῆν ἰόντες τῷ Περσῶν στρατῷ ἕτοιμοί εἰσιν ἀναμίγνυσθαι·

§ 1.21.14 ὁ δὲ ταῦτα ἀκούσας, πεῖράν τε ἤδη τοῦ ἀνθρώπου ἀληθείας πέρι ἐς αὑτὸν ἔχων, χρήμασιν αὐτὸν ἁδροῖς τισι χαρισάμενος πείθει ἔς τε τὸ Περσῶν στρατόπεδον ἰέναι ὃ δὴ Μαρτυροπολίτας ἐπολιόρκει, καὶ τοῖς ταύτῃ βαρβάροις ἀγγεῖλαι ὅτι δὴ οἱ Μασσαγέται οὗτοι χρήμασιν ἀναπεισθέντες τῷ Ῥωμαίων βασιλεῖ μέλλουσιν ὅσον οὔπω ἐπ’ αὐτοὺς ἥξειν.

§ 1.21.15 ὁ δὲ κατὰ ταῦτα ἐποίει, ἔς τε τὸ τῶν βαρβάρων στρατόπεδον ἀφικόμενος τῷ τε Χαναράγγῃ καὶ τοῖς ἄλλοις ἀπήγγελλε στράτευμα Οὔννων πολεμίων σφίσιν οὐκ ἐς μακρὰν ἐς τοὺς Ῥωμαίους ἀφίξεσθαι.

§ 1.21.16 οἱ δὲ ἐπεὶ ταῦτα ἤκουσαν, κατωρρώδησάν τε καὶ ἐπὶ τοῖς παροῦσι διηποροῦντο.

§ 1.21.17 Ἐν τούτῳ δὲ ξυνέβη πονήρως τῷ Καβάδῃ νοσῆσαι τὸ σῶμα, καὶ Περσῶν ἕνα τῶν οἱ ἐν τοῖς μάλιστα ἐπιτηδειοτάτων καλέσας, Μεβόδην ὄνομα, ἐκοινολογεῖτο ἀμφί τε τῷ Χοσρόῃ καὶ τῇ βασιλείᾳ, δεδιέναι τε Πέρσας ἔφασκε μή τι τῶν αὐτῷ βεβουλευμένων ἀλογῆσαι ἐν σπουδῇ ἕξουσιν.

§ 1.21.18 ὁ δέ οἱ τῆς γνώμης τὴν δήλωσιν ἐν γράμμασιν ἀπολιπεῖν ἠξίου, θαρσοῦντα ὡς οὐ μή ποτε αὐτὴν ὑπεριδεῖν τολμήσωσι Πέρσαι.

§ 1.21.19 Καβάδης μὲν οὖν ἄντικρυς διετίθετο βασιλέα Χοσρόην Πέρσαις καθίστασθαι. τὸ δὲ γράμμα ὁ Μεβόδης αὐτὸς ἔγραφε, καὶ ὁ Καβάδης αὐτίκα ἐξ ἀνθρώπων ἠφάνιστο.

§ 1.21.20 καὶ ἐπεὶ τὰ νόμιμα πάντα ἐπὶ τῇ τοῦ βασιλέως ταφῇ ἐγεγόνει, ὁ μὲν Καόσης τῷ νόμῳ θαρσῶν ἐπεβάτευε τῆς τιμῆς, ὁ δὲ Μεβόδης ἐκώλυε, φάσκων οὐδένα χρῆναι αὐτόματον ἐς τὴν βασιλείαν ἰέναι, ἀλλὰ ψήφῳ Περσῶν τῶν λογίμων.

§ 1.21.21 καὶ ὃς ἐπέτρεπε ταῖς ἀρχαῖς τὴν περὶ τοῦ πράγματος γνῶσιν, οὐδὲν ἐνθένδε ἔσεσθαί οἱ ἐναντίωμα ὑποτοπάζων.

§ 1.21.22 ἐπεὶ δὲ ἅπαντες οἱ Περσῶν λόγιμοι ἐς τοῦτο ἀγηγερμένοι ἐκάθηντο, τὸ μὲν γράμμα ὁ Μεβόδης ἀναλεξάμενος τὴν Καβάδου ἀμφὶ τῷ Χοσρόῃ ἐδήλου γνώμην, ἀναμνησθέντες δὲ τῆς Καβάδου ἀρετῆς ἅπαντες βασιλέα Πέρσαις αὐτίκα Χοσρόην ἀνεῖπον.

§ 1.21.23 Οὕτω μὲν ὁ Χοσρόης τὴν ἀρχὴν ἔσχεν. ἐν δὲ Μαρτυροπόλει Σίττας τε καὶ Ἑρμόγενης ἀμφὶ τῇ πόλει δειμαίνοντες, ἀμύνειν γὰρ κινδυνευούσῃ οὐδαμῆ εἶχον, ἔπεμψάν τινας ἐς τοὺς πολεμίους, οἳ τοῖς στρατηγοῖς ἐς ὄψιν ἐλθόντες ἔλεξαν τοιάδε

§ 1.21.24 “Λελήθατε ὑμᾶς αὐτοὺς βασιλεῖ τε τῷ Περσῶν καὶ τοῖς τῆς εἰρήνης ἀγαθοῖς καὶ πολιτείᾳ ἑκατέρᾳ ἐμποδὼν οὐ δέον γινόμενοι. πρέσβεις γὰρ ἐκ βασιλέως ἐσταλμένοι τανῦν πάρεισιν, ἐφ’ ᾧ παρὰ τὸν Περσῶν βασιλέα ἰόντες τά τε διάφορα διαλύσουσι καὶ τὰς σπονδὰς πρὸς αὐτὸν θήσονται· ἀλλ’ ὡς τάχιστα ἐξανιστάμενοι τῆς Ῥωμαίων γῆς ξυγχωρεῖτε τοῖς πρέσβεσι πράσσειν ᾗ ἑκατέροις ξυνοίσειν μέλλει.

§ 1.21.25 ἕτοιμοι γάρ ἐσμεν ὑπὲρ τούτων αὐτῶν καὶ ὁμήρους διδόναι ἄνδρας δοκίμους, ὡς δὴ ἔργῳ οὐκ εἰς μακρὰν ἐπιτελῆ ἔσται.” Ῥωμαίων μὲν οἱ πρέσβεις τοσαῦτα εἶπον.

§ 1.21.26 ἐτύγχανε δὲ καὶ ἄγγελος ἐκ τῶν βασιλείων ἐς αὐτοὺς ἥκων, ὃς δὴ αὐτοῖς τετελευτηκέναι μὲν Καβάδην ἐσήγγελλε, Χοσρόην δὲ τὸν Καβάδου βασιλέα καταστῆναι Πέρσαις,

§ 1.21.27 ταύτῃ τε τὰ πράγματα ᾐωρῆσθαι σφίσι. καὶ ἀπ’ αὐτοῦ τοὺς Ῥωμαίων λόγους οἱ στρατηγοὶ ἄσμενοι ἤκουσαν, ἅτε καὶ τὴν Οὔννων ἔφοδον δείσαντες. Ῥωμαῖοι μὲν οὖν ἐν ὁμήρων λόγῳ εὐθὺς ἔδοσαν Μαρτῖνόν τε καὶ τῶν Σίττα δορυφόρων ἕνα, Σενέκιον ὄνομα· Πέρσαι δὲ διαλύσαντες τὴν προσεδρείαν εὐθύωρον τὴν ἀναχώρησιν ἐποιήσαντο.

§ 1.21.28 οἵ τε Οὖννοι οὐ πολλῷ ὕστερον ἐσβαλόντες εἰς γῆν τὴν Ῥωμαίων, ἐπεὶ τὸν Περσῶν στρατὸν ἐνταῦθα οὐχ εὗρον, δι’ ὀλίγου τὴν ἐπιδρομὴν ποιησάμενοι ἐπ’ οἴκου ἀπεκομίσθησαν ἅπαντες.

Wars 1.22

§ 1.22.1 Αὐτίκα δὲ καὶ Ῥουφῖνός τε καὶ Ἀλέξανδρος καὶ Θωμᾶς ὡς ξὺν Ἑρμογένει πρεσβεύσοντες ἦλθον, παρά τε Περσῶν τὸν βασιλέα πάντες ἀφίκοντο ἐς ποταμὸν Τίγρην.

§ 1.22.2 καὶ αὐτοὺς μὲν Χοσρόης ἐπειδὴ εἶδε, τοὺς ὁμήρους ἀφῆκε. τιθασσεύοντες δὲ Χοσρόην οἱ πρέσβεις ἐπαγωγά τε πολλὰ ἔλεξαν καὶ Ῥωμαίων ὡς ἥκιστα πρέσβεσι πρέποντα.

§ 1.22.3 οἷς δὴ χειροήθης ὁ Χοσρόης γενόμενος τὴν μὲν εἰρήνην πέρας οὐκ ἔχουσαν δέκα καὶ ἑκατὸν κεντηναρίων ὡμολόγει πρὸς αὐτοὺς θήσεσθαι, ἐφ’ ᾧ δὴ ὁ τῶν ἐν Μεσοποταμίᾳ στρατιωτῶν ἄρχων μηκέτι ἐν Δάρας τὸ λοιπὸν εἴη, ἀλλ’ ἐν Κωνσταντίνῃ τὸν ἅπαντα χρόνον διαγένοιτο ᾗπερ καὶ τὸ παλαιὸν εἴθιστο· φρούρια δὲ τὰ ἐν Λαζικῇ οὐκ ἔφη ἀποδώσειν, καίπερ αὐτὸς τό τε Φαράγγιον καὶ Βῶλον τὸ φρούριον δικαιῶν πρὸς Ῥωμαίων ἀπολαβεῖν.

§ 1.22.4 ἕλκει δὲ λίτρας τὸ κεντηνάριον ἑκατόν, ἀφ’ οὗ δὴ καὶ ὠνόμασται. κέντον γὰρ τὰ ἑκατὸν καλοῦσι Ῥωμαῖοι.

§ 1.22.5 τοῦτο δέ οἱ δίδοσθαι τὸ χρυσίον ἠξίου, ὡς μήτε πόλιν Δάρας Ῥωμαῖοι καθελεῖν ἀναγκάζωνται μήτε φυλακτηρίου τοῦ ἐν πύλαις Κασπίαις μεταλαχεῖν Πέρσαις.

§ 1.22.6 οἱ μέντοι πρέσβεις τὰ μὲν ἄλλα ἐπῄνουν, τὰ δὲ φρούρια ἐνδιδόναι οὐκ ἔφασκον οἷοί τε εἶναι, ἢν μὴ βασιλέως ἀμφ’ αὐτοῖς πύθωνται πρότερον.

§ 1.22.7 ἔδοξε τοίνυν Ῥουφῖνον μὲν ὑπὲρ τούτων ἐς Βυζάντιον στέλλεσθαι, τοὺς δὲ ἄλλους, ἕως αὐτὸς ἐπανίῃ, μένειν. καὶ χρόνος ἡμερῶν ἑβδομήκοντα Ῥουφίνῳ ξυνέκειτο ἐς τὴν ἄφιξιν.

§ 1.22.8 ἐπεὶ δὲ ὁ Ῥουφῖνος ἐς Βυζάντιον ἀφικόμενος βασιλεῖ ἀπήγγελλεν ὅσα Χοσρόῃ ἀμφὶ τῇ εἰρήνῃ δοκοῦντα εἴη, ἐκέλευσε βασιλεὺς κατὰ ταῦτα σφίσι τὴν εἰρήνην ξυνίστασθαι.

§ 1.22.9 Ἀλλ’ ἐν τούτῳ φήμη τις οὐκ ἀληθὴς ἥκουσα ἐς τὰ Περσῶν ἤθη βασιλέα Ἰουστινιανὸν ἤγγελλεν ὀργισθέντα Ῥουφῖνον κτεῖναι. οἷς δὴ Χοσρόης ξυνταραχθείς τε καὶ θυμῷ πολλῷ ἤδη ἐχόμενος τῷ παντὶ στρατῷ ἐπὶ Ῥωμαίους ᾔει. Ῥουφῖνος δέ οἱ μεταξὺ ἐπανήκων ἐνέτυχε πόλεως Νισίβιδος οὐ μακρὰν ἄποθεν.

§ 1.22.10 διὸ δὴ αὐτοί τε ἐν τῇ πόλει ταύτῃ ἐγένοντο καί, ἐπεὶ τὴν εἰρήνην βεβαιοῦν ἔμελλον, τὰ χρήματα οἱ πρέσβεις ἐνταῦθα ἐκόμιζον.

§ 1.22.11 ἀλλ’ Ἰουστινιανῷ βασιλεῖ τὰ Λαζικῆς φρούρια ξυγκεχωρηκότι μετέμελεν ἤδη, γράμματά τε ἄντικρυς ἀπολέγοντα τοῖς πρέσβεσιν ἔγραφε μηδαμῶς αὐτὰ προΐεσθαι Πέρσαις.

§ 1.22.12 διὸ δὴ Χοσρόης τὰς σπονδὰς θέσθαι οὐκέτι ἠξίου, καὶ τότε Ῥουφίνῳ ἔννοιά τις ἐγένετο ὡς ταχύτερα ἢ ἀσφαλέστερα βουλευσάμενος ἐς γῆν τὴν Περσῶν τὰ χρήματα ἐσκομίσειεν.

§ 1.22.13 αὐτίκα γοῦν ἐς τὸ ἔδαφος καθῆκε τὸ σῶμα, κείμενός τε πρηνὴς Χοσρόην ἱκέτευε τά τε χρήματα σφίσι ξυμπέμψαι καὶ μὴ ἐπὶ Ῥωμαίους εὐθὺς στρατεύειν, ἀλλὰ ἐς χρόνον τινὰ ἕτερον τὸν πόλεμον ἀποτίθεσθαι.

§ 1.22.14 Χοσρόης δὲ αὐτὸν ἐνθένδε ἐκέλευεν ἐξανίστασθαι, ἅπαντά οἱ ταῦτα χαριεῖσθαι ὑποσχόμενος. οἵ τε γοῦν πρέσβεις ξὺν τοῖς χρήμασιν ἐς Δάρας ἦλθον, καὶ ὁ Περσῶν στρατὸς ὀπίσω ἀπήλαυνε.

§ 1.22.15 Καὶ τότε μὲν Ῥουφῖνον οἱ ξυμπρεσβευταὶ δι’ ὑποψίας τε αὐτοὶ ἐς τὰ μάλιστα ἔσχον καὶ ἐς βασιλέα διέβαλλον, τεκμαιρόμενοι ὅτι δή οἱ ἅπαντα ὁ Χοσρόης ὅσα ἔχρῃζεν αὐτοῦ ἀναπεισθεὶς ξυνεχώρησεν.

§ 1.22.16 ἔδρασε μέντοι αὐτὸν διὰ ταῦτα βασιλεὺς οὐδὲν ἄχαρι. χρόνῳ δὲ οὐ πολλῷ ὕστερον Ῥουφῖνός τε αὐτὸς καὶ Ἐρμογένης αὖθις παρὰ Χοσρόην ἐστέλλοντο, ἔς τε τὰς σπονδὰς αὐτίκα ἀλλήλοις ξυνέβησαν, ἐφ’ ᾧ ἑκάτεροι ἀποδώσουσιν ὅσα δὴ ἀμφότεροι χωρία ἐν τῷδε τῷ πολέμῳ ἀλλήλους ἀφείλοντο, καὶ μηκέτι στρατιωτῶν τις ἀρχὴ ἐν Δάρας εἴη· τοῖς τε Ἴβηρσιν ἐδέδοκτο ἐν γνώμῃ εἶναι ἢ μένειν αὐτοῦ ἐν Βυζαντίῳ, ἢ ἐς σφῶν τὴν πατρίδα ἐπανιέναι. ἦσαν δὲ πολλοὶ καὶ οἱ μένοντες καὶ οἱ ἐπανιόντες ἐς τὰ πάτρια ἤθη.

§ 1.22.17 οὕτω τοίνυν τήν τε ἀπέραντον καλουμένην εἰρήνην ἐσπείσαντο, ἕκτον ἤδη ἔτος τὴν βασιλείαν Ἰουστινιανοῦ ἔχοντος.

§ 1.22.18 καὶ Ῥωμαῖοι μὲν τό τε Φαράγγιον καὶ Βῶλον τὸ φρούριον ξὺν τοῖς χρήμασι Πέρσαις ἔδοσαν, Πέρσαι δὲ Ῥωμαίοις τὰ Λαζικῆς φρούρια. καὶ Δάγαριν δὲ Ῥωμαίοις ἀπέδοσαν Πέρσαι, ἀντ’ αὐτοῦ ἕτερον κεκομισμένοι οὐκ ἀφανῆ ἄνδρα.

§ 1.22.19 οὗτος ὁ Δάγαρις χρόνῳ τῷ ὑστέρῳ πολλάκις Οὔννους ἐς γῆν τὴν Ῥωμαίων ἐσβεβληκότας μάχαις νικήσας ἐξήλασεν. ἦν γὰρ διαφερόντως ἀγαθὸς τὰ πολέμια. τὰς μὲν οὖν πρὸς ἀλλήλους σπονδὰς τρόπῳ τῷ εἰρημένῳ ἀμφότεροι ἐκρατύναντο.

Wars 2.1

§ 2.1.1 Χρόνῳ δὲ οὐ πολλῷ ὕστερον ὁ Χοσρόης μαθὼν ὡς καὶ Ἰταλίαν Βελισάριος Ἰουστινιανῷ βασιλεῖ προσποιεῖν ἤρξατο, οὐκέτι κατέχειν οἷός τε ἦν τὴν διάνοιαν, ἀλλὰ σκήψεις ἐπινοεῖν ἤθελεν ὅπως δὴ λόγῳ τινὶ εὐπρεπεῖ τὰς σπονδὰς λύσειεν.

§ 2.1.2 ὑπὲρ ὧν κοινολογησάμενος Ἀλαμουνδάρῳ ἐκέλευεν αὐτὸν ξυμπορίζεσθαι πολέμου αἰτίας.

§ 2.1.3 ὁ δὲ Ἀρέθᾳ ἐπικαλέσας ὅτι αὐτὸν περὶ γῆς ὁρίων βιάζοιτο, ἐς χεῖράς τε αὐτῷ ἐν σπονδαῖς ἦλθε καὶ γῆν τὴν Ῥωμαίων ἐπὶ ταύτῃ τῇ σκήψει καταθεῖν ἤρξατο.

§ 2.1.4 ἔφασκέ τε ὡς αὐτὸς οὐ λύει τὰς Περσῶν τε καὶ Ῥωμαίων σπονδάς, ἐπεὶ αὐτὸν ἐς ταύτας οὐδέτεροι ἐσεγράψαντο.

§ 2.1.5 καὶ ἦν δὲ οὕτως. οὐ γάρ τις πώποτε Σαρακηνῶν λόγος ἐν σπονδαῖς γέγονεν, ἅτε ξυνεχομένων τῷ Περσῶν τε καὶ Ῥωμαίων ὀνόματι.

§ 2.1.6 αὕτη δὲ ἡ χώρα, ἣ δὴ πρὸς ἑκατέρων τότε Σαρακηνῶν ἀντελέγετο, Στρᾶτα μὲν κέκληται, Παλμύρας δὲ πόλεως πρὸς νότον ἄνεμον τέτραπται, δένδρον μὲν ἤ τι τῶν ἐν τοῖς ληίοις ἀγαθῶν οὐδαμῆ φέρουσα ʽἡλιόκαυστος γὰρ ὑπερφυῶς ἐστἰ, προβάτων δέ τισιν ἐκ παλαιοῦ ἀνειμένη νομαῖς.

§ 2.1.7 Ἀρέθας μὲν οὖν Ῥωμαίων ἰσχυρίζετο εἶναι τὸν χῶρον, τῷ τε ὀνόματι τεκμηριούμενος οὗ δὴ πρὸς πάντων ἄνωθεν ἔτυχε ʽΣτρᾶτα γὰρ ἡ ἐστρωμένη ὁδὸς τῇ Λατίνων καλεῖται φωνᾖ καὶ μαρτυρίαις παλαιοτάτων ἀνδρῶν χρώμενος.

§ 2.1.8 Ἀλαμούνδαρος δὲ φιλονεικεῖν μὲν ὑπὲρ τοῦ ὀνόματος ἥκιστα ἐδικαίου, μισθοὺς δέ οἱ τοῦ ἐνταῦθα νομοῦ ἐκ παλαιοῦ ἔφασκε τοὺς τὰ πρόβατα κεκτημένους διδόναι.

§ 2.1.9 διὸ δὴ βασιλεὺς Ἰουστινιανὸς Στρατηγίῳ τε πατρικίῳ ἀνδρὶ καὶ τῶν βασιλικῶν θησαυρῶν ἄρχοντι, ἄλλως δὲ ξυνετῷ καὶ εὐπατρίδῃ, ἔτι μέντοι καὶ Σούμμῳ τῶν ἐν Παλαιστίνῃ στρατιωτῶν ἡγησαμένῳ, τὴν τῶν ἀντιλεγομένων ἐπέτρεψε δίαιταν.

§ 2.1.10 ὁ δὲ Σοῦμμος Ἰουλιανοῦ ἀδελφὸς ἦν, ὃς ὀλίγῳ ἔμπροσθεν ἐς Αἰθίοπάς τε καὶ Ὁμηρίτας ἐπρέσβευσε.

§ 2.1.11 καὶ αὐτοῖν ἅτερος μέν, Σοῦμμος, μὴ χρῆναι Ῥωμαίους καταπροΐεσθαι τὴν χώραν ἠξίου, Στρατήγιος δὲ βασιλέως ἐδεῖτο μὴ χώρας τινὸς ἕνεκα βραχείας τε καὶ ὡς ἥκιστα λόγου ἀξίας, ἀλλὰ ἀγόνου τε καὶ ἀκάρπου παντάπασιν οὔσης, Πέρσαις πολεμησείουσι σκήψεις τοῦ πολέμου χαρίζεσθαι· βασιλεὺς μὲν οὖν Ἰουστινιανὸς ταῦτα ἐν βουλῇ ἐποιεῖτο, καὶ χρόνος πολὺς ταύτῃ δὴ τῇ διαίτῃ ἐτρίβη.

§ 2.1.12 Χοσρόης δὲ ὁ Περσῶν βασιλεὺς λελύσθαι πρὸς Ἰουστινιανοῦ τὰς σπονδὰς ἔφασκε, πολλὴν ἐπιβουλὴν ἐς οἶκον τὸν αὐτοῦ ἄρτι ἐνδειξαμένου, οἷς δὴ ἑταιρίζεσθαι Ἀλαμούνδαρον ἐν σπονδαῖς ἐνεχείρησε.

§ 2.1.13 Σοῦμμον γὰρ ἔναγχος ἐπὶ διαίτῃ δῆθεν τῷ λόγῳ παρ’ αὐτὸν ἥκοντα ἐπαγγελίαις αὐτὸν περιελθεῖν μεγάλων χρημάτων, ἐφ’ ᾧ προσχωρήσει Ῥωμαίοις, γράμματά τε προΐσχετο ἃ δὴ πρὸς Ἀλαμούνδαρον ὑπὲρ τούτων Ἰουστινιανὸς βασιλεὺς ἔγραψε.

§ 2.1.14 καὶ πρὸς Οὔννων δέ τινας ἰσχυρίζετο αὐτὸν ἐπιστολὴν πέμψαι, ἐγκελευομένην αὐτοῖς ἐσβαλεῖν τε ἐς τὴν Περσῶν γῆν καὶ τοῖς ἐκείνῃ χωρίοις ἐπὶ πλεῖστον λυμήνασθαι. ἣν δή οἱ τοὺς Οὔννους αὐτοὺς ἔφασκεν ἐγχειρίσαι ἐς ὄψιν ἐλθόντας.

§ 2.1.15 ταῦτα μὲν Χοσρόης ἐπικαλῶν Ῥωμαίοις τὰς σπονδὰς λύειν διενοεῖτο. εἰ μέντοι ταῦτα λέγοντί οἱ ἀληθίζεσθαι ξυνέβαινεν, οὐκ ἔχω εἰπεῖν.

Wars 2.3

§ 2.3.1 Ἐν τούτῳ δὲ καὶ ἄλλο τι γενέσθαι τοιόνδε ξυνέβη. Συμεώνης ἐκεῖνος, ὁ τὸ Φαράγγιον Ῥωμαίοις ἐνδούς, Ἰουστινιανὸν βασιλέα πείθει, ἔτι τοῦ πολέμου ἀκμάζοντος, κώμαις αὐτόν τισιν ἀνδρῶν Ἀρμενίων δωρήσασθαι.

§ 2.3.2 κύριός τε τῶν χωρίων γενόμενος πρὸς τῶν αὐτὰ πάλαι κεκτημένων ἐξ ἐπιβουλῆς θνήσκει.

§ 2.3.3 ἐξειργασμένου δὲ τοῦ κακοῦ οἱ τοῦ φόνου αὐτουργοὶ φεύγουσιν ἐς τὰ Περσῶν ἤθη. ἀδελφὼ δὲ ἤστην δύο Περόζου παῖδε. βασιλεύς τε ταῦτα ἀκούσας τάς τε κώμας Ἀμαζάσπῃ παραδίδωσι τῷ Συμεώνου ἀδελφιδῷ καὶ ἄρχοντα κατεστήσατο Ἀρμενίοις αὐτόν.

§ 2.3.4 τοῦτον τὸν Ἀμαζάσπην, προϊόντος τοῦ χρόνου, Ἰουστινιανῷ βασιλεῖ τῶν τις ἐπιτηδείων διέβαλλεν, Ἀκάκιος ὄνομα, κακουργεῖν τε ἐς Ἀρμενίους καὶ βούλεσθαι Πέρσαις ἐνδοῦναι Θεοδοσιούπολίν τε καὶ ἄλλα ἄττα πολίσματα.

§ 2.3.5 ταῦτα εἰπὼν γνώμῃ βασιλέως Ἀκάκιος τὸν Ἀμαζάσπην δόλῳ ἔκτεινε, καὶ τὴν Ἀρμενίων ἀρχὴν δόντος βασιλέως ἔσχεν αὐτός.

§ 2.3.6 πονηρὸς δὲ ὢν φύσει ἔσχε καθ’ ὅ τι τὰ τῆς ψυχῆς ἤθη ἐνδείξοιτο. γέγονεν οὖν ἐς τοὺς ἀρχομένους ὠμότατος ἀνθρώπων ἁπάντων.

§ 2.3.7 τά τε γὰρ χρήματα ἐληίζετο οὐδενὶ λόγῳ καὶ φόρου αὐτοῖς ἀπαγωγὴν οὔποτε οὖσαν ἐς κεντηνάρια τέσσαρα ἔταξεν. Ἀρμένιοι δέ ʽφέρειν γὰρ οὐκέτι αὐτὸν οἷοί τε ἦσαν’ κτείνουσι τε ξυμφρονήσαντες τὸν Ἀκάκιον καὶ ἐς τὸ Φαράγγιον καταφεύγουσι.

§ 2.3.8 Διὸ δὴ Σίτταν ἐπ’ αὐτοὺς ἐκ Βυζαντίου βασιλεὺς ἔπεμψεν. ἐνταῦθα γὰρ ὁ Σίττας διέτριβεν, ἐπειδὴ Ῥωμαίοις ἐγένοντο αἱ πρὸς Πέρσας σπονδαί.

§ 2.3.9 ὃς δὴ ἐς Ἀρμενίους ἐλθὼν τὰ μὲν πρῶτα ἐς τὸν πόλεμον ὀκνηρῶς ᾔει, τιθασσεύειν μέντοι καὶ ἐπὶ τὰ πρότερα ἤθη ἀντικαθιστάναι τοὺς ἀνθρώπους ἠπείγετο, πείθειν βασιλέα ὑποσχόμενος ἀφεῖναι αὐτοῖς τὴν καινὴν τοῦ φόρου ἀπαγωγήν.

§ 2.3.10 ἐπεὶ δὲ αὐτὸν βασιλεὺς τῆς μελλήσεως πολλὰ ὀνειδίζων ἐκάκιζεν, ἠγμένος ταῖς Ἀδολίου διαβολαῖς τοῦ Ἀκακίου παιδός, ἐνταῦθα ἤδη ὁ Σίττας τὰ ἐς τὴν ξυμβολὴν ἐξηρτύετο.

§ 2.3.11 πρῶτον μὲν οὖν ὑποσχέσεσι πολλῶν ἀγαθῶν ἀναπείθειν τε καὶ ἑταιρίζεσθαι αὐτῶν τινας ἐνεχείρησεν, ὅπως αὐτῷ ῥᾴων τε καὶ ἀπονωτέρα ἡ ἐς τοὺς λοιποὺς ἐπικράτησις γένοιτο.

§ 2.3.12 καί οἱ τὸ τῶν Ἀσπετιανῶν καλουμένων γένος, μέγα τε ὂν καὶ πολυάνθρωπον,

§ 2.3.13 προσχωρεῖν ἤθελε. πέμψαντές τε παρὰ τὸν Σίτταν ἐν γράμμασιν ἐδέοντο διδόναι τὰ πιστὰ σφίσιν, ὅτι δή, ἢν ἐν τῷ ἔργῳ τοὺς ὁμογενεῖς ἀπολιπόντες ἥξωσιν ἐς τὴν Ῥωμαίων παράταξιν, κακῶν παντάπασιν ἀπαθεῖς μείνωσι, τὰ σφέτερα αὐτῶν ἔχοντες.

§ 2.3.14 ὁ δὲ αὐτοῖς ἄσμενός τε γράψας ἐν βιβλιδίῳ καθάπερ ἐδέοντο τὰ πιστὰ ἔδωκε, καὶ τὸ γράμμα κατασημηνάμενος ἐς αὐτοὺς ἔπεμψε.

§ 2.3.15 θαρσῶν τε ὡς δι’ αὐτῶν ἀμαχητὶ τοῦ πολέμου κρατήσει, τῷ παντὶ στρατῷ ἐς χωρίον Οἰνοχαλάκων ᾔει, ἔνθα τοὺς Ἀρμενίους ἐστρατοπεδεῦσθαι ξυνέβαινε.

§ 2.3.16 τύχῃ δέ τινι οἱ τὸ βιβλίον ἔχοντες ἑτέρᾳ ἰόντες ὁδῷ Ἀσπετιανοῖς ἐντυχεῖν οὐδαμῆ ἴσχυσαν.

§ 2.3.17 μοῖρα μέντοι τοῦ Ῥωμαίων στρατοῦ ὀλίγοις τισὶν αὐτῶν ἐντυχόντες, οὐκ εἰδότες τε τὰ ξυγκείμενα, ὡς πολεμίοις ἐχρήσαντο.

§ 2.3.18 καὶ αὐτὸς Σίττας ἐν σπηλαίῳ που παῖδάς τε αὐτῶν καὶ γυναῖκας λαβὼν ἔκτεινεν, ἢ τὸ γεγονὸς οὐ ξυνιεὶς ἢ δι’ ὀργῆς Ἀσπετιανοὺς ἔχων, ὅτι οἱ καθάπερ ξυνέκειτο οὐ προσεχώρουν.

§ 2.3.19 Οἱ δὲ θυμῷ ἤδη ἐχόμενοι ξὺν τοῖς ἄλλοις ἅπασιν ὡς ἐς μάχην ἐτάξαντο. ἅτε δὲ ἐν δυσχωρίαις χαλεπαῖς τε καὶ κρημνώδεσιν ἑκάτεροι ὄντες οὐκ ἐν ἑνὶ χώρῳ ἐμάχοντο, ἀλλὰ διασκεδαννύμενοι ἔν τε ὑπωρείαις καὶ φάραγξι. τετύχηκεν οὖν τῶν τε Ἀρμενίων ὀλίγους τινὰς καὶ Σίτταν τῶν ἑπομένων οὐ πολλοὺς ἔχοντα ἀλλήλων πη ἄγχιστα ἰέναι, φάραγγος σφίσι τινὸς μεταξὺ οὔσης.

§ 2.3.20 ἱππεῖς δὲ ἦσαν ἑκάτεροι. ὁ μὲν οὖν Σίττας, ὀλίγων οἱ ἐπισπομένων, ἐπὶ τοὺς ἐναντίους τὴν φάραγγα διαβὰς ἤλαυνεν, Ἀρμένιοι δὲ ὀπίσω ὑποχωρήσαντες ἔστησαν, καὶ ὁ Σίττας οὐκέτι ἐδίωκεν ἀλλ’ αὐτοῦ ἔμενεν.

§ 2.3.21 ἄφνω δέ τις τοῦ Ῥωμαίων στρατοῦ, Ἔρουλος γένος, δίωξιν ἐπὶ τοὺς πολεμίους πεποιημένος ἐνθένδε τε ξὺν θυμῷ ἀπελαύνων, παρὰ τοὺς ἀμφὶ τὸν Σίτταν ἦλθεν. ἐτύγχανε δὲ ὁ Σίττας ἐς τὸ ἔδαφος τὸ δόρυ ἐρείσας· ὃ δὴ ὁ τοῦ Ἐρούλου ἵππος ἐπιπεσὼν ξὺν πολλῇ ῥύμῃ κατέαξε.

§ 2.3.22 τόν τε στρατηγὸν τοῦτο ἠνίασεν ἐς τὰ μάλιστα, καὶ αὐτὸν τῶν τις Ἀρμενίων ἰδὼν ἔγνω τε καὶ Σίτταν αὐτὸν τοῖς ἄλλοις ἅπασιν ἰσχυρίζετο εἶναι. ξυνέβαινε γάρ οἱ ἐν τῇ κεφαλῇ κράνος οὐκ εἶναι. διὸ δὴ τοὺς πολεμίους οὐκ ἔλαθε ξὺν ὀλίγοις τισὶν ἐνταῦθα ἥκων.

§ 2.3.23 Σίττας μὲν οὖν, ἐπεὶ ταῦτα τοῦ Ἀρμενίου λέγοντος ἤκουσε καὶ τὸ δόρυ, ὥσπερ ἐρρήθη, οἱ ἀποκαυλισθὲν ἐς τὴν γῆν ἔκειτο, σπασάμενος τὸ ξίφος τὴν φάραγγα διαβαίνειν εὐθὺς ἐνεχείρησεν.

§ 2.3.24 οἱ δὲ πολέμιοι σπουδῇ πολλῇ ἐπ’ αὐτὸν ἤλαυνον, καί τις αὐτὸν καταλαβὼν ἐν τῇ φάραγγι ξίφει ἐς ἄκραν κεφαλὴν ἔτυψε πληγῇ ἐγκαρσίᾳ. καὶ τὸ μὲν βρέγμα ὅλον ἀφείλετο,

§ 2.3.25 τοῦ δὲ ὀστέου ὁ σίδηρος οὐδαμῆ ἥψατο. καὶ ὁ μὲν Σίττας ἔτι μᾶλλον ἢ πρότερον πρόσω ἤλαυνεν, Ἀρταβάνης δὲ Ἰωάννου παῖς Ἀρσακίδης ὄπισθεν ἐπιπεσὼν καὶ παίσας τῷ δόρατι ἔκτεινεν.

§ 2.3.26 οὕτω τε ὁ Σίττας ἐξ ἀνθρώπων ἠφάνιστο οὐδενὶ λόγῳ, ἀναξίως τῆς τε ἀρετῆς καὶ τῶν ἐς τοὺς πολεμίους ἀεὶ πεπραγμένων, ἀνὴρ τό τε σῶμα ἐς ἄγαν καλὸς γεγονὼς καὶ ἀγαθὸς τὰ πολέμια, στρατηγός τε ἄριστος τῶν καθ’ αὑτὸν οὐδενὸς ἥσσων.

§ 2.3.27 τινὲς δέ φασι τὸν Σίτταν οὐ πρὸς τοῦ Ἀρταβάνου ἀπολωλέναι, ἀλλὰ Σολόμωνα, λίαν ἐν Ἀρμενίοις ἀφανῆ ἄνδρα, τὸν ἄνθρωπον διαχρήσασθαι.

§ 2.3.28 Τελευτήσαντος δὲ Σίττα Βούζην βασιλεὺς ἐπὶ τοὺς Ἀρμενίους ἐκέλευσεν ἰέναι· ὃς ἐπεὶ ἄγχιστά που ἐγένετο, ἔπεμψε πρὸς αὐτοὺς βασιλεῖ τε καταλλάξειν Ἀρμενίους ὑποσχόμενος ἅπαντας καὶ ὑπὲρ τούτων ἐς λόγους οἱ ἐλθεῖν ἀξιῶν τῶν δοκίμων τινάς.

§ 2.3.29 οἱ μὲν οὖν ἄλλοι οὔτε πιστεύειν τῷ Βούζῃ εἶχον οὔτε τοὺς λόγους ἐνδέχεσθαι τοὺς αὐτοῦ ἤθελον. ἦν δέ τις αὐτῷ μάλιστα φίλος ἀνὴρ Ἀρσακίδης, Ἰωάννης ὄνομα, Ἀρταβάνου πατήρ, ὃς δὴ τῷ Βούζῃ τότε ἅτε φίλῳ θαρσήσας ξύν τε Βασσάκῃ τῷ κηδεστῇ καὶ ἄλλοις ὀλίγοις τισὶ παρ’ αὐτὸν ἦλθεν· οἳ δὴ ἐν χωρίῳ γενόμενοί τε καὶ αὐλισθέντες ἔνθα τῷ Βούζῃ τῇ ὑστεραίᾳ ἐντυχεῖν ἔμελλον, ᾔσθοντο ἐς κύκλωσιν πρὸς τοῦ Ῥωμαίων στρατοῦ ἥκοντες.

§ 2.3.30 πολλὰ μὲν οὖν τὸν Ἰωάννην Βασσάκης ὁ γαμβρὸς ἐλιπάρει δρασμοῦ ἔχεσθαι. ἐπεὶ δὲ αὐτὸν πείθειν οὐκ εἶχε, μόνον ἐνταῦθα καταλιπών, ξὺν τοῖς ἄλλοις ἅπασι λαθὼν τοὺς Ῥωμαίους ὁδῷ τῇ αὐτῇ ὀπίσω αὖθις ἀπήλαυνε.

§ 2.3.31 Βούζης τε τὸν Ἰωάννην μόνον εὑρὼν ἔκτεινε, καὶ ἀπ’ αὐτοῦ οὔτε τινὰ ἐλπίδα ἐς Ῥωμαίους Ἀρμένιοι ξυμβάσεως πέρι τὸ λοιπὸν ἔχοντες οὔτε βασιλέα τῷ πολέμῳ ὑπεραίρειν οἷοί τε ὄντες παρὰ τὸν Περσῶν βασιλέα ἦλθον, Βασσάκου σφίσιν ἡγουμένου, δραστηρίου ἀνδρός.

§ 2.3.32 ὧν τότε οἱ πρῶτοι Χοσρόῃ ἐς ὄψιν ἐλθόντες ἔλεξαν τοιάδε “Εἰσὶ μὲν ἡμῶν πολλοὶ Ἀρσακίδαι, ὦ δέσποτα, ἐκείνου Ἀρσάκου ἀπόγονοι ὃς δὴ οὔτε τῆς Πάρθων βασιλείας ἀλλότριος ἐτύγχανεν ὤν, ἡνίκα ὑπὸ Πάρθοις ἔκειτο τὰ Περσῶν πράγματα, καὶ βασιλεὺς ἐπιφανὴς γέγονε τῶν καθ’ αὑτὸν οὐδενὸς ἧσσον.

§ 2.3.33 πάρεσμεν δὲ τανῦν εἰς ὑμᾶς ἅπαντες δοῦλοί τε καὶ δραπέται γεγενημένοι, οὐχ ἑκούσιοι μέντοι, ἀλλ’ ἠναγκασμένοι ὡς μάλιστα, τῷ μὲν φαινομένῳ ὑπὸ τῆς Ῥωμαίων ἀρχῆς, τῷ δὲ ἀληθεῖ λόγῳ ὑπὸ σῆς,

§ 2.3.34 ὦ βασιλεῦ, γνώμης· εἴπερ ὁ τὴν ἰσχὺν τοῖς ἀδικεῖν βουλομένοις διδοὺς αὐτὸς ἂν φέροιτο καὶ τὴν αἰτίαν τῶν ἔργων δικαίως. εἰρήσεται δὲ μικρὸν ἄνωθεν ὅπως δὴ ἅπασι παρακολουθεῖν τοῖς πεπραγμένοις δυνήσεσθε.

§ 2.3.35 Ἀρσάκης γὰρ ὁ τῶν προγόνων τῶν ἡμετέρων βασιλεὺς ὕστατος ἐξέστη τῆς ἀρχῆς τῆς αὑτοῦ Θεοδοσίῳ τῷ Ῥωμαίων αὐτοκράτορι ἑκών γε εἶναι, ἐφ’ ᾧ δὴ ἅπαντες οἱ κατὰ γένος αὐτῷ μέλλοντες πάντα τὸν αἰῶνα προσήκειν τά τε ἄλλα βιοτεύσουσι κατ’ ἐξουσίαν καὶ φόρου ὑποτελεῖς οὐδαμῆ ἔσονται.

§ 2.3.36 καὶ διεσωσάμεθα τὰ ξυγκείμενα ἕως ὑμεῖς ταύτας πεποίησθε τὰς διαβοήτους σπονδάς, ἃς δὴ κοινόν τινα ὄλεθρον καλῶν τις, οἰόμεθα, οὐκ ἂν ἁμάρτοι.

§ 2.3.37 φίλων τε γὰρ καὶ πολεμίων τὸ ἐντεῦθεν ἀφροντιστήσας, ἅπαντα ξυνέχεέ τε καὶ ξυνετάραξε τὰ ἀνθρώπεια ὁ σός, ὦ βασιλεῦ, τῷ λόγῳ μὲν φίλος,

§ 2.3.38 ἔργῳ δὲ δυσμενής. ὅπερ καὶ αὐτὸς οὐκ εἰς μακρὰν εἴσῃ, ἐπειδὰν τάχιστα τοὺς ἑσπερίους οἷός τε ᾖ παντάπασι καταστρέψασθαι. τί γὰρ τῶν πρότερον ἀπειρημένων οὐκ ἔπραξεν; ἢ τί οὐκ ἐκίνησε τῶν εὖ καθεστώτων;

§ 2.3.39 οὐχ ἡμῖν μὲν φόρου ἀπαγωγὴν ἔταξεν οὐ πρότερον οὖσαν, καὶ Τζάνους τοὺς ὁμόρους ἡμῖν αὐτονόμους ὄντας δεδούλωται, τῷ δὲ βασιλεῖ τῶν ἀθλίων Λαζῶν ἄρχοντα Ῥωμαῖον ἐπέστησε; πρᾶγμα οὔτε τῇ φύσει τῶν πραγμάτων ξυμβαῖνον οὔτε λόγῳ ῥᾴδιον ἑρμηνεύεσθαι.

§ 2.3.40 οὐ Βοσπορίταις μὲν τοῖς Οὔννων κατηκόοις στρατηγοὺς ἔπεμψε καὶ τὴν πόλιν προσεποιήσατο οὐδὲν αὐτῷ προσῆκον, ὁμαιχμίαν δὲ πεποίηται πρὸς τὰς τῶν Αἰθιόπων ἀρχάς, ὧν καὶ ἀνήκοοι τὸ παράπαν Ῥωμαῖοι ἐτύγχανον ὄντες;

§ 2.3.41 ἀλλὰ καὶ Ὁμηρίτας τε καὶ θάλασσαν τὴν Ἐρυθρὰν περιβέβληται καὶ τὸν φοινικῶνα προστίθησι τῇ Ῥωμαίων ἀρχῇ.

§ 2.3.42 ἀφίεμεν γὰρ λέγειν τὰ Λιβύων τε καὶ Ἰταλῶν πάθη. ἡ γῆ τὸν ἄνθρωπον οὐ χωρεῖ ξύμπασα· μικρόν ἐστιν αὐτῷ πάντων ὁμοῦ τῶν ἀνθρώπων κρατεῖν.

§ 2.3.43 ὁ δὲ καὶ τὸν αἰθέρα περισκοπεῖ καὶ τοὺς ὑπὲρ τὸν ὠκεανὸν διερευνᾶται μυχούς, ἄλλην αὑτῷ τινα οἰκουμένην περιποιεῖσθαι βουλόμενος.

§ 2.3.44 τί οὖν ἔτι, ὦ βασιλεῦ, μέλλεις; τί δὲ τὴν κάκιστα ἀπολουμένην εἰρήνην αἰσχύνῃ, ὅπως δηλαδή σε ὑστάτην ποιήσηται βρῶσιν τῶν ἄλλων ἁπάντων;

§ 2.3.45 εἰ μέν ἐστί σοι βουλομένῳ μαθεῖν ὁποῖός τις ἂν Ἰουστινιανὸς ἐς τοὺς αὐτῷ εἴκοντας γένοιτο, ἐγγύθεν σοι τὸ παράδειγμα παρ’ ἡμῶν τε αὐτῶν ἐστι καὶ τῶν ταλαιπώρων Λαζῶν·

§ 2.3.46 εἰ δέ, ὅπως ποτὲ εἴωθε τοῖς τε ἀγνῶσι καὶ οὐδ’ ὁτιοῦν ἠδικηκόσι χρῆσθαι, Βανδίλους τε καὶ Γότθους καὶ Μαυρουσίους διαλογίζου.

§ 2.3.47 τό τε δὴ κεφάλαιον οὔπω λέλεκται. οὐκ Ἀλαμούνδαρον μὲν ἐν σπονδαῖς τὸν σόν, ὦ κράτιστε βασιλεῦ, δοῦλον ἀπάτῃ τε περιελθεῖν καὶ βασιλείας ἀποστῆσαι τῆς σῆς ἔργον πεποίηται, Οὔννους δὲ τοὺς οὐδαμόθεν αὐτῷ γνωρίμους ἐπὶ τοῖς σοῖς ἔναγχος ἑταιρίζεσθαι πράγμασιν ἐν σπουδῇ ἔσχε; καίτοι πρᾶξις ἀτοπωτέρα ταύτης οὐ γέγονεν ἐκ τοῦ παντὸς χρόνου.

§ 2.3.48 ἐπειδὴ γὰρ ᾔσθετο, οἶμαι, εἰς πέρας αὐτῷ ὅσον οὔπω ἀφίξεσθαι τὴν τῶν ἑσπερίων καταστροφήν, τοὺς ἑῴους ἤδη μετελθεῖν ὑμᾶς ἐγκεχείρηκεν, ἐπεὶ καὶ μόνον ἀπολέλειπται αὐτῷ ἐς ἀγῶνα τὸ Περσῶν κράτος.

§ 2.3.49 ἡ μὲν οὖν εἰρήνη τὸ ἐκείνου μέρος ἤδη σοι λέλυται, καὶ σπονδαῖς αὐτὸς πέρας ταῖς ἀπεράντοις ἐπέθηκε.

§ 2.3.50 λύουσι γὰρ τὴν εἰρήνην οὐχ οἳ ἂν ἐν ὅπλοις γένοιντο πρῶτοι, ἀλλ’ οἳ ἂν ἐπιβουλεύοντες ἐν σπονδαῖς τοῖς πέλας ἁλοῖεν.

§ 2.3.51 τὸ γὰρ ἔγκλημα τῷ ἐγκεχειρηκότι, κἂν ἀπῇ τὸ κατορθοῦν, πέπρακται. ὅπη ποτὲ δὲ ὁ πόλεμος χωρήσει παντί που δῆλον. οὐ γὰρ οἱ τὰς αἰτίας τῷ πολέμῳ παρασχόμενοι, ἀλλ’ οἱ τοὺς παρασχομένους αὐτὰς ἀμυνόμενοι, κρατεῖν ἀεὶ τῶν πολεμίων εἰώθασιν.

§ 2.3.52 οὐ μὴν οὐδὲ ἐξ ἀντιπάλου ἡμῖν τῆς δυνάμεως ὁ ἀγὼν ἔσται. Ῥωμαίοις γὰρ τῶν τε στρατιωτῶν πλείστους πρὸς ταῖς τῆς οἰκουμένης ἐσχατιαῖς ξυμβαίνει εἶναι, καὶ δυοῖν στρατηγοῖν, οἵπερ αὐτοῖς ἄριστοι ἦσαν, τὸν ἕτερον μὲν Σίτταν κτείναντες ἥκομεν, Βελισάριον δὲ οὔποτε Ἰουστινιανὸς τὸ λοιπὸν ὄψεται. οὗπερ ἐκεῖνος ὀλιγωρήσας μεμένηκε πρὸς ταῖς ἡλίου δυσμαῖς,

§ 2.3.53 αὐτὸς ἔχων τὸ Ἰταλῶν κράτος. ὥστε σοι ἐπὶ τοὺς πολεμίους ἰόντι ἀπαντήσει τῶν πάντων οὐδείς, ἕξεις δὲ καὶ ἡμᾶς εὐνοίᾳ τε, ὡς τὸ εἰκός, καὶ χωρίων ἐμπειρίᾳ πολλῇ τῷ σῷ στρατῷ ἐξηγουμένους.” ταῦτα ἐπεὶ Χοσρόης ἤκουσεν,

§ 2.3.54 ἥσθη τε καὶ ξυγκαλέσας εἴ τι ἐν Πέρσαις καθαρὸν ἦν ἐς πάντας ἐξήνεγκεν ἅ τε Οὐίττιγις ἔγραψε καὶ ὅσα οἱ Ἀρμένιοι εἶπον, ἀμφί τε τῷ πρακτέῳ βουλὴν προὔθηκεν.

§ 2.3.55 ἔνθα δὴ ἐλέχθησαν μὲν γνῶμαι πολλαὶ ἐφ’ ἑκάτερα φέρουσαι, τέλος δὲ πολεμητέα σφίσιν ἅμα ἦρι ἀρχομένῳ ἐπὶ Ῥωμαίους ἔδοξεν εἶναι.

§ 2.3.56 ἦν γὰρ τοῦ ἔτους μετόπωρον, τρίτον καὶ δέκατον ἔτος Ἰουστινιανοῦ βασιλέως τὴν αὐτοκράτορα ἀρχὴν ἔχοντος.

§ 2.3.57 οὐ μέντοι Ῥωμαῖοι τοῦτο ὑπώπτευον, οὐδὲ δὴ Πέρσας λύσειν ποτὲ τὰς ἀπεράντους καλουμένας σπονδὰς ᾤοντο, καίπερ Χοσρόην ἀκούσαντες τῷ τε σφῶν αὐτῶν βασιλεῖ ἐγκαλεῖν οἷς εὐημέρησεν ἐν ταῖς ἡλίου δυσμαῖς καὶ τὰ ἐγκλήματα ἐπιφέρειν ταῦτα ὧν ἄρτι ἐμνήσθην.

Wars 2.4

§ 2.4.1 Τότε καὶ ὁ κομήτης ἀστὴρ ἐφάνη, τὰ μὲν πρῶτα ὅσον εὐμήκης ἀνὴρ μάλιστα, ὕστερον δὲ καὶ πολλῷ μείζων. καὶ αὐτοῦ τὸ μὲν πέρας πρὸς δύοντα ἥλιον, ἡ δὲ ἀρχὴ πρὸς ἀνίσχοντα ἦν,

§ 2.4.2 αὐτῷ δὲ τῷ ἡλίῳ ὄπισθεν εἵπετο. ὁ μὲν. γὰρ ἐν αἰγοκέρῳ ἦν, αὐτὸς δὲ ἐν τοξότῃ. καὶ αὐτὸν οἱ μέν τινες ἐκάλουν ξιφίαν, ὅτι δὴ ἐπιμήκης τε ἦν καὶ λίαν ὀξεῖαν τὴν ἀρχὴν εἶχεν, οἱ δὲ πωγωνίαν, ἡμέρας τε πλείους ἢ τεσσαράκοντα ἐφάνη.

§ 2.4.3 οἱ μὲν οὖν ταῦτα σοφοὶ ἀλλήλοις ὡς ἥκιστα ὁμολογοῦντες ἄλλος ἄλλα προὔλεγον πρὸς τούτου δὴ τοῦ ἀστέρος σημαίνεσθαι· ἐγὼ δὲ ὅσα γενέσθαι ξυνηνέχθη γράφων δίδωμι ἑκάστῳ τοῖς ἀποβεβηκόσι τεκμηριοῦσθαι ᾗ βούλοιτο.

§ 2.4.4 μέγα μὲν εὐθὺς στράτευμα Οὐννικόν, διαβάντες ποταμὸν Ἴστρον, ξυμπάσῃ Εὐρώπῃ ἐπέσκηψαν, γεγονὸς μὲν πολλάκις ἤδη, τοσαῦτα δὲ τὸ πλῆθος κακὰ ἢ τοιαῦτα τὸ μέγεθος οὐκ ἐνεγκὸν πώποτε τοῖς ταύτῃ ἀνθρώποις. ἐκ κόλπου γὰρ τοῦ Ἰονίου οἱ βάρβαροι οὗτοι ἅπαντα ἐφεξῆς ἐληίσαντο μέχρι ἐς τὰ Βυζαντίων προάστεια.

§ 2.4.5 καὶ φρούρια μὲν δύο καὶ τριάκοντα ἐν Ἰλλυριοῖς εἷλον, πόλιν δὲ τὴν Κασσάνδρειαν κατεστρέψαντο βίᾳ ʽἣν οἱ παλαιοὶ Ποτίδαιαν ἐκάλουν, ὅσα γε ἡμᾶς εἰδέναἰ οὐ τειχομαχήσαντες πρότερον.

§ 2.4.6 καὶ τά τε χρήματα ἔχοντες αἰχμαλώτων τε μυριάδας δυοκαίδεκα ἀπαγόμενοι ἐπ’ οἴκου ἅπαντες ἀνεχώρησαν, οὐδενὸς σφίσιν ἐναντιώματος ἀπαντήσαντος.

§ 2.4.7 χρόνῳ τε τῷ ὑστέρῳ πολλάκις ἐνταῦθα γενόμενοι ἀνήκεστα ἐς Ῥωμαίους δεινὰ ἔδρασαν.

§ 2.4.8 οἳ δὴ καὶ ἐν Χερρονήσῳ τειχομαχήσαντες, βιασάμενοί τε τοὺς ἐκ τοῦ τείχους ἀμυνομένους καὶ διὰ τοῦ τῆς θαλάσσης ῥοθίου τὸν περίβολον ὑπερβάντες ὃς πρὸς κόλπῳ τῷ μέλανι καλουμένῳ ἐστίν, οὕτω τε ἐντὸς τῶν μακρῶν τειχῶν γεγενημένοι καὶ τοῖς ἐν Χερρονήσῳ Ῥωμαίοις ἀπροσδόκητοι ἐπιπεσόντες, ἔκτεινάν τε πολλοὺς καὶ ἠνδραπόδισαν σχεδὸν ἅπαντας.

§ 2.4.9 ὀλίγοι δέ τινες καὶ διαβάντες τὸν μεταξὺ Σηστοῦ τε καὶ Ἀβύδου πορθμόν, ληισάμενοί τε τὰ ἐπὶ τῆς Ἀσίας χωρία καὶ αὖθις ἐς Χερρόνησον ἀναστρέψαντες, ξὺν τῷ ἄλλῳ στρατῷ καὶ πάσῃ τῇ λείᾳ ἐπ’ οἴκου ἀπεκομίσθησαν.

§ 2.4.10 ἐν ἑτέρᾳ τε εἰσβολῇ τούς τε Ἰλλυριοὺς καὶ Θεσσαλοὺς ληισάμενοι, τειχομαχεῖν μὲν ἐνεχείρησαν ἐν Θερμοπύλαις, τῶν δὲ ἐν τοῖς τείχεσι φρουρῶν καρτερώτατα ἀμυνομένων διερευνώμενοι τὰς περιόδους παρὰ δόξαν τὴν ἀτραπὸν εὗρον ἣ φέρει εἰς τὸ ὄρος ὃ ταύτῃ ἀνέχει.

§ 2.4.11 οὕτω τε σχεδὸν ἅπαντας Ἕλληνας πλὴν Πελοποννησίων διεργασάμενοι ἀπεχώρησαν.

§ 2.4.12 Πέρσαι δὲ οὐ πολλῷ ὕστερον τὰς σπονδὰς λύσαντες ἔργα Ῥωμαίους τοὺς ἑῴους εἰργάσαντο ἅπερ ἐγὼ αὐτίκα δὴ μάλα δηλώσω.

§ 2.4.13 Βελισάριος ἐπεὶ τῶν Γότθων τε καὶ Ἰταλιωτῶν βασιλέα Οὐίττιγιν καθελὼν ζῶντα ἐς Βυζάντιον ἤνεγκεν. ὅπως δὲ ὁ Περσῶν στρατὸς ἐς γῆν τὴν Ῥωμαίων ἐσέβαλεν ἐρῶν ἔρχομαι.

§ 2.4.14 ἡνίκα Χοσρόου πολεμησείοντος Ἰουστινιανὸς βασιλεὺς ᾔσθετο, παραίνεσίν τε ποιεῖσθαί τινα καὶ τῆς ἐγχειρήσεως αὐτὸν ἀπαγαγεῖν ἤθελεν.

§ 2.4.15 ἐτύγχανε δέ τις ἐς Βυζάντιον ἥκων ἐκ Δάρας πόλεως, Ἀναστάσιος ὄνομα, δόξαν ἐπὶ ξυνέσει ἔχων, ὃς καὶ τὴν ἐν Δάρας ἔναγχος γενομένην τυραννίδα καταλελύκει.

§ 2.4.16 τοῦτον οὖν τὸν Ἀναστάσιον παρὰ Χοσρόην Ἰουστινιανὸς ἔπεμψε γράμματα γράψας·

§ 2.4.17 ἐδήλου δὲ ἡ γραφὴ τάδε “Ξυνετῶν μὲν ἀνθρώπων ἐστὶ καὶ οἷς τὰ ἐς τὸ θεῖον ἱκανῶς ἤσκηται πολέμου φυομένας αἰτίας, ἄλλως τε καὶ πρὸς ἄνδρας τὰ μάλιστα φίλους, σθένει παντὶ ἀποτέμνεσθαι· ἀξυνέτων δὲ καὶ τὰ τοῦ θεοῦ σφίσιν αὐτοῖς ῥᾷστα ποιουμένων πολέμια μάχης τε καὶ ταραχῆς ἀφορμὰς οὐδαμῆ οὔσας ἐπιτεχνᾶσθαι.

§ 2.4.18 εἰρήνην μὲν γὰρ καταλύσασιν ἐς πόλεμον ἰέναι οὐδὲν πρᾶγμά ἐστιν, ἐπεὶ τῶν ἐπιτηδευμάτων τὰ πονηρότατα καὶ τοῖς τῶν ἀνθρώπων ἀτιμοτάτοις εὔκολα τίθεσθαι ἡ τῶν πραγμάτων νενόμικε φύσις.

§ 2.4.19 πόλεμον δὲ κατὰ γνώμην διαθεμένοις αὖθις ἐπὶ τὴν εἰρήνην χωρεῖν ἀνθρώποις οἶμαι οὐ ῥᾴδιον εἶναι.

§ 2.4.20 καίτοι σὺ μὲν ἡμῖν γράμματα οὐκ ἐπίτηδες γεγραμμένα ἐπικαλεῖς, ταῦτά τε γνώμῃ αὐτονόμῳ τανῦν ἑρμηνεύειν ἐσπούδακας, οὐχ ᾗπερ ἡμεῖς διανοηθέντες γεγράφαμεν, ἀλλ’ ᾗ σοι τὰ βεβουλευμένα ἐπιτελεῖν οὐκ ἄνευ τινὸς παραπετάσματος ἐφιεμένῳ ξυνοίσειν δοκεῖ.

§ 2.4.21 ἡμῖν δὲ πάρεστιν Ἀλαμούνδαρον δεικνύναι τὸν σὸν γῆν ἔναγχος καταδραμόντα τὴν ἡμετέραν ἔργα ἐν σπονδαῖς διαπεπρᾶχθαι ἀνήκεστα, χωρίων ἁλώσεις, χρημάτων ἁρπαγάς, ἀνθρώπων φόνους τε καὶ ἀνδραποδισμοὺς τοσούτων τὸ πλῆθος, ὑπὲρ ὧν σε οὐκ αἰτιᾶσθαι ἡμᾶς, ἀλλ’ ἀπολογεῖσθαι δεήσει.

§ 2.4.22 τὰ γὰρ τῶν ἠδικηκότων ἐγκλήματα αἱ πράξεις, οὐχ αἱ διάνοιαι, δηλοῦσι τοῖς πέλας. ἀλλὰ καὶ τούτων τοιούτων ὄντων ἡμεῖς μὲν ἔχεσθαι καὶ ὣς τῆς εἰρήνης ἐγνώκαμεν, σὲ δὲ πολεμησείοντα ἐπὶ Ῥωμαίους ἀκούομεν ἀναπλάττειν αἰτίας οὐδαμόθεν ἡμῖν προσηκούσας.

§ 2.4.23 εἰκότως· οἱ μὲν γὰρ τὰ παρόντα περιστέλλειν ἐν σπουδῇ ἔχοντες καὶ σφόδρα ἐγκειμένας ἀποσείονται τὰς ἐπὶ τοὺς φίλους αἰτίας, οὓς δὲ ὁ τῆς φιλίας οὐκ ἀρέσκει θεσμός, καὶ τὰς οὐκ. οὔσας ἐφίενται πορίζεσθαι σκήψεις.

§ 2.4.24 ἀλλὰ ταῦτα μὲν οὐδὲ τοῖς τυχοῦσιν ἀνθρώποις, μή τί γε δὴ βασιλεῦσι, πρέπειν ἂν δόξειε.

§ 2.4.25 σὺ δὲ τούτων ἀφέμενος σκόπει μὲν τὸ μέτρον τῶν ἑκατέρωθεν κατὰ τὸν πόλεμον ἀπολουμένων καὶ τίς ἂν εἴη τῶν ξυμπεσουμένων τὴν αἰτίαν φέρεσθαι δίκαιος, λογίζου δὲ τοὺς ὅρκους, οὓς δὴ ὀμοσάμενός τε καὶ τὰ χρήματα κομισάμενος, εἶτα ἀτιμάσας οὐ δέον τέχναις τισὶν ἢ σοφίσμασι παραγαγεῖν οὐκ ἂν δύναιο· τὸ γὰρ θεῖον κρεῖσσον ἢ ἐξαπατᾶσθαι πέφυκε πρὸς

§ 2.4.26 πάντων ἀνθρώπων.” ταῦτα ἐπεὶ ὁ Χοσρόης ἀπενεχθέντα εἶδεν, ἐν μὲν τῷ αὐτίκα οὔτε τι ἀπεκρίνατο οὔτε τὸν Ἀναστάσιον ἀπεπέμψατο, ἀλλ’ αὐτοῦ μένειν ἠνάγκαζεν.

Wars 2.10

§ 2.10.1 Τούτου τοῦ πάθους χρόνῳ τινὶ πρότερον τέρας ὁ θεὸς ἐνδειξάμενος τοῖς ταύτῃ ᾠκημένοις ἐσήμηνε τὰ ἐσόμενα. τῶν γὰρ στρατιωτῶν, οἵπερ ἐνταῦθα ἐκ παλαιοῦ ἵδρυνται, τὰ σημεῖα πρότερον ἑστῶτα πρὸς δύοντά που τὸν ἥλιον, ἀπὸ ταὐτομάτου στραφέντα πρὸς ἀνίσχοντα ἥλιον ἔστησαν, ἐς τάξιν τε αὖθις ἐπανῆκον τὴν προτέραν οὐδενὸς ἁψαμένου.

§ 2.10.2 ταῦτα οἱ στρατιῶται ἄλλοις τε πολλοῖς ἄγχιστά πη παροῦσι καὶ τῷ χορηγῷ τῆς τοῦ στρατοπέδου δαπάνης ἔδειξαν, ἔτι τῶν σημείων κραδαινομένων. ἦν δὲ οὗτος ἀνήρ, Τατιανὸς ὄνομα, ξυνετὸς μάλιστα, ἐκ Μοψουεστίας ὁρμώμενος.

§ 2.10.3 ἀλλ’ οὐδ’ ὣς ἔγνωσαν οἱ τὸ τέρας τοῦτο ἰδόντες ὡς δὴ ἐκ βασιλέως τοῦ ἑσπερίου ἐπὶ τὸν ἑῷον τὸ τοῦ χωρίου ἀφίξεται κράτος, ὅπως δηλαδὴ διαφυγεῖν μηδεμιᾷ μηχανῇ δύνωνται οὕσπερ ἔδει ταῦτα ἅπερ ξυνηνέχθη παθεῖν.

§ 2.10.4 Ἐγὼ δὲ ἰλιγγιῶ πάθος τοσοῦτον γράφων τε καὶ παραπέμπων ἐς μνήμην τῷ μέλλοντι χρόνῳ, καὶ οὐκ ἔχω εἰδέναι τί ποτε ἄρα βουλομένῳ τῷ θεῷ εἴη πράγματα μὲν ἀνδρὸς ἢ χωρίου του ἐπαίρειν εἰς ὕψος, αὖθις δὲ ῥιπτεῖν τε αὐτὰ καὶ ἀφανίζειν ἐξ οὐδεμιᾶς ἡμῖν φαινομένης αἰτίας.

§ 2.10.5 αὐτῷ γὰρ οὐ θέμις εἰπεῖν μὴ οὐχὶ ἅπαντα κατὰ λόγον ἀεὶ γίγνεσθαι, ὃς δὴ καὶ Ἀντιόχειαν τότε ὑπέστη ἐς τὸ ἔδαφος πρὸς ἀνδρὸς ἀνοσιωτάτου καταφερομένην ἰδεῖν, ἧς τό τε κάλλος καὶ τὸ ἐς ἅπαντα μεγαλοπρεπὲς οὐδὲ νῦν ἀποκρύπτεσθαι παντάπασιν ἔσχεν.

§ 2.10.6 Ἡ μὲν οὖν ἐκκλησία καθαιρεθείσης τῆς πόλεως ἐλείφθη μόνη, πόνῳ τε καὶ προνοίᾳ Περσῶν οἷς τὸ ἔργον ἐπέκειτο τοῦτο.

§ 2.10.7 ἐλείφθησαν δὲ καὶ ἀμφὶ τὸ λεγόμενον Κεραταῖον οἰκίαι πολλαί, οὐκ ἐκ προνοίας ἀνθρώπων τινός, ἀλλ’ ἐπεὶ ἔκειντό που πρὸς ἐσχάτοις τῆς πόλεως, ἑτέρας αὐταῖς οὐδεμιᾶς τινος οἰκοδομίας ξυναπτομένης, τὸ πῦρ ἐς αὐτὰς ἐξικνεῖσθαι οὐδαμῆ ἴσχυσεν.

§ 2.10.8 ἐνέπρησάν τε καὶ τὰ ἐκτὸς τοῦ περιβόλου οἱ βάρβαροι, πλὴν τοῦ ἱεροῦ ὅπερ Ἰουλιανῷ ἀνεῖται ἁγίῳ, καὶ τῶν οἰκιῶν αἳ δὴ ἀμφὶ τὸ ἱερὸν τοῦτο τυγχάνουσιν οὖσαι.

§ 2.10.9 τοὺς γὰρ πρέσβεις ἐνταῦθα καταλῦσαι ξυνέπεσε. τοῦ μέντοι περιβόλου παντάπασιν ἀπέσχοντο Πέρσαι.

§ 2.10.10 Ὀλίγῳ δὲ ὕστερον ἥκοντες αὖθις παρὰ τὸν Χοσρόην οἱ πρέσβεις ἔλεξαν ὧδε, “Εἰ μὴ πρὸς παρόντα σέ, ὦ βασιλεῦ, οἱ λόγοι ἐγίνοντο, οὐκ ἄν ποτε ᾠόμεθα Χοσρόην τὸν Καβάδου ἐς γῆν τὴν Ῥωμαίων ἐν ὅπλοις ἥκειν, ἀτιμάσαντα μὲν τοὺς διομωμοσμένους σοι ἔναγχος ὅρκους, ὃ τῶν ἐν ἀνθρώποις ἁπάντων ὕστατόν τε καὶ ὀχυρώτατον εἶναι δοκεῖ τῆς ἐς ἀλλήλους πίστεώς τε καὶ ἀληθείας ἐνέχυρον, διαλύσαντα δὲ τὰς σπονδάς, ὧν ἡ ἐλπὶς ἀπολέλειπται μόνη τοῖς διὰ τὴν ἐν πολέμῳ κακοπραγίαν οὐκ ἐν τῷ ἀσφαλεῖ βιοτεύουσιν.

§ 2.10.11 οὐ γὰρ ἄλλο οὐδὲν τὸ τοιοῦτον εἴποι τις ἂν εἶναι ἢ τῶν ἀνθρώπων τὴν δίαιταν ἐς τὴν τῶν θηρίων μεταβεβλῆσθαι.

§ 2.10.12 ἐν γὰρ τῷ μηδαμῆ σπένδεσθαι τὸ πολεμεῖν ἀπέραντα λελείψεται πάντως, πόλεμος δὲ ὁ πέρας οὐκ ἔχων ἐξοικίζειν τῆς φύσεως τοὺς αὐτῷ χρωμένους ἐς ἀεὶ πέφυκε.

§ 2.10.13 τί δὲ καὶ βουλόμενος πρὸς τὸν σὸν ἀδελφὸν ὀλίγῳ πρότερον γέγραφας ὡς αὐτὸς εἴη τοῦ λελύσθαι τὰς σπονδὰς αἴτιος; ἦ δῆλον ὅτι ὁμολογῶν κακόν τι παμμέγεθες εἶναι τὴν τῶν σπονδῶν λύσιν;

§ 2.10.14 εἰ μὲν οὖν ἐκεῖνος οὐδὲν ἥμαρτεν, οὐ δικαίως τανῦν ἐφ’ ἡμᾶς ἥκεις· εἰ δέ τι τοιοῦτόν τ’ ἀδελφῷ τῷ σῷ εἰργάσθαι ξυμβαίνει, ἀλλὰ καὶ σοὶ μέχρι τούτου γε καὶ μὴ περαιτέρω διαπεπράχθω τὸ ἔγκλημα, ὅπως αὐτὸς κρείσσων εἶναι δοκῇς. ὁ γὰρ ἐν τοῖς κακοῖς ἐλασσούμενος,

§ 2.10.15 οὗτος ἂν ἐν τοῖς ἀμείνοσι νικῴη δικαίως. καίτοι ἡμεῖς ἐξεπιστάμεθα Ἰουστινιανὸν βασιλέα μηδεπώποτε τῆς εἰρήνης ἀπ’ ἐναντίας ἐληλυθέναι, καὶ σοῦ δεόμεθα μὴ τοιαῦτα ἐργάσασθαι Ῥωμαίους κακά, ἐξ ὧν Πέρσαις μὲν ὄνησις οὐδεμία ἔσται, σὺ δὲ τοῦτο κερδανεῖς μόνον, ἀνήκεστα ἔργα τοὺς ἄρτι σοι σπεισαμένους οὐ δέον εἰργάσθαι.” οἱ μὲν πρέσβεις τοσαῦτα εἶπον.

§ 2.10.16 Χοσρόης δὲ ταῦτα ἀκούσας ἰσχυρίζετο μὲν τὰς σπονδὰς πρὸς Ἰουστινιανοῦ βασιλέως λελύσθαι· καὶ τὰς αἰτίας κατέλεγεν ἅσπερ ἐκεῖνος παρέσχετο, τὰς μέν τινας καὶ λόγου ἀξίας, τὰς δὲ φαύλας τε καὶ οὐδενὶ λόγῳ ξυμπεπλασμένας· μάλιστα δὲ αὐτοῦ τὰς ἐπιστολὰς τοῦ πολέμου αἰτιωτάτας ἠξίου δεικνύναι πρός τε Ἀλαμούνδαρον καὶ Οὔννους αὐτῷ γεγραμμένας, καθάπερ μοι ἐν τοῖς ἔμπροσθεν λόγοις ἐρρήθη.

§ 2.10.17 ἄνδρα μέντοι Ῥωμαῖον ἐς τὴν Περσῶν γῆν ἐσβεβληκέναι ἢ πολέμια ἔργα ἐνδείξασθαι οὔτε λέγειν εἶχεν οὔτε δεικνύναι.

§ 2.10.18 οἱ μέντοι πρέσβεις πὴ μὲν τὰς αἰτίας οὐκ ἐς Ἰουστινιανὸν ἀνέφερον, ἀλλ’ ἐς τῶν ὑπουργηκότων τινάς, πὴ δὲ ὡς οὐχ οὕτω γεγονότων ἐπελαμβάνοντο τῶν εἰρημένων.

§ 2.10.19 τέλος δὲ χρήματα μέν οἱ πολλὰ ὁ Χοσρόης ἠξίου διδόναι Ῥωμαίους, παρῄνει δὲ μὴ τὰ χρήματα ἐν τῷ παραυτίκα μόνον παρεχομένους τὴν εἰρήνην ἐθέλειν ἐς τὸν πάντα αἰῶνα κρατύνασθαι.

§ 2.10.20 τὴν γὰρ ἐπὶ χρήμασι γινομένην ἀνθρώποις φιλίαν ἀναλισκομένοις ἐκ τοῦ ἐπὶ πλεῖστον ξυνδαπανᾶσθαι τοῖς χρήμασι.

§ 2.10.21 δεῖν τοίνυν Ῥωμαίους τακτόν τι φέρειν ἐπέτειον Πέρσαις. “Οὕτω γὰρ αὐτοῖς,” ἔφη, “τὴν εἰρήνην Πέρσαι βέβαιον ἕξουσι, τάς τε Κασπίας αὐτοὶ φυλάσσοντες πύλας καὶ οὐκέτι αὐτοῖς ἀχθόμενοι διὰ πόλιν Δάρας, ὑπὲρ ὧν ἔμμισθοι καὶ αὐτοὶ ἐς ἀεὶ ἔσονται.” “Οὐκοῦν,” οἱ πρέσβεις ἔφασαν,

§ 2.10.22 “ὑποτελεῖς Πέρσαι βούλονται Ῥωμαίους ἐς φόρου ἀπαγωγὴν ἔχειν.” “Οὔκ,

§ 2.10.23 ἀλλὰ στρατιώτας οἰκείους,” ὁ Χοσρόης εἶπεν, “ἕξουσι τὸ λοιπὸν Πέρσας Ῥωμαῖοι, μισθὸν τῆς ὑπουργίας αὐτοῖς χορηγοῦντες ῥητόν· ἐπεὶ καὶ Οὔννων τισὶ καὶ Σαρακηνοῖς ἐπέτειον χορηγεῖτε χρυσόν, οὐ φόρου αὐτοῖς ὑποτελεῖς ὄντες, ἀλλ’ ὅπως ἀδῄωτον γῆν τὴν ὑμετέραν φυλάξωσιν ἐς τὸν πάντα

§ 2.10.24 αἰῶνα.” τοιαῦτα Χοσρόης τε καὶ οἱ πρέσβεις πολλὰ πρὸς ἀλλήλους διαλεχθέντες, ξυνέβησαν ὕστερον ἐφ’ ᾧ Χοσρόην ἐν μὲν τῷ παραυτίκα κεντηνάρια πεντήκοντα πρὸς Ῥωμαίων λαβόντα, πέντε δὲ ἄλλων φερόμενον ἐπέτειον ἐς τὸν πάντα αἰῶνα δασμόν, μηδὲν αὐτοὺς ἐργάσασθαι περαιτέρω κακόν, ἀλλ’ αὐτὸν μὲν ὁμήρους ἐπὶ ταύτῃ τῇ ὁμολογίᾳ παρὰ τῶν πρέσβεων κεκομισμένον τὴν ἀποπορείαν παντὶ τῷ στρατῷ ἐς τὰ πάτρια ἤθη ποιήσασθαι, ἐνταῦθα δὲ πρέσβεις παρὰ βασιλέως Ἰουστινιανοῦ στελλομένους τὰς ἀμφὶ τῇ εἰρήνῃ ξυνθήκας ἐν βεβαίῳ τὸ λοιπὸν θέσθαι.

Wars 2.15

§ 2.15.1 Ἐν τούτῳ δὲ ὁ Χοσρόης ἐπὶ Κολχίδα τὸν στρατὸν ἦγε, Λαζῶν αὐτὸν ἐπαγομένων ἐξ αἰτίας τοιᾶσδε.

§ 2.15.2 Λαζοὶ τὰ μὲν πρῶτα γῆν τὴν Κολχίδα ᾤκουν, Ῥωμαίων κατήκοοι ὄντες, οὐ μέντοι ἐς φόρου ἀπαγωγήν, οὐδέ τι ἄλλο ἐπαγγέλλουσιν αὐτοῖς ἐπακούοντες, πλήν γε δὴ ὅτι ἐπειδὰν αὐτοῖς ὁ βασιλεὺς τελευτήσειε, ξύμβολα τῆς ἀρχῆς τῷ διαδεξομένῳ τὴν βασιλείαν ὁ Ῥωμαίων βασιλεὺς ἔπεμπε.

§ 2.15.3 τὰ δὲ τῆς χώρας ὅρια ξὺν τοῖς ἀρχομένοις ἐς τὸ ἀκριβὲς διεφύλασσεν, ὅπως δὴ μὴ Οὖννοι πολέμιοι ἐξ ὄρους τοῦ Καυκάσου, ὁμόρου σφίσιν ὄντος, διὰ Λαζικῆς πορευόμενοι ἐσβάλλωσιν ἐς γῆν τὴν Ῥωμαίων.

§ 2.15.4 ἐφύλασσον δὲ οὔτε αὐτοὶ χρήματα ἢ στρατιὰν πρὸς Ῥωμαίων δεχόμενοι οὔτε Ῥωμαίοις πη ξυστρατεύοντες, ἐπ’ ἐμπορίᾳ δὲ τῇ κατὰ θάλασσαν πρὸς Ῥωμαίους ἀεὶ τοὺς ἐν πόντῳ ᾠκημένους ἐργαζόμενοι.

§ 2.15.5 αὐτοὶ μὲν γὰρ οὔτε ἅλας οὔτε σῖτον οὔτε ἄλλο τι ἀγαθὸν ἔχουσι, δέρρεις δὲ καὶ βύρσας καὶ ἀνδράποδα παρεχόμενοι τὰ σφίσιν ἐπιτήδεια ἐκομίζοντο.

§ 2.15.6 ἐπειδὴ δὲ τὰ ἀμφὶ Γουργένει τῷ Ἰβήρων βασιλεῖ γενέσθαι ξυνέπεσεν, ὥσπερ μοι ἐν τοῖς ἔμπροσθεν λόγοις ἐρρήθη, στρατιῶται Ῥωμαίων ἐπιχωριάζειν Λαζοῖς ἤρξαντο, οἷς δὴ οἱ βάρβαροι οὗτοι ἤχθοντο, καὶ πάντων μάλιστα Πέτρῳ τῷ στρατηγῷ, ἐπηρεάζειν τοῖς ἐντυγχάνουσιν εὐπετῶς ἔχοντι.

§ 2.15.7 ὁ δὲ Πέτρος οὗτος ὥρμητο μὲν ἐξ Ἀρζανηνῆς, ἣ ἐκτὸς Νυμφίου ποταμοῦ ἐστι, Περσῶν κατήκοος ἐκ παλαιοῦ οὖσα, πρὸς Ἰουστίνου δὲ βασιλέως ἔτι παῖς ὢν ἠνδραπόδιστο, ἡνίκα Ἰουστῖνος μετὰ τὴν Ἀμίδης ἅλωσιν ξὺν τῷ Κέλερος στρατῷ ἐσέβαλλεν ἐς τὴν Περσῶν γῆν. φιλανθρωπίᾳ δὲ πολλῇ χρωμένου τοῦ κεκτημένου ἐς αὐτὸν ἐς γραμματιστοῦ ἐφοίτησε.

§ 2.15.8 καὶ τὰ μὲν πρῶτα Ἰουστίνου γραμματεὺς γέγονεν, ἐπεὶ δὲ Ἀναστασίου τετελευτηκότος Ἰουστῖνος τὴν βασιλείαν παρέλαβε Ῥωμαίων, ὁ Πέτρος στρατηγὸς γεγονὼς ἔς τε φιλοχρηματίαν εἴπερ τις ἄλλος ἐξώκειλε καὶ ἀβελτερίᾳ πολλῇ ἐς ἅπαντας ἐχρῆτο.

§ 2.15.9 Ὕστερον δὲ βασιλεὺς Ἰουστινιανὸς ἄλλους τε ἐς Λαζικὴν ἄρχοντας ἔπεμψε καὶ Ἰωάννην ὃν Τζίβον ἐκάλουν, ἄνδρα ἐξ ἀφανῶν μὲν καὶ ἀδόξων ἀρχὴν γεγονότα, ἐς στρατηγίαν δὲ ἀναβεβηκότα κατ’ ἄλλο οὐδὲν ἢ ὅτι πονηρότατός τε ἦν ἀνθρώπων ἁπάντων καὶ πόρους χρημάτων ἀδίκους ἱκανώτατος ἐξευρεῖν. ὃς δὴ ἅπαντα ἔσφηλέ τε καὶ συνετάραξε τὰ Ῥωμαίων τε καὶ Λαζῶν πράγματα.

§ 2.15.10 οὗτος καὶ βασιλέα Ἰουστινιανὸν πόλιν ἀνέπεισεν ἐπιθαλασσίαν, Πέτραν ὄνομα, ἐν Λαζοῖς δείμασθαι· ἐνταῦθά τε ὥσπερ ἐν ἀκροπόλει καθήμενος ἦγέ τε καὶ ἔφερε τὰ Λαζῶν πράγματα.

§ 2.15.11 τούς τε γὰρ ἅλας καὶ ὅσα ἄλλα φορτία Λαζοῖς ἀναγκαῖα ἐδόκει εἶναι, οὐκέτι φέρειν ἐς γῆν τὴν Κολχίδα τοῖς ἐμπόροις ἐξῆν, ἢ ἄλλοθι ἐνθένδε ὠνεῖσθαι, ἀλλ’ ἐν Πέτρᾳ ξυστησάμενος τὸ δὴ καλούμενον μονοπώλιον αὐτὸς κάπηλός τε καὶ ξυμπάσης τῆς περὶ ταῦτα ἐργασίας ἐπιστάτης ἐγίγνετο, ἅπαντα ὠνούμενός τε καὶ ἀποδιδόμενος Κόλχοις, οὐχ ᾗπερ εἴθιστο, ἀλλ’ ᾗπερ ἐξῆν.

§ 2.15.12 ἅμα δὲ καὶ ἄλλως οἱ βάρβαροι ἤχθοντο ἐπιχωριάζοντι αὐτοῖς οὐκ εἰωθὸς πρότερον τῷ Ῥωμαίων στρατῷ. ἃ δὴ οὐκέτι φέρειν οἷοί τε ὄντες Πέρσαις τε καὶ Χοσρόῃ προσχωρεῖν ἔγνωσαν, πρέσβεις τε αὐτίκα τοὺς ταῦτα διαπραξομένους κρύφα Ῥωμαίων παρ’ αὐτοὺς ἔπεμψαν.

§ 2.15.13 οἷς δὴ εἴρητο τὰ πιστὰ πρὸς Χοσρόου λαβοῦσιν ὅτι γε οὔποτε Λαζοὺς ἄκοντας ἐκδώσει Ῥωμαίοις, οὕτω δὴ αὐτὸν ξὺν τῷ Περσῶν στρατῷ ἐς τὴν χώραν ἐπαγαγέσθαι.

§ 2.15.14 Ἀφικόμενοι τοίνυν ἐς Πέρσας οἱ πρέσβεις καὶ Χοσρόῃ λάθρα ἐς ὄψιν ἐλθόντες ἔλεξαν τοιάδε “Εἴ τινας καὶ ἄλλους ἐκ τοῦ παντὸς χρόνου τῶν μὲν οἰκείων ἀποστάντας ὅντινα δὴ τρόπον, ἀνδράσι δὲ τὸ παράπαν ἀγνῶσι προσκεχωρηκότας οὐ δέον αὖθις εὖ ποιοῦσα ἡ τύχη ὡς μάλιστα ἀσμένους ἐπὶ τοὺς πρὶν ἐπανήγαγεν ἐπιτηδείους, τοιούτους δή τινας καὶ Λαζούς, ὦ μέγιστε βασιλεῦ,

§ 2.15.15 νόμιζε εἶναι. Κόλχοι γὰρ Πέρσαις σύμμαχοι τὸ ἀνέκαθεν ὄντες πολλά τε εἰργάσαντο αὐτοὺς ἀγαθὰ καὶ αὐτοὶ ἔπαθον· ὧν δὴ ἐν γράμμασι μνημεῖα πολλὰ ἡμεῖς τε ἔχομεν κἀν τοῖς βασιλείοις τοῖς σοῖς ἐς τὸ παρὸν διασώζεται.

§ 2.15.16 χρόνῳ δὲ ὕστερον τοῖς ἡμετέροις προγόνοις τετύχηκεν εἴτε παρ’ ὑμῶν ἀμεληθεῖσιν εἴτε ἄλλου του ἕνεκα ʽοὐ γὰρ ἔχομέν τι σαφὲς περὶ τούτων εἰδέναἰ Ῥωμαίοις ἐνσπόνδοις γενέσθαι.

§ 2.15.17 καὶ νῦν ἡμεῖς τε καὶ ὁ Λαζικῆς βασιλεὺς δίδομεν Πέρσαις ἡμᾶς τε αὐτοὺς καὶ γῆν τὴν ἡμετέραν ὅ τι βούλοισθε χρῆσθαι.

§ 2.15.18 δεόμεθα δὲ ὑμῶν οὑτωσὶ σκοπεῖσθαι περὶ ἡμῶν· εἰ μὲν οὐδὲν πρὸς Ῥωμαίων πεπονθότες δεινόν, ἀλλ’ ἀγνωμοσύνῃ ἐχόμενοι κεχωρήκαμεν εἰς ὑμᾶς, τήνδε ἡμῶν εὐθὺς ἀποσείσασθε τὴν ἱκετείαν, οὐδὲ ὑμῖν ποτε πιστοὺς ἔσεσθαι Κόλχους οἰόμενοι ʽφιλίας γὰρ διαλελυμένης ὁ τρόπος τῆς μετ’ ἐκείνην πρὸς ἑτέρους καθισταμένης ἔλεγχος γίγνεταἰ·

§ 2.15.19 εἰ δὲ λόγῳ μὲν φίλοι Ῥωμαίων, ἔργῳ δὲ ἀνδράποδα γεγονότες πιστά, ἔργα πεπόνθαμεν πρὸς τῶν ἐφ’ ἡμῖν τετυραννηκότων ἀνόσια, δέξασθε μὲν ἡμᾶς τοὺς πρόσθε ξυμμάχους, κτήσασθε δὲ δούλους οἷς φίλοις ἐχρῆσθε, μισήσατε δὲ τυραννίδα πικρὰν οὕτως ἡμῖν ἐν γειτόνων ἐγηγερμένην, τῆς δικαιοσύνης ἄξια πράσσοντες ἣν περιστέλλειν ἀεὶ πάτριον Πέρσαις.

§ 2.15.20 οὐ γὰρ ὁ μηδὲν αὐτὸς ἀδικῶν δίκαιος, εἰ μὴ καὶ τοὺς ὑφ’ ἑτέρων ἀδικουμένους ἔχων ἐν ἐξουσίᾳ ῥύεσθαι πέφυκεν.

§ 2.15.21 ἔνια δὲ εἰπεῖν ὧν τετολμήκασιν οἱ κατάρατοι Ῥωμαῖοι καθ’ ἡμῶν ἄξιον. τῷ μὲν γὰρ ἡμετέρῳ βασιλεῖ τὸ σχῆμα μόνον τῆς βασιλείας ἀπολιπόντες, αὐτοὶ τὴν ἐξουσίαν ἐπὶ τῶν ἔργων ἀφῄρηνται, καὶ κάθηται βασιλεὺς ἐν ὑπηρέτου μοίρα, τὸν ἐπιτάττοντα στρατηγὸν δεδιώς·

§ 2.15.22 στρατιᾶς δὲ ἡμῖν ἐπέστησαν πλῆθος, οὐχ ὅπως τὴν χώραν ἀπὸ τῶν ἐνοχλούντων φρουρήσουσιν ʽοὐ γὰρ οὐδέ τις τῶν ὁμόρων ἡμᾶς πλήν γε δὴ Ῥωμαίων ἠνώχλησεν̓, ἀλλ’ ὅπως ἡμᾶς ὥσπερ ἐν δεσμωτηρίῳ καθείρξαντες κύριοι τῶν ἡμετέρων γενήσονται.

§ 2.15.23 λογισάμενοι δὲ συντομωτέραν ποιήσασθαι τὴν τῶν ἡμῖν ὑπαρχόντων ἀφαίρεσιν, ὅρα, ὦ βασιλεῦ,

§ 2.15.24 ἐς ὁποίαν τινὰ ἔννοιαν ἦλθον· τῶν ἐπιτηδείων ἃ μὲν περιττὰ παρ’ ἐκείνοις εἶναι τετύχηκεν, ἀναγκάζουσιν οὐχ ἑκόντας ὠνεῖσθαι Λαζούς, ὅσα δὲ αὐτοῖς χρησιμώτατα φέρειν Λαζικὴ πέφυκεν, οἵδε ἀξιοῦσι δῆθεν τῷ λόγῳ παρ’ ἡμῶν πρίασθαι, τιμῆς ἑκατέρωθι γνώμῃ τῶν κρατούντων ὁριζομένης.

§ 2.15.25 οὕτω τε ξὺν τοῖς ἀναγκαίοις ἅπαν ἀφαιροῦνται τὸ χρυσίον ἡμᾶς, ὀνόματι μὲν τῷ τῆς ἐμπορίας εὐπρεπεῖ χρώμενοι, ἔργῳ δὲ ἡμᾶς ὡς ἔνι μάλιστα βιαζόμενοι. ἐφέστηκέ τε ἡμῖν ἄρχων κάπηλος, τὴν ἡμετέραν ἀπορίαν ἐργασίαν τινὰ τῇ τῆς ἀρχῆς ἐξουσίᾳ πεποιημένος.

§ 2.15.26 ἡ μὲν οὖν τῆς ἀποστάσεως αἰτία τοιαύτη τις οὖσα τὸ δίκαιον ἐφ’ ἑαυτῆς ἔχει· ὅσα δὲ ὑμῖν αὐτοῖς ξύμφορα ἔσται δεχομένοις τὴν Λαζῶν δέησιν αὐτίκα ἐροῦμεν.

§ 2.15.27 τῇ Περσῶν ἀρχῇ βασιλείαν ἀρχαιοτάτην προσθήσετε, μηκυνόμενόν τε ἀπ’ αὐτῆς ἕξετε τὸ τῆς ἡγεμονίας ἀξίωμα, μετεῖναι δὲ τῆς Ῥωμαίων θαλάσσης ὑμῖν διὰ τῆς ἡμετέρας ξυμβήσεται χώρας, ἐν ᾗ πλοῖά σοι, ὦ βασιλεῦ, ναυπηγουμένῳ βατὸν οὐδενὶ πόνῳ τὸ ἐν Βυζαντίῳ παλάτιον ἔσται. μεταξὺ γὰρ ἐναντίωμα οὐδέν ἐστι.

§ 2.15.28 προσθείη δ’ ἄν τις ὡς καὶ ληίζεσθαι τοὺς ὁμόρους βαρβάρους τὴν Ῥωμαίων γῆν ἀνὰ πᾶν ἔτος ἐφ’ ὑμῖν κείσεται.

§ 2.15.29 ὄρεσι γὰρ τοῖς Καυκασίοις ἐπιτείχισμα μέχρι τοῦδε γεγονέναι τὴν Λαζῶν χώραν πάντως που καὶ ὑμεῖς ξυνεπίστασθε.

§ 2.15.30 ἡγουμένου τοίνυν τοῦ δικαίου, προσόντος δὲ τοῦ ξυμφέροντος, τὸ μὴ οὐχὶ τοὺς λόγους προσέσθαι οὐδεμιᾶς ἂν εὐβουλίας οἰόμεθα εἶναι.” τοσαῦτα μὲν οἱ πρέσβεις εἶπον.

§ 2.15.31 Χοσρόης δὲ τοῖς λόγοις ἡσθεὶς ἀμύνειν τε Λαζοῖς ὡμολόγησε καὶ τῶν πρέσβεων ἐπυνθάνετο εἴ οἱ στρατῷ μεγάλῳ ἐς γῆν τὴν Κολχίδα ἰέναι δυνατὰ εἴη.

§ 2.15.32 πολλῶν γὰρ ἀπαγγελλόντων ἔφασκεν ἀκηκοέναι τὰ πρότερα δύσοδον ἐπιεικῶς καὶ ἀνδρὶ εὐζώνῳ τὴν χώραν εἶναι, κρημνώδη τε ὑπερφυῶς οὖσαν καὶ δένδροις συχνοῖς τε καὶ ἀμφιλαφέσιν ἐπὶ μακρότατον συνεχομένην.

§ 2.15.33 οἱ δέ οἱ ἰσχυρίζοντο παντὶ τῷ Περσῶν στρατῷ τὴν ἐκείνῃ ὁδὸν εὐπετῆ ἔσεσθαι, τέμνουσι μὲν τὰ δένδρα, ἐς δὲ τῶν κρημνῶν τὰς δυσχωρίας αὐτὰ ἐμβαλλομένοις.

§ 2.15.34 καὶ αὐτοὶ ὡμολόγουν τῆς τε ὁδοῦ ἡγεμόνες καὶ τοῦ ἔργου τούτου Πέρσαις ἔσεσθαι πρόπονοι.

§ 2.15.35 ταύτῃ ὁ Χοσρόης ἐπηρμένος τῇ ὑποθήκῃ στρατιάν τε πολλὴν ἤγειρε καὶ τὰ ἐς τὴν ἔφοδον ἐξηρτύετο, οὔτε τὸ βούλευμα ἐς Πέρσας ἐξενεγκών, πλήν γε δὴ οἷς τὰ ἀπόρρητα κοινολογεῖσθαι μόνοις εἰώθει, καὶ τοῖς πρέσβεσιν ἐπαγγείλας ὅπως τὰ πρασσόμενα μηδενὶ φράσωσιν, ἀλλ’ ἐς Ἰβηρίαν τῷ λόγῳ ἐστέλλετο, ὡς τὰ τῇδε καταστησόμενος πράγματα· ἔθνος γὰρ Οὐννικὸν ἐνταῦθά πη ἐπισκῆψαι τῇ Περσῶν ἀρχῇ ἐπεφήμιζεν.

Wars 2.16

§ 2.16.1 Ἐν τούτῳ δὲ γενόμενος Βελισάριος ἐν Μεσοποταμίᾳ πανταχόθεν τὸν στρατὸν ἤγειρε, καί τινας ἐς τὰ Περσῶν ἤθη ἐπὶ κατασκοπῇ ἔπεμπεν.

§ 2.16.2 αὐτὸς δὲ τοῖς πολεμίοις ἐνταῦθα ὑπαντιάσαι βουλόμενος, ἤν τινα ἐσβολὴν ἐς Ῥωμαίων τὴν γῆν αὖθις ποιήσωνται, διεῖπέ τε αὐτοῦ καὶ διεκόσμει τοὺς στρατιώτας, γυμνούς τε καὶ ἀνόπλους ἐπὶ πλεῖστον ὄντας, κατωρρωδηκότας τὸ Περσῶν ὄνομα.

§ 2.16.3 οἱ μὲν οὖν κατάσκοποι ἐπανήκοντες οὐδεμίαν τῶν πολεμίων ἰσχυρίζοντο ἐν τῷ παρόντι ἐσβολὴν ἔσεσθαι· πολέμου γὰρ Οὐννικοῦ ἀσχολίαν Χοσρόῃ ἑτέρωθι εἶναι.

§ 2.16.4 Βελισάριος δὲ ταῦτα ἀκούσας παντὶ τῷ στρατῷ αὐτίκα ἐσβάλλειν ἐς τῶν πολεμίων τὴν γῆν ἤθελε.

§ 2.16.5 καί οἱ Ἀρέθας τε ξὺν πολλῷ στρατῷ Σαρακηνῶν ἦλθε καὶ βασιλεὺς γράμματα γράψας ἐσβάλλειν κατὰ τάχος ἐς τὴν πολεμίων ἐπέστελλε γῆν.

§ 2.16.6 ξυγκαλέσας οὖν ἅπαντας τοὺς ἄρχοντας ἐν Δάρας ἔλεξε τοιάδε “Ἅπαντας ὑμᾶς, ὦ ξυνάρχοντες, πολέμων πολλῶν ἐμπείρους οἶδα, ξυνήγαγόν τε ἐν τῷ παρόντι, οὐχ ὅπως ὑπομνήσας ἢ παραίνεσίν τινα ποιησάμενος τὴν ὑμετέραν γνώμην ἐπὶ τοὺς πολεμίους ὁρμήσω ʽοὐ γὰρ λόγου δεῖσθαι ὑμᾶς τοῦ ἐς εὐτολμίαν ἐνάγοντος οἶμαἰ, ἀλλ’ ὅπως ξυμβουλήν τινα ἔν γε ἡμῖν αὐτοῖς ποιησάμενοι ἑλώμεθα μᾶλλον ἅπερ ἂν δοκῇ βέλτιστά τε καὶ ἄριστα τοῖς βασιλέως πράγμασιν εἶναι.

§ 2.16.7 πόλεμος γὰρ εὐβουλίᾳ πάντων μάλιστα κατορθοῦσθαι φιλεῖ. δεῖ δὲ τοὺς ἐς βουλὴν καθισταμένους αἰδοῦς τε καὶ φόβου παντάπασιν ἐλευθέραν ποιεῖσθαι τὴν γνώμην.

§ 2.16.8 ὅ τε γὰρ φόβος, ἀεὶ τοὺς αὐτῷ περιπεπτωκότας ἐκπλήσσων, οὐκ ἐᾷ τὴν διάνοιαν ἑλέσθαι τὰ κρείσσω, ἥ τε αἰδὼς ἐπισκιάζουσα τοῖς δόξασιν εἶναι ἀμείνοσιν ἐπὶ τὴν ἐναντίαν ἐκφέρει τὴν γνῶσιν.

§ 2.16.9 εἴ τι τοίνυν ἢ βασιλεῖ τῷ μεγάλῳ ἢ ἐμοὶ βεβουλεῦσθαι ὑπὲρ τῶν παρόντων δοκεῖ, μηδὲν ὑμᾶς τοῦτο εἰσίτω.

§ 2.16.10 ὁ μὲν γὰρ μακράν που ἀπολελειμμένος τῶν πρασσομένων,

§ 2.16.11 οὐκ ἔχει τοῖς καιροῖς ἁρμόσαι τὰς πράξεις· ὥστε φόβος οὐδεὶς ἀπ’ ἐναντίας αὐτῷ ἰόντας τὰ ξυνοίσοντα ἐργάζεσθαι τοῖς αὐτοῦ πράγμασιν.

§ 2.16.12 ἐμὲ δὲ ἄνθρωπόν τε ὄντα καὶ χρόνῳ μακρῷ ἐκ τῶν ἑσπερίων ἐνταῦθα ἐλθόντα μὴ οὐχὶ διαλαθεῖν τι τῶν δεόντων ἀδύνατον.

§ 2.16.13 ὥστε οὐδὲν τὴν ἐμὴν γνώμην αἰδεσθέντας ὑμᾶς προσήκει διαρρήδην εἰπεῖν ὅσα ἂν ξυνοίσειν ἡμῖν τε αὐτοῖς καὶ βασιλεῖ μέλλῃ.

§ 2.16.14 τὸ μὲν οὖν ἐξ ἀρχῆς ἐνθάδε ἥκομεν, ὦ ξυνάρχοντες, ὡς διακωλύσοντες τὸν πολέμιον ἐσβολήν τινα ἐς τὴν ἡμετέραν ποιήσασθαι, νῦν δέ, τῶν πραγμάτων ἡμῖν ἄμεινον ἢ κατ’ ἐλπίδας κεχωρηκότων, πάρεστι περὶ τῆς ἐκείνου βουλεύεσθαι.

§ 2.16.15 ἐφ’ ᾧ δὴ ξυνειλεγμένους ὑμᾶς δίκαιον, οἶμαι, οὐδὲν ὑποστειλαμένους εἰπεῖν ἅπερ ἂν ἄριστά τε δοκῇ καὶ ξυμφορώτατα ἑκάστῳ εἶναι.”

§ 2.16.16 Βελισάριος μὲν τοσαῦτα εἶπε. Πέτρος δὲ καὶ Βούζης ἐξηγεῖσθαι τῷ στρατῷ οὐδὲν μελλήσοντα ἐπὶ τὴν πολεμίαν ἐκέλευον. ὧν δὴ τῇ γνώμῃ εἵποντο εὐθὺς ὁ ξύλλογος ἅπας.

§ 2.16.17 Ῥεκίθαγγος μέντοι καὶ Θεόκτιστος, οἱ τῶν ἐν Λιβάνῳ στρατιωτῶν ἄρχοντες, ταὐτὰ μὲν τοῖς ἄλλοις ἀμφὶ τῇ ἐσβολῇ βούλεσθαι καὶ αὐτοὶ ἔφασαν, δεδιέναι δὲ μὴ σφῶν ἐκλελοιπότων τά τε ἐπὶ Φοινίκης καὶ Συρίας χωρία, κατ’ ἐξουσίαν μὲν Ἀλαμούνδαρος ταῦτα ληίζηται, βασιλεὺς δὲ σφᾶς δι’ ὀργῆς ἔχοι, ἅτε οὐ φυλάξαντας ἀδῄωτον τὴν χώραν ἧς ἦρχον, καὶ δι’ αὐτὸ συνεισβάλλειν τῷ ἄλλῳ στρατῷ οὐδαμῆ ἤθελον.

§ 2.16.18 Βελισάριος δὲ τὼ ἄνδρε τούτω ὡς ἥκιστα ἀληθῆ οἴεσθαι ἔλεγε. τοῦ γὰρ καιροῦ τροπὰς θερινὰς εἶναι. ταύτης δὲ τῆς ὥρας δύο μάλιστα μῆνας ἀνάθημα τῷ σφετέρῳ θεῷ Σαρακηνοὺς ἐς ἀεὶ φέροντας ἐν ταύτῃ ἐπιδρομῇ τινι οὔποτε χρῆσθαι ἐς γῆν ἀλλοτρίαν.

§ 2.16.19 διὸ δὴ ἑξήκοντα ἡμερῶν ὁμολογήσας ξὺν τοῖς ἑπομένοις ἄμφω ἀφήσειν, ἐκέλευε καὶ αὐτοὺς ξὺν τῷ ἄλλῳ στρατῷ ἕπεσθαι. Βελισάριος μὲν οὖν τὰ ἐς τὴν ἐσβολὴν σπουδῇ πολλῇ ἐξηρτύετο.

Wars 2.26

§ 2.26.1 Τῷ δὲ ἐπιγινομένῳ ἔτει Χοσρόης ὁ Καβάδου τὸ τέταρτον ἐς γῆν τὴν Ῥωμαίων ἐσέβαλλεν, ἐπὶ τὴν Μεσοποταμίαν τὸ στράτευμα ἄγων.

§ 2.26.2 αὕτη δὲ ἡ ἐσβολὴ τῷ Χοσρόῃ τούτῳ οὐ πρὸς Ἰουστινιανὸν τὸν Ῥωμαίων βασιλέα πεποίηται, οὐ μὴν οὐδὲ ἐπ’ ἄλλων ἀνθρώπων οὐδένα, ὅτι μὴ ἐπὶ τὸν θεὸν ὅνπερ Χριστιανοὶ σέβονται μόνον.

§ 2.26.3 ἐπειδὴ γὰρ ἐν τῇ πρώτῃ ἐφόδῳ Ἐδέσσης ἀποτυχὼν ἀνεχώρησε, πολλή τις ἐγεγόνει αὐτῷ τε καὶ μάγοις, ἅτε πρὸς τοῦ τῶν Χριστιανῶν θεοῦ ἡσσημένοις, κατήφεια.

§ 2.26.4 ἣν δὴ παρηγορῶν ὁ Χοσρόης ἐν τοῖς βασιλείοις Ἐδεσσηνοὺς μὲν ἀνδραποδιεῖν ἠπείλησεν ἅπαντας ἐς τὰ Περσῶν ἤθη, τὴν δὲ πόλιν μηλόβοτον καταστήσεσθαι.

§ 2.26.5 παντὶ γοῦν τῷ στρατῷ ἀγχοῦ Ἐδέσσης γενόμενος, Οὔννων τῶν οἱ ἑπομένων τινὰς ἐπὶ τὸν τῆς πόλεως περίβολον ἔπεμψεν ὃς δὴ τοῦ ἱπποδρόμου καθύπερθέν ἐστιν, ἄλλο μὲν οὐδὲν κακουργήσοντας, πρόβατα δὲ ἁρπασομένους ἅπερ οἱ ποιμένες πολλὰ ἐνταῦθά πη παρὰ τὸ τείχισμα στήσαντες ἔτυχον, χωρίου τε ἰσχύϊ θαρσοῦντες, ὅτι δὴ ἄναντες ὑπερφυῶς ἦν, καὶ οὔποτε τολμήσειν τοὺς πολεμίους οἰόμενοι οὕτω πη ἄγχιστα τοῦ τείχους ἰέναι.

§ 2.26.6 οἱ μὲν οὖν βάρβαροι τῶν προβάτων ἥπτοντο ἤδη, οἱ δὲ ποιμένες καρτερώτατα ἀμυνόμενοι διεκώλυον.

§ 2.26.7 Περσῶν τε τοῖς Οὔννοις ἐπιβεβοηθηκότων πολλῶν, ἀγέλην μὲν ἐνθένδε ἀφελέσθαι τινὰ οἱ βάρβαροι ἴσχυσαν, Ῥωμαίων δὲ στρατιωτῶν τε καὶ τῶν ἀπὸ τοῦ δήμου ἐπεξελθόντων τοῖς πολεμίοις, ἡ μὲν μάχη ἐκ χειρὸς γέγονεν, ἡ δὲ ἀγέλη αὐτόματος ἐς τοὺς ποιμένας ἐπανῆκεν αὖθις.

§ 2.26.8 τῶν τέ τις Οὔννων πρὸ τῶν ἄλλων μαχόμενος μάλιστα πάντων ἠνώχλει Ῥωμαίους.

§ 2.26.9 καί τις αὐτὸν ἀγροῖκος ἐς γόνυ τὸ δεξιὸν σφενδόνῃ ἐπιτυχὼν βάλλει, ὁ δὲ πρηνὴς ἀπὸ τοῦ ἵππου ἐς τὸ ἔδαφος εὐθὺς ἔπεσεν, ὃ δὴ Ῥωμαίους ἔτι μᾶλλον ἐπέρρωσεν.

§ 2.26.10 ἥ τε μάχη πρωὶ ἀρξαμένη ἐτελεύτα ἐς μέσην ἡμέραν, ἐν ᾗ ἑκάτεροι τὸ πλέον ἔχειν οἰόμενοι διελύθησαν.

§ 2.26.11 καὶ Ῥωμαῖοι μὲν ἐντὸς τοῦ περιβόλου ἐγένοντο, οἱ δὲ βάρβαροι ἀπὸ σταδίων τῆς πόλεως ἑπτὰ διεσκηνημένοι ἐστρατοπεδεύσαντο ἅπαντες.

§ 2.26.12 Τότε ὁ Χοσρόης εἴτε τινὰ ὄψιν ὀνείρου εἶδεν ἤ τις αὐτῷ ἔννοια γέγονεν, ὡς δὶς ἐγχειρήσας ἢν μὴ δυνατὸς εἴη Ἔδεσσαν ἐξελεῖν, πολλήν οἱ αἰσχύνην τινὰ περιβαλέσθαι ξυμβήσεται.

§ 2.26.13 διὸ δὴ πολλῶν χρημάτων ἀποδόσθαι τὴν ἀναχώρησιν Ἐδεσσηνοῖς ἔγνω.

§ 2.26.14 τῇ γοῦν ἐπιγινομένῃ ἡμέρᾳ Παῦλος ἑρμηνεὺς παρὰ τὸ τεῖχος ἥκων ἔφασκε Ῥωμαίους χρῆναι παρὰ Χοσρόην σταλῆναι τῶν δοκίμων τινάς.

§ 2.26.15 οἱ δὲ κατὰ τάχος τέσσαρας ἀπολεξάμενοι τῶν ἐν σφίσιν αὐτοῖς ἐπιφανῶν ἔπεμψαν.

§ 2.26.16 οἶς δὴ ἐς τὸ Μήδων ἀφικομένοις στρατόπεδον ἐντυχὼν γνώμῃ βασιλέως ὁ Ζαβεργάνης ἀπειλαῖς τε πολλαῖς δεδιξάμενος ἀνεπυνθάνετο αὐτῶν ὁπότερα σφίσιν αἱρετώτερα τυγχάνει ὄντα, πότερον τὰ ἐς τὴν εἰρήνην, ἢ τὰ ἐς τὸν πόλεμον ἄγοντα.

§ 2.26.17 τῶν δὲ τὴν εἰρήνην ἑλέσθαι ἂν πρὸ τῶν κινδύνων ὁμολογούντων, “Οὐκοῦν,” ἔφη ὁ Ζαβεργάνης, “ὠνεῖσθαι ὑμᾶς ταύτην ἀνάγκη χρημάτων πολλῶν.”

§ 2.26.18 οἵ τε πρέσβεις ἔφασαν τοσαῦτα δώσειν ὅσα παρέσχοντο πρότερον, ἡνίκα τὴν Ἀντιόχειαν ἐξελὼν ἐπ’ αὐτοὺς ἦλθε.

§ 2.26.19 καὶ ὁ Ζαβεργάνης αὐτοὺς ξὺν γέλωτι ἀπεπέμψατο, ἐφ’ ᾧ ἐνδελεχέστατα βουλευσάμενοι ἀμφὶ τῇ σωτηρίᾳ οὕτω δὴ αὖθις παρ’ αὐτοὺς ἔλθωσιν.

§ 2.26.20 ὀλίγῳ τε ὕστερον μεταπεμψάμενος αὐτοὺς ὁ Χοσρόης, ἐπειδὴ παρ’ αὐτὸν ἵκοντο, κατέλεξε μὲν ὅσα τε πρότερον καὶ ὅντινα τρόπον ἐξηνδραπόδισε Ῥωμαίων χωρία, ἠπείλησε δὲ τὰ δεινότερα Ἐδεσσηνοῖς πρὸς Περσῶν ἔσεσθαι, εἰ μὴ πάντα σφίσι τὰ χρήματα δοῖεν ὅσα τοῦ περιβόλου ἐντὸς ἔχουσιν· οὕτω γὰρ μόνως ἐνθένδε ἀπαλλαγήσεσθαι τὸν στρατὸν ἔφασκε.

§ 2.26.21 ταῦτα οἱ πρέσβεις ἀκούσαντες ὡμολόγουν μὲν παρὰ Χοσρόου τὴν εἰρήνην ὠνήσεσθαι, ἤν γε σφίσι μὴ τὰ ἀδύνατα ἐπαγγείλειε· τοῦ δὲ κινδύνου τὸ πέρας οὐδενὶ τῶν πάντων ἔφασαν πρὸ τῆς ἀγωνίας ἔνδηλον εἶναι.

§ 2.26.22 πόλεμον γὰρ τοῖς αὐτὸν διαφέρουσιν ἐπὶ τοῖς ὁμολογουμένοις οὐ μή ποτε εἶναι. τότε μὲν οὖν ξὺν ὀργῇ ὁ Χοσρόης τοὺς πρέσβεις ἐκέλευεν ὅτι τάχιστα ἀπαλλάσσεσθαι.

§ 2.26.23 Ἡμέρᾳ δὲ ἀπὸ τῆς προσεδρείας ὀγδόῃ λόφον ἐπαναστῆσαι χειροποίητον τῷ τῆς πόλεως περιβόλῳ βουλόμενος, ἐπεὶ τὰ δένδρα ἐκτεμὼν αὐτοῖς φύλλοις πολλὰ ἐκ χωρίων ἐγγύς πη ὄντων πρὸ τοῦ τείχους ἐν τετραγώνῳ ξυνέθηκεν, οὗ δὴ βέλος ἐκ τῆς πόλεως ἐξικνεῖσθαι ἀδύνατα ἦν, χοῦν τε πολύν τινα ἀτεχνῶς ὕπερθεν τῶν δένδρων ξυναμησάμενος μέγα τι χρῆμα λίθων ἐπέβαλλεν, οὐκ ἐχόντων εἰς οἰκοδομίαν ἐπιτηδείως, ἀλλ’ εἰκῆ τμηθέντων, ἐκείνου μόνου ἐπιμελούμενος, ὅπως δὴ ὁ λόφος ὅτι τάχιστα ἐς ὕψος μέγα ἐπαίροιτο.

§ 2.26.24 καὶ ξύλα μακρὰ τοῦ τε χοῦ καὶ τῶν λίθων μεταξὺ ἐς ἀεὶ ἐμβαλλόμενος ἔνδεσμον ἐποιεῖτο τοῦ ἔργου,

§ 2.26.25 ὅπως μὴ ὑψηλὸν γενόμενον ἀσθενὲς εἴη. Πέτρος δὲ ὁ Ῥωμαίων στρατηγὸς ʽἐνταῦθα γὰρ ξὺν Μαρτίνῳ καὶ Περανίῳ ἐτύγχανεν ὢν’ τοὺς ταῦτα ἐργαζομένους ἀναστέλλειν ἐθέλων Οὔννων τῶν οἱ ἑπομένων τινὰς ἐπ’ αὐτοὺς ἔπεμψεν.

§ 2.26.26 οἱ δὲ πολλοὺς ἐκ τοῦ αἰφνιδίου ἐπελθόντες ἀνεῖλον, καὶ πάντων μάλιστα τῶν τις δορυφόρων, Ἀργὴκ ὄνομα·

§ 2.26.27 μόνος γὰρ ἑπτὰ καὶ εἴκοσιν ἔκτεινε. τῶν μέντοι βαρβάρων φυλακὴν ἀκριβῆ τὸ λοιπὸν ποιουμένων, οὐκέτι ἐπεξιέναι τινὲς ἐπ’ αὐτοὺς ἔσχον.

§ 2.26.28 ἐπεὶ δὲ προϊόντες ἐντὸς βέλους οἱ τεχνῖται τοῦ ἔργου τούτου ἐγένοντο, καρτερώτατα ἤδη ἀμυνόμενοι ἀπὸ τοῦ περιβόλου Ῥωμαῖοι τάς τε σφενδόνας ἐπ’ αὐτοὺς καὶ τὰ τόξα ἐνήργουν. διὸ δὴ οἱ βάρβαροι ἐπενόουν τάδε.

§ 2.26.29 προκαλύμματα ἐκ τραγείων τριχῶν, ἃ δὴ καλοῦσι Κιλίκια, πάχους τε καὶ μήκους διαρκῶς ἔχοντα, ἀρτήσαντες ἐκ ξύλων μακρῶν ἐπίπροσθεν ἀεὶ τὴν ἄγεσταν ἐργαζομένων ἐτίθεντο ʽοὕτω γὰρ τὸ ποιούμενον τῇ Λατίνων φωνῇ ἐκάλουν Ῥωμαῖοἰ.

§ 2.26.30 ἐνταῦθα γὰρ οὔτε πυρφόροι οἰστοὶ οὔτε τὰ ἄλλα βέλη ἐξικνεῖσθαι εἶχον, ἀλλ’ αὐτοῦ ἐπὶ τῶν προκαλυμμάτων ἀποκρουόμενα ξύμπαντα ἔμενε.

§ 2.26.31 καὶ τότε Ῥωμαῖοι ἐς δέος μέγα ἐμπεπτωκότες τοὺς πρέσβεις παρὰ Χοσρόην σὺν θορύβῳ πολλῷ ἔπεμπον καὶ Στέφανον σὺν αὐτοῖς, ἔν γε τοῖς κατ’ αὐτὸν ἰατροῖς λόγιον, ὃς δὴ Καβάδην τὸν Περόζου νοσοῦντά ποτε ἰασάμενος κύριος χρημάτων μεγάλων πρὸς αὐτοῦ γέγονεν.

§ 2.26.32 ὃς δή, ἐπεὶ παρὰ Χοσρόην ξὺν τοῖς ἄλλοις ἐγένετο, ἔλεξεν ὧδε, “Βασιλέως τὴν φιλανθρωπίαν ἀγαθοῦ γνώρισμα πάντες ἐκ παλαιοῦ νενομίκασιν.

§ 2.26.33 οὐκοῦν, ὦ κράτιστε βασιλεῦ, φόνους σοι καὶ μάχας ἐργαζομένῳ καὶ πόλεων ἀνδραποδισμοὺς τῶν μὲν ἄλλων ἴσως ὀνομάτων παρέσται τυχεῖν, τὸ δὲ ἀγαθῷ εἶναι δοκεῖν οὐ μήποτε ἔσται.

§ 2.26.34 καίτοι πασῶν γε ἥκιστα χρῆν τῇ Ἐδεσσηνῶν πόλει παρὰ σοῦ τι ξυμβῆναι φλαῦρον.

§ 2.26.35 ἐντεῦθεν γὰρ ἔγωγε ὥρμημαι, ὅσπερ σε τῶν ἐσομένων οὐδὲν προειδὼς ἐξέθρεψά τε καὶ τῷ πατρὶ τῷ σῷ ξύμβουλος γεγονώς, ἐφ’ ᾧ σε τῆς ἀρχῆς διάδοχον καταστήσεται, σοὶ μὲν τῆς Περσῶν βασιλείας αἰτιώτατος γέγονα, τῇ δὲ πατρίδι τῶν παρόντων κακῶν.

§ 2.26.36 οἱ γὰρ ἄνθρωποι τὰ πολλὰ τῶν ἀτυχημάτων σφίσιν αὐτοῖς ἐκ τοῦ ἐπὶ πλεῖστον τῶν ξυμβησομένων προστρίβονται.

§ 2.26.37 ἀλλ’ εἴ τίς σε τῆς τοιαύτης εὐεργεσίας εἰσέρχεται μνήμη, μηδὲν ἡμᾶς ἐργάσῃ περαιτέρω κακόν, ταύτην διδούς μοι τὴν ἀμοιβήν, ἐξ ἧς σοι, ὦ βασιλεῦ, τὸ μὴ δοκεῖν ὠμοτάτῳ εἶναι ξυμβήσεται.” Στέφανος μὲν τοσαῦτα εἶπε.

§ 2.26.38 Χοσρόης δὲ οὐ πρότερον ἀπαλλαγήσεσθαι ὡμολόγει ἐνθένδε, εἰ μὴ Πέτρον τε καὶ Περάνιον αὐτῷ παραδοῖεν Ῥωμαῖοι, ὅτι δή οἱ, δοῦλοί γε ὄντες πατρῷοι, τετολμήκασιν ἀντιτάξασθαι.

§ 2.26.39 τοῦτο δὲ ἢν μὴ δρᾶν Ῥωμαίοις ἐν ἡδονῇ ἐστιν, ἀλλὰ δυοῖν αὐτοὺς ἐπάναγκες ἑλέσθαι τὸ ἕτερον, ἢ πεντακόσια κεντηνάρια χρυσοῦ σφίσι διδόναι, ἢ δέξασθαι τῇ πόλει τῶν οἱ ἐπιτηδείων τινάς, οἳ τὰ χρήματα διερευνησάμενοι ἅπαντα τὸν μὲν χρυσόν τε καὶ ἄργυρον, ὅσον δὴ ἐνταῦθα ξυμβαίνει εἶναι, κομίζοντες ἐς αὐτὸν ἥξουσι,

§ 2.26.40 τἄλλα δὲ τοὺς κυρίους ἐάσουσιν ἔχειν. ταῦτα μὲν ὁ Χοσρόης ἀπέρριψεν, Ἔδεσσαν ἐξελεῖν πόνῳ οὐδενὶ ἐλπίδα ἔχων. οἱ δὲ πρέσβεις ʽἅπαντα γὰρ σφίσιν ἀδύνατα ἔδοξεν εἶναι ὅσα ἐκεῖνος ἀπήγγελλἐ διαπορούμενοί τε καὶ λίαν ἀσχάλλοντες ἐπὶ τὴν πόλιν ἐβάδιζον.

§ 2.26.41 ἐπεί τε ἐντὸς τοῦ περιβόλου γενόμενοι τὰ παρὰ Χοσρόου ἀπήγγελλον, θορύβου τε καὶ θρήνων ἡ πόλις ἔμπλεως ἐγένετο.

§ 2.26.42 Ἡ μὲν οὖν τοῦ λόφου κατασκευὴ ἐπί τε ὕψος ᾔρετο μέγα καὶ σπουδῇ πολλῇ ἐπίπροσθεν ᾔει. Ῥωμαῖοι δὲ οὐκ ἔχοντες ὅ τι καὶ δράσουσι, πάλιν τοὺς πρέσβεις παρὰ Χοσρόην ἀπέστελλον.

§ 2.26.43 οἵπερ ἐπειδὴ ἐν τῷ τῶν πολεμίων στρατοπέδῳ ἐγένοντο, περί τε τῶν αὐτῶν δεησόμενοι ἔφασκον ἥκειν, λόγου μὲν οὐδ’ ὁπωστιοῦν πρὸς Περσῶν ἔτυχον, ὕβρει δὲ καὶ θορύβῳ πολλῷ ἐνθένδε ἐξελαυνόμενοι ἐς τὴν πόλιν ἐχώρουν.

§ 2.26.44 τὰ μὲν οὖν πρῶτα Ῥωμαῖοι τὸ κατὰ τὸν λόφον τεῖχος ἑτέρᾳ ἐνεχείρουν οἰκοδομίᾳ τινὶ ὑπερβαλέσθαι· ὡς δὲ καὶ ταύτης τὸ Περσῶν ἔργον πολλῷ καθυπέρτερον ἐγίνετο ἤδη, τῆς μὲν οἰκοδομίας ἀπέστησαν, Μαρτῖνον δὲ πείθουσι τὰ ἀμφὶ τῇ ξυμβάσει τρόπῳ δὴ ὅτῳ βούλοιτο διοικήσασθαι. καὶ ὃς ἄγχιστα τοῦ τῶν πολεμίων στρατοπέδου γενόμενος τῶν τισιν ἐν Πέρσαις ἀρχόντων ἐς λόγους ἦλθεν.

§ 2.26.45 οἱ δὲ τὸν Μαρτῖνον ἐξαπατῶντες εἰρηναῖα μὲν σφῶν τὸν βασιλέα βούλεσθαι ἔφασαν, αὐτὸν δὲ ὡς ἥκιστα οἷόν τε εἶναι τὸν Ῥωμαίων αὐτοκράτορα πείθειν τῆς πρὸς Χοσρόην φιλονεικίας ἀφέμενον τὴν εἰρήνην ποτὲ πρὸς αὐτὸν θήσεσθαι·

§ 2.26.46 ἐπεὶ καὶ Βελισάριον, ὅνπερ τῇ τε δυνάμει καὶ τῷ ἀξιώματι πολὺ Μαρτίνου προὔχειν οὐδ’ ἂν αὐτὸς ἀντείποι, πεῖσαι μὲν ἔναγχος τὸν Περσῶν βασιλέα, ὄντα δή που ἐν μέσοις Ῥωμαίοις, ἐνθένδε ἀπαλλάσσεσθαι ἐς τὰ Περσῶν ἤθη, ὑποσχόμενον πρέσβεις τε παρ’ αὐτὸν οὐκ εἰς μακρὰν ἐκ Βυζαντίου ἀφίξεσθαι καὶ τὴν εἰρήνην ἐν τῷ βεβαίῳ κρατύνασθαι, πρᾶξαι δὲ τῶν ὡμολογημένων οὐδέν, ἀδύνατον γεγονότα τὴν Ἰουστινιανοῦ βασιλέως βιάσασθαι γνώμην.

Wars 2.28

§ 2.28.1 Ὑπὸ τὸν χρόνον τοῦτον Ῥωμαίων τετελευτήκασι στρατηγοὶ δύο, Ἰοῦστός τε ὁ βασιλέως ἀνεψιὸς καὶ Περάνιος ὁ Ἴβηρ, Ἰοῦστος μὲν νόσῳ διαφθαρείς, Περανίῳ δὲ συνέβη ἐν κυνηγεσίῳ τοῦ ἵππου ἐκπεπτωκότι διαρραγῆναι.

§ 2.28.2 διὸ δὴ ἀντ’ αὐτῶν βασιλεὺς ἑτέρους καταστησάμενος ἔπεμψε Μάρκελλόν τε, τὸν ἀδελφιδοῦν τὸν αὑτοῦ ἄρτι γενειάσκοντα, καὶ Κωνσταντιανόν, ὃς δὴ ὀλίγῳ πρότερον ἅμα Σεργίῳ παρὰ Χοσρόην πρεσβεύων ἐστάλη.

§ 2.28.3 ἔπειτα δὲ Ἰουστινιανὸς βασιλεὺς πρέσβεις παρὰ Χοσρόην ἐπὶ τῇ ξυμβάσει Κωνσταντιανόν τε καὶ Σέργιον ἔπεμψεν.

§ 2.28.4 οἱ δὲ αὐτὸν καταλαμβάνουσιν ἐν Ἀσσυρίοις, οὗ δὴ πολίσματα δύο Σελεύκειά τε καὶ Κτησιφῶν ἐστι, Μακεδόνων αὐτὰ δειμαμένων οἳ μετὰ τὸν Φιλίππου Ἀλέξανδρον Περσῶν τε ἦρξαν καὶ τῶν ταύτῃ ἐθνῶν.

§ 2.28.5 ἄμφω δὲ ταῦτα Τίγρης ποταμὸς διορίζει· οὐ γὰρ ἄλλην χώραν μεταξὺ ἔχουσιν.

§ 2.28.6 ἐνταῦθα ἐντυχόντες Χοσρόῃ οἱ πρέσβεις ἠξίουν μὲν τὰ ἐπὶ τῆς Λαζικῆς χωρία Ῥωμαίοις ἀποδοῦναι, βεβαιότατα δὲ πρὸς αὐτοὺς τὰ ἀμφὶ τῇ εἰρήνῃ κρατύνασθαι.

§ 2.28.7 Χοσρόης δὲ οὐ ῥᾴδιον αὐτοὺς ἔφασκεν εἶναι ἀλλήλοις ξυμβῆναι, ἢν μή τινα ἐκεχειρίαν θέμενοι πρότερον οὕτω τε ἀδεέστερον ἀεὶ ἐς ἀλλήλους φοιτῶντες τά τε διάφορα διαλύσουσι καὶ τὰ τῆς εἰρήνης ἐν τῷ ἀσφαλεῖ τὸ λοιπὸν θήσονται.

§ 2.28.8 χρῆναι δὲ ὑπὲρ τῆς ἀεὶ ἐκεχειρίας χρήματά τέ οἱ τὸν Ῥωμαίων αὐτοκράτορα δοῦναι καί τινα Τριβοῦνον ὄνομα ἰατρὸν πέμψαι, ἐφ’ ᾧ οἱ ξυνδιατρίψει τακτόν τινα χρόνον.

§ 2.28.9 ἐτύγχανε γὰρ ὁ ἰατρὸς οὗτος νόσου τε αὐτὸν ἀπαλλάξας χαλεπῆς πρότερον καὶ ἀπ’ αὐτοῦ φίλος τε καὶ ποθεινὸς ἐς τὰ μάλιστα ὤν.

§ 2.28.10 ταῦτα ἐπεὶ βασιλεὺς Ἰουστινιανὸς ἤκουσε, τόν τε Τριβοῦνον καὶ τὰ χρήματα εὐθὺς ἔπεμψε ξυνιόντα ἐς κεντηνάρια εἴκοσιν.

§ 2.28.11 οὕτω τε αἱ σπονδαὶ γεγόνασι Ῥωμαίοις τε καὶ Πέρσαις ἐς ἐνιαυτοὺς πέντε, δέκατόν τε καὶ ἔνατον ἔτος Ἰουστινιανοῦ βασιλέως τὴν αὐτοκράτορα ἀρχὴν ἔχοντος.

§ 2.28.12 Ὀλίγῳ δὲ ὕστερον Ἀρέθας τε καὶ Ἀλαμούνδαρος, οἱ τῶν Σαρακῃνῶν ἄρχοντες, πόλεμον πρὸς ἀλλήλους κατὰ μόνας διέφερον, οὔτε Ῥωμαίων οὔτε Περσῶν ἀμυνόντων σφίσι.

§ 2.28.13 καὶ Ἀλαμούνδαρος μὲν ἕνα τῶν Ἀρέθα παίδων ἵππους νέμοντα ἐξ ἐπιδρομῆς ἑλὼν τῇ Ἀφροδίτῃ εὐθὺς ἔθυσε, καὶ ἀπ’ αὐτοῦ ἐγνώσθη οὐ καταπροΐεσθαι τὰ Ῥωμαίων πράγματα Πέρσαις Ἀρέθαν.

§ 2.28.14 μετὰ δὲ ξυνίασι μὲν ἐς μάχην ἑκάτεροι παντὶ τῷ στρατῷ, νικῶσι δὲ κατὰ κράτος οἱ ξὺν τῷ Ἀρέθᾳ, τρεψάμενοί τε τοὺς πολεμίους πολλοὺς ἔκτειναν. καὶ παρ’ ὀλίγον Ἀρέθας ἦλθε δύο τῶν Ἀλαμουνδάρου παίδων ζῶντας ἑλεῖν, οὐ μέντοι γε εἷλε. τὰ μὲν οὖν Σαρακηνῶν ταύτῃ πη εἶχεν.

§ 2.28.15 Χοσρόης δέ, ὁ Περσῶν βασιλεύς, ἔνδηλος γέγονε τὴν ἐκεχειρίαν νῷ δολερῷ πρὸς Ῥωμαίους πεποιημένος, ἐφ’ ᾧ δὴ αὐτοὺς διὰ τὴν εἰρήνην ἀναπεπτωκότας λαβὼν ἀνήκεστόν τι ἐργάσεται.

§ 2.28.16 τρίτῳ γὰρ τῆς ἐκεχειρίας ἐνιαυτῷ μηχανᾶται τοιάδε· ἤστην ἐν Πέρσαις ἀδελφοὶ δύο, Φάβριζός τε καὶ Ἰσδιγούσνας, ἀρχὰς μὲν περιβεβλημένω ἐνταῦθα μεγίστας καὶ ἄλλως λογισμῷ πονηροτάτω Περσῶν ἁπάντων καὶ δόξαν ἐπὶ τῇ δεινότητι καὶ κακοτροπίᾳ πολλὴν ἔχοντε.

§ 2.28.17 βουλευσάμενος οὖν πόλιν Δάρας καταλαβεῖν ἐξ ἐπιδρομῆς καὶ Λαζικῆς ἐξοικίσαι Κόλχους ἅπαντας, Πέρσας δὲ ἀντ’ αὐτῶν οἰκήτορας καταστήσασθαι, τὼ ἄνδρε τούτω ἐς ἄμφω τὰ ἔργα ὑπηρετήσοντας εἵλετο·

§ 2.28.18 ἕρμαιον γὰρ καὶ λόγου πολλοῦ ἄξιον ἐφαίνετο εἶναι γῆν τὴν Κολχίδα σφετερισαμένῳ ἐν τῷ βεβαίῳ τῆς κτήσεως ἔχειν, ξύμφορον λογισαμένῳ τῇ Περσῶν ἀρχῇ κατὰ πολλὰ ἔσεσθαι τοῦτό γε.

§ 2.28.19 τήν τε γὰρ Ἰβηρίαν ἐν τῷ ἀσφαλεῖ ἐς τὸ ἔπειτα ἕξειν, οὐκ ἂν ἔτι ἐχόντων Ἰβήρων ἐφ’ οὕστινας ἀνθρώπων ἀποστάντες σωθήσονται·

§ 2.28.20 ἐπειδὴ γὰρ οἱ τούτων δὴ λογιμώτατοι τῶν βαρβάρων ὁμοῦ Γουργένῃ τῷ βασιλεῖ ἐς ἀπόστασιν εἶδον, ὥσπερ μοι ἐν τοῖς ἔμπροσθε λόγοις ἐρρήθη, οὔτε βασιλέα σφίσι καταστήσεσθαι τὸ ἐνθένδε ξυνεχώρουν Πέρσαι οὔτε αὐτογνωμονοῦντες Περσῶν κατήκοοι Ἴβηρες ἦσαν, ἀλλ’ ὑποψίᾳ τε καὶ ἀπιστίᾳ ἐς ἀλλήλους πολλῇ εἴχοντο.

§ 2.28.21 ἔνδηλοί τε Ἴβηρες ἦσαν δυσανασχετοῦντές τε ἰσχυρότατα καὶ νεωτεριοῦντες οὐ πολλῷ ὕστερον, ἤν τινός ποτε καιροῦ λαβέσθαι δυνατοὶ εἶεν.

§ 2.28.22 καὶ πρὸς Οὔννων τῶν Λαζικῇ προσοίκων ἀδῄωτον μὲν τὴν Περσῶν ἀρχὴν ἐς ἀεὶ ἔσεσθαι, ῥᾷον δὲ καὶ ἀπονώτερον αὐτοὺς τῇ Ῥωμαίων ἀρχῇ ἐπιπέμψειν, ἡνίκα ἂν αὐτῷ βουλομένῳ εἴη· οὐ γὰρ ἄλλο οὐδὲν τοῖς ἐν Καυκάσῳ οἰκοῦσι βαρβάροις ἢ ἐπιτείχισμα Λαζικὴν εἶναι.

§ 2.28.23 μάλιστα δὲ πάντων κατὰ τοῦτο ξυνοίσειν πρὸς Λαζικῆς ἐπικράτησιν ἤλπιζε Πέρσαις, ὅτι δὴ ἐξ αὐτῆς ὁρμώμενοι δυνήσονται οὐδενὶ πόνῳ καταθέοντες καὶ πεζῇ καὶ ναυσὶ τὰ ἐπὶ τοῦ Εὐξείνου καλουμένου πόντου χωρία Καππαδόκας μὲν καὶ τοὺς αὐτῶν ἐχομένους Γαλάτας καὶ Βιθυνοὺς παραστήσεσθαι, ἐξ ἐπιδρομῆς δὲ Βυζαντίους αἱρήσειν, οὐδενὸς σφίσιν ἀντιστατοῦντος.

§ 2.28.24 τούτων μὲν δὴ ἕνεκα προσποιεῖσθαι Χοσρόης Λαζικὴν ἤθελεν, ἐπὶ Λαζοῖς δὲ τὸ θαρσεῖν ὡς ἥκιστα εἶχεν.

§ 2.28.25 ἐπειδὴ γὰρ Ῥωμαῖοι ἐκ τῆς Λαζικῆς ἀνεχώρησαν, Λαζῶν τὸ πλῆθος τῇ Περσῶν ἀρχῇ ἐπιεικῶς ἤχθετο. μονότροποι γάρ, εἴπερ ἄλλοι τινές, οἱ Πέρσαι εἰσὶ καὶ τὰ ἐς τὴν δίαιταν ὑπεράγαν σκληροί.

§ 2.28.26 καὶ αὐτοῖς οἵ τε νόμοι δυσπρόσοδοί εἰσι πρὸς πάντων ἀνθρώπων καὶ τὰ ἐπιτάγματα οὐδαμῆ ἀνεκτά. πρὸς μέντοι Λαζοὺς καὶ διαφερόντως τὸ διαλλάσσον τῆς τε γνώμης ἀεὶ καὶ τῆς διαίτης παρὰ πολὺ διαφαίνεται, ἐπεὶ Λαζοὶ μὲν Χριστιανοί εἰσι πάντων μάλιστα, Πέρσαις δὲ ἀπ’ ἐναντίας αὐτῶν τὰ ἐς τὸ θεῖον ἅπαντα ἔχει.

§ 2.28.27 χωρὶς δὲ τούτων ἅλες μὲν τῆς Λαζικῆς οὐδαμῆ γίνονται, οὐ μὴν οὔτε σῖτος οὔτε οἶνος οὔτε τι ἄλλο ἀγαθὸν φύεται.

§ 2.28.28 ἐκ δὲ Ῥωμαίων τῶν παραλίων ἅπαντα ταῖς ναυσὶν ἐπεισέρχεται σφίσι, καὶ ταῦτα οὐ χρυσίον τοῖς συμβάλλουσι προϊεμένοις, ἀλλὰ δέρρεις τε καὶ ἀνδράποδα καὶ εἴ τι ἄλλο ἐνταῦθα κατὰ πολὺ περιεῖναι ξυμβαίνει.

§ 2.28.29 τούτου τε, ὡς τὸ εἰκός, ἀποκεκλεισμένοι τὸ λοιπὸν ἤσχαλλον. ὧν δὴ ὁ Χοσρόης αἰσθόμενος προτερῆσαι ξὺν τῷ ἀσφαλεῖ, πρίν τι ἐς αὐτὸν νεωτερίσειαν, ἐν σπουδῇ εἶχε.

§ 2.28.30 καί οἱ βουλευομένῳ ξυμφορώτατον ἔδοξεν εἶναι Γουβάζην τὸν Λαζῶν βασιλέα ἐκποδὼν ὅτι τάχιστα ποιησαμένῳ Λαζοὺς ἐνθένδε πανδημεὶ ἀναστήσειν, οὕτω τε Πέρσας καὶ ἄλλα ἄττα ἔθνη ξυνοικιεῖν ἐν ταύτῃ τῇ χώρᾳ.

§ 2.28.31 Ταῦτα ὁ Χοσρόης βεβουλευμένος Ἰσδιγούσναν ὡς ἐπὶ πρεσβείᾳ δῆθεν τῷ λόγῳ ἐς Βυζάντιον στέλλει, καί οἱ Περσῶν ἀριστίνδην ἀπολεξάμενος πεντακοσίους ξυνέπεμψεν, ἐπιστείλας σφίσι γενέσθαι μὲν ἐν πόλει Δάρας, ἐν οἰκίαις δὲ καταλῦσαι πολλαῖς, ταύτας τε νύκτωρ ἁπάσας ἐμπρῆσαι, καὶ Ῥωμαίων ἀμφὶ τὸ πῦρ τοῦτο ἠσχολημένων, ὡς τὸ εἰκός, ἁπάντων ἀνοιγνύναι μὲν τὰς πύλας εὐθύς, τῇ δὲ πόλει τὸ ἄλλο Περσῶν στράτευμα δέξασθαι.

§ 2.28.32 προείρητο γὰρ τῷ Νισίβιδος πόλεως ἄρχοντι στρατιωτῶν πλῆθος ἄγχιστά πη ἐγκρυφιάζοντι ἐν παρασκευῇ ἔχειν. οὕτω γὰρ αὐτοὺς ᾤετο Χοσρόης οὐδενὶ πόνῳ Ῥωμαίους τε ἅπαντας διαχρήσεσθαι καὶ τὴν πόλιν Δάρας ἐν βεβαίῳ καταλαβόντας σχήσειν.

§ 2.28.33 ἀλλά τις εὖ εἰδὼς τά πρασσόμενα, Ῥωμαῖος μὲν ἀνήρ, αὐτόμολος δὲ ὀλίγῳ πρότερον ἐς Πέρσας ἥκων, τὸν πάντα λόγον Γεωργίῳ φράζει, ἐνταῦθα τότε διατριβὴν ἔχοντι, οὗ δὴ ἐν τοῖς ἔμπροσθεν λόγοις ἐμνήσθην, ἅτε Περσῶν ἀναπείσαντος τοὺς ἐν τῷ Σισαυράνων πολιορκουμένους φρουρίῳ σφᾶς αὐτοὺς ἐνδοῦναι Ῥωμαίοις.

§ 2.28.34 Γεώργιος οὖν ἐν τοῖς Ῥωμαίων τε καὶ Περσῶν ὁρίοις ἀπαντήσας τῷ πρεσβευτῇ τούτῳ ἔφασκεν οὐ κατὰ πρεσβείαν τὰ ποιούμενα εἶναι, καὶ οὔ ποτε Πέρσας τοσούτους τὸ πλῆθος ἐν πόλει Ῥωμαίων αὐλίσασθαι.

§ 2.28.35 χρῆν γὰρ τοὺς μὲν ἄλλους ἅπαντας ἐν χωρίῳ Ἀμμώδιος ἀπολιπεῖν, αὐτῷ δὲ ξὺν ὀλίγοις τισὶν ἐς πόλιν Δάρας ἐσιτητὰ εἶναι.

§ 2.28.36 ὁ μὲν οὖν Ἰσδιγούσνας ἠγανάκτει τε καὶ δυσφορουμένῳ ἐῴκει, ἅτε περιυβρισμένος οὐ δέον, καίπερ ἐπὶ πρεσβείᾳ παρὰ τὸν Ῥωμαίων βασιλέα στελλόμενος.

§ 2.28.37 Γεώργιος δέ οἱ οὐ προσέχων τὸν νοῦν ἠγριωμένῳ διεσώσατο τὴν πόλιν Ῥωμαίοις. ξὺν γὰρ ἀνδράσιν εἴκοσι μόνοις τῇ πόλει τὸν Ἰσδιγούσναν ἐδέξατο.

§ 2.28.38 Ταύτης οὖν τῆς πείρας ἀποτυχὼν ὁ βάρβαρος οὗτος ὡς πρεσβεύων ἐς Βυζάντιον ἦλθε, τήν τε γυναῖκα καὶ θυγατέρας ἐπαγόμενος δύο ʽτοῦτο γὰρ ἦν αὐτῷ τὸ παραπέτασμα τοῦ ξυνεληλυθότος ὁμίλοὐ, τῷ τε βασιλεῖ ἐς ὄψιν ἥκων ἀμφὶ μὲν τῶν σπουδαίων τινὶ οὐ μέγα οὐ μικρὸν ἴσχυσεν εἰπεῖν, καίπερ οὐχ ἧσσον ἢ μῆνας δέκα κατατρίψας ἐν Ῥωμαίων τῇ γῇ.

§ 2.28.39 τὰ μέντοι δῶρα παρὰ Χοσρόου, ᾗπερ εἴθισται, καὶ γράμματα βασιλεῖ ἔδωκε, δι’ ὧν ὁ Χοσρόης Ἰουστινιανὸν βασιλέα σημῆναι ἠξίου εἴ οἱ τὸ σῶμα ὑγιείας πέρι ὡς ἄριστα ἔχοι.

§ 2.28.40 τοῦτον μέντοι τὸν Ἰσδιγούσναν Ἰουστινιανὸς βασιλεὺς μάλιστα πρέσβεων ἁπάντων ὧν ἡμεῖς ἴσμεν ξύν τε πολλῇ φιλοφροσύνῃ εἶδε καὶ διὰ τιμῆς ἱκανῶς ἤγαγεν.

§ 2.28.41 ὥστε καὶ ἡνίκα δὴ αὐτὸν ἑστιῴη, Βραδούκιον, ὅσπερ αὐτῷ ἑρμηνεὺς εἵπετο, ξὺν αὐτῷ ἐπὶ τῆς στιβάδος κατέκλινε, πρᾶγμα πώποτε οὐ γεγονὸς πρότερον ἐκ τοῦ παντὸς χρόνου.

§ 2.28.42 ἑρμηνέα γὰρ οὐδὲ τῶν τινι καταδεεστέρων ἀρχόντων, μή τί γε δὴ βασιλεῖ ὁμοτράπεζον γεγονότα οὐδείς ποτε εἶδεν.

§ 2.28.43 ἀλλὰ καὶ μεγαλοπρεπέστερον ἢ κατὰ πρεσβευτὴν τὸν ἄνδρα τοῦτον ἐδέξατό τε καὶ ἀπεπέμψατο, καίπερ ἐπ’ οὐδενὶ ἔργῳ τὴν πρεσβείαν,

§ 2.28.44 ὥσπερ μοι εἴρηται, πεποιημένον. ἢν γάρ τις τάς τε δαπάνας διαριθμήσαιτο καὶ τὰ δῶρα ὅσα ἐνθένδε κεκομισμένος Ἰσδιγούσνας ἀπιὼν ᾤχετο, πλέον αὐτὰ κατατείνοντα ἢ ἐς χρυσοῦ κεντηνάρια δέκα εὑρήσει. τὰ μὲν οὖν τῆς ἐς Δάρας πόλιν ἐπιβουλῆς τῷ Χοσρόῃ ἐς τοῦτο ἐτελεύτα.

Wars 2.29

§ 2.29.1 Ἔς τε Λαζικὴν πρῶτα μὲν ξύλα παμπληθῆ ἐς νηῶν ποίησιν ἐπιτηδείως ἔχοντα ἔπεμψεν, οὐδενὶ φράσας ἐφ’ ὅτῳ δὴ αὐτὰ πέμψειεν, ἀλλὰ τῷ λόγῳ μηχανὰς ἐν Πέτρας τῷ περιβόλῳ καταστησόμενος ταῦτα ἔστελλεν.

§ 2.29.2 ἔπειτα δὲ Περσῶν μαχίμους τριακοσίους ἀπολεξάμενος, Φάβριζόν τε, οὗπερ ἀρτίως ἐπεμνήσθην, αὐτοῖς ἐπιστήσας ἐνταῦθα στέλλει, ᾧ δὴ ἐπήγγελλε Γουβάζην ὡς λαθραιότατα διαχρήσασθαι· τὸ γὰρ ἐνθένδε αὐτῷ μελήσειν.

§ 2.29.3 τὰ μὲν οὖν ξύλα ταῦτα ἐπεὶ ἐς Λαζικὴν ἐκομίσθη, κεραυνόβλητα ἐξαπιναίως γενόμενα τετεφρῶσθαι ξυνέβη· Φάβριζος δὲ ξὺν τοῖς τριακοσίοις ἐς Λαζικὴν ἀφικόμενος ἔπρασσεν ὅπως δὴ ἀμφὶ Γουβάζῃ τὰ πρὸς τοῦ Χοσρόου ἐπηγγελμένα ὑποτελοίη.

§ 2.29.4 ἐτύγχανε δὲ τῶν τις ἐν Κόλχοις λογίμων, Φαρσάνσης ὄνομα, τῷ Γουβάζῃ προσκεκρουκὼς ἐς μέγα τέ οἱ ἀπ’ αὐτοῦ ἐμπεπτωκὼς ἔχθος καὶ ὡς ἥκιστα θαρσῶν τῷ βασιλεῖ ἐς ὄψιν ἥκειν.

§ 2.29.5 ὅπερ ἐπεὶ ὁ Φάβριζος ἔγνω, τὸν Φαρσάνσην μεταπεμψάμενος ἐκοινολογεῖτό τε καὶ τὸν ἅπαντα λόγον ἐξενεγκὼν ἀνεπυνθάνετο τοῦ ἀνθρώπου ὅπη οἱ ἐπιχειρητέα ἐς τὴν πρᾶξιν εἴη.

§ 2.29.6 ἔδοξε τοίνυν σφίσιν ἐπὶ κοινῆς βουλευσαμένοις Φάβριζον μὲν ἐν Πέτρᾳ τῇ πόλει γενέσθαι, μεταπέμψασθαι δὲ Γουβάζην ἐνταῦθα, ὅπως οἱ ἀγγέλλοι ὅσα δὴ βασιλεῖ ἀμφὶ τῷ ξυνοίσοντι Λαζοῖς δοκοῦντα εἴη.

§ 2.29.7 ἀλλ’ ὁ Φαρσάνσης κρύφα τῷ Γουβάζῃ ἐσήμηνε τὰ πρασσόμενα. διὸ δὴ Γουβάζης παρὰ μὲν Φάβριζον οὐδαμῆ ἦλθεν, ἐκ δὲ τοῦ ἐμφανοῦς ἐς ἀπόστασιν εἶδε.

§ 2.29.8 Φάβριζος δὲ Πέρσαις μὲν τοῖς ἄλλοις τοῦ ἐν Πέτρᾳ φυλακτηρίου ἐπιμελεῖσθαι πάσῃ δυνάμει ἐπέστελλε καὶ τὰ ἐς πολιορκίαν ὡς ἀσφαλέστατα ἐξαρτύεσθαι, αὐτὸς δὲ ξὺν τοῖς τριακοσίοις ἐπ’ οἴκου ἄπρακτος ἀνεχώρησε.

§ 2.29.9 Γουβάζης δὲ ἀνενεγκὼν ἐς Ἰουστινιανὸν βασιλέα τὰ παρόντα σφίσι τῶν μὲν τὰ πρότερα πεπραγμένων Λαζοῖς ἐδεῖτο συγγνώμονα εἶναι, ἀμῦναι δὲ σφίσι δυνάμει τῇ πάσῃ ἀπαλλαξείουσι τῆς Μήδων ἀρχῆς. οὐ γὰρ κατὰ μόνας δυνήσεσθαι Κόλχους ἀποκρούσασθαι τὴν Περσῶν δύναμιν.

§ 2.29.10 Ταῦτα ἐπεὶ βασιλεὺς Ἰουστινιανὸς ἤκουσε, περιχαρὴς γενόμενος ἄνδρας ἑπτακισχιλίους καὶ Δαγισθαῖον ἄρχοντα καὶ Τζάνους χιλίους ἐς ἐπικουρίαν Λαζοῖς ἔπεμψεν.

§ 2.29.11 οἳ δὴ ἐν γῇ τῇ Κολχίδι γενόμενοι ἅμα Λαζοῖς τε καὶ τῷ Γουβάζῃ ἐνστρατοπεδευσάμενοι ἀμφὶ τὸν Πέτρας περίβολον ἐς πολιορκίαν καθίσταντο.

§ 2.29.12 Περσῶν δὲ τῶν ἐνταῦθα ὄντων καρτερώτατα ἐκ τοῦ περιβόλου ἀμυνομένων, χρόνον τῇ προσεδρείᾳ πολὺν τετρίφθαι ξυνέβη, ἐπεὶ καὶ τὰ ἐδώδιμα ἐναποθέμενοι σφίσιν οἱ Πέρσαι διαρκῶς ἔτυχον.

§ 2.29.13 τούτοις δὲ ὁ Χοσρόης ξυνταραχθεὶς στρατιὰν πολλὴν ἱππέων τε καὶ πεζῶν ἐπ’ αὐτοὺς ἔστελλεν, οἷς δὴ ἄρχοντα Μερμερόην ἐπέστησεν. ὧνπερ ὁ Γουβάζης αἰσθόμενος τῷ Δαγισθαίῳ ἐπίκοινα βουλευσάμενος ἐποίει τάδε.

§ 2.29.14 Βόας ὁ ποταμὸς ἔξεισιν ἄγχιστά πη τῶν Τζανικῆς ὁρίων ἐν Ἀρμενίοις οἳ δὴ ἀμφὶ τὸ Φαράγγιον ᾤκηνται. καὶ τὰ μὲν πρῶτα ἐν δεξιᾷ ἐπὶ πλεῖστον χωρεῖ, βραχύς τε ἰὼν καὶ πόνῳ οὐδενὶ γινόμενος ἐσβατὸς ἅπασιν ἄχρι ἐς χῶρον οὗ δὴ ἐν δεξιᾷ μὲν Ἰβήρων τὰ ὅριά ἐστι, καταντικρὺ δὲ τελευτᾷ ὄρος ὁ Καύκασος.

§ 2.29.15 ἐνταῦθα ἔθνη ἄλλα τε πολλὰ καὶ Ἀλανοί τε καὶ Ἀβασγοὶ ᾤκηνται Χριστιανοί τε καὶ Ῥωμαίοις φίλοι ἐκ παλαιοῦ ὄντες, Ζῆχοί τε καὶ μετ’ αὐτοὺς Οὖννοι,

§ 2.29.16 οἳ Σάβειροι ἐπικαλοῦνται. ἐπειδὰν δὲ ὁ ποταμὸς οὗτος ἀφίκηται ἵνα δὴ τοῦ τε Καυκάσου καὶ Ἰβηρίας τὰ ὅριά ἐστιν, ἐνταῦθα ἐπιγινομένων οἱ καὶ ἄλλων ὑδάτων μείζων τε παρὰ πολὺ γίνεται καὶ Φᾶσις ἀντὶ Βόα τὸ ἐνθένδε καλούμενος φέρεται, ναυσίπορος γεγενημένος ἄχρι ἐς τὸν Εὔξεινον καλούμενον πόντον, οὗ δή οἱ καὶ τὰς ἐκβολὰς ξυμβαίνει εἶναι, καὶ αὐτοῦ ἐφ’ ἑκάτερα Λαζική ἐστιν.

§ 2.29.17 ἀλλ’ ἐν δεξιᾷ μὲν ξύμπασα ἐπὶ πλεῖστον ἡ χώρα πρὸς τῶν τῇδε ἀνθρώπων οἰκεῖται μέχρι τῶν Ἰβηρίας ὁρίων.

§ 2.29.18 κῶμαί τε γὰρ αἱ Λαζῶν πᾶσαι τοῦ ποταμοῦ ἐντὸς ἐνταῦθά εἰσι καὶ πολίσματα ἐκ παλαιοῦ σφίσι ταύτῃ πεποίηνται, ἐν τοῖς Ἀρχαιόπολις, ἐχυρωτάτη οὖσα, Σεβαστόπολίς τε ἐνταῦθα καὶ τὸ Πιτιοῦντος φρούριόν ἐστι Σκάνδα τε καὶ Σαραπανὶς πρὸς τοῖς Ἰβηρίας ὁρίοις. πόλεις μέντοι ἀξιολογώταται ἐνταῦθά εἰσι Ῥοδόπολις καὶ Μοχήρησις.

§ 2.29.19 τοῦ δὲ ποταμοῦ ἐν ἀριστερᾷ Λαζικῆς μὲν τὰ ὅριά ἐστι μέχρι ἐς ἡμέρας ὁδὸν εὐζώνῳ ἀνδρί, ἔρημον δὲ ξυμβαίνει ἀνθρώπων τὴν χώραν εἶναι. ταύτην προσοικοῦσι Ῥωμαῖοι τὴν χώραν οἳ Ποντικοὶ ἐπικαλοῦνται.

§ 2.29.20 ἐν μὲν οὖν τοῖς Λαζικῆς ὁρίοις, ἔνθα δὴ ἄνθρωποι οὐδαμῆ ᾤκηντο, Πέτραν Ἰουστινιανὸς ὁ βασιλεὺς τὴν πόλιν ἐν τοῖς κατ’ ἐμὲ χρόνοις ἐδείματο.

§ 2.29.21 οὗπερ Ἰωάννης, ὁ Τζίβος ἐπικαλούμενος, τὸ μονοπώλιον καταστησάμενος, ὥσπερ μοι ἐν τοῖς ἔμπροσθεν λόγοις ἐρρήθη, αἴτιος τῆς ἀποστάσεως Λαζοῖς γέγονεν.

§ 2.29.22 ἐκ δὲ Πέτρας πόλεως ἰόντι εὐθὺς πρὸς ἄνεμον νότον οἱ Ῥωμαίων ὅροι ἐκδέχονται, χωρία τε πολυάνθρωπα ἐνταῦθά ἐστι, τό τε Ῥιζαῖον καλούμενον καὶ Ἀθῆναι ἄλλα τε ἄττα μέχρι Τραπεζουντίων.

§ 2.29.23 ἡνίκα μὲν οὖν ἐπηγάγοντο Χοσρόην Λαζοί, Βόαν ποταμὸν διαβάντες τόν τε Φᾶσιν ἐν δεξιᾷ ἔχοντες ἐς Πέτραν ἦλθον, τῷ μὲν λόγῳ προνοήσοντες ὡς μὴ χρόνῳ τε καὶ πόνῳ πολλῷ διαπορθμεύεσθαι ἀναγκάζωνται ποταμὸν Φᾶσιν, οὐ βουλόμενοι δὲ τὰ σφέτερα οἰκία Πέρσαις ἐνδείκνυσθαι.

§ 2.29.24 καίτοι δύσοδος πανταχόθι Λαζική ἐστιν ἐντός τε καὶ ἐκτὸς ποταμοῦ Φάσιδος.

§ 2.29.25 σκόπελοι γὰρ ὑπερφυεῖς ἐφ’ ἑκάτερα τῆς χώρας ὄντες στενωποὺς ἐπὶ μακρότατον ἐνταῦθα ποιοῦνται· κλεισούρας ἑλληνίζοντες τὰς τοιαύτας ὁδοὺς Ῥωμαῖοι καλοῦσιν.

§ 2.29.26 ἀλλ’ ἐπεὶ τότε Λαζικὴ ἀφύλακτος ἐτύγχανεν οὖσα, ῥᾷστα δὴ ἐν Πέτρᾳ ξὺν τοῖς ἡγεμόσι Λαζοῖς ἐγένοντο Πέρσαι.

§ 2.29.27 Νῦν δὲ ὁ Γουβάζης μαθὼν τὴν Περσῶν ἔφοδον τῷ Δαγισθαίῳ ἐπέστελλε πέμψαι μέν τινας οἳ φυλάξουσι τὸν στενωπὸν ἰσχυρότατα ὃς ἐκτὸς Φάσιδος ποταμοῦ ἐστι, τὴν μέντοι προσεδρείαν ὡς ἥκιστα λύειν, ἕως τήν τε Πέτραν καὶ Πέρσας τοὺς ἐνταῦθα ἐξελεῖν δύνωνται.

§ 2.29.28 αὐτὸς δὲ παντὶ τῷ Κόλχων στρατῷ ἐς τὰ Λαζικῆς ἔσχατα ἦλθεν, ὡς τὸν ἐνταῦθα στενωπὸν διαφυλάξων δυνάμει τῇ πάσῃ.

§ 2.29.29 ἐτύγχανε δὲ πολλῷ πρότερον Ἀλανούς τε καὶ Σαβείρους ἐς ξυμμαχίαν ἐπαγόμενος, οἵπερ ὡμολόγησαν κεντηναρίων τριῶν οὐχ ὅσον ἀδῄωτον Λαζοῖς ξυμφυλάξειν τὴν γῆν, ἀλλὰ καὶ Ἰβηρίαν οὕτω καταστήσεσθαι ἀνδρῶν ἔρημον ὡς μηδὲ Πέρσαις ἐνθένδε τὸ λοιπὸν ἰέναι δυνατὰ ἔσεσθαι. ταῦτά τε σφίσι τὰ χρήματα βασιλέα Γουβάζης ὑπέσχετο δώσειν.

§ 2.29.30 αὐτὸς μὲν οὖν ἀνενεγκὼν ἐς βασιλέα Ἰουστινιανὸν τὰ ξυγκείμενα τοῖς τε βαρβάροις τὰ χρήματα ταῦτα ἱκέτευε πέμπειν καὶ Λαζοῖς ἄγαν κεκακωμένοις παραψυχὴν προέσθαι τινά.

§ 2.29.31 ἔφασκε δὲ καί οἱ αὐτῷ τὸ δημόσιον τὰς συντάξεις ὀφείλειν ἐνιαυτῶν δέκα, ἐπεὶ ἐν τοῖς σιλεντιαρίοις ἐν παλατίῳ τασσόμενος οὐδὲν κεκομισμένος ἐνθένδε εἴη, ἐξ οὗ δὴ ἐς γῆν τὴν Κολχίδα Χοσρόης ἦλθε.

§ 2.29.32 βασιλεὺς δὲ Ἰουστινιανὸς ἐπιτελέσειν μὲν διενοεῖτο τὴν αἴτησιν, ἐπιγενομένης δέ οἱ ἀσχολίας τινὸς οὐκ ἔπεμψε τῷ καθήκοντι χρόνῳ τὰ χρήματα. Γουβάζης μὲν οὖν ταῦτα ἐποίει.

§ 2.29.33 Δαγισθαῖος δὲ ʽἦν γάρ τις νεανίας πόλεμόν τε διενεγκεῖν Μηδικὸν οὐδαμῆ ἀξιόχρεωσ̓ τοῖς παροῦσιν οὐκ ἐπιτηδείως ἐχρῆτο.

§ 2.29.34 δέον οὖν ἀμέλει τὸ πλεῖστον τοῦ στρατοῦ ἐς τὸν στενωπὸν στεῖλαι, τάχα δ’ ἄν που καὶ αὐτὸν τῷ ἔργῳ τούτῳ παραγενέσθαι, ἐς ἑκατὸν ἄνδρας, ὥσπερ τι πάρεργον διαχειρίζων, ἔπεμψε μόνους· αὐτὸς δὲ Πέτραν πολιορκῶν παντὶ τῷ στρατῷ οὐδὲν ἤνυσε, καίπερ τῶν πολεμίων ὀλίγων ὄντων. κατ’ ἀρχὰς μὲν γὰρ οὐχ ἥσσους ἢ πεντακόσιοι καὶ χίλιοι ἦσαν,

§ 2.29.35 πρὸς Ῥωμαίων δὲ καὶ Λαζῶν ἐν χρόνῳ πολλῷ τειχομαχούντων βαλλόμενοί τε καὶ ἀρετὴν ἐπιδεικνύμενοι μάλιστα πάντων ὧν ἡμεῖς ἴσμεν, θνήσκουσί τε πολλοὶ καὶ σφίσιν ἐς ὀλίγους κομιδῆ ἀποκεκρίσθαι ξυνέπεσε.

§ 2.29.36 Πέρσαι μὲν οὖν ἐς ἀπόγνωσίν τε καὶ ἀπορίαν ἐμπεπτωκότες ἡσυχῆ ἔμενον, Ῥωμαῖοι δὲ ἀμφὶ τὸ τεῖχος διώρυχα ἐν χώρῳ ὀλίγῳ πεποίηνται, ὅ τε ταύτῃ περίβολος εὐθὺς ἔπεσεν.

§ 2.29.37 ἀλλὰ ξυνέβη τούτου δὴ τοῦ χώρου ἐντὸς οἴκημα εἶναι οὐδὲν τοῦ περιβόλου διεστηκός, ὃ δὴ ἐξικνεῖτο ἐς τὸ πεπτωκὸς ἐφεξῆς ὅλον·

§ 2.29.38 καὶ ἀντὶ τοῦ τείχους πολιορκουμένοις γενόμενον ἐν τῷ ἀσφαλεῖ οὐδέν τι ἧσσον αὐτοὺς καθίστη.

§ 2.29.39 ὅπερ Ῥωμαίους ξυνταράξαι οὐδαμῆ ἔσχεν. εὖ γὰρ εἰδότες ὡς αὐτὸ δὴ τοῦτο ἑτέρωθι ἐργαζόμενοι τὴν πόλιν ῥᾷστα αἱρήσουσιν, εὐέλπιδες πολλῷ ἔτι μᾶλλον ἐγένοντο.

§ 2.29.40 διὸ δὴ ὁ Δαγισθαῖος βασιλεῖ μὲν τὰ ξυνενεχθέντα ἐδήλου, ἆθλα δέ οἱ τῆς νίκης ἐν παρασκευῇ εἶναι προὐτείνετο, σημήνας ὅσοις δὴ αὐτόν τε καὶ τὸν ἀδελφὸν τὸν αὐτοῦ χρῆν βασιλέα δωρήσασθαι· Πέρσαν γὰρ αἱρήσειν οὐ πολλῷ ὕστερον.

§ 2.29.41 Πέρσαι μὲν οὖν Ῥωμαίους τε καὶ Τζάνους καρτερώτατα τειχομαχοῦντας παρὰ δόξαν ὑφίσταντο, καίπερ ὀλίγοι ἀπολελειμμένοι ἐς ἄγαν.

§ 2.29.42 ἐπεὶ δὲ Ῥωμαῖοι τειχομαχοῦντες οὐδὲν ἤνυον, ἐπὶ τὸ διορύσσειν αὖθις ἐτράποντο. ἐς τόσον τε τοῦ ἔργου τούτου ἀφίκοντο ὡς μηκέτι ἐπ’ ἐδάφους τὰ τοῦ περιβόλου θεμέλια εἶναι, ἀλλ’ ἐπὶ κενοῦ ἐκ τοῦ ἐπὶ πλεῖστον ἑστάναι, πεσούμενα, ὡς τὸ εἰκός, αὐτίκα δὴ μάλα.

§ 2.29.43 καὶ εἰ μὲν Δαγισθαῖος εὐθὺς ἤθελε πῦρ τοῖς θεμελίοις ἐνάψαι, οἶμαι εὐθυωρὸν σφίσι τὴν πόλιν ἁλῶναι· νῦν δὲ τὰς ἐκ βασιλέως καραδοκῶν ἐλπίδας μέλλων τε ἀεὶ καὶ τρίβων τὸν χρόνον ἡσυχῆ ἔμενε. ταῦτα μὲν οὖν ἐν τῷ Ῥωμαίων στρατοπέδῳ ἐπράσσετο τῇδε.

Wars 3.1

§ 3.1.1 Ὁ μὲν οὖν Μηδικὸς πόλεμος Ἰουστινιανῷ βασιλεῖ ἐς τοῦτο ἐτελεύτα· ἐγὼ δὲ ὅσα ἔς τε Βανδίλους καὶ Μαυρουσίους αὐτῷ εἴργασται φράσων ἔρχομαι. λελέξεται δὲ πρῶτον ὅθεν ὁ Βανδίλων στρατὸς τῇ Ῥωμαίων ἐπέσκηψε χώρᾳ.

§ 3.1.2 ἐπειδὴ Θεοδόσιος ὁ Ῥωμαίων αὐτοκράτωρ ἐξ ἀνθρώπων ἠφάνιστο, ἀνὴρ δίκαιος ἐν τοῖς μάλιστα γεγονὼς καὶ ἀγαθὸς τὰ πολέμια, διεδεξάσθην αὐτοῦ τὴν βασιλείαν ἄμφω τὼ παῖδε, Ἀρκάδιος μὲν ὁ πρεσβύτερος τὴν ἑῴαν μοῖραν, τὴν ἑσπερίαν δὲ Ὁνώριος ὁ νεώτερος.

§ 3.1.3 διῄρητο δὲ ὧδε τὸ Ῥωμαίων κράτος ἄνωθεν ἀπό τε Κωνσταντίνου καὶ τῶν αὐτοῦ παίδων, ὃς τὴν βασιλείαν ἐς Βυζάντιον μεταθέμενος μείζω τε τὴν πόλιν καὶ πολλῷ ἐπιφανεστέραν καταστησάμενος ἀπ’ αὐτοῦ ἀφῆκε προσαγορεύεσθαι.

§ 3.1.4 Περιλαμβάνει μὲν κύκλῳ τὴν γῆν ὠκεανὸς ἢ ξύμπασαν ἢ τὴν πολλήν· οὐ γάρ πω σαφές τι ἀμφ’ αὐτῷ ἴσμεν· σχίζει δὲ αὐτὴν δίχα ἐς ἠπείρους δύο ἐκροή τις ἀπ’ αὐτοῦ κατὰ τὴν ἑσπέριον εἰσβάλλουσα μοῖραν καὶ ταύτην δὴ ποιουμένη τὴν θάλασσαν, ἀπὸ Γαδείρων μὲν ἀρξαμένη, ἐς αὐτὴν δὲ τὴν Μαιῶτιν διήκουσα λίμνην.

§ 3.1.5 ταύταιν ταῖν ἠπείροιν ἁτέρα μὲν ἐν δεξιᾷ εἰσπλέοντι τὴν θάλασσαν μέχρι καὶ ἐς τὴν λίμνην Ἀσία κέκληται, ἀπό τε Γαδείρων καὶ τῆς ἑτέρας τῶν Ἡρακλέους στηλῶν.

§ 3.1.6 Σέπτον καλοῦσι τὸ ἐκείνῃ φρούριον οἱ ἐπιχώριοι, λόφων τινῶν ἑπτὰ φαινομένων ἐνταῦθα· τὸ γὰρ σέπτον ἑπτὰ τῇ Λατίνων φωνῇ δύναται.

§ 3.1.7 ἡ δὲ ἀντιπέρας αὐτῇ ξύμπασα Εὐρώπη ἐκλήθη. καὶ ὁ μὲν ταύτῃ πορθμὸς τέτταρσι καὶ ὀγδοήκοντα σταδίοις μάλιστα ἤπειρον ἑκατέραν διείργει, τὸ δὲ ἐντεῦθεν πελάγεσι μεγάλοις ἀλλήλαιν διέχετον μέχρις Ἑλλησπόντου.

§ 3.1.8 ταύτῃ γὰρ ξυνίασιν αὖθις ἀμφὶ Σηστόν τε καὶ Ἄβυδον, καὶ πάλιν ἔν τε Βυζαντίῳ καὶ Καλχηδόνι μέχρι τῶν πάλαι Κυανέων λεγομένων πετρῶν, οὗ καὶ νῦν Ἱερὸν ὀνομάζεται. ἐν τούτοις γὰρ δὴ τοῖς χωρίοις μέτρῳ δέκα σταδίων τε καὶ τούτου ἐλάσσονι διείργεσθον ἀλλήλαιν.

§ 3.1.9 Ἀπὸ δὲ τῆς ἑτέρας τῶν Ἡρακλέους στηλῶν μέχρι ἐς τὴν ἑτέραν διὰ τῆς ἠιόνος ἰόντι καὶ οὐ περιερχομένῳ κόλπον τε τὸν Ἰόνιον καὶ τὸν Εὔξεινον καλούμενον Πόντον, ἀλλ’ ἔκ τε Καλχηδόνος ἐς Βυζάντιον ἔκ τε Δρυοῦντος ἐς ἤπειρον τὴν ἀντιπέρας καταίροντι, πέντε καὶ ὀγδοήκοντα καὶ διακοσίων ὁδὸς ἡμερῶν ἐστιν εὐζώνῳ ἀνδρί.

§ 3.1.10 τὰ γὰρ ἀμφὶ τὸν Εὔξεινον Πόντον, ὃς ἐκ Βυζαντίου χωρεῖ εἰς τὴν λίμνην, ἅπαντα ἀκριβολογεῖσθαι ἀμήχανα ἦν, βαρβάρων τῶν ὑπὲρ ποταμὸν Ἴστρον, ὃν καὶ Δανούβιον καλοῦσι, Ῥωμαίοις βατὴν ἥκιστα ποιουμένων τὴν ἐκείνῃ ἀκτήν, πλήν γε δὴ ὅτι ἐκ Βυζαντίου μὲν ἐς τὰς τοῦ Ἴστρου ἐκβολὰς ἡμερῶν ἐστιν ὁδὸς δύο καὶ εἴκοσιν, ἅσπερ τῇ Εὐρώπῃ λογιζομένους ἐντιθέναι προσήκει.

§ 3.1.11 κατὰ δὲ τὴν τῆς Ἀσίας μοῖραν, εἴη δ’ ἂν ἐκ Καλχηδόνος ἐς ποταμὸν Φᾶσιν, ὃς ῥέων ἐκ Κόλχων κάτεισιν ἐς τὸν Πόντον, ἀνύεται τεσσαράκοντα ὁδὸς ἡμερῶν.

§ 3.1.12 ὥστε ξύμπασα ἡ Ῥωμαίων ἐπικράτεια κατά γε τὴν ἐπὶ θαλάσσῃ ὁδὸν ἐς ἑπτὰ καὶ τεσσαράκοντα καὶ τριακοσίων ἡμερῶν ξύνεισι μέτρον, ἤν τις, ὅπερ εἴρηται, τὸν Ἰόνιον κόλπον ἐς ὀκτακοσίους μάλιστα διήκοντα σταδίους ἐκ Δρυοῦντος διαπορθμεύηται.

§ 3.1.13 ἡ γὰρ τοῦ κόλπου πάροδος ἐς ὁδὸν ἡμερῶν διήκει οὐχ ἧσσον ἢ τεσσάρων. τοσαύτη μὲν ἡ Ῥωμαίων ἀρχὴ κατά γε τὸν παλαιὸν ἐγένετο χρόνον.

§ 3.1.14 Ἐπέβαλλε δὲ τῷ μὲν τὸ τῆς ἑσπερίας ἔχοντι κράτος Λιβύης τὰ πλεῖστα διήκοντα ἐς ἐνενήκοντα ὁδὸν ἡμερῶν· τοσοῦτον γὰρ τὸ ἐκ Γαδείρων ἐς τὰ ὅρια τῆς ἐν Λιβύῃ Τριπόλεώς ἐστιν· ἐν δὲ δὴ τῇ Εὐρώπῃ πέντε καὶ ἑβδομήκοντα ὁδὸν ἡμερῶν ἔλαχε·

§ 3.1.15 τοσαύτη γὰρ ἡ ἐκ τῆς ἑτέρας τῶν Ἡρακλεους στηλῶν ἐς κόλπον τὸν Ἰόνιον τυγχάνει οὖσα. προσθείη δὲ ἄν τις καὶ τὴν τοῦ κόλπου περίοδον.

§ 3.1.16 βασιλεὺς δὲ ὁ τῆς ἕω ἡμερῶν εἴκοσι καὶ ἑκατὸν ὁδὸν ἐκληρώσατο ἐκ τῶν Κυρήνης ὁρίων τῆς ἐν Λιβύῃ μέχρι Ἐπιδάμνου, ἣ πρὸς αὐτῷ κεῖται τῷ Ἰονίῳ κόλπῳ, Δυρράχιον τανῦν καλουμένη, καὶ ὅση ἀμφὶ τὸν Εὔξεινον Πόντον, ὡς ἔμπροσθεν εἴρηται, ὑπὸ Ῥωμαίοις ἐστί.

§ 3.1.17 μιᾶς δὲ ἡμέρας ὁδὸς ἐς δέκα καὶ διακοσίους διήκει σταδίους, ὅσον Ἀθήνηθεν Μέγαράδε ἰέναι. οὕτω μὲν ἤπειρον ἑκατέραν οἱ Ῥωμαίων αὐτοκράτορες διείλοντο σφίσι.

§ 3.1.18 τῶν δὲ δὴ νήσων Βρεττανία μέν, ἡ ἐκτὸς στηλῶν τῶν Ἡρακλείων νήσων πασῶν μεγίστη παρὰ πολὺ οὖσα, μετὰ τῆς ἑσπερίας, ὥς γε τὸ εἰκός, ἐτάττετο μοίρας· ἐντὸς δὲ αὐτῶν Ἔβουσα, ὥσπερ ἐν Προποντίδι τῇ μετὰ τὴν ὠκεανοῦ ἐσβολὴν ἐν θαλάσσῃ κειμένη, ἐς ἑπτὰ ἡμερῶν ὁδὸν μάλιστα διήκουσα, καὶ δύο ἀμφ’ αὐτὴν ἕτεραι, Μαϊορίκα τε καὶ Μινορίκα ἐπιχωρίως καλούμεναι.

§ 3.1.19 τῶν δὲ κατὰ θάλασσαν νήσων ἑκάστη θατέρῳ τοῖν βασιλέοιν ἐπέβαλεν, ὡς αὐτῇ ἐντός που τῶν ἐκείνου ὁρίων ξυνέβαινε κεῖσθαι.

Wars 3.3

§ 3.3.1 Βανδίλοι δὲ ἀμφὶ τὴν Μαιῶτιν ᾠκημένοι λίμνην, ἐπειδὴ λιμῷ ἐπιέζοντο, ἐς Γερμανούς τε, οἳ νῦν Φράγγοι καλοῦνται, καὶ ποταμὸν Ῥῆνον ἐχώρουν,

§ 3.3.2 Ἀλανοὺς ἑταιρισάμενοι, Γοτθικὸν ἔθνος. εἶτα ἐνθένδε, ἡγουμένου αὐτοῖς Γωδιγίσκλου, ἐν Ἱσπανίᾳ ἱδρύσαντο, ἣ πρώτη ἐστὶν ἐξ ὠκεανοῦ χώρα τῆς Ῥωμαίων ἀρχῆς. τότε ξυμβαίνει Γωδιγίσκλῳ Ὁνώριος ἐφ’ ᾧ δὴ οὐκ ἐπὶ λύμῃ τῆς χώρας ἐνταῦθα ἱδρύσονται.

§ 3.3.3 νόμου δὲ ὄντος Ῥωμαίοις, ἤν τινες οὐχ ὑπὸ ταῖς οἰκείαις χερσὶ τὰ σφέτερα αὐτῶν ἔχοιεν καὶ τρίβοιτο χρόνος εἰς τριάκοντα ἐνιαυτοὺς ἥκων, τούτοις δὴ οὐκέτι εἶναι κυρίοις ἐπὶ τοὺς βιασαμένους ἰέναι, ἀλλ’ ἐς παραγραφὴν αὐτοῖς ἀποκεκρίσθαι τὴν ἐς τὸ δικαστήριον εἴσοδον, νόμον ἔγραψεν ὅπως ὁ τῶν Βανδίλων χρόνος, ὃν ἂν ἔν γε τῇ Ῥωμαίων ἀρχῇ διατρίβοιεν, ἐς ταύτην δὴ τὴν τριακοντοῦτιν παραγραφὴν ἥκιστα φέροιτο.

§ 3.3.4 Ὁνώριος μέν, ἐς τοῦτό οἱ τῆς ἑσπερίας ἐληλαμένης, ἐτελεύτησε νόσῳ. ἐτύγχανε δὲ πρότερον ξὺν τῷ Ὁνωρίῳ τὴν βασιλείαν Κωνστάντιος ἔχων, τῆς Ἀρκαδίου τε καὶ Ὁνωρίου ἀδελφῆς Πλακιδίας ἀνήρ, ὃς ἡμέρας τῇ ἀρχῇ ἐπιβιοὺς ὀλίγας, πονήρως τε νοσήσας εἶτα ἀπέθανεν, Ὁνωρίου ζῶντος, οὐδὲν οὔτε εἰπεῖν λόγου ἄξιον οὔτε πρᾶξαι ἰσχύσας· οὐ γὰρ αὐτῷ ἐπήρκει ὁ χρόνος ὃν ἐν τῇ βασιλείᾳ ἐβίου.

§ 3.3.5 τούτου δὴ τοῦ Κωνσταντίου παῖς Βαλεντινιανός, ἄρτι τοῦ τιτθοῦ ἀπαλλαγείς, ἐν τοῖς Θεοδοσίου βασιλείοις ἐτρέφετο, οἱ δὲ τῆς ἐν Ῥώμῃ βασιλέως αὐλῆς τῶν τινα ἐκείνῃ στρατιωτῶν, Ἰωάννην ὄνομα, βασιλέα αἱροῦνται.

§ 3.3.6 ἦν δὲ οὗτος ἀνὴρ πρᾷός τε καὶ ξυνέσεως εὖ ἥκων καὶ ἀρετῆς μεταποιεῖσθαι ἐξεπιστάμενος.

§ 3.3.7 πέντε γοῦν ἔτη τὴν τυραννίδα ἔχων μετρίως ἐξηγήσατο, καὶ οὔτε τοῖς διαβάλλουσι τὴν ἀκοὴν ὑπέσχεν οὔτε φόνον ἄδικον εἰργάσατο ἑκών γε εἶναι οὔτε χρημάτων ἀφαιρέσει ἐπέθετο· ἐς δὲ βαρβάρους οὐδὲν ὅ τι καὶ πρᾶξαι οἷός τε ἐγεγόνει, ἐπεί οἱ τὰ ἐκ Βυζαντίου πολέμια ἦν.

§ 3.3.8 ἐπὶ τοῦτον τὸν Ἰωάννην Θεοδόσιος ὁ Ἀρκαδίου στρατὸν πολὺν πέμψας καὶ στρατηγοὺς Ἄσπαρά τε καὶ Ἀρδαβούριον, τὸν Ἄσπαρος υἱόν, αὐτόν τε ἀφαιρεῖται τὴν τυραννίδα καὶ Βαλεντινιανῷ ἔτι παιδὶ ὄντι τὴν βασιλείαν παρέδωκε.

§ 3.3.9 ζῶντα δὲ Βαλεντινιανὸς Ἰωάννην λαβὼν ἔν τε τῷ Ἀκυληίας ἱπποδρομίῳ τὴν ἑτέραν ταῖν χεροῖν ἀποκοπέντα εἰσῆγεν ἐπόμπευσέ τε ὄνῳ ὀχούμενον, καὶ πολλὰ παρὰ τῶν ἀπὸ σκηνῆς ἐνταῦθα παθόντα τε καὶ ἀκούσαντα ἔκτεινεν. οὕτω μὲν Βαλεντινιανὸς τὸ τῆς ἑσπερίας παρέλαβε κράτος.

§ 3.3.10 Πλακιδία δὲ ἡ αὐτοῦ μήτηρ θηλυνομένην παιδείαν τε καὶ τροφὴν τὸν βασιλέα τοῦτον ἐξέθρεψέ τε καὶ ἐξεπαίδευσε, καὶ ἀπ’ αὐτοῦ κακίας ἔμπλεως ἐκ παιδὸς γέγονε.

§ 3.3.11 φαρμακεῦσί τε γὰρ τὰ πολλὰ καὶ τοῖς ἐς τὰ ἄστρα περιέργοις ὡμίλει, ἔς τε ἀλλοτρίων γυναικῶν ἔρωτας δαιμονίως ἐσπουδακὼς πολλῇ ἐχρῆτο ἐς τὴν δίαιταν παρανομίᾳ, καίπερ γυναικὶ ξυνοικῶν εὐπρεπεῖ τὴν ὄψιν ἐς ἄγαν οὔσῃ.

§ 3.3.12 ταῦτά τοι οὐδέ τι ἀνεσώσατο τῇ βασιλείᾳ ὧν ἀφῄρητο πρότερον, ἀλλὰ καὶ Λιβύην προσαπώλεσε καὶ αὐτὸς ἐφθάρη.

§ 3.3.13 καὶ ἐπειδὴ ἐτελεύτησε, τῇ τε γυναικὶ ταῖς τε παισὶ δορυαλώτοις γενέσθαι ξυνέπεσε. γέγονε δὲ ὧδε τὸ ἐν Λιβύῃ πάθος.

§ 3.3.14 Στρατηγὼ δύο Ῥωμαίων ἤστην, Ἀέτιός τε καὶ Βονιφάτιος, καρτερώ τε ὡς μάλιστα καὶ πολλῶν πολέμων ἐμπείρω τῶν γε κατ’ ἐκεῖνον τὸν χρόνον οὐδενὸς ἧσσον.

§ 3.3.15 τούτω τὼ ἄνδρε διαφόρω μὲν τὰ πολιτικὰ ἐγενέσθην, ἐς τοσοῦτον δὲ μεγαλοψυχίας τε καὶ τῆς ἄλλης ἀρετῆς ἡκέτην ὥστε, εἴ τις αὐτοῖν ἑκάτερον ἄνδρα Ῥωμαίων ὕστατον εἴποι, οὐκ ἂν ἁμάρτοι· οὕτω τὴν Ῥωμαίων ἀρετὴν ξύμπασαν ἐς τούτω τὼ ἄνδρε ἀποκεκρίσθαι τετύχηκε.

§ 3.3.16 τούτοιν τὸν ἕτερον Βονιφάτιον ἡ Πλακιδία στρατηγὸν ἀπέδειξε Λιβύης ἁπάσης. τοῦτο δὲ οὐ βουλομένῳ ἦν Ἀετίῳ, ἀλλ’ ἥκιστά γε ὡς αὐτὸν οὐκ ἀρέσκει ἐξήνεγκεν. οὔπω γὰρ αὐτοῖν ἡ ἔχθρα ἐς φῶς ἐληλύθει, ἀλλ’ ὑπὸ τῷ προσώπῳ ἑκατέρῳ ἐκρύπτετο.

§ 3.3.17 ἐπεὶ δέ οἱ Βονιφάτιος ἐκποδὼν ἐγεγόνει, διέβαλεν αὐτὸν ἐς τὴν Πλακιδίαν ὡς τυραννοίη, ἀποστερήσας αὐτήν τε καὶ βασιλέα Λιβύης ἁπάσης, ῥᾴδιόν τε εἶναι αὐτῇ ἔλεγε τἀληθὲς ἐξευρεῖν· ἢν γὰρ μεταπέμποιτο Βονιφάτιον ἐς Ῥώμην, οὐ μή ποτε ἔλθῃ.

§ 3.3.18 ἐπεὶ δὲ ταῦτα ἤκουσεν ἡ γυνή, εὖ τέ οἱ εἰπεῖν Ἀέτιος ἔδοξε καὶ κατὰ ταῦτα ἐποίει. προτερήσας δὲ Ἀέτιος ἔγραψε πρὸς Βονιφάτιον λάθρα ὡς ἐπιβουλεύοι αὐτῷ ἡ βασιλέως μήτηρ καὶ βούλοιτο αὐτὸν ἐκποδὼν ποιήσασθαι.

§ 3.3.19 καί οἱ τεκμήριον τῆς ἐπιβουλῆς προηγόρευεν ἔσεσθαι μέγα· ἐξ αἰτίας γὰρ οὐδεμιᾶς αὐτίκα μάλα μετάπεμπτος ἔσται. ταῦτα μὲν ἡ ἐπιστολὴ ἐδήλου.

§ 3.3.20 Βονιφάτιος δὲ οὐκ ἀλογήσας τὰ γεγραμμένα, ἐπειδὴ τάχιστα παρῆσαν οἳ αὐτὸν ὡς βασιλέα ἐκάλουν, ἀπεῖπε τὸ μὴ βασιλεῖ τε καὶ τῇ αὐτοῦ μητρὶ ἐπακούειν, οὐδενὶ τὴν Ἀετίου ὑποθήκην ἐκφήνας.

§ 3.3.21 Πλακιδία μὲν οὖν ὡς ταῦτα ἤκουσεν, Ἀέτιόν τε τοῖς βασιλέως πράγμασιν εὔνουν ἐς τὰ μάλιστα ᾤετο εἶναι καὶ τὰ ἀπὸ Βονιφατίου ἐν βουλῇ εἶχε.

§ 3.3.22 Βονιφάτιος δὲ ʽκαὶ γάρ οἱ οὔτε βασιλεῖ ἐδόκει ἀντιτάξασθαι οἵῳ τε εἶναι ἐς Ῥώμην τε ἀπιόντι οὐδεμία σωτηρία ἐφαίνετὀ βουλεύεται ὅπως οἱ, ἢν δύνηται, ὁμαιχμία ἐς τοὺς Βανδίλους ἔσται, οἳ ἐν Ἱσπανίᾳ, ὡς πρόσθεν εἴρηται, οὐ πόρρω Λιβύης ἱδρύσαντο.

§ 3.3.23 ἔνθα δὴ Γωδίγισκλος μὲν ἐτεθνήκει, διεδέξαντο δὲ τὴν ἀρχὴν οἱ ἐκείνου παῖδες, Γόνθαρις μὲν ἐκ γυναικὸς αὐτῷ γαμετῆς γεγονώς, Γιζέριχος δὲ νόθος.

§ 3.3.24 ἀλλ’ ὁ μὲν ἔτι ἦν παῖς καὶ τὸ δραστήριον οὐ σφόδρα ἔχων, Γιζέριχος δὲ τά τε πολέμια ὡς ἄριστα ἐξήσκητο καὶ δεινότατος ἦν ἀνθρώπων ἁπάντων.

§ 3.3.25 πέμψας οὖν ἐς Ἱσπανίαν Βονιφάτιος τοὺς αὑτῷ μάλιστα ἐπιτηδείους ἑκάτερον τῶν Γωδιγίσκλου παίδων ἐπὶ τῇ ἴσῃ καὶ ὁμοίᾳ προσεποιήσατο, ἐφ’ ᾧ αὐτῶν ἕκαστον τὸ Λιβύης τριτημόριον ἔχοντα τῶν κατ’ αὐτὸν ἄρχειν· ἢν δέ τις ἐπ’ αὐτῶν τινα ἴοι πολεμήσων,

§ 3.3.26 κοινῇ τοὺς ἐπιόντας ἀμύνασθαι. ἐπὶ ταύτῃ τῇ ὁμολογίᾳ Βανδίλοι τὸν ἐν Γαδείροις πορθμὸν διαβάντες ἐς Λιβύην ἀφίκοντο καὶ Οὐισίγοτθοι ἐν τῷ ὑστέρῳ χρόνῳ ἐν Ἱσπανίᾳ ἱδρύσαντο.

§ 3.3.27 ἐν δὲ τῇ Ῥώμῃ οἱ Βονιφατίῳ ἐπιτήδειοι, τοῦ τε τρόπου ἐνθυμούμενοι τοῦ ἀνθρώπου ἐκλογιζόμενοί τε ἡλίκος ὁ παράλογος ἦν, ἐν θαύματι μεγάλῳ ἐποιοῦντο, εἰ Βονιφάτιος τυραννοίη, τινὲς δὲ αὐτῶν Πλακιδίας ἐπαγγελλούσης ἐς Καρχηδόνα ἦλθον.

§ 3.3.28 ἔνθα δὴ Βονιφατίῳ συγγενόμενοι τά τε Ἀετίου γράμματα εἶδον καὶ τὸν πάντα λόγον ἀκούσαντες ἐς Ῥώμην τε ὡς εἶχον τάχους ἀνέστρεφον καὶ ὅπως αὐτῇ Βονιφάτιος ἔχοι ἀπήγγελλον.

§ 3.3.29 καταπλαγεῖσα δὲ ἡ γυνὴ Ἀέτιον μὲν εἰργάσατο οὐδὲν ἄχαρι οὐδέ τι ὠνείδισεν ὧν αὐτῷ ἐς τὸν βασιλέως οἶκον ἐπέπρακτο, ἐπεὶ αὐτός τε δυνάμει μεγάλῃ ἐχρῆτο καὶ τὰ τῆς βασιλείας πράγματα πονηρὰ ἤδη ἦν· τοῖς δὲ Βονιφατίου φίλοις τήν τε Ἀετίου ὑποθήκην ἔφραζε καὶ πίστεις παρεχομένη καὶ ὅρκια ἔχρῃζεν αὐτῶν ὅπως τὸν ἄνδρα, ἢν δύνωνται, πείσουσιν ἐπανήκειν ἐς τὰ πάτρια ἤθη, οὐ περιιδόντα ὑπὸ βαρβάροις κειμένην τὴν Ῥωμαίων ἀρχήν.

§ 3.3.30 ἐπεὶ δὲ ὁ Βονιφάτιος ἤκουσε ταῦτα, τῆς τε πράξεως αὐτῷ καὶ τῆς ἐς τοὺς βαρβάρους ὁμολογίας μετέμελε, καὶ αὐτοὺς ἐλιπάρει μύρια πάντα ὑποδεχόμενος ἀπὸ Λιβύης ἀνίστασθαι.

§ 3.3.31 τῶν δὲ οὐκ ἐνδεχομένων τοὺς λόγους, ἀλλὰ περιυβρίζεσθαι οἰομένων, ἐς χεῖρας αὐτοῖς ἐλθεῖν ἠναγκάσθη καὶ ἡσσηθεὶς τῇ μάχῃ ἐς Ἱππονερέγιον ἀνεχώρησε, πόλιν ὀχυρὰν ἐν Νουμιδίᾳ τῇ ἐπὶ θαλάσσῃ κειμένην.

§ 3.3.32 ἔνθα δὴ οἱ Βανδίλοι στρατοπεδευσάμενοι Γιζερίχου σφίσιν ἡγουμένου ἐπολιόρκουν· Γόνθαρις γὰρ ἤδη ἐτεθνήκει. φασὶ δὲ αὐτὸν πρὸς τοῦ ἀδελφοῦ ἀπολέσθαι.

§ 3.3.33 Βανδίλοι δὲ τούτοις οὐχ ὁμολογοῦντες Γόνθαρίν φασιν ἐν Ἱσπανίᾳ πρὸς Γερμανῶν ξυλληφθέντα ἐν μάχῃ ἀνασκολοπισθῆναι, καὶ Γιζέριχον ἤδη αὐτοκράτορα ὄντα Βανδίλοις ἐς Λιβύην ἡγήσασθαι.

§ 3.3.34 ταῦτα μὲν δὴ οὕτω πρὸς Βανδίλων ἀκήκοα. χρόνου δὲ πολλοῦ διελθόντος, ἐπεὶ οὔτε βία οὔτε ὁμολογίᾳ τὸ Ἱππονερέγιον παραστήσασθαι οἷοί τε ἦσαν καὶ τῷ λιμῷ ἐπιέζοντο, τὴν προσεδρείαν διέλυσαν.

§ 3.3.35 ὀλίγῳ δὲ ὕστερον χρόνῳ Βονιφάτιός τε καὶ οἱ ἐν Λιβύῃ Ῥωμαῖοι, ἐπεὶ αὐτοῖς ἔκ τε Ῥώμης καὶ Βυζαντίου πολὺς στρατὸς ἦλθε καὶ στρατηγὸς Ἄσπαρ, ἀναμαχέσασθαί τε ἠξίουν καὶ μάχης καρτερᾶς γενομένης παρὰ πολὺ ἡσσημένοι τῶν πολεμίων ὅπη ἕκαστος ἐδύναντο ἐς φυγὴν ὥρμηντο.

§ 3.3.36 καὶ ὅ τε Ἄσπαρ ἐπ’ οἴκου ἀπεκομίσθη καὶ Βονιφάτιος ὡς Πλακιδίαν ἀφικόμενος τὴν ὑποψίαν διέλυεν, ὡς οὐκ ἐξ ἀληθοῦς αἰτίας ἐς αὐτὸν γένοιτο.

Wars 3.4

§ 3.4.1 Τὴν μὲν δὴ Λιβύην οὕτω Βανδίλοι Ῥωμαίους ἀφελόμενοι ἔσχον. τῶν δὲ πολεμίων οὓς λάβοιεν ζῶντας ἐν ἀνδραπόδων ποιούμενοι μοίρᾳ ἐν φυλακῇ εἶχον.

§ 3.4.2 ἐν τούτοις δὲ καὶ Μαρκιανὸν ξυνέπεσεν εἶναι, ὃς ὕστερον τελευτήσαντος Θεοδοσίου τὴν βασιλείαν παρέλαβε.

§ 3.4.3 τότε μέντοι Γιζέριχος ἐν τῇ βασιλέως αὐλῇ παρεῖναι τοὺς αἰχμαλώτους ἐκέλευεν, ὅπως οἱ εἰδέναι σκοπουμένῳ ἐξῇ ὅτῳ ἂν δεσπότῃ αὐτῶν ἕκαστος οὐκ ἀπὸ τῆς αὑτοῦ ἀξίας δουλεύοι.

§ 3.4.4 καὶ ἐπειδὴ ξυνελέγησαν αἴθριοι, ἀμφὶ ἡμέραν μέσην ὥρᾳ θέρους ἀχθόμενοι τῷ ἡλίῳ ἐκάθηντο. ἐν αὐτοῖς δὲ καὶ Μαρκιανὸς ὅπου δὴ ἀπημελημένως ἐκάθευδε.

§ 3.4.5 καί τις αὐτοῦ ἀετὸς ὑπερίπτατο, τὰ πτερά, ὡς λέγουσι, διαπετάσας, ἀεί τε μένων ἐν τῇ αὐτῇ τοῦ ἀέρος χώρᾳ μόνον τὸν Μαρκιανὸν ἐπεσκίαζεν.

§ 3.4.6 ἐκ δὲ τῶν ὑπερῴων τὸ ποιούμενον ἰδὼν Γιζέριχος, ἀγχίνους τις ὢν μάλιστα, θεῖόν τε εἶναι τὸ πρᾶγμα ὑπώπτευσε καὶ τὸν ἄνθρωπον μεταπεμψάμενος ἐπυνθάνετο αὐτοῦ ὅστις ποτὲ εἴη.

§ 3.4.7 ὁ δὲ τῶν ἀπορρήτων Ἄσπαρι ἔφη κοινωνὸς εἶναι· δομέστικον δὲ τοῦτον τῇ σφετέρᾳ γλώσσῃ καλοῦσι Ῥωμαῖοι.

§ 3.4.8 ταῦτα Γιζερίχῳ ἀκούσαντι καὶ ξυμβαλλομένῳ μὲν τὸ τοῦ ὄρνιθος ἔργον, τὴν δὲ Ἄσπαρος δύναμιν ἐν νῷ ἔχοντι ὅσῃ ἐν Βυζαντίῳ ἐχρῆτο, καταφανὲς ἐγίνετο ὡς εἰς βασιλείαν ὁ ἀνὴρ ἄγοιτο.

§ 3.4.9 κτεῖναι μὲν οὖν αὐτὸν ἥκιστα ἐδικαίου, ἐκλογιζόμενος ὡς, ἢν μὲν ἐξ ἀνθρώπων αὐτὸν ἀφανίζῃ, εὔδηλον ἔσται ὡς οὐδὲν ἂν τὸ τῷ ὄρνιθι ποιηθὲν εἴη ʽοὐ γὰρ βασιλέα τῇ σκιᾷ θεραπεύοι, ὅς γε αὐτίκα δὴ ἀπολεῖσθαι ἔμελλἐ, λόγῳ τε αὐτὸν οὐδενὶ κτείνοι· ἢν δέ γε χρῆν ἐν τῷ ὑστέρῳ χρόνῳ βασιλεῦσαι τὸν ἄνθρωπον, οὐ μήποτέ οἱ θανάτῳ καταληπτὸς ἔσται· τὰ γὰρ τοῦ θεοῦ ἐς βουλὴν ἥκοντα οὐκ ἂν δύναιτο ἀνθρώπου γνώμῃ κωλυτὰ εἶναι.

§ 3.4.10 ὅρκοις δὲ αὐτὸν καταλαμβάνει ὡς, ἢν ἐπ’ αὐτῷ ἔσται, οὔποτε πρός γε Βανδίλους ἐν ὅπλοις γένηται. οὕτω δὴ Μαρκιανὸς ἀφειμένος ἐς Βυζάντιον ἀφίκετο καὶ Θεοδοσίου χρόνῳ ὕστερον τελευτήσαντος ἐδέξατο τὴν βασιλείαν.

§ 3.4.11 καὶ τὰ μὲν ἄλλα ξύμπαντα βασιλεὺς ἐγεγόνει ἀγαθός, τὰ δὲ ἀμφὶ Λιβύην ἐν οὐδενὶ ἐποιήσατο λόγῳ. ἀλλὰ ταῦτα μὲν ἐν τῷ ὑστέρῳ χρόνῳ ἐγένετο.

§ 3.4.12 Γιζέριχος δὲ τότε Ἄσπαρά τε καὶ Βονιφάτιον μάχῃ νικήσας πρόνοιάν τε ἐπιδειξάμενος ἀφηγήσεως ἀξίαν, τὴν εὐτυχίαν ὡς μάλιστα ἐκρατύνατο.

§ 3.4.13 δείσας γάρ, ἢν καὶ αὖθις ἔκ τε Ῥώμης καὶ Βυζαντίου στρατὸς ἐπ’ αὐτὸν ἴοι, μὴ οὐχ οἷοί τε ὦσιν οἱ Βανδίλοι τῇ τε ῥώμῃ καὶ τῇ τύχῃ ὁμοίᾳ χρῆσθαι, ἐπεὶ τὰ ἀνθρώπεια τοῖς τε θείοις σφάλλεσθαι καὶ τοῖς σώμασι φιλεῖ ἐλασσοῦσθαι, οὐχ οἷς εὐημέρησεν ἐπηρμένος, ἀλλ’ οἷς ἔδεισε μέτριος γεγονώς, σπονδὰς πρὸς βασιλέα Βαλεντινιανὸν ποιεῖται ἐφ’ ᾧ ἐς ἕκαστον ἔτος δασμοὺς ἐκ Λιβύης βασιλεῖ φέρειν, ἕνα τε τῶν παίδων Ὁνώριχον ἐν ὁμήρου μοίρᾳ ἐπὶ ταύτῃ δὴ τῇ ὁμολογίᾳ παρέδωκε.

§ 3.4.14 Γιζέριχος μὲν οὖν ἔν τε τῇ μάχῃ ἐγένετο ἀνὴρ ἀγαθὸς καὶ τὴν νίκην ὡς ἀσφαλέστατα διεφύλαξε καὶ Ὁνώριχον τὸν παῖδα τῆς φιλίας αὐτοῖς ἐπὶ μέγα χωρούσης ἀπέλαβεν.

§ 3.4.15 ἐν δὲ δὴ Ῥώμῃ Πλακιδία μὲν πρότερον ἐτελεύτα, ἔπειτα δὲ Βαλεντινιανὸς ὁ ταύτης υἱός, ἄπαις ἀρσενογόνου, θυγατέρε μέντοι αὐτῷ δύο ἐξ Εὐδοξίας τῆς Θεοδοσίου παιδὸς ἐγενέσθην. ὅτῳ δὲ τρόπῳ Βαλεντινιανὸς ἐτελεύτα, λέξων ἔρχομαι.

§ 3.4.16 Μάξιμός τις ἦν ἐκ γερουσίας ἀνὴρ Ῥωμαῖος, ἐκ τῆς ἐκείνου Μαξίμου οἰκίας ὃν ὁ πρεσβύτερος Θεοδόσιος τυραννοῦντα καθελὼν ἔκτεινεν· ὑπὲρ οὗ δὴ καὶ τὴν ἐνιαύσιον ἑορτὴν ἄγουσι Ῥωμαῖοι τῆς τοῦ Μαξίμου ἥσσης ἐπώνυμον.

§ 3.4.17 οὗτος ὁ νεώτερος Μάξιμος γυναικὶ ξυνῴκει σώφρονί τε τὸν τρόπον καὶ τὸ κάλλος διαβοήτῳ ἐς ἄγαν οὔσῃ. διὸ δὴ αὐτῇ ἐς κοίτην ἐλθεῖν Βαλεντινιανῷ τις ἐπιθυμία ἐγένετο.

§ 3.4.18 καὶ ἐπεὶ βουλομένῳ αὐτῇ ξυγγενέσθαι ἀμήχανα ἦν, ἐβούλευσέ τε ἀνόσια ἔργα καὶ ἐπιτελῆ ταῦτα ἐποίησε.

§ 3.4.19 μεταπεμψάμενος γὰρ τὸν Μάξιμον ἐς παλάτιον ξὺν αὐτῷ ἐς τὸ πεττεύειν καθίστατο, καὶ χρυσίον ῥητὸν ἐτέτακτο ἡ ζημία τῷ ἡσσηθέντι·

§ 3.4.20 νενικηκὼς δὲ ὁ βασιλεὺς ἐν τούτῳ τῷ ἔργῳ καὶ τὸν Μαξίμου δακτύλιον ἐνέχυρον τῷ ξυγκειμένῳ κεκομισμένος ἐς τὴν ἐκείνου οἰκίαν πέμπει, εἰπεῖν ἐπιστείλας τῇ γυναικὶ ὅτι δὴ αὐτὴν κελεύει Μάξιμος ὡς τάχιστα ἐς παλάτιον ἥκειν τὴν βασιλίδα Εὐδοξίαν ἀσπασομένην.

§ 3.4.21 καὶ ἡ μὲν τὸν λόγον τῷ δακτυλίῳ τεκμηραμένη Μαξίμου εἶναι ἐσβᾶσα εἰς τὸ φορεῖον κομίζεται ἐς τὴν βασιλέως αὐλήν.

§ 3.4.22 λαβόντες δὲ αὐτὴν οἷς δὴ αὕτη ἐκ βασιλέως ἡ ὑπουργία ἐπέκειτο, εἰσάγουσιν εἴς τι δωμάτιον τῆς γυναικωνίτιδος μακρὰν ἄποθεν, οὗ δὴ αὐτῇ ὁ Βαλεντινιανὸς ἐντυχὼν οὔτι ἑκουσίαν βιάζεται.

§ 3.4.23 ἡ δὲ μετὰ τὴν ὕβριν ἐς τοῦ ἀνδρὸς τὴν οἰκίαν ἐλθοῦσα δεδακρυμένη τε καὶ τῇ συμφορᾷ ὡς ἔνι μάλιστα περιαλγοῦσα πολλὰς ἐπέβαλε τῷ Μαξίμῳ ἀράς, ἅτε τοῖς πεπραγμένοις τὴν αἰτίαν παρασχομένῳ.

§ 3.4.24 περιώδυνος τοίνυν ὁ Μάξιμος τοῖς ξυμπεσοῦσι γενόμενος αὐτίκα μὲν εἰς ἐπιβουλὴν τοῦ βασιλέως καθίστατο· ὡς δὲ τὸν Ἀέτιον ἑώρα μέγα δυνάμενον, ὃς καὶ Ἀττίλαν ἄρτι ἐνενικήκει στρατῷ μεγάλῳ Μασσαγετῶν τε καὶ τῶν ἄλλων Σκυθῶν ἐς τὴν Ῥωμαίων ἀρχὴν ἐσβαλόντα, ἐνθύμιόν οἱ ἐγένετο ὥς οἱ Ἀέτιος ἐς τὰ πρασσόμενα ἐμπόδιος ἔσται.

§ 3.4.25 ταῦτά τε διανοουμένῳ ἄμεινον ἔδοξεν εἶναι τὸν Ἀέτιον ἐκποδὼν ποιήσασθαι πρότερον, οὐδὲν ποιησαμένῳ ὅτι ἐς αὐτὸν περιέστηκε πᾶσα ἡ Ῥωμαίων ἐλπίς.

§ 3.4.26 τῶν δὲ ἀμφὶ τὴν βασιλέως θεραπείαν εὐνούχων εὐνοϊκῶς οἱ ἐχόντων, ἀνέπεισε ταῖς αὐτῶν μηχαναῖς βασιλέα ὡς νεωτέροις πράγμασιν ἐγχειροίη Ἀέτιος.

§ 3.4.27 Βαλεντινιανὸς δὲ ἄλλῳ οὐδενὶ ὅτι μὴ τῇ Ἀετίου δυνάμει τε καὶ ἀρετῇ τεκμηριώσας τὸν λόγον ὑγιᾶ εἶναι κτείνει τὸν ἄνδρα.

§ 3.4.28 ὅτε δὴ καὶ Ῥωμαίων τις ἔπος εἰπὼν ηὐδοκίμησεν. ἐρομένου γὰρ αὐτὸν βασιλέως εἴ οἱ καλῶς ὁ τοῦ Ἀετίου θάνατος ἐργασθείη, ἀπεκρίνατο λέγων οὐκ ἔχειν μὲν εἰδέναι τοῦτο εἴτε εὖ εἴτε πη ἄλλῃ αὐτῷ εἴργασται, ἐκεῖνο μέντοι ὡς ἄριστα ἐξεπίστασθαι, ὅτι αὑτοῦ τὴν δεξιὰν τῇ ἑτέρᾳ χειρὶ ἀποτεμὼν εἴη.

§ 3.4.29 Ἀετίου γοῦν τελευτήσαντος Ἀττίλας, οὐδενός οἱ ἀντιπάλου ὄντος, Εὐρώπην τε ξύμπασαν πόνῳ οὐδενὶ ἐληίζετο καὶ βασιλείαν ἑκατέραν ἐπακούουσαν ἐς φόρου ἀπαγωγὴν ἔσχε. δασμοὶ γὰρ αὐτῷ πρὸς τῶν βασιλέων ἐπέμποντο ἀνὰ πᾶν ἔτος.

§ 3.4.30 τότε τῷ Ἀττίλᾳ πόλιν Ἀκυληίαν πολιορκοῦντι μεγάλην τε καὶ ἀτεχνῶς πολυάνθρωπον, παραλίαν μέν, ἐκτὸς δὲ κόλπου τοῦ Ἰονίου οὖσαν,

§ 3.4.31 τοιόνδε φασὶν εὐτύχημα ξυνενεχθῆναι. λέγουσι γὰρ αὐτόν, ἐπειδὴ οὔτε βίᾳ οὔτε τῳ ἄλλῳ τρόπῳ οἷός τε ἦν τὸ χωρίον ἑλεῖν, πρός τε τὴν προσεδρείαν ἀπειπεῖν, ἤδη ἐπὶ μακρότατον γεγενημένην, καὶ ἅπαν κελεῦσαι τὸ στράτευμα τὰ ἐς τὴν ἀναχώρησιν ἐν παρασκευῇ αὐτίκα δὴ μάλα ποιήσασθαι, ὅπως δὴ τῇ ὑστεραίᾳ ἐνθένδε ἅπαντες ἐξανιστῶνται ἅμα ἡλίῳ ἀνίσχοντι.

§ 3.4.32 ἡμέρᾳ δὲ τῇ ἐπιγινομένῃ ἀμφὶ ἡλίου ἀνατολὰς λύσαντας μὲν τὴν προσεδρείαν τοὺς βαρβάρους τῆς ἀφόδου ἔχεσθαι ἤδη, ἕνα δὲ πελαργὸν ἐπὶ πύργου τινὸς τοῦ τῆς πόλεως περιβόλου καλιάν τε ἔχοντα καὶ νεοττοὺς τρέφοντα ἐνθένδε ἐκ τοῦ αἰφνιδίου ξὺν τοῖς τέκνοις ἐξαναστῆναι.

§ 3.4.33 καὶ τὸν μὲν πατέρα πελαργὸν ἵπτασθαι, τοὺς δὲ πελαργιδεῖς, ἅτε οὔπω ἐκπετησίμους παντάπασιν ὄντας, τὰ μὲν αὐτῷ μετέχειν τῆς πτήσεως, τὰ δὲ ἐπὶ τοῦ νώτου τοῦ πατρὸς φέρεσθαι, οὕτω τε ἀποπτάντας τῆς πόλεως ἑκαστάτω γενέσθαι.

§ 3.4.34 ὃ δὴ Ἀττίλαν κατιδόντα ʽἦν γὰρ δεινότατος ξυνεῖναί τε καὶ ξυμβαλεῖν ἅπαντἀ κελεῦσαι τὸν στρατὸν αὖθις ἐν χώρῳ τῷ αὐτῷ μένειν, ἐπειπόντα οὐκ ἄν ποτε εἰκῆ ἐνθένδε ἀποπτάντα ξὺν τοῖς νεοττοῖς τὸν ὄρνιν οἴχεσθαι, εἰ μή τι ἐμαντεύετο φλαῦρον οὐκ εἰς μακρὰν τῷ χωρίῳ ξυμβήσεσθαι.

§ 3.4.35 οὕτω μὲν τὸ τῶν βαρβάρων στρατόπεδον αὖθις ἐς τὴν πολιορκίαν καταστῆναί φασι, τοῦ δὲ περιβόλου μοῖράν τινα οὐ πολλῷ ὕστερον ἐκείνην ἣ τὴν τοῦ ὄρνιθος τούτου καλιὰν εἶχεν, ἀπ̓οὐδεμιᾶς αἰτίας ἐξαπιναίως καταπεσεῖν καὶ τοῖς πολεμίοις ταύτῃ ἐσιτητὰ ἐς τὴν πόλιν γενέσθαι, οὕτω τε τὴν Ἀκυληίαν κατὰ κράτος ἁλῶναι. τὰ μὲν οὖν ἀμφὶ τῇ Ἀκυληίᾳ ταύτῃ πη ἔσχεν.

§ 3.4.36 Ὕστερον δὲ καὶ βασιλέα οὐδενὶ πόνῳ ἔκτεινε Μάξιμος καὶ τὴν τυραννίδα ἔσχε, τῇ τε Εὐδοξίᾳ ξυγγέγονε βίᾳ. γυνὴ γὰρ ἥπερ αὐτῷ ξυνῴκει τετελευτήκει οὐ πολλῷ πρότερον. καί ποτε αὐτῇ ἐν τῇ κοίτῃ προσέφερε λόγον ὡς τοῦ αὐτῆς ἔρωτος εἵνεκα πάντα εἴη διαπεπραγμένος ἃ εἴργαστο.

§ 3.4.37 τήν τε Εὐδοξίαν ἀχθομένην Μαξίμῳ καὶ πρότερον τίσασθαί τε αὐτὸν τῆς ἐς Βαλεντινιανὸν ἀδικίας ἐπιθυμοῦσαν ἔτι μᾶλλον εἰς αὐτὸν οἰδαίνειν ὁ λόγος ἐποίησεν, ἔς τε τὴν ἐπιβουλὴν ἐνῆγεν, ἐπεὶ τῷ ἀνδρὶ αὐτῆς ἕνεκα ξυμβῆναι τὴν συμφορὰν Μαξίμου λέγοντος ἤκουσε.

§ 3.4.38 καὶ ἐπειδὴ τάχιστα ἡμέρα ἐγένετο, πέμπει ἐς Καρχηδόνα δεομένη Γιζερίχου τιμωρεῖν Βαλεντινιανῷ ὑπ’ ἀνδρὸς ἀνοσίου διαφθαρέντι, αὐτοῦ τε ἀναξίως καὶ τῆς βασιλείας, καὶ αὐτὴν ῥύεσθαι πάσχουσαν πρὸς τοῦ τυράννου ἀνόσια.

§ 3.4.39 ἐπέσκηπτε δὲ ὡς φίλῳ τε καὶ ξυμμάχῳ ὄντι Γιζερίχῳ καὶ τηλικοῦδε πάθους ἐς οἶκον τὸν βασιλέως ξυμβάντος τὸ μὴ οὐχὶ τιμωρῷ γενέσθαι οὐχ ὅσιόν ἐστιν. ἐκ Βυζαντίου γὰρ τιμωρίαν οὐδεμίαν ᾤετο ἔσεσθαι, Θεοδοσίου μὲν ἤδη ἐξ ἀνθρώπων ἀφανισθέντος, Μαρκιανοῦ δὲ τὴν βασιλείαν παραλαβόντος.

Wars 3.11

§ 3.11.1 Ταῦτα βασιλεὺς οὔπω πεπυσμένος τετρακοσίους τε στρατιώτας καὶ ἄρχοντα Κύριλλον ὡς τὴν νῆσον ξυμφυλάξοντας Γώδᾳ ἡτοίμαζεν.

§ 3.11.2 ἤδη δὲ ξὺν αὐτοῖς καὶ τὴν ἐς Καρχηδόνα στρατείαν ἐν παρασκευῇ εἶχε, πεζοὺς μὲν στρατιώτας μυρίους, ἱππέας δὲ πεντακισχιλίους, ἔκ τε στρατιωτῶν καὶ φοιδεράτων συνειλεγμένους.

§ 3.11.3 ἐν δὲ δὴ φοιδεράτοις πρότερον μὲν μόνοι βάρβαροι κατελέγοντο, ὅσοι οὐκ ἐπὶ τῷ δοῦλοι εἶναι, ἅτε μὴ πρὸς Ῥωμαίων ἡσσημένοι, ἀλλ’ ἐπὶ τῇ ἴσῃ καὶ ὁμοίᾳ ἐς τὴν πολιτείαν ἀφίκοιντο·

§ 3.11.4 φοίδερα γὰρ τὰς πρὸς τοὺς πολεμίους σπονδὰς καλοῦσι Ῥωμαῖοι· τὸ δὲ νῦν ἅπασι τοῦ ὀνόματος τούτου ἐπιβατεύειν οὐκ ἐν κωλύμῃ ἐστί, τοῦ χρόνου τὰς προσηγορίας ἐφ’ ὧν τέθεινται ἥκιστα ἀξιοῦντος τηρεῖν, ἀλλὰ τῶν πραγμάτων ἀεὶ περιφερομένων, ᾗ ταῦτα ἄγειν ἐθέλουσιν ἄνθρωποι, τῶν πρόσθεν αὐτοῖς ὠνομασμένων ὀλιγωροῦντες.

§ 3.11.5 ἄρχοντες δὲ ἦσαν φοιδεράτων μὲν Δωρόθεός τε, ὁ τῶν ἐν Ἀρμενίοις καταλόγων στρατηγός, καὶ Σολόμων, ὃς τὴν Βελισαρίου ἐπετρόπευε στρατηγίαν·

§ 3.11.6 ʽδομέστικον τοῦτον καλοῦσι Ῥωμαῖοι. ὁ δὲ Σολόμων οὗτος εὐνοῦχος μὲν ἦν, οὐκ ἐξ ἐπιβουλῆς δὲ ἀνθρώπου τὰ αἰδοῖα ἐτύγχανεν ἀποτμηθείς, ἀλλά τις αὐτῷ τύχη ἐν σπαργάνοις ὄντι τοῦτο ἐβράβευσε·̓ καὶ Κυπριανὸς καὶ Βαλεριανὸς καὶ Μαρτῖνος καὶ Ἀλθίας καὶ Ἰωάννης καὶ Μάρκελλος καὶ Κύριλλος, οὗ πρόσθεν ἐμνήσθην·

§ 3.11.7 στρατιωτῶν δὲ ἱππέων μὲν Ῥουφῖνός τε καὶ Ἀϊγάν, ἐκ τῆς Βελισαρίου οἰκίας ὄντες, καὶ Βαρβᾶτος καὶ Πάππος, πεζῶν δὲ Θεόδωρος, ὅνπερ Κτεάνον ἐπίκλησιν ἐκάλουν, καὶ Τερέντιός τε καὶ Ζάϊδος καὶ Μαρκιανὸς καὶ Σάραπις.

§ 3.11.8 Ἰωάννης δέ τις ἐξ Ἐπιδάμνου ὁρμώμενος, ἣ νῦν Δυρράχιον καλεῖται, τοῖς τῶν πεζῶν ἡγεμόσιν ἅπασιν ἐφειστήκει.

§ 3.11.9 τούτων ἁπάντων Σολόμων μὲν ἑῷος ἐτύγχανεν ὢν ἐκ τῆς Ῥωμαίων ἐσχατιᾶς αὐτῆς, οὗ νῦν πόλις οἰκεῖται Δάρας, Ἀϊγὰν δὲ ἦν Μασσαγέτης γένος, οὓς νῦν Οὔννους καλοῦσιν·

§ 3.11.10 οἱ δὲ λοιποὶ σχεδόν τι ἅπαντες τὰ ἐπὶ τῆς Θρᾴκης χωρία ᾤκουν.

§ 3.11.11 εἵποντο δὲ αὐτοῖς Ἔρουλοι τετρακόσιοι, ὧν Φάρας ἦρχε, καὶ ξύμμαχοι βάρβαροι ἑξακόσιοι μάλιστα ἐκ τοῦ Μασσαγετῶν ἔθνους, ἱπποτοξόται πάντες·

§ 3.11.12 ὧν δὴ ἡγοῦντο Σιννίων τε καὶ Βάλας, ἀνδρίας τε καὶ καρτερίας ἐς ἄκρον ἥκοντε.

§ 3.11.13 ναῦς δὲ ἡ σύμπασα στρατιὰ πεντακοσίας ἦγε, καὶ αὐτῶν οὐδεμία πλέον ἢ κατὰ μυριάδας πέντε μεδίμνων φέρειν οἵα τε ἦν, οὐ μὴν οὐδὲ ἔλασσον ἢ κατὰ τρισχιλίους.

§ 3.11.14 ναῦται δὲ τρισμύριοι ἐπέπλεον ἁπάσαις, Αἰγύπτιοί τε καὶ Ἴωνες οἱ πλεῖστοι καὶ Κίλικες, ἀρχηγός τε εἷς ἐπὶ ταῖς ναυσὶν ἁπάσαις Καλώνυμος Ἀλεξανδρεὺς ἀπεδέδεικτο.

§ 3.11.15 ἦσαν δὲ αὐτοῖς καὶ πλοῖα μακρά, ὡς ἐς ναυμαχίαν παρεσκευασμένα, ἐνενήκοντα δύο, μονήρη μέντοι καὶ ὀροφὰς ὕπερθεν ἔχοντα, ὅπως οἱ ταῦτα ἐρέσσοντες πρὸς τῶν πολεμίων ἥκιστα βάλλοιντο.

§ 3.11.16 δρόμωνας καλοῦσι τὰ πλοῖα ταῦτα οἱ νῦν ἄνθρωποι· πλεῖν γὰρ κατὰ τάχος δύνανται μάλιστα. ἐν τούτοις δὴ Βυζάντιοι δισχίλιοι ἔπλεον, αὐτερέται πάντες· περίνεως γὰρ ἦν ἐν τούτοις οὐδείς.

§ 3.11.17 ἐστέλλετο δὲ καὶ Ἀρχέλαος, ἀνὴρ ἐς πατρικίους τελῶν, ἤδη μὲν τῆς αὐλῆς ἔπαρχος ἔν τε Βυζαντίῳ καὶ Ἰλλυριοῖς γεγονώς, τότε δὲ τοῦ στρατοπέδου καταστὰς ἔπαρχος· οὕτω γὰρ ὁ τῆς δαπάνης χορηγὸς ὀνομάζεται.

§ 3.11.18 στρατηγὸν δὲ αὐτοκράτορα ἐφ’ ἅπασι Βελισάριον βασιλεὺς ἔστελλεν, ὃς τῶν ἑῴων αὖθις καταλόγων ἦρχε.

§ 3.11.19 καὶ αὐτῷ πολλοὶ μὲν δορυφόροι, πολλοὶ δὲ ὑπασπισταὶ εἵποντο, ἄνδρες τε ἀγαθοὶ τὰ πολέμια καὶ τῶν περὶ ταῦτα κινδύνων ἀτεχνῶς ἔμπειροι.

§ 3.11.20 γράμματά τε αὐτῷ βασιλεὺς ἔγραφε, δρᾶν ἕκαστα ὅπη ἂν αὐτῷ δοκῇ ἄριστα ἔχειν, ταῦτά τε κύρια εἶναι ἅτε αὐτοῦ βασιλέως αὐτὰ διαπεπραγμένου. βασιλέως γὰρ αὐτῷ ῥοπὴν τὰ γράμματα ἐποίει.

§ 3.11.21 ὥρμητο δὲ ὁ Βελισάριος ἐκ Γερμανίας, ἣ Θρᾳκῶν τε καὶ Ἰλλυριῶν μεταξὺ κεῖται. ταῦτα μὲν οὖν ἐγίνετο τῇδε.

§ 3.11.22 Γελίμερ δὲ Τριπόλεώς τε πρὸς Πουδεντίου καὶ Σαρδοῦς πρὸς Γώδα ἐστερημένος, Τρίπολιν μὲν ἀνασώσασθαι μόλις ἤλπισεν, ἀπωτέρω τε ᾠκημένην καὶ Ῥωμαίων ἤδη τοῖς ἀποστᾶσι ξυλλαμβανόντων, ἐφ’ οὓς δὴ μὴ αὐτίκα στρατεύειν ἔδοξέν οἱ ἄριστα ἔχειν· ἐς δὲ τὴν νῆσον προτερῆσαι ἠπείγετο, πρὶν ἢ καὶ ἐς ταύτην ξυμμαχίαν ἐκ βασιλέως ἥκειν.

§ 3.11.23 ἀπολέξας οὖν Βανδίλων χιλιάδας πέντε καὶ ναῦς εἴκοσι καὶ ἑκατὸν τὰς ἄριστα πλεούσας στρατηγόν τε ἀποδείξας Τζάζωνα τὸν ἀδελφὸν ἔστελλε.

§ 3.11.24 καὶ οἱ μὲν ἐπὶ Γώδαν τε καὶ Σαρδὼ θυμῷ τε πολλῷ καὶ σπουδῇ χρώμενοι ἔπλεον, βασιλεὺς δὲ Ἰουστινιανὸς Βαλεριανόν τε καὶ Μαρτῖνον προτέρους ἔστελλεν, ἐφ’ ᾧ προσδέξονται τὴν ἄλλην στρατιὰν ἐς τὰ ἐν Πελοποννήσῳ χωρία.

§ 3.11.25 καὶ ἐπειδὴ ὲν ταῖς ναυσὶν ἄμφω ἐγενέσθην, ἐνθύμιον βασιλεῖ ἐγένετο ἐντέλλεσθαί τι αὐτοῖν· ὃ καὶ πρότερον ἐθέλοντα λέγειν ἀσχολία τις λόγων ἑτέρων τὴν διάνοιαν περιλαβοῦσα ἐξέκρουσε.

§ 3.11.26 μεταπεμψάμενος οὖν αὐτὼ λέγειν ἔμελλεν ἃ ἐβούλετο, ἀλλὰ ξυμβαλὼν εὕρισκεν ὡς οὐκ ἂν αὐτοῖν αἴσιον εἴη τὴν πορείαν ἐκκόψαι.

§ 3.11.27 ἔπεμπεν οὖν τινας ἀπεροῦντας αὐτοῖν μήτε ἀναστρέφειν ἐς αὐτὸν αὖθις μήτε ἐκ τῶν νεῶν ἀποβαίνειν.

§ 3.11.28 οἱ δέ, ἐπεὶ τῶν νεῶν ἀγχοῦ ἐγένοντο, ἐκέλευον ξὺν βοῇ τε καὶ θορύβῳ πολλῷ μηδαμῶς ἀναστρέφειν, ἔδοξέ τε τοῖς παροῦσιν οἰωνός τε εἶναι οὐκ ἀγαθὸς τὸ γινόμενον καὶ οὔποτε τῶν ἐν ταῖς ναυσὶν ἐκείναις τινὰ ἐκ Λιβύης ἐς Βυζάντιον ἐπανήξειν.

§ 3.11.29 πρὸς γὰρ δὴ τῷ οἰωνῷ καὶ ἀρὰν ἐς αὐτοὺς ἥκειν ἐκ βασιλέως οὔτι ἑκόντος, ὥστε μὴ ἀναστρέφειν ὑπώπτευον. καὶ εἰ μέν τις αὐτὰ ἐς τὼ ἄρχοντε τούτω, Βαλεριανόν τε καὶ Μαρτῖνον, ξυμβάλλοιτο, οὐκ ἀληθῆ εὑρήσει τὰ ἐξ ἀρχῆς δόξαντα.

§ 3.11.30 ἦν δέ τις ἐν τοῖς Μαρτίνου δορυφόροις Στότζας, ὃς δὴ καὶ βασιλεῖ πολέμιος ἔμελλεν ἔσεσθαι καὶ τυραννίδι ἐπιθέσθαι καὶ ἐς Βυζάντιον ἥκιστα ἀναστρέφειν, ἐφ’ ὃν δὴ τὴν ἀρὰν ἐκείνην ὑποπτεύσειεν ἄν τις ξυνενεγκεῖν τὸ δαιμόνιον.

§ 3.11.31 ἀλλὰ ταῦτα μὲν εἴτε ταύτῃ εἴτε πη ἄλλῃ ἔχει, ἀφίημι ἑκάστῳ ὅπη ἄν τις βούληται ἐκλογίζεσθαι. ὅπως δὲ ὅ τε στρατηγὸς Βελισάριος καὶ τὸ στράτευμα ἐστάλη, ἐρῶν ἔρχομαι.

Wars 3.18

§ 3.18.1 Ἐν δὲ δὴ τῇ ἡμέρᾳ ταύτῃ Γελίμερ τὸν ἀνεψιὸν Γιβαμοῦνδον ἐκέλευεν ἅμα Βανδίλων δισχιλίοις φθάνοντα τὸ ἄλλο στράτευμα κατὰ τὸ εὐώνυμον μέρος ἰέναι, ὅπως Ἀμμάτας μὲν ἐκ Καρχηδόνος, Γελίμερ δὲ αὐτὸς ὄπισθεν, Γιβαμοῦνδος δὲ ἐκ τῶν ἐν ἀριστερᾷ χωρίων ἐς ταὐτὸ ξυνιόντες ῥᾷον δὴ καὶ ἀπονώτερον τὴν κύκλωσιν τῶν πολεμίων ποιήσονται.

§ 3.18.2 ἐμοὶ δὲ τά τε θεῖα καὶ τὰ ἀνθρώπεια ἐν τῷ πόνῳ τούτῳ ἐπῆλθε θαυμάσαι, ὅπως ὁ μὲν θεός, πόρρωθεν ὁρῶν τὰ ἐσόμενα, ὑπογράφει ὅπη ποτὲ αὐτῷ τὰ πράγματα δοκεῖ ἀποβήσεσθαι, οἱ δὲ ἄνθρωποι ἢ σφαλλόμενοι ἢ τὰ δέοντα βουλευόμενοι οὐκ ἴσασιν ὅτι ἔπταισάν τι, ἂν οὕτω τύχοι, ἢ ὀρθῶς ἔδρασαν, ἵνα γένηται τῇ τύχῃ τρίβος, φέρουσα πάντως ἐπὶ τὰ πρότερον δεδογμένα.

§ 3.18.3 εἰ μὴ γὰρ Βελισάριος οὕτω διῳκήσατο τὴν παράταξιν, τοὺς μὲν ἀμφὶ τὸν Ἰωάννην προτερῆσαι κελεύσας, τοὺς δὲ Μασσαγέτας ἐν ἀριστερᾷ τῆς στρατιᾶς ἰέναι, οὐκ ἄν ποτε διαφυγεῖν τοὺς Βανδίλους ἰσχύσαμεν.

§ 3.18.4 καὶ τούτων δὲ οὕτω Βελισαρίῳ βεβουλευμένων, εἰ τὸν καιρὸν Ἀμμάτας διεφύλαξε καὶ μὴ τοῦτον τεταρτημορίῳ τῆς ἡμέρας μάλιστα ἔφθασεν, οὐκ ἄν ποτε οὕτω Βανδίλοις διεφθάρη τὰ πράγματα·

§ 3.18.5 νῦν δὲ Ἀμμάτας προτερήσας ἀμφὶ μέσην ἡμέραν ἐς Δέκιμον ἧκε, μακρὰν ἀπολελειμμένων ἡμῶν τε καὶ τοῦ Βανδίλων στρατεύματος, οὐ τοῦτο μόνον ἁμαρτήσας, ὅτι οὐκ ἐν δέοντι ἀφίκετο χρόνῳ, ἀλλὰ καὶ τὸ Βανδίλων πλῆθος ἐν Καρχηδόνι ἀπολιπών, ἀπαγγείλας τε ὡς τάχιστα ἐς τὸ Δέκιμον ἥκειν, αὐτὸς ξὺν ὀλίγοις καὶ οὐδὲ ἀριστίνδην ξυνειλεγμένοις τοῖς ἀμφὶ τὸν Ἰωάννην ἐς χεῖρας ἦλθε.

§ 3.18.6 καὶ κτείνει μὲν τῶν ἀρίστων δώδεκα ἐν τοῖς πρώτοις ἀγωνιζομένους, πίπτει δὲ καὶ αὐτός, ἀνὴρ ἀγαθὸς ἐν τῷ ἔργῳ τούτῳ γενόμενος.

§ 3.18.7 καὶ ἡ μὲν τροπή, ἐπεὶ Ἀμμάτας ἔπεσε, λαμπρὰ ἐγεγόνει, φεύγοντες δὲ κατὰ κράτος οἱ Βανδίλοι ἀνεσόβουν ἅπαντας τοὺς ἐκ Καρχηδόνος ἐς Δέκιμον ἰόντας.

§ 3.18.8 ἐπορεύοντο γὰρ οὐδενὶ κόσμῳ οὐδὲ ὡς ἐς μάχην ξυντεταγμένοι, ἀλλὰ κατὰ συμμορίας, καὶ ταύτας βραχείας· κατὰ τριάκοντα γὰρ ἢ εἴκοσιν ᾔεσαν.

§ 3.18.9 ὁρῶντες δὲ Βανδίλους τοὺς ἀμφὶ τὸν Ἀμμάταν φεύγοντας, καὶ οἰόμενοι τοὺς διώκοντας παμπληθεῖς εἶναι, τρέψαντες τὰ νῶτα συνέφευγον.

§ 3.18.10 Ἰωάννης δὲ καὶ οἱ ξὺν αὐτῷ οἷς ἂν ἐντύχοιεν κτείνοντες ἄχρι ἐς τὰς Καρχηδόνος πύλας ἀφίκοντο.

§ 3.18.11 κα γέγονε φόνος Βανδίλων ἐν τοῖς ἑβδομήκοντα σταδίοις τοσοῦτος ὥστε εἰκάζειν τοὺς θεωμένους δισμυρίων πολεμίων τὸ ἔργον εἶναι.

§ 3.18.12 Κατὰ δὲ τὸν αὐτὸν χρόνον Γιβαμοῦνδός τε καὶ οἱ δισχίλιοι ἧκον ἐς Πεδίον Ἁλῶν, ὅπερ τεσσαράκοντα μὲν σταδίοις τοῦ Δεκίμου ἀπέχει ἐν ἀριστερᾷ εἰς Καρχηδόνα ἰόντι, ἀνθρώπων δὲ καὶ δένδρων καὶ ἄλλου ὁτουοῦν ἔρημόν ἐστι, τῆς τοῦ ὕδατος ἅλμης ἄλλο οὐδὲν ἐνταῦθα πλὴν τοὺς ἅλας ἐώσης γίγνεσθαι· ἔνθα δὴ τοῖς Οὔννοις περιπεπτωκότες ἀπώλοντο πάντες.

§ 3.18.13 ἦν δέ τις ἐν τοῖς Μασσαγέταις ἀνήρ, ἀνδρίας μὲν καὶ ἰσχύος εὖ ἥκων, ὀλίγων δὲ ἡγούμενος ἀνδρῶν· οὗτος εἶχε γέρας ἐκ πατέρων τε καὶ προγόνων ἐν πᾶσι τοῖς Οὐννικοῖς στρατεύμασι πρῶτος εἰς τοὺς πολεμίους εἰσβάλλειν.

§ 3.18.14 οὐ γὰρ ἦν θεμιτὸν ἀνδρὶ Μασσαγέτῃ προτύψαντι ἐν μάχῃ τῶν τινα πολεμίων λαβεῖν, πρίν γε δή τινα ἐκ ταύτης τῆς οἰκίας ἐς τοὺς πολεμίους τῶν χειρῶν ἄρξαι.

§ 3.18.15 οὗτος ἀνήρ, ἐπεὶ τὰ στρατεύματα οὐ πόρρω ἀπ’ ἀλλήλων ἐγένετο, ἐξελάσας τὸν ἵππον, τοῦ τῶν Βανδίλων στρατοπέδου μόνος ὡς ἐγγυτάτω ἔστη.

§ 3.18.16 οἱ δὲ Βανδίλοι, ἢ τὴν τοῦ ἀνδρὸς εὐψυχίαν καταπλαγέντες ἢ καί τι τοὺς πολεμίους ὑποτοπήσαντες ἐς αὐτοὺς μηχανᾶσθαι, οὔτε κινεῖσθαι οὔτε τὸν ἄνδρα βαλεῖν ἔγνωσαν.

§ 3.18.17 οἶμαι δὲ αὐτοὺς οὐπώποτε Μασσαγετῶν μάχην ἐν πείρᾳ ἔχοντας, ἀκούοντας δὲ κομιδῆ μάχιμον τὸ ἔθνος εἶναι, οὕτω δὴ κατορρωδῆσαι τὸν κίνδυνον.

§ 3.18.18 ἀναστρέψας δὲ ἐς τοὺς ὁμοφύλους ὁ ἄνθρωπος ἔλεξεν ὡς ὁ θεὸς σφίσιν ἕτοιμον βρῶσιν τοὺς ξένους τούσδε πέμψειεν.

§ 3.18.19 οὕτω δὴ ὁρμωμένους αὐτοὺς οἱ Βανδίλοι οὐχ ὑπέμειναν, ἀλλὰ λύσαντες τὴν τάξιν καὶ ἥκιστα ἐς ἀλκὴν ἰδόντες ἅπαντες αἰσχρῶς διεφθάρησαν.

Wars 3.19

§ 3.19.1 Ἡμεῖς δὲ τῶν γεγονότων οὐδ’ ὁτιοῦν πεπυσμένοι ἐπὶ τὸ Δέκιμον ᾔειμεν. Βελισάριος δὲ χῶρον ἰδὼν ἐς στρατόπεδον ἱκανῶς πεφυκότα, πέντε καὶ τριάκοντα σταδίοις τοῦ Δεκίμου διέχοντα, χαράκωμά τε αὐτῷ περιέβαλεν εὖ μάλα πεποιημένον καὶ τοὺς πεζοὺς ἅπαντας ἐνταῦθα καταστησάμενος ἅπαν τε ξυγκαλέσας τὸ στράτευμα ἔλεξε τοιάδε·

§ 3.19.2 “Ὁ μὲν τῆς ἀγωνίας καιρός, ἄνδρες συστρατιῶται, ἤδη πάρεστιν· αἰσθάνομαι γὰρ προσιόντας ἡμῖν τοὺς πολεμίους· τὰς δὲ ναῦς ὡς πορρωτάτω ἡμῶν ἡ τοῦ τόπου φύσις ἀπήνεγκε· περιέστηκε δὲ ἡμῖν ἡ τῆς σωτηρίας ἐλπὶς ἐν ταῖς χερσὶν οὖσα.

§ 3.19.3 οὐ γάρ ἐστιν οὐ πόλις φιλία, οὐκ ἄλλο οὐδὲν ὀχύρωμα, ὅτῳ δὴ καὶ πιστεύσαντες τὸ θαρρεῖν ὑπὲρ ἡμῶν αὐτῶν ἕξομεν.

§ 3.19.4 ἀλλ’ εἰ μὲν ἄνδρες ἀγαθοὶ γενοίμεθα, εἰκὸς ἂν εἴη καὶ περιέσεσθαι ἡμᾶς τῷ πολέμῳ τῶν ἐναντίων· ἢν δέ τι μαλακιζοίμεθα, λελείψεται ἡμῖν ὑπὸ Βανδίλοις γεγενημένοις αἰσχρῶς διεφθάρθαι.

§ 3.19.5 καίτοι πολλὰ ἡμῖν ἐφόδια πρὸς τὴν νίκην ἐστί· τό τε δίκαιον, μεθ’ οὗ πρὸς τοὺς δυσμενεῖς ἥκομεν ʽτὰ γὰρ ἡμέτερα αὐτῶν κομιούμενοι πάρεσμεν̓, καὶ τὸ τῶν Βανδίλων ἐς τὸν σφῶν αὐτῶν τύραννον ἔχθος.

§ 3.19.6 ἥ τε γὰρ τοῦ θεοῦ ξυμμαχία τοῖς τὰ δίκαια προτεινομένοις προσγίνεσθαι πέφυκε, καὶ στρατιώτης τῷ κρατοῦντι δύσνους ἀνδραγαθίζεσθαι οὐκ ἐπίσταται.

§ 3.19.7 χωρὶς δὲ τούτων ἡμεῖς μὲν Πέρσαις τε καὶ Σκύθαις τὸν ἅπαντα ὡμιλήσαμεν χρόνον, οἱ δὲ Βανδίλοι, ἐξ ὅτου Λιβύης ἐκράτησαν, οὐδένα πολέμιον ὅτι μὴ γυμνοὺς Μαυρουσίους τεθέανται.

§ 3.19.8 τίς δὲ οὐκ οἶδεν ὠς ἔργου παντὸς μελέτη μὲν ἐς ἐμπειρίαν, ἀργία δὲ εἰς ἀμαθίαν φέρει; τὸ μὲν οὖν χαράκωμα, ὅθεν ἡμᾶς τὸν πόλεμον διαφέρειν δεήσει, ὡς ἄριστα ἡμῖν πεποιῆσθαι ξυμβαίνει.

§ 3.19.9 πάρεστι δὲ ἡμῖν τά τε ὅπλα καὶ τὰ ἄλλα πάντα ὅσα φέρειν οὐχ οἷοί τε ἐσμὲν ἐνταῦθα καταθεμένοις ἰέναι, καὶ ἀναστρέψαντας ἂν ἐνθάδε ἡμᾶς οὐδὲν τῶν ἐπιτηδείων ἐπιλίποι.

§ 3.19.10 εὔχομαι δὲ ὑμῶν ἕκαστον τῆς τε οἰκείας ἀρετῆς καὶ τῶν κατὰ τὸν οἶκον ἀναμνησθέντα οὕτω δὴ καταφρονήματι ἐπὶ τοὺς πολεμίους χωρεῖν.”

§ 3.19.11 Τοσαῦτα εἰπὼν Βελισάριος καὶ ἐπευξάμενος τήν τε γυναῖκα καὶ τὸ χαράκωμα τοῖς πεζοῖς ἀπολιπὼν αὐτὸς μετὰ τῶν ἱππέων ἁπάντων ἐξήλασεν.

§ 3.19.12 οὐ γάρ οἱ ἐφαίνετο ἐν τῷ παρόντι ξύμφορον εἶναι τῷ παντὶ διακινδυνεῦσαι στρατῷ, ἀλλὰ ξὺν τοῖς ἱππεῦσι πρῶτον ἀκροβολισαμένῳ καὶ ἀποπειρασαμένῳ τῆς τῶν πολεμίων δυνάμεως οὕτω δὴ τῷ ὅλῳ στρατεύματι διαμάχεσθαι.

§ 3.19.13 στείλας οὖν ἔμπροσθεν τοὺς τῶν φοιδεράτων ἄρχοντας, σὺν τῷ ἄλλῳ στρατῷ καὶ τοῖς οἰκείοις δορυφόροις τε καὶ ὑπασπισταῖς αὐτὸς εἵπετο.

§ 3.19.14 ἐπεὶ δὲ οἱ φοιδερᾶτοι ξὺν τοῖς ἡγεμόσιν ἐγένοντο ἐν τῷ Δεκίμῳ, ὁρῶσι τοὺς τῶν πεπτωκότων νεκρούς, δώδεκα μὲν ἑταίρους τῶν μετὰ Ἰωάννου, πλησίον δὲ αὐτῶν Ἀμμάταν καὶ Βανδίλων τινάς.

§ 3.19.15 παρὰ δὲ τῶν ταύτῃ ᾠκημένων τὸν πάντα λόγον ἀκούσαντες ἤσχαλλον, ἀπορούμενοι ὅπη αὐτοῖς χωρητέα εἴη. ἔτι δὲ αὐτῶν ἀπορουμένων καὶ ἀπὸ τῶν λόφων ἅπαντα περισκοπουμένων τὰ ἐκείνῃ χωρία, κονιορτός τε ἀπὸ μεσημβρίας ἐφαίνετο καὶ μικρὸν ὕστερον Βανδίλων ἱππέων πάμπολυ Χρῆμα.

§ 3.19.16 καὶ πέμπουσι μὲν πρὸς πρὸς Βελισάριον, ὡς τάχιστα ἥκειν αἰτοῦντες, ἅτε δὴ σφίσιν ἐγκειμένων τῶν πολεμίων. τῶν δὲ ἀρχόντων αἱ γνῶμαι δίχα ἐφέροντο.

§ 3.19.17 οἱ μὲν γὰρ ἠξίουν τοῖς ἐπιοῦσιν ὁμόσε ἰέναι, οἱ δὲ οὐκ ἀξιόχρεων σφίσιν ἐς τοῦτο ἔφασκον εἶναι τὴν δύναμιν.

§ 3.19.18 ταῦτα δὲ αὐτοῖς ἐς ἀλλήλους διαφιλονεικοῦσιν οἱ βάρβαροι ἀγχοῦ ἐγένοντο ἡγουμένου αὐτοῖς Γελίμερος καὶ ὁδῷ χρησαμένου μεταξὺ ἧς τε Βελισάριος εἶχε καὶ ἧς οἱ Μασσαγέται ἧκον οἱ Γιβαμούνδῳ ξυμμίξαντες.

§ 3.19.19 λοφώδεις δὲ χῶροι ἐφ’ ἑκάτερα ὄντες οὔτε τὸ Γιβαμούνδου πάθος ἰδεῖν οὔτε τὸ Βελισαρίου χαράκωμα ξυνεχώρησαν, οὐ μὴν οὐδὲ τὴν ὁδὸν ἣν οἱ ἀμφὶ Βελισάριον ἐπορεύοντο.

§ 3.19.20 ἐπεὶ δὲ ἀγχοῦ ἀλλήλων γεγόνασιν, ἔρις τῇ στρατιᾷ ἑκατέρᾳ ἐνέπεσεν, ὁπότεροι τοῦ πάντων ὑψηλοτάτου τῶν ἐκείνῃ λόφων κρατήσουσιν.

§ 3.19.21 ἐδόκει γὰρ ἐνστρατοπεδεύσασθαι ἐπιτήδειος εἶναι, καὶ αὐτοὶ ἑκάτεροι ἐνθένδε ᾑροῦντο τοῖς πολεμίοις εἰς χεῖρας ἰέναι.

§ 3.19.22 προτερήσαντες δὲ οἱ Βανδίλοι τόν τε λόφον καταλαμβάνουσιν ὠθισμῷ χρησάμενοι καὶ τρέπονται τοὺς πολεμίους, ἤδη φοβεροὶ αὐτοῖς γεγονότες.

§ 3.19.23 φεύγοντες δὲ Ῥωμαῖοι ἐς χωρίον ἀφικνοῦνται σταδίους ἑπτὰ τοῦ Δεκίμου ἀπέχον, ἔνθα δὴ Οὐλίαριν τὸν Βελισαρίου δορυφόρον ξὺν ὑπασπισταῖς ὀκτακοσίοις τετύχηκεν εἶναι.

§ 3.19.24 πάντες τε ᾤοντο ὡς σφᾶς οἱ ἀμφὶ τὸν Οὐλίαριν δεξάμενοι στήσονταί τε καὶ ξὺν αὐτοῖς ὁμόσε ἐπὶ τοὺς Βανδίλους χωρήσουσιν· ἀλλ’ ἐπεὶ ἅμα ἐγένοντο, παρὰ δόξαν ἤδη ξύμπαντες ἀνὰ κράτος τε ἔφευγον καὶ δρόμῳ τὴν ἐπὶ Βελισάριον ᾔεσαν.

§ 3.19.25 Ἐνθενδε οὐκ ἔχω εἰπεῖν ὅ τί ποτε παθὼν Γελίμερ, ἐν ταῖς χερσὶν ἔχων τὸ τοῦ πολέμου κράτος, ἐθελούσιος αὐτὸ τοῖς πολεμίοις μεθῆκε, πλὴν εἰ μὴ ἐς τὸν θεὸν καὶ τὰ τῆς ἀβουλίας ἀναφέρειν δεήσει, ὅς, ἡνίκα τι ἀνθρώπῳ συμβῆναι βουλεύηται φλαῦρον, τῶν λογισμῶν ἁψάμενος πρῶτον οὐκ ἐᾷ τὰ ξυνοίσοντα ἐς βουλὴν ἔρχεσθαι.

§ 3.19.26 εἴτε γὰρ τὴν δίωξιν εὐθυωρὸν ἐποιήσατο, οὐδ’ ἂν αὐτὸν ὑποστῆναι Βελισάριον οἶμαι, ἀλλ’ ἄρδην ἅπαντα ἡμῖν διαφθαρῆναι τὰ πράγματα·

§ 3.19.27 τοσοῦτον δὴ τό τε τῶν Βανδίλων πλῆθος τό τε αὐτῶν κατὰ Ῥωμαίων δέος ἐφαινετο· εἴτε καὶ Καρχηδόνος εὐθὺ ἤλασε, τούς τε σὺν Ἰωάννῃ εὐπετῶς ἂν ἅπαντας ἔκτεινεν, οἵ γε κατὰ ἕνα καὶ δύο ἀφροντιστήσαντές τε καὶ περιπάτους ἐν τῷ πεδίῳ ποιούμενοι τοὺς κειμένους ἐσύλων.

§ 3.19.28 καὶ τὴν πόλιν ξὺν τοῖς χρήμασι διασωσάμενος τῶν τε ἡμετέρων νεῶν οὐ πόρρω ἀφικομένων ἐκράτει καὶ ὅλην ἡμῖν ἀνέστελλε τοῦ τε ἀπόπλου καὶ τῆς νίκης ἐλπίδα. ἀλλὰ γὰρ ἔπραξε τούτων οὐδέτερα.

§ 3.19.29 βάδην δὲ κατιὼν ἐκ τοῦ λόφου, ἐπεὶ ἐν τῷ ὁμαλεῖ ἐγένετο καὶ τἀδελφοῦ τὸν νεκρὸν εἶδεν, ἔς τε ὀλοφύρσεις ἐτράπετο καὶ τῆς ταφῆς ἐπιμελούμενος οὕτω δὴ τοῦ καιροῦ τὴν ἀκμὴν ἤμβλυνεν, ἧς γε οὐκέτι ἀντιλαβέσθαι ἐδύνατο.

§ 3.19.30 τοῖς δὲ φεύγουσι Βελισάριος ἀπαντήσας στῆναι κελεύει, κοσμίως τε ἅπαντας διατάξας καὶ πολλὰ ὀνειδίσας, ἐπειδὴ τήν τε Ἀμμάτα τελευτὴν καὶ τὴν Ἰωάννου δίωξιν ἤκουσε καὶ περὶ τοῦ χωρίου καὶ τῶν πολεμίων ἐπύθετο ὅσα ἐβούλετο, δρόμῳ ἐπὶ Γελίμερά τε καὶ Βανδίλους ἐχώρει.

§ 3.19.31 οἱ δὲ βάρβαροι ἄτακτοί τε καὶ ἀπαράσκευοι ἤδη γεγονότες ἐπιόντας αὐτοὺς οὐχ ὑπέμειναν, ἀλλὰ φεύγουσιν ἀνὰ κράτος, πολλοὺς ἐνταῦθα ἀποβαλόντες,

§ 3.19.32 καὶ ἡ μάχη ἐτελεύτα ἐς νύκτα. ἔφευγον δὲ οἱ Βανδίλοι οὐκ ἐς Καρχηδόνα οὐδὲ ἐς Βυζάκιον, ὅθενπερ ἧκον, ἀλλ’ ἐπὶ τὸ Βούλλης πεδίον καὶ τὴν εἰς Νουμίδας ὁδὸν φέρουσαν.

§ 3.19.33 οἱ μὲν οὖν ἀμφὶ τὸν Ἰωάννην καὶ οἱ Μασσαγέται περὶ λύχνων ἁφὰς εἰς ἡμᾶς ἀναστρέψαντες καὶ ἅπαντα τὰ ξυμβεβηκότα μαθόντες τε καὶ ἀναγγείλαντες σὺν ἡμῖν ἐν Δεκίμῳ διενυκτέρευσαν.

Wars 4.1

§ 4.1.1 Γελίμερ δέ, ἐπεὶ Βανδίλους ἅπαντας ἐς ταὐτὸ εἶδεν ἀγηγερμένους, ἐπῆγεν ἐς Καρχηδόνα τὸ στράτευμα.

§ 4.1.2 γενόμενοί τε αὐτῆς ἄγχιστα τόν τε ὀχετὸν ἀξιοθέατον ὄντα διεῖλον, ὃς ἐς τὴν πόλιν ἐσῆγε τὸ ὕδωρ, καὶ χρόνον τινὰ ἐνστρατοπεδευσάμενοι ὑπεχώρησαν, ὡς οὐδεὶς σφίσιν ἐπεξῄει τῶν πολεμίων.

§ 4.1.3 περιιόντες δὲ τὰ ἐκείνῃ χωρία τάς τε ὁδοὺς ἐν φυλακῇ ἐποιοῦντο καὶ Καρχηδόνα πολιορκεῖν ταύτῃ ᾤοντο, οὐ μὴν οὔτε ἐληίζοντο οὐδὲν οὔτε τὴν γῆν ἐδῄουν, ἀλλ’ ὡς οἰκείας μετεποιοῦντο.

§ 4.1.4 ἅμα δὲ καὶ προδοσίαν τινὰ ἔσεσθαι σφίσιν ἐν ἐλπίδι εἶχον Καρχηδονίων τε αὐτῶν καὶ Ῥωμαίων στρατιωτῶν ὅσοις ἡ τοῦ Ἀρείου δόξα ἤσκητο.

§ 4.1.5 πέμψαντες δὲ καὶ ἐς τῶν Οὔννων τοὺς ἄρχοντας, καὶ πολλὰ ἔσεσθαι αὐτοῖς ἀγαθὰ πρὸς Βανδίλων ὑποσχόμενοι, ἐδέοντο φίλους τε καὶ ξυμμάχους γενέσθαι σφίσιν.

§ 4.1.6 οἱ δὲ οὐδὲ πρότερον εὐνοϊκῶς ἐς τὰ Ῥωμαίων πράγματα ἔχοντες ἅτε οὐδὲ ξύμμαχοι αὐτοῖς ἑκούσιοι ἥκοντες ʽἔφασκον γὰρ τὸν Ῥωμαίων στρατηγὸν Πέτρον ὀμωμοκότα τε καὶ τὰ ὀμωμοσμένα ἠλογηκότα οὕτω δὴ σφᾶς ἀπαγαγεῖν ἐς τὸ Βυζάντιον̓, λόγους τε τοὺς Βανδίλων ἐνεδέχοντο καὶ ὡμολόγουν, ἐπειδὰν ἐν αὐτῷ τῷ ἔργῳ γένωνται, ξὺν αὐτοῖς ἐπὶ τὸ Ῥωμαίων στράτευμα τρέψεσθαι.

§ 4.1.7 ταῦτα δὲ ἅπαντα Βελισάριος ἐν ὑποψίᾳ ἔχων (ἠκηκόει γὰρ πρὸς τῶν αὐτομόλων, ἅμα δὲ καὶ ὁ περίβολος οὔπω ἐτετέλεστο ἅπας) ἐξιτητὰ μὲν σφίσιν ἐπὶ τοὺς πολεμίους ἐν τῷ παρόντι οὐκ ᾤετο εἶναι, τὰ δὲ ἔνδον ὡς ἄριστα ἐξηρτύετο.

§ 4.1.8 καὶ Καρχηδόνιον μέν τινα, ὄνομα Λαῦρον, ἐπὶ προδοσίᾳ τε ἡλωκότα καὶ πρὸς τοῦ οἰκείου γραμματέως ἐληλεγμένον ἀνεσκολόπισεν ἐν λόφῳ τινὶ πρὸ τῆς πόλεως, καὶ ἀπ’ αὐτοῦ ἐς δέος τι ἄμαχον οἱ ἄλλοι καταστάντες τῆς ἐς τὴν προδοσίαν πείρας ἀπέσχοντο.

§ 4.1.9 τοὺς δὲ Μασσαγέτας δώροις τε καὶ τραπέζῃ καὶ τῇ ἄλλῃ θωπείᾳ μετιὼν ἡμέρᾳ ἑκάστῃ ἐξενεγκεῖν εἰς αὐτὸν ἔπεισεν ὅσα αὐτοῖς ὁ Γελίμερ ὑποσχόμενος εἴη,

§ 4.1.10 ἐφ’ ᾧ ἐν τῇ ξυμβολῇ κακοὶ γένωνται. ἔφασκον δὲ οἱ βάρβαροι οὗτοι οὐδεμίαν σφίσι προθυμίαν ἐς τὸ μάχεσθαι εἶναι· δεδιέναι γὰρ μὴ Βανδίλων ἡσσημένων οὐκ ἀποπέμψονται Ῥωμαῖοι σφᾶς ἐς τὰ πάτρια ἤθη, ἀλλ’ αὐτοῦ ἀναγκάζοιντο ἐν Λιβύῃ γηράσκοντες θνήσκειν· καὶ μὴν καὶ περὶ τῇ λείᾳ, μὴ ἀφαιρεθῶσιν αὐτήν, ἐν φροντίδι εἶναι.

§ 4.1.11 τότε δὴ οὖν αὐτοῖς Βελισάριος πιστὰ ἔδωκεν ὡς, ἢν κατὰ κράτος Βανδίλοι ἡσσηθεῖεν, αὐτίκα δὴ μάλα ἐς τὰ οἰκεῖα ξὺν πᾶσι λαφύροις σταλήσονται, οὕτω τε αὐτοὺς ὅρκοις καταλαμβάνει ἦ μὴν πάσῃ προθυμίᾳ ξυνδιενεγκεῖν σφίσι τὸν πόλεμον.

§ 4.1.12 Ἐπειδή τε ἅπαντά οἱ ὡς ἄριστα παρεσκεύαστο καὶ ὁ περίβολος ἤδη ἀπείργαστο, ξυγκαλέσας ἅπαν τὸ στράτευμα ἔλεξε τοιάδε·

§ 4.1.13 “Παραίνεσιν μέν, ἄνδρες Ῥωμαῖοι, οὐκ οἶδα ὅτι δεῖ ποιεῖσθαι πρὸς ὑμᾶς, οἵ γε οὕτω τοὺς πολεμίους ἔναγχος νενικήκατε ὥστε Καρχηδών τε ἥδε καὶ Λιβύη ξύμπασα κτῆμα τῆς ὑμετέρας ἀρετῆς ἐστι, καὶ δι’ αὐτὸ ξυμβουλῆς οὐδεμιᾶς ὑμῖν ἐς εὐτολμίαν ὁρμώσης δεήσει. τῶν γὰρ νενικηκότων ἥκιστα ἐλασσοῦσθαι φιλοῦσιν αἱ γνῶμαι.

§ 4.1.14 ἐκεῖνο δὲ μόνον ὑπομνῆσαι ὑμᾶς οὐκ ἀπὸ καιροῦ οἴομαι εἶναι, ὡς, ἢν ὁμοίως ὑμῖν αὐτοῖς ἐν τῷ παρόντι ἀνδραγαθίζοισθε, αὐτίκα δὴ μάλα τὸ πέρας ἕξει τοῖς μὲν Βανδίλοις τὰ τῆς ἐλπίδος, ὑμῖν δὲ ἡ μάχη.

§ 4.1.15 ὥστε ὑμᾶς ὡς προθυμότατα εἰκὸς ἐς ξυμβολὴν τήνδε καθίστασθαι. ἡδὺς γὰρ ἀεὶ τοῖς ἀνθρώποις ἀπολήγων τε καὶ εἰς καταστροφὴν βαδίζων ὁ πόνος. τὸν μὲν οὖν τῶν Βανδίλων ὅμιλον ὑμῶν διαλογιζέσθω μηδείς.

§ 4.1.16 οὐ γὰρ ἀνθρώπων πλήθει οὐδὲ σωμάτων μέτρῳ, ἀλλὰ ψυχῶν ἀρετῇ φιλεῖ ὁ πόλεμος διακρίνεσθαι. εἰσίτω δὲ ὑμᾶς τὸ πάντων ἰσχυρότατον τῶν ἐν ἀνθρώποις, ἡ ἐπὶ τοῖς πρασσομένοις αἰδώς.

§ 4.1.17 αἰσχύνη γὰρ τοῖς γε νοῦν ἔχουσι τὸ σφῶν αὐτῶν ἡσσᾶσθαι καὶ τῆς οἰκείας ἀρετῆς ἐλάσσους ὀφθῆναι. τοὺς γὰρ πολεμίους εὖ οἶδα ὅτι ὀρρωδία τε καὶ κακῶν μνήμη περιλαβοῦσαι ἀναγκάζουσι κακίους γενέσθαι, ἡ μὲν τοῖς φθάσασι δεδιττομένη, ἡ δὲ ἀνασοβοῦσα τὴν τοῦ κατορθώσειν ἐλπίδα.

§ 4.1.18 τύχη γὰρ εὐθὺς μοχθηρὰ ὀφθεῖσα δουλοῖ τῶν αὐτῇ περιπεπτωκότων τὸ φρόνημα. ὡς δὲ νῦν ἡμῖν ἢ πρότερον ὑπὲρ μειζόνων ὁ ἀγών ἐστιν ἐγὼ δηλώσω.

§ 4.1.19 ἐν μὲν γὰρ τῇ προτέρᾳ μάχῃ τῶν πραγμάτων ἡμῖν οὐκ εὖ προϊόντων ἐν τῷ μὴ τὴν ἀλλοτρίαν λαβεῖν ὁ κίνδυνος ἦν, νῦν δέ, ἢν μὴ τῶν ἀγώνων κρατήσωμεν, τὴν ἡμετέραν ἀποβαλοῦμεν.

§ 4.1.20 ὅσῳ τοίνυν τὸ κεκτῆσθαι μηδὲν τοῦ τῶν ὑπαρχόντων ἐστερῆσθαι κουφότερον, τοσούτῳ νῦν μᾶλλον ἢ πρότερον ἐν τοῖς ἀναγκαιοτάτοις ὁ φόβος.

§ 4.1.21 καίτοι πρότερον τῶν πεζῶν ἡμῖν ἀπολελειμμένων τὴν νίκην ἀνελέσθαι τετύχηκε, νῦν δὲ ἵλεῴ τε τῷ θεῷ καὶ τῷ παντὶ στρατῷ ἐς τὴν ξυμβολὴν καθιστάμενος κρατήσειν τοῦ στρατοπέδου τῶν πολεμίων αὐτοῖς ἀνδράσιν ἐλπίδα ἔχω.

§ 4.1.22 πρόχειρον οὖν ἔχοντες τὸ τοῦ πολέμου πέρας μή τινι ὀλιγωρίᾳ ἐς ἄλλον αὐτὸ ἀπόθησθε χρόνον, μὴ παραδραμόντα τὸν καιρὸν ἐπιζητεῖν ἀναγκάζησθε.

§ 4.1.23 ἀναβαλλομένη γὰρ ἡ τοῦ πολέμου τύχη οὐχ ὁμοίως τοῖς καθεστῶσι χωρεῖν πέφυκεν, ἄλλως τε ἢν καὶ γνώμῃ τῶν αὐτὸν διαφερόντων μηκύνηται.

§ 4.1.24 τοῖς γὰρ τὴν ὑπάρχουσαν εὐημερίαν προϊεμένοις τὸ δαιμόνιον ἀεὶ νεμεσᾶν εἴωθεν. εἰ δέ τις ἐννοεῖ τοὺς πολεμίους, παῖδάς τε καὶ γυναῖκας καὶ τὰ τιμιώτατα ὑπὸ ταῖς ἡμετέραις ὁρῶντας χερσί, τολμήσειν μὲν παρὰ γνώμην, κινδυνεύσειν δὲ παρὰ τὴν ὑπάρχουσαν αὐτοῖς δύναμιν, οὐκ ὀρθῶς οἴεται.

§ 4.1.25 θυμὸς γὰρ ὑπεράγαν ἐν ταῖς ψυχαῖς ὑπὲρ τῶν τιμιωτάτων φυόμενος τήν τε οὖσαν ἰσχὺν καθαιρεῖν εἴωθε καὶ τοῖς καθεστῶσιν οὐκ ἐᾷ χρῆσθαι· ἃ δὴ πάντα λογιζομένους ὑμᾶς πολλῷ τῷ καταφρονήματι ἐπὶ τοὺς πολεμίους ἰέναι προσήκει.”

Wars 4.3

§ 4.3.1 Τοσαῦτα Γελίμερ τε καὶ Τζάζων παραινέσαντες ἐξῆγον τοὺς Βανδίλους, καὶ ἀμφὶ τὸν τοῦ ἀρίστου καιρόν, οὐ προσδεχομένων Ῥωμαίων, ἀλλ’ ἄριστον σφίσι παρασκευαζόντων, παρῆσαν καὶ παρὰ τὰς τοῦ ποταμοῦ ὄχθας ὡς ἐς μάχην ἐτάξαντο.

§ 4.3.2 ἔστι δὲ ποταμὸς ὁ ταύτῃ ῥέων ἀένναος μέν, οὕτω δὲ τὸ ῥεῦμα βραχὺς ὥστε οὐδὲ ὀνόματος ἰδίου πρὸς τῶν ἐπιχωρίων μεταλαγχάνει, ἀλλ ἐν ῥύακος μοίρᾳ ὠνόμασται.

§ 4.3.3 τούτου δὴ τοῦ ποταμοῦ Ῥωμαῖοι ἐς τὴν ἑτέραν ὄχθην ὡς ἐκ τῶν παρόντων παρασκευασάμενοι ἧκον καὶ ἐτάξαντο ὧδε.

§ 4.3.4 κέρας μὲν τὸ ἀριστερὸν Μαρτῖνός τε καὶ Βαλεριανὸς καὶ Ἰωάννης καὶ Κυπριανός τε καὶ Αλθίας καὶ Μάρκελλος εἶχον καὶ ὅσοι ἄλλοι φοιδεράτων ἄρχοντες ἦσαν, τὸ δὲ δὴ δεξιὸν Πάππος τε καὶ Βαρβᾶτος καὶ Ἀϊγὰν καὶ ὅσοι τῶν ἱππικῶν καταλόγων ἦρχον.

§ 4.3.5 κατὰ δὲ τὸ μέσον Ἰωάννης ἐτάσσετο, τούς τε ὑπασπιστὰς καὶ δορυφόρους Βελισαρίου καὶ σημεῖον τὸ στρατηγικὸν ἐπαγόμενος.

§ 4.3.6 οὗ δὴ καὶ Βελισάριος εἰς καιρὸν ξὺν τοῖς πεντακοσίοις ἱππεῦσιν ἀφίκετο, τοὺς πεζοὺς ὄπισθεν βάδην προσιόντας ἀπολιπών.

§ 4.3.7 οἱ γὰρ Οὖννοι ἅπαντες ἐν ἄλλῃ ἐτάξαντο χώρᾳ, εἰθισμένον μὲν σφίσι καὶ πρότερον ἥκιστα ἐπιμίγνυσθαι τῷ Ῥωμαίων στρατῷ, τότε δὲ καὶ ἐν νῷ ἃ προδεδήλωται ἔχουσιν οὐκ ἦν βουλομένοις ξὺν τῇ ἄλλῃ στρατιᾷ τάσσεσθαι. Ῥωμαίοις μὲν οὖν τὰ τῆς τάξεως ὧδέ πη εἶχε.

§ 4.3.8 Βανδίλων δὲ κέρας μὲν ἑκάτερον οἱ χιλίαρχοι εἶχον, ἕκαστός τε ἡγεῖτο τοῦ ἀμφ’ αὐτὸν λόχου, κατὰ δὲ δὴ τὸ μέσον Τζάζων ἦν ὁ τοῦ Γελίμερος ἀδελφός, ὄπισθεν δὲ οἱ Μαυρούσιοι ἐτετάχατο.

§ 4.3.9 αὐτὸς μέντοι ὁ Γελίμερ πανταχόσε περιιὼν ἐνεκελεύετό τε καὶ ἐς εὐτολμίαν ἐνῆγε. προείρητο δὲ Βανδίλοις ἅπασι μήτε δορατίῳ μήτε ἄλλῳ ὁτῳοῦν ὀργάνῳ ἐς ξυμβολὴν τήνδε, ὅτι μὴ τοῖς ξίφεσι, χρῆσθαι.

§ 4.3.10 Χρόνου δὲ τριβέντος συχνοῦ καὶ μάχης οὐδενὸς ἄρχοντος Ἰωάννης τῶν ἀμφ’ αὐτὸν ὀλίγους ἀπολέξας Βελισαρίου γνώμῃ τόν τε ποταμὸν διέβη καὶ ἐς τοὺς μέσους ἐσέβαλεν, ἔνθα δὴ ὁ Τζάζων ὠθισμῷ χρησάμενος ἐδίωξεν αὐτούς.

§ 4.3.11 καὶ οἱ μὲν φεύγοντες ἐς τὸ σφῶν αὐτῶν στρατόπεδον ἧκον, οἱ δὲ Βανδίλοι διώκοντες ἄχρι ἐς τόν ποταμὸν ἦλθον, οὐ μέντοι διέβησαν.

§ 4.3.12 αὖθις δὲ Ἰωάννης πλείους τῶν Βελισαρίου ὑπασπιστῶν ἐπαγόμενος ἐς τοὺς ἀμφὶ τὸν Τζάζωνα ἐσεπήδησε, καὶ αὖθις ἐνθένδε ἀποκρουσθεὶς ἐς τὸ Ῥωμαίων στρατόπεδον ἀνεχώρησε.

§ 4.3.13 τὸ δὲ δὴ τρίτον ξὺν πᾶσι σχεδὸν τοῖς Βελισαρίου τε δορυφόροις καὶ ὑπασπισταῖς τὸ στρατηγικὸν σημεῖον λαβὼν τὴν ἐσβολὴν ἐποιήσατο ξὺν βοῇ τε καὶ πατάγῳ πολλῷ.

§ 4.3.14 τῶν δὲ βαρβάρων ἀνδρείως τε αὐτοὺς ὑφισταμένων καὶ μόνοις χρωμένων τοῖς ξίφεσι γίνεται μὲν καρτερὰ ἡ μάχη, πίπτουσι δὲ Βανδίλων πολλοί τε καὶ ἄριστοι, καὶ Τζάζων αὐτὸς ὁ τοῦ Γελίμερος ἀδελφός.

§ 4.3.15 τότε δὴ ἅπαν τὸ Ῥωμαίων στράτευμα ἐκινήθη καὶ τὸν ποταμὸν διαβάντες ἐπὶ τοὺς πολεμίους ἐχώρησαν, ἥ τε τροπὴ ἀρξαμένη ἀπὸ τοῦ μέσου λαμπρὰ ἐγεγόνει· τοὺς γὰρ κατ’ αὐτοὺς οὐδενὶ πόνῳ ἐτρέψαντο ἕκαστοι.

§ 4.3.16 ἃ δὴ ὁρῶντες οἱ Μασσαγέται κατὰ τὰ σφίσι ξυγκείμενα ξὺν τῷ Ῥωμαίων στρατῷ τὴν δίωξιν ἐποιήσαντο, οὐκ ἐπὶ πολὺ μέντοι ἡ δίωξις ἥδε ἐγεγόνει.

§ 4.3.17 οἵ τε γὰρ Βανδίλοι ἐς τὸ σφέτερον στρατόπεδον κατὰ τάχος εἰσελθόντες ἡσύχαζον καὶ οἱ Ῥωμαῖοι, οὐκ ἂν οἰόμενοι ἐν τῷ χαρακώματι πρὸς αὐτοὺς διαμάχεσθαι οἷοί τε εἶναι, τούς τε νεκροὺς ὅσοι ἐχρυσοφόρουν ἀπέδυσαν καὶ ἐς τὸ σφῶν αὐτῶν στρατόπεδον ἀπεχώρησαν.

§ 4.3.18 ἀπέθανον δὲ ἐν ταύτῃ τῇ μάχῃ Ῥωμαίων μὲν ἥσσους ἢ πεντήκοντα, Βανδίλων δὲ ὀκτακόσιοι μάλιστα.

§ 4.3.19 Βελισάριος δέ, τῶν πεζῶν οἱ ἀφικομένων ἀμφὶ δείλην ὀψίαν, ἄρας ὡς εἶχε τάχους παντὶ τῷ στρατῷ ᾔει ἐπὶ τὸ τῶν Βανδίλων στρατόπεδον.

§ 4.3.20 Γελίμερ δὲ γνοὺς Βελισάριον ξύν τε τοῖς πεζοῖς καὶ τῷ ἄλλῳ στρατῷ ἐπ’ αὐτὸν αὐτίκα ἰέναι, οὐδὲν οὔτε εἰπὼν οὔτε ἐντειλάμενος ἐπί τε τὸν ἵππον ἀναθρώσκει καὶ τὴν ἐπὶ Νουμίδας φέρουσαν ἔφευγε.

§ 4.3.21 καὶ αὐτῷ οἵ τε ξυγγενεῖς καὶ τῶν οἰκετῶν ὀλίγοι τινὲς εἵποντο καταπεπληγμένοι τε καὶ τὰ παρόντα ἐν σιγῇ ἔχοντες.

§ 4.3.22 καὶ χρόνον μέν τινα ἔλαθε Βανδίλους ἀποδρὰς Γελίμερ, ἐπεὶ δὲ αὐτόν τε πεφευγέναι ᾔσθοντο ἅπαντες καὶ οἱ πολέμιοι ἤδη καθεωρῶντο, τότε δὴ οἵ τε ἄνδρες ἐθορύβουν καὶ τὰ παιδία ἀνέκραγε καὶ αἱ γυναῖκες ἐκώκυον.

§ 4.3.23 καὶ οὔτε χρημάτων παρόντων μετεποιοῦντο οὔτε τῶν φιλτάτων ὀδυρομένων σφίσιν ἔμελεν, ἀλλ’ ἕκαστος ἔφευγεν οὐδενὶ κόσμῳ ὅπη ἐδύνατο.

§ 4.3.24 ἐπελθόντες δὲ Ῥωμαῖοι τό τε στρατόπεδον ἀνδρῶν ἔρημον αὐτοῖς χρήμασιν αἱροῦσι καὶ ἐπιδιώξαντες τὴν νύκτα ὅλην ἄνδρας μὲν ὅσοις ἐντύχοιεν ἔκτεινον, παῖδας δὲ καὶ γυναῖκας ἐποιοῦντο ἐν ἀνδραπόδων λόγῳ.

§ 4.3.25 χρήματα δὲ τοσαῦτα τὸ πλῆθος ἐν τούτῳ τῷ στρατοπέδῳ εὗρον ὅσα οὐδεπώποτε ἔν γε χωρίῳ ἑνὶ τετύχηκεν εἶναι.

§ 4.3.26 οἵ τε γὰρ Βανδίλοι ἐκ παλαιοῦ τὴν Ῥωμαίων ἀρχὴν ληισάμενοι συχνὰ χρήματα ἐς Λιβύην μετήνεγκαν καὶ τῆς χώρας αὐτοῖς ἀγαθῆς ἐν τοῖς μάλιστα οὔσης καρποῖς τε τοῖς ἀναγκαιοτάτοις ἐς ἄγαν εὐθηνούσης, τὰς τῶν χρημάτων προσόδους ξυνέβη, αἵ γε ἐκ τῶν ἐκείνῃ γινομένων ἀγαθῶν ἠγείροντο, οὐκ ἐς ἑτέραν τινὰ δαπανᾶσθαι χώραν ἐμπορίᾳ τῇ τῶν ἐπιτηδείων, ἀλλ’ αὐτὰς ἀεὶ οἱ τὰ χωρία κεκτημένοι προσεποιοῦντο ἐς πέντε καὶ ἐνενήκοντα ἔτη, ἐς οἷς δὴ Λιβύης οἱ Βανδίλοι ἦρξαν.

§ 4.3.27 καὶ ἀπ’ αὐτοῦ ἐς πάμπολυ χρῆμα ὁ πλοῦτος χωρήσας ἐκείνῃ τῇ ἡμέρᾳ ἐς τῶν Ῥωμαίων τὰς χεῖρας ἐπανῆκεν αὖθις.

§ 4.3.28 ἡ μὲν οὖν μάχη καὶ δίωξις ἥδε καὶ τοῦ Βανδίλων στρατοπέδου ἡ ἅλωσις τρισὶ μησὶν ὕστερον γέγονεν ἢ ὁ Ῥωμαίων στρατὸς ἐς Καρχηδόνα ἦλθε, μεσοῦντος μάλιστα τοῦ τελευταίου μηνός, ὃν Δεκέμβριον Ῥωμαῖοι καλοῦσι.

Wars 4.13

§ 4.13.1 Ἐν ᾧ δὲ ταῦτα ἐν Βυζακίῳ ἐγένετο, ἐν τούτῳ Ἰαύδας ὃς τῶν ἐν Αὐρασίῳ Μαυρουσίων ἦρχε, πλέον ἢ τρισμυρίους ἄνδρας μαχίμους ἐπαγόμενος ἐληίζετο τὰ ἐπὶ Νουμιδίας χωρία, ἠνδραπόδιζέ τε τῶν Λιβύων πολλούς.

§ 4.13.2 ἐτύγχανε δὲ Ἀλθίας ἐν Κεντουρίαις τῶν ἐκείνῃ φρουρίων φυλακὴν ἔχων· ὃς τῶν αἰχμαλώτων τινὰς ἀφελέσθαι τοὺς πολεμίους ἐν σπουδῇ ἔχων ξὺν Οὔννοις τοῖς αὐτῷ ἑπομένοις, ἑβδομήκοντα μάλιστα οὖσιν, ἔξω τοῦ φρουρίου ἐγένετο.

§ 4.13.3 λογισάμενός τε ὡς οὐχ οἷός τέ ἐστι πλήθει Μαυρουσίων τοσούτῳ ξὺν ἀνδράσιν ἑβδομήκοντα ἐς χεῖρας ἰέναι, στενοχωρίαν καταλαβεῖν τινα ἤθελεν, ὅπως ἂν δι’ αὐτῆς ὁδῷ ἰόντων τῶν πολεμίων τῶν τινας αἰχμαλώτων ἀναρπάσαι δυνατὸς εἴη.

§ 4.13.4 καὶ ʽοὐ γάρ ἐστι τοιαύτη τις ἐνταῦθα ὁδός, ἐπεὶ πεδία ὕπτια πανταχῆ τῶν ἐκείνῃ χωρίων ἐστὶν’ ἐπενόει τάδε.

§ 4.13.5 Πόλις ἔστι που πλησίον Τίγισις ὄνομα, τότε μὲν ἀτείχιστος οὖσα, κρήνην δὲ μεγάλην τινὰ ἐν στενοχωρίᾳ πολλῇ ἔχουσα.

§ 4.13.6 ταύτην Ἀλθίας τὴν κρήνην καταλαβεῖν ἔγνω, λογισάμενος ὡς δίψῃ ἀναγκαζόμενοι ἐνταῦθα πάντως ἀφίξονται οἱ πολέμιοι· ἄλλο γὰρ ὕδωρ ἄγχιστά πη ὡς ἥκιστά ἐστι.

§ 4.13.7 πᾶσι μὲν οὖν τὸ τοῦ πλήθους ἐκλογιζομένοις παράλογον ἔδοξε μανιώδης αὐτοῦ ἡ ἔννοια εἶναι.

§ 4.13.8 οἱ δὲ Μαυρούσιοι κόπῳ τε πολλῷ καὶ πνίγει μεγάλῳ θέρους ὥρᾳ ὡμιληκότες, δίψῃ τε, ὡς τὸ εἰκός, ἀπ’ αὐτοῦ μεγίστῃ ἐχόμενοι, παρὰ τὴν κρήνην δρόμῳ πολλῷ ἦλθον, οὐδὲν ἐναντίωμα ἐν νῷ ἔχοντες.

§ 4.13.9 ἐπειδὴ δὲ τὸ ὕδωρ πρὸς τῶν πολεμίων ἐχόμενον εὗρον, ἀπορούμενοι ξύμπαντες ἔστησαν, τοῦ πλείστου τῆς ἰσχύος ἤδη δαπανηθέντος σφίσι τῇ τοῦ ὕδατος ἐπιθυμίᾳ.

§ 4.13.10 διὸ δὴ Ἰαύδας τῷ Ἀλθίᾳ εἰς λόγους ἥκων τὸ τριτημόριόν οἱ δώσειν ὡμολόγει τῆς λείας, ἐφ’ ᾧ δὴ Μαυρούσιοι πίωσιν ἅπαντες.

§ 4.13.11 ὁ δὲ τὸν μὲν λόγον ἐνδέχεσθαι οὐδαμῇ ἤθελε, μονομαχεῖν δὲ πρὸς αὐτὸν ὑπὲρ τούτων ἠξίου.

§ 4.13.12 τοῦ δὲ Ἰαύδα ταύτην δὴ δεξαμένου τὴν πρόκλησιν, ξυνέκειτο ἡσσηθέντος, ἂν οὕτω τύχῃ, τοῦ Ἀλθία Μαυρουσίους πιεῖν.

§ 4.13.13 ἔχαιρέ τε ἅπας ὁ τῶν Μαυρουσίων στρατός, εὐέλπιδες ὄντες, ἐπεὶ Ἀλθίας μὲν ἰσχνός τε ἦν καὶ οὐ μέγας τὸ σῶμα, Ἰαύδας δὲ κάλλιστός τε ἦν καὶ μαχιμώτατος Μαυρουσίων ἁπάντων.

§ 4.13.14 ἄμφω μὲν οὖν ἱππεῖς ἐτύγχανον ὄντες. ὁ δὲ Ἰαύδας τὸ δοράτιον ἠκόντισε πρῶτος, οὗπερ Ἀλθίας ἐπ’ αὐτὸν ἰόντος χειρὶ λαβέσθαι τῇ δεξιᾷ παρὰ δόξαν ἰσχύσας Ἰαύδαν τε καὶ τοὺς πολεμίους κατέπληξε.

§ 4.13.15 τῇ δὲ λαιᾷ χειρὶ τὸ τόξον ἐντείνας αὐτίκα, ἐπεὶ ἀμφιδέξιος ἦν, τὸν Ἰαύδα ἵππον βαλὼν ἔκτεινε.

§ 4.13.16 πεσόντος τε αὐτοῦ ἵππον ἕτερον τῷ ἄρχοντι Μαυρούσιοι ἦγον, ἐφ’ ὃν ἀναθορὼν Ἰαύδας εὐθὺς ἔφυγε· καί οἱ κόσμῳ οὐδενὶ ὁ τῶν Μαυρουσίων στρατὸς εἵπετο.

§ 4.13.17 ὅ τε Ἀλθίας τούς τε αἰχμαλώτους καὶ τὴν λείαν ἀφελόμενος ξύμπασαν ὄνομα μέγα ἐκ τοῦ ἔργου τούτου ἀνὰ πᾶσαν Λιβύην ἔσχε. ταῦτα μὲν οὖν τῇδε ἐχώρησε.

§ 4.13.18 Σολόμων δὲ ἐν Καρχηδόνι ὀλίγον τινὰ διατρίψας χρόνον, ἐπί τε ὄρος τὸ Αὐράσιον καὶ Ἰαύδαν ἐπῆγε τὸ στράτευμα, ἐπενεγκὼν αὐτῷ ὅτι, ἡνίκα ὁ Ῥωμαίων στρατὸς τὴν ἐν Βυζακίῳ ἀσχολίαν εἶχε, πολλὰ ἐληίσατο τῶν ἐν Νουμιδίᾳ χωρίων. καὶ ἦν δὲ οὕτως.

§ 4.13.19 ὥρμων δὲ Σολόμωνα ἐπὶ τὸν Ἰαύδαν Μαυρουσίων ἄρχοντες ἕτεροι, Μασσωνᾶς τε καὶ Ὀρταΐας, τῆς σφετέρας ἔχθρας ἕνεκα· Μασσωνᾶς μέν, ὅτι οἱ τὸν πατέρα Μεφανίαν κηδεστὴς ὢν Ἰαύδας δόλῳ ἔκτεινεν, ὁ δὲ ἕτερος, ὅτι ξὺν τῷ Μαστίνᾳ, ὃς τῶν ἐν Μαυριτανίᾳ Βαρβάρων ἡγεῖτο, ἐξελάσαι αὐτόν τε καὶ Μαυρουσίους ὧν ἦρχεν ἐκ τῆς χώρας ἐβούλευσεν, ἔνθα δὴ ἐκ παλαιοῦ ᾤκηντο.

§ 4.13.20 ὁ μὲν οὖν Ῥωμαίων στρατός, ἡγουμένου αὐτοῖς Σολόμωνος, καὶ Μαυρουσίων ὅσοι σφίσιν ἐς ξυμμαχίαν ἦλθον, ἐστρατοπεδεύσαντο ἐς ποταμὸν Ἀβίγαν, ὃς τὸ Αὐράσιον παραρρέων ἀρδεύει τὰ ἐκείνῃ χωρία.

§ 4.13.21 τῷ δὲ Ἰαύδᾳ ἐς μὲν τὸ πεδίον τοῖς πολεμίοις ἀντιτάξασθαι ἀξύμφορον εἶναι ἐφαίνετο, τὰ δὲ ἐν Αὐρασίῳ ἐξηρτύετο ὅπη οἱ ἐδόκει τοῖς ἐπιοῦσιν ὡς δυσκολώτατα ἔσεσθαι.

§ 4.13.22 τοῦτο δὲ τὸ ὄρος ἡμερῶν μὲν ὁδῷ δέκα καὶ τριῶν μάλιστα Καρχηδόνος διέχει, μέγιστον δὲ ἁπάντων ἐστὶν ὧν ἡμεῖς ἴσμεν.

§ 4.13.23 ἡμερῶν γὰρ τριῶν ἐνταῦθα εὐζώνῳ ἀνδρὶ περίοδός ἐστι. καὶ τῷ μὲν ἐς αὐτὸ ἰέναι βουλομένῳ δύσοδόν τέ ἐστι καὶ δεινῶς ἄγριον, ἄνω δὲ ἥκοντι καὶ ἐν τῷ ὁμαλεῖ γενομένῳ πεδία τε φαίνεται καὶ κρῆναι πολλαὶ ποταμούς τε ποιοῦσαι καὶ παραδείσων πολύ τι χρῆμα θαυμάσιον οἷον.

§ 4.13.24 καὶ ὅ τε σῖτος ὃς ἐνταῦθα φύεται ἥ τε ὀπώρα ἑκάστη διπλασία τὸ μέγεθός ἐστιν ἢ ἐν τῇ ἄλλῃ ἁπάσῃ Λιβύῃ γίνεσθαι πέφυκεν.

§ 4.13.25 ἔστι δὲ καὶ φρούρια ἐνταῦθά πη ἀπημελημένα, τῷ μὴ δοκεῖν ἀναγκαῖα τοῖς ταύτῃ ᾠκημένοις εἶναι.

§ 4.13.26 ἐξ ὅτου γὰρ τὸ Αὐράσιον Μαυρούσιοι Βανδίλους ἀφείλοντο, οὐδείς πω ἐς αὐτὸ πολέμιος ἦλθεν οὐδὲ ἐς δέος τοὺς βαρβάρους κατέστησεν, ἀλλὰ καὶ πόλιν Ταμούγαδιν, ἣ πρὸς τῷ ὄρει ἐν ἀρχῇ τοῦ πεδίου πρὸς ἀνίσχοντα ἥλιον πολυάνθρωπος οὖσα ᾤκητο, ἔρημον ἀνθρώπων οἱ Μαυρούσιοι ποιησάμενοι ἐς ἔδαφος καθεῖλον, ὅπως μὴ ἐνταῦθα ᾖ δυνατὰ ἐνστρατοπεδεύσασθαι τοῖς πολεμίοις, ἀλλὰ μηδὲ κατὰ πρόφασιν τῆς πόλεως ἄγχι ἐς τὸ ὄρος ἰέναι.

§ 4.13.27 εἶχον δὲ οἱ ταύτῃ Μαυρούσιοι καὶ τὴν πρὸς ἑσπέραν τοῦ Αὐρασίου χώραν,

§ 4.13.28 πολλήν τε καὶ ἀγαθὴν οὖσαν. καὶ τούτων ἐπέκεινα Μαυρουσίων ἔθνη ἕτερα ᾤκηντο, ὧν ἦρχεν Ὀρταΐας, ὃς Σολόμωνί τε καὶ Ῥωμαίοις,

§ 4.13.29 ὡς ἔμπροσθεν ἐρρήθη, ξύμμαχος ἦλθε. τούτου τοῦ ἀνθρώπου ἐγὼ λέγοντος ἤκουσα ὡς ὑπὲρ τὴν χώραν ἧς αὐτὸς ἄρχοι, οὐδένες ἀνθρώπων οἰκοῦσιν, ἀλλὰ γῆ ἔρημος ἐπὶ πλεῖστον διήκει, ταύτης τε ἐπέκεινα ἄνθρωποί εἰσιν οὐχ ὥσπερ οἱ Μαυρούσιοι μελανόχροοι, ἀλλὰ λευκοί τε λίαν τὰ σώματα καὶ τὰς κόμας ξανθοί. ταῦτα μὲν δὴ ὧδέ πη ἔχει.

§ 4.13.30 Σολόμων δὲ Μαυρουσίων τε τοὺς ξυμμάχους δωρησάμενος χρήμασι μεγάλοις καὶ πολλὰ παρακελευσάμενος παντὶ τῷ στρατῷ ἐς ὄρος τὸ Αὐράσιον ὡς ἐς μάχην διατεταγμένος ἀνέβαινεν, οἰόμενος ἐκείνῃ τῇ ἡμέρᾳ τοῖς τε πολεμίοις διὰ μάχης ἰέναι καὶ ἀπ’ αὐτῶν διακρίνεσθαι, ὅπη ἂν ᾖ βουλομένῃ τῇ τύχῃ.

§ 4.13.31 οὐ γὰρ οὖν οὐδὲ τροφάς, ὅτι μὴ ὀλίγας, σφίσι τε καὶ τοῖς ἵπποις τοῖς σφετέροις οἱ στρατιῶται ἐπήγοντο.

§ 4.13.32 πορευθέντες δὲ ἐν δυσχωρίᾳ πολλῇ πεντήκοντα μάλιστα σταδίους ηὐλίσαντο.

§ 4.13.33 τοσαύτην τε ὁδὸν ἐς ἡμέραν ἑκάστην ἀνύοντες ἑβδομαῖοι ἀφικνοῦνται ἐς χῶρον ἔνθα φρούριόν τε παλαιὸν ἦν καὶ ποταμός τις ἀένναος. Ὄρος Ἀσπίδος τῇ σφετέρᾳ γλώσσῃ καλοῦσι Λατῖνοι τὸν χῶρον.

§ 4.13.34 ἐνταῦθα σφίσι στρατοπεδεύεσθαι ἠγγέλλοντο οἱ πολέμιοι, καὶ ἐπειδὴ ἐν τῷ χωρίῳ τούτῳ ἐγένοντο πολέμιόν τε οὐδὲν ἀπήντα, στρατοπεδευσάμενοι καὶ ὡς ἐς μάχην παρασκευασάμενοι αὐτοῦ ἔμενον, ἡμερῶν τε αὐτοῖς ἐνταῦθα τριῶν χρόνος ἐτρίβη.

§ 4.13.35 ὡς δὲ οἵ τε πολέμιοι τὸ παράπαν σφίσιν ἐκποδὼν ἵσταντο καὶ τὰ ἐπιτήδεια ἐπελελοίπει, ἐνθύμιον Σολόμωνἰ τε καὶ τῇ στρατιᾷ πάσῃ ἐγένετο, ὡς ἄρα τις πρὸς Μαυρουσίων τῶν ξυμμάχων ἐπιβουλὴ ἐς αὐτοὺς γίνοιτο·

§ 4.13.36 οἵ γε, καίπερ οὐκ ἀμελετήτως τῆς ἐν Αὐρασίῳ πορείας ἔχοντες, ἐπιστάμενοί τε, ὡς τὸ εἰκός, ὅσα τοῖς πολεμίοις βεβουλευμένα ἐτύγχανεν, ἐς ἑκάστην μὲν αὐτοῖς ἡμέραν λάθρα ἐπειγόμενοι, ὥσπερ ἐλέγετο, πολλάκις δὲ καὶ κατασκοπῆς ἕνεκα ἐς αὐτοὺς πρὸς Ῥωμαίων σταλέντες, οὐδὲν ἀγγεῖλαι ὑγιὲς ἔγνωσαν, ὅπως δὴ μὴ προμαθόντες τροφάς τε σφίσιν ἐς χρόνον πλείω ἔχοντες ἐς ὄρος τὸ Αὐράσιον ἀναβαίνοιεν καὶ τὰ ἄλλα παρασκευάσαιντο ὅπη ἄριστα ἔσεσθαι ἔμελλεν.

§ 4.13.37 ὅλως δὲ ἐνέδραν σφίσι πρὸς ἀνδρῶν ξυμμάχων γεγενῆσθαι ὑποτοπήσαντες ἐς δέος ἦλθον, λογιζόμενοι ὡς ἄπιστοι λέγονται εἶναι Μαυρούσιοι φύσει, ἄλλως τε ἡνίκα Ῥωμαίοις ἢ ἄλλοις τισὶ ξυμμαχοῦντες ἐπὶ Μαυρουσίους στρατεύονται.

§ 4.13.38 ὧν δὴ ἐνθυμηθέντες, ἅμα δὲ καὶ λιμῷ πιεζόμενοι, ἐνθένδε τε κατὰ τάχος ἀναχωροῦσιν ἄπρακτοι καὶ ἐς τὸ πεδίον ἀφικόμενοι χαράκωμα ἐποιήσαντο.

§ 4.13.39 Μετὰ δὲ Σολόμων τοῦ στρατοῦ μοῖράν τινα φυλακῆς ἕνεκα ἐν Νουμιδίᾳ καταστησάμενος ʽχειμὼν γὰρ ἤδη ἦν’ ξὺν τοῖς ἐπιλοίποις ἐς Καρχηδόνα ᾔει.

§ 4.13.40 ἔνθα δὴ ἕκαστα διεῖπέ τε καὶ διεκόσμει, ὅπως ἅμα ἦρι ἀρχομένῳ πλείονι παρασκευῇ καί, ἢν δύνηται, ξυμμάχων Μαυρουσίων ἐκτὸς ἐπὶ τὸ Αὐράσιον αὖθις στρατεύοι.

§ 4.13.41 ἅμα δὲ καὶ στρατηγούς τε καὶ στρατιὰν ἄλλην καὶ νηῶν στόλον ἐπὶ Μαυρουσίους ἐξηρτύετο οἳ ἐν Σαρδοῖ τῇ νήσῳ ἵδρυνται·

§ 4.13.42 αὕτη γὰρ ἡ νῆσος μεγάλη μέν ἐστι καὶ ἄλλως εὐδαίμων, ἐς τὰς δύο μάλιστα τῆς Σικελίας κατατείνουσα μοίρας ʽἡμερῶν γὰρ ὁδὸν εἴκοσιν εὐζώνῳ ἀνδρὶ τὸ τῆς γῆς περίμετρον ἔχεἰ, Ῥωμης τε καὶ Καρχηδόνος ἐν μέσῳ κειμένη πρὸς Μαυρουσίων τῶν ταύτῃ ᾠκημένων πιέζεται.

§ 4.13.43 Βανδίλοι γὰρ τὸ παλαιὸν ἐς τούτους τοὺς βαρβάρους ὀργῇ χρώμενοι ὀλίγους δή τινας σὺν ταῖς γυναιξὶν ἐς Σαρδὼ πέμψαντες ἐνταῦθα εἷρξαν.

§ 4.13.44 χρόνου δὲ προϊόντος τὰ ὄρη καταλαμβάνουσιν ἃ Καρανάλεως ἐγγύς πού ἐστι, τὰ μὲν πρῶτα λῃστείας ἐκ τοῦ ἀφανοῦς ἐς τοὺς περιοίκους ποιούμενοι, ἐπεὶ δὲ οὐχ ἧσσον ἐγένοντο ἢ τρισχίλιοι, καὶ ἐς τοὐμφανὲς καταθέοντες, λανθάνειν τε ἥκιστα ἀξιοῦντες ἅπαντα ἐληίζοντο τὰ ἐκείνῃ χωρία, Βαρβαρικῖνοι πρὸς τῶν ἐπιχωρίων καλούμενοι.

§ 4.13.45 ἐπὶ τούτους δὴ τοὺς Μαυρουσίους ὁ Σολόμων ἐν τούτῳ τῷ χειμῶνι τὸν στόλον ἡτοίμαζε. ταῦτα μὲν οὖν ἐν Λιβύῃ ἐφέρετο τῇδε.

Wars 4.27

§ 4.27.1 Τῇ δὲ ἐπιγενομένῃ ἡμέρᾳ τὴν μὲν Ἀρεοβίνδου κεφαλὴν παρὰ τὸν Ἀντάλαν ὁ Γόνθαρις ἔπεμψε, τὰ δὲ χρήματα καὶ τοὺς στρατιώτας αὐτὸν ἀποστερεῖν ἔγνω.

§ 4.27.2 Ἀντάλας τοίνυν, ὅτι τέ οἱ τῶν ξυγκειμένων οὐδὲν ἐπετέλει, δεινὰ ἐποιεῖτο, καὶ τά τε ὀμωμοσμένα τά τε εἰργασμένα τῷ Γονθάριδι ἐς τὸν Ἀρεόβινδον ἐννοῶν ἤσχαλλεν.

§ 4.27.3 οὐ γάρ οἱ ἐδόκει ὁ τοιούτους ὅρκους ἠδικηκὼς οὔτε αὐτῷ ποτε οὔτε ἄλλῳ ὁτῳοῦν πιστὸς ἔσεσθαι.

§ 4.27.4 πολλὰ γοῦν ἐν αὑτῷ λογισάμενος Ἰουστινιανῷ βασιλεῖ προσχωρεῖν ἤθελε· διὸ δὴ ὀπίσω ἀπήλαυνε.

§ 4.27.5 γνούς τε Μαρκέντιον, ὃς τῶν ἐν Βυζακίῳ καταλόγων ἦρχεν, ἐς νῆσόν τινα τῶν ταύτῃ ἐπικειμένων καταφυγεῖν, πέμψας παρ’ αὐτὸν φράσας τε τὸν πάντα λόγον καὶ τὰ πιστὰ δούς, τὸν ἄνθρωπον ἐπηγάγετο.

§ 4.27.6 καὶ Μαρκέντιος μὲν ἔμενε ξὺν τῷ Ἀντάλᾳ ἐν τῷ στρατοπέδῳ, στρατιῶται δὲ ὅσοι ἐν Βυζακίῳ διατριβὴν εἶχον, εὐνοϊκῶς βασιλεῖ ἔχοντες, Ἀδραμητὸν πόλιν ἐφύλασσον.

§ 4.27.7 οἱ δὲ τοῦ Στότζα στρατιῶται, οὐχ ἥσσους ἢ χίλιοι ὄντες, αἰσθόμενοι τῶν ποιουμένων, Ἰωάννου σφίσιν ἡγουμένου, παρὰ τὸν Γόνθαριν ἐχώρησαν δρόμῳ·

§ 4.27.8 καὶ ὃς αὐτοὺς ἀσμένως τῇ πόλει ἐδέξατο. ἦσαν δὲ Ῥωμαῖοι μὲν πεντακόσιοι, Οὖννοι δὲ ὀγδοήκοντα μάλιστα, οἱ δὲ λοιποὶ Βανδίλοι ἅπαντες.

§ 4.27.9 καὶ Ἀρταβάνης τὰ πιστὰ λαβὼν ἔς τε τὸ Παλάτιον ξὺν τοῖς Ἀρμενίοις ἀνέβη καὶ τῷ τυράννῳ ὑπηρετήσειν ἐπιτάσσοντι ὡμολόγησε.

§ 4.27.10 λάθρα δὲ ἀνελεῖν τὸν Γόνθαριν ἐβουλεύτετο, Γρηγορίῳ τε τῷ ἀνεψιῷ καὶ Ἀρτασίρῃ τῷ δορυφόρῳ κοινολογησάμενος τὸ βούλευμα τοῦτο.

§ 4.27.11 Γρηγόριος δὲ αὐτὸν ἐς τὴν πρᾶξιν ἐνάγων ἔλεξε τοιάδε· “Ἀρταβάνη, νῦν σοι πάρεστι μόνῳ τὸ Βελισαρίου ἀναδήσασθαι κλέος, μᾶλλον δὲ αὐτὸ καὶ πολλῷ ἔτι ὑπερβαλέσθαι.

§ 4.27.12 ὁ μὲν γὰρ στρατιὰν ἀξιολογωτάτην καὶ χρήματα μεγάλα παρὰ βασιλέως λαβὼν ἐνταῦθα ἧκεν, ἄρχοντας μὲν ἔχων τούς οἱ ἑπομένους καὶ ξυμβούλους πολλούς, στόλον δὲ νηῶν οἷον οὔπω ἡμεῖς ἀκοῇ ἴσμεν, ἵππον τε πολλὴν καὶ ὅπλα καὶ τὰ ἄλλα ἁπλῶς εἰπεῖν ἅπαντα ἐπαξίως οἱ παρεσκευασμένα τῆς Ῥωμαίων ἀρχῆς.

§ 4.27.13 οὕτω τε πόνῳ πολλῷ ἀνεσώσατο Λιβύην Ῥωμαίοις.

§ 4.27.14 ἅπερ ἅπαντα οὕτως ἀπόλωλεν ὥστε, εἰ μηδὲ ἀρχὴν ἐγεγόνει, ἔν γε τῷ παρόντι ἐν ἴσῳ εἶναι· πλήν γε δὴ ὅτι ἀποκέκριται Ῥωμαίοις τανῦν ἐκ τῆς Βελισαρίου νίκης τοῖς τε σώμασι καὶ τοῖς χρήμασιν ἐζημιῶσθαι, καὶ πρός γε τὸ μηδὲ φυλάξαι τἀγαθὰ δυνατοῖς γεγονέναι.

§ 4.27.15 τὸ δὲ πάντα ταῦτα ἀνασώσασθαι τανῦν βασιλεῖ ἐν τῇ σῇ μόνῃ ψυχῇ τε καὶ γνώμῃ καὶ δεξιᾷ κεῖται.

§ 4.27.16 οὐκοῦν ἐκλογίζου μὲν ὡς εἶ Ἀρσακίδης ἀνέκαθεν γένος, ἐνθυμοῦ δὲ ὡς τοῖς εὖ γεγονόσιν ἀνδραγαθίζεσθαι ἀεί τε καὶ πανταχῆ πρέπει.

§ 4.27.17 πολλὰ γοῦν σοι ἔργα ὑπὲρ τῆς ἐλευθερίας θαυμαστὰ πέπρακται. Ἀκάκιον γάρ, νέος ὢν ἔτι, τὸν Ἀρμενίων ἄρχοντα, καὶ Σίτταν τὸν Ῥωμαίων στρατηγὸν ἔκτεινας, καὶ ἀπ’ αὐτοῦ Χοσρόῃ βασιλεῖ γνώριμος γεγονὼς ξὺν αὐτῷ ἐπὶ Ῥωμαίους ἐστράτευσας.

§ 4.27.18 ἐπεὶ δὲ τηλικόσδε εἶ, ὡς σὸν εἶναι μὴ περιορᾶν τὴν Ῥωμαίων ἀρχὴν ὑπὸ κυνὶ μεθύοντι κεῖσθαι, ἐνδείκνυσο τανῦν ὡς εὐγενείᾳ τε καὶ ψυχῆς ἀρετῇ ἐκεῖνα, ὦ ʼγαθέ, τὰ πρόσθεν εἰργάσω· ἐγὼ δέ σοι καὶ Ἀρτασίρης ὅδε ἅπαντα ἐπιτάττοντι ὅση δύναμις ὑπουργήσομεν.”

§ 4.27.19 Γρηγόριος μὲν τοσαῦτα εἶπεν· Ἀρταβάνου δὲ τὴν διάνοιαν ἐπὶ τὸν τύραννον ἔτι μᾶλλον ὥρμησεν.

§ 4.27.20 ὁ δὲ Γόνθαρις Ἀρεοβίνδου μὲν τήν τε γυναῖκα καὶ τὴν ἀδελφὴν ἐκ τοῦ φρουρίου ἐξαγαγὼν ἐπί τινος οἰκίας ἠνάγκασε μένειν, οὔτε τι ὑβρίσας λόγῳ ἢ ἔργῳ ὁτῳοῦν ἐς αὐτὰς οὔτε τὰ ἐπιτήδεια ἐνδεεστέρως ἢ κατὰ τὴν χρείαν ἐχούσας οὔτε τι ἄλλο βιασθείσας εἰπεῖν ἢ πρᾶξαι, πλήν γε δὴ ὅτι γράψαι πρὸς τὸν θεῖον ἡ Πρεϊέκτα ἠνάγκαστο ὡς Γόνθαρις μὲν αὐτάς τε τιμῴη ἐς ἄγαν καὶ καθαρὸς εἴη παντάπασι τοῦ τἀνδρὸς φόνου, Οὐλιθέῳ δὲ τὸ κακὸν ἐργασθείη, Γονθάριδος οὐδαμῆ ἐπαινοῦντος.

§ 4.27.21 ἔπρασσε δὲ ταῦτα ὁ Γόνθαρις Πασιφίλῳ ἀναπεισθείς, ἀνδρὶ γεγονότι μὲν τῶν ἐν Βυζακίῳ στασιωτῶν πρώτῳ, ξυναραμένῳ δὲ αὐτῷ μάλιστα ἐς τὴν τῆς τυραννίδος ἐπίθεσιν.

§ 4.27.22 ἰσχυρίζετο γὰρ ὁ Πασίφιλος, ἢν ταῦτα ποιοίη, ξυνοικιεῖν τε αὐτῷ βασιλέα τὴν κόρην καὶ προῖκα κατὰ τὸ ξυγγενὲς ἐπιδώσειν χρημάτων μεγάλων.

§ 4.27.23 Ἀρταβάνην τε τῷ στρατῷ ἐξηγεῖσθαι ἐπί τε Ἀντάλαν καὶ Μαυρουσίους τοὺς ἐν Βυζακίῳ ἐκέλευε.

§ 4.27.24 Κουτζίνας γάρ, ἅτε τῷ Ἀντάλᾳ προσκεκρουκώς, ἀπέστη τε αὐτοῦ ἐκ τοῦ ἐμφανοῦς καὶ Γονθάριδι προσεχώρησεν· ᾧ δὴ τόν τε παῖδα καὶ τὴν μητέρα ἐν ὁμήρων λόγῳ παρέσχετο.

§ 4.27.25 τὸ μὲν οὖν στράτευμα ἡγουμένου Ἀρταβάνου εὐθὺς ἐπὶ τὸν Ἀντάλαν ἐχώρει. ξυνῆν δὲ αὐτῷ καὶ Ἰωάννης, ὁ τῶν Στότζα στασιωτῶν ἄρχων, καὶ Οὐλίθεος ὁ δορυφόρος· εἵποντο δὲ καὶ Μαυρούσιοι,

§ 4.27.26 ὧν Κουτζίνας ἦρχε. πόλιν τε Ἀδραμητὸν διαμείψαντες καταλαμβάνουσι τοὺς ἐναντίους ἐνταῦθά πη ὄντας, καὶ στρατοπεδευσάμενοι ὀλίγῳ ἄποθεν τῶν πολεμίων ηὐλίσαντο.

§ 4.27.27 τῇ δὲ ὑστεραίᾳ Ἰωάννης μὲν καὶ Οὐλίθεος, μοῖράν τινα τοῦ στρατοῦ ἔχοντες, αὐτοῦ ἔμειναν, Ἀρταβάνης δὲ καὶ Κουτζίνας ἐπῆγον ἐπὶ τοὺς ἐναντίους τὸ στράτευμα.

§ 4.27.28 οὓς δὴ οὐ ξυνενεγκόντες οἱ ξὺν τῷ Ἀντάλᾳ Μαυρούσιοι ἐς φυγὴν ὥρμηντο.

§ 4.27.29 ἀλλ’ ἐθελοκακήσας Ἀρταβάνης ἐκ τοῦ αἰφνιδίου στρέψας τε τὸ σημεῖον ὀπίσω ἀπήλαυνε.

§ 4.27.30 διὸ δὴ Οὐλίθεος αὐτὸν ἐς τὸ στρατόπεδον ἥκοντα κτείνειν διενοεῖτο.

§ 4.27.31 παραιτούμενος δὲ Ἀρταβάνης ἔφασκε δεῖσαι μὴ Μαρκέντιος ἐξ Ἀδραμητοῦ πόλεως ἐπιβοηθήσας τοῖς ἐναντίοις, ὅπη ἐνταῦθα ἐτύγχανεν ὤν, ἀνήκεστα σφᾶς ἔργα ἐργάσηται·

§ 4.27.32 ἀλλὰ Γόνθαριν χρῆναι παντὶ τῷ στρατῷ ἐπὶ τοὺς πολεμίους ἰέναι.

§ 4.27.33 καὶ τὰ μὲν πρῶτα ἐβουλεύετο ἐς Ἀδραμητὸν ἰὼν ξὺν τοῖς ἑπομένοις τῷ βασιλέως στρατῷ ἀναμίγνυσθαι.

§ 4.27.34 ἄμεινον δέ οἱ πολλὰ διαλογισαμένῳ ἔδοξεν εἶναι Γόνθαριν ἐξ ἀνθρώπων ἀφανίσαντι βασιλέα τε καὶ Λιβύην πραγμάτων ἀπαλλάξαι δυσκόλων.

§ 4.27.35 ἀναστρέψας οὖν ἐς Καρχηδόνα τῷ τυράννῳ ἀπήγγελλεν ὅτι δὴ στρατεύματος αὐτῷ πλείονος ἐπὶ τοὺς πολεμίους δεήσει.

§ 4.27.36 ὁ δὲ Πασιφίλῳ κοινολογησάμενος ἅπαντα μὲν ἐξοπλίσαι τὸν στρατὸν ἤθελεν, αὐτὸς δὲ φυλακὴν ἐν Καρχηδόνι καταστησάμενος ἐπὶ τοὺς πολεμίους τῷ στρατῷ ἐξηγήσασθαι.

§ 4.27.37 πολλοὺς μὲν οὖν ἐς ἡμέραν ἑκάστην ἀνῄρει ἐς οὓς ὑποψίᾳ τινὶ καὶ λόγον οὐκ ἐχούσῃ ἐχρῆτο.

§ 4.27.38 τῷ δὲ Πασιφίλῳ ἐπέστελλεν, ὃν δὴ καταστήσεσθαι ἐπὶ Καρχηδόνος φυλακῇ ἔμελλε, τοὺς Γραικοὺς ἅπαντας οὐδὲν ὑπολογισαμένῳ κτεῖναι.

Wars 5.3

§ 5.3.1 Ἦν δέ τις ἐν Γότθοις Θευδάτος ὄνομα, τῆς Θευδερίχου ἀδελφῆς Ἀμαλαφρίδης υἱός, πόρρω που ἤδη ἡλικίας ἥκων, λόγων μὲν Λατίνων μεταλαχὼν καὶ δογμάτων Πλατωνικῶν, πολέμων δὲ ἀμελετήτως παντάπασιν ἔχων, μακράν τε ἀπολελειμμένος τοῦ δραστηρίου, ἐς μέντοι φιλοχρηματίαν δαιμονίως ἐσπουδακώς.

§ 5.3.2 οὗτος ὁ Θευδάτος πλείστων μὲν τῶν ἐν Τούσκοις χωρίων κύριος ἐγεγόνει, βιαζόμενος δὲ καὶ τὰ λειπόμενα τοὺς κεκτημένους ἀφαιρεῖσθαι ἐν σπουδῇ εἶχε. γείτονα γὰρ ἔχειν συμφορά τις Θευδάτῳ ἐδόκει εἶναι.

§ 5.3.3 ταύτην αὐτῷ Ἀμαλασοῦνθα τὴν προθυμίαν ἀναστέλλειν ἠπείγετο, καὶ ἀπ’ αὐτοῦ ἤχθετό τε αὐτῇ ἐς ἀεὶ καὶ χαλεπῶς εἶχεν.

§ 5.3.4 ἐβουλεύετο οὖν Ἰουστινιανῷ βασιλεῖ Τουσκίαν ἐνδοῦναι, ἐφ’ ᾧ χρήματά τε πολλὰ καὶ βουλῆς πρὸς αὐτοῦ ἀξίωμα κομισάμενος ἐν Βυζαντίῳ τὸ λοιπὸν διατρίβοι.

§ 5.3.5 ταῦτα Θευδάτου βεβουλευμένου πρέσβεις ἐκ Βυζαντίου παρὰ τὸν Ῥώμης ἀρχιερέα ἧκον, ὅ τε τῆς Ἐφέσου ἱερεὺς Ὑπάτιος καὶ Δημήτριος ἐκ τῶν ἐν Μακεδόσι Φιλίππων, δόξης ἕνεκεν ἣν Χριστιανοὶ ἐν σφίσιν αὐτοῖς ἀντιλέγουσιν ἀμφιγνοοῦντες.

§ 5.3.6 τὰ δὲ ἀντιλεγόμενα ἐγὼ ἐξεπιστάμενος ὡς ἥκιστα ἐπιμνήσομαι· ἀπονοίας γὰρ μανιώδους τινὸς ἡγοῦμαι εἶναι διερευνᾶσθαι τὴν τοῦ θεοῦ φύσιν, ὁποία ποτέ ἐστιν.

§ 5.3.7 ἀνθρώπῳ γὰρ οὐδὲ τὰ ἀνθρώπεια ἐς τὸ ἀκριβὲς οἶμαι καταληπτά, μή τί γε δὴ τὰ εἰς θεοῦ φύσιν ἥκοντα. ἐμοὶ μὲν οὖν ταῦτα ἀκινδύνως σεσιωπήσθω μόνῳ τῷ μὴ ἀπιστεῖσθαι τὰ τετιμημένα.

§ 5.3.8 ἐγὼ γὰρ οὐκ ἂν οὐδὲν ἄλλο περὶ θεοῦ ὁτιοῦν εἴποιμι ἢ ὅτι ἀγαθός τε παντάπασιν εἴη καὶ ξύμπαντα ἐν τῇ ἐξουσίᾳ τῇ αὑτοῦ ἔχει.

§ 5.3.9 λεγέτω δὲ ὥς πη ἕκαστος γινώσκειν ὑπὲρ αὐτῶν οἴεται, καὶ ἱερεὺς καὶ ἰδιώτης. Θευδάτος δὲ ξυγγενόμενος λάθρα τοῖς πρέσβεσι τούτοις ἀγγέλλειν ἐπέστελλεν Ἰουστινιανῷ βασιλεῖ ἅπερ αὐτῷ βεβουλευμένα εἴη, ἐξειπὼν ὅσα μοι ἄρτι δεδήλωται.

§ 5.3.10 Ἐν τούτῳ δὲ Ἀταλάριχος ἐς κραιπάλην ἐμπεπτωκὼς ὅρον οὐκ ἔχουσαν νοσήματι μαρασμοῦ ἥλω.

§ 5.3.11 διὸ δὴ Ἀμαλασοῦνθα διηπορεῖτο· οὔτε γὰρ ἐπὶ τῇ τοῦ παιδὸς γνώμῃ τὸ θαρσεῖν εἶχεν, εἰς τοῦτο ἀτοπίας ἐληλακότος, ἤν τε αὐτὸς Ἀταλάριχος ἐξ ἀνθρώπων ἀφανίζηται, οὐκ ᾤετο αὐτῇ τὸν βίον ἐν τῷ ἀσφαλεῖ τὸ λοιπὸν ἔσεσθαι, Γότθων τοῖς λογιμωτάτοις προσκεκρουκυίᾳ.

§ 5.3.12 διὸ δὴ τὸ Γότθων τε καὶ Ἰταλιωτῶν κράτος ἐνδιδόναι Ἰουστινιανῷ βασιλεῖ, ὅπως αὐτὴ σώζοιτο, ἤθελεν.

§ 5.3.13 ἐτύγχανε δὲ Ἀλέξανδρος, ἀνὴρ ἐκ βουλῆς, σύν τε Δημητρίῳ καὶ Ὑπατίῳ ἐνταῦθα ἥκων.

§ 5.3.14 ἐπειδὴ γὰρ τὸ μὲν Ἀμαλασούνθης πλοῖον ἐν τῷ Ἐπιδάμνου λιμένι ὁρμίζεσθαι βασιλεὺς ἤκουσεν, αὐτὴν δὲ μέλλειν ἔτι, καίπερ χρόνου τριβέντος συχνοῦ, ἔπεμψε τὸν Ἀλέξανδρον, ἐφ’ ᾧ κατασκεψάμενος ἅπαντα τὰ ἀμφὶ τῇ Ἀμαλασούνθῃ ἀγγείλειε·

§ 5.3.15 τῷ δὲ λόγῳ πρεσβευτὴν τὸν Ἀλέξανδρον βασιλεὺς ἔπεμψε, τοῖς τε ἀμφὶ τῷ Λιλυβαίῳ ξυνταραχθεὶς ʽἅπερ μοι ἐν τοῖς ἔμπροσθεν λόγοις δεδήλωταἰ καὶ ὅτι Οὖννοι δέκα ἐκ τοῦ ἐν Λιβύῃ στρατοπέδου, δρασμοῦ ἐχόμενοι, ἐς Καμπανίαν ἀφίκοντο, Οὐλίαρίς τε αὐτούς, ὃς Νεάπολιν ἐφύλασσεν, Ἀμαλασούνθης οὔτι ἀκουσίου ὑπεδέξατο, Γότθοι τε Γήπαισι τοῖς ἀμφὶ Σίρμιον πολεμοῦντες, πόλει Γρατιανῇ, ἐν τῇ Ἰλλυριῶν ἐσχατιᾷ κειμένῃ, ὡς πολεμίᾳ ἐχρήσαντο.

§ 5.3.16 ἅπερ Ἀμαλασούνθῃ ἐπικαλῶν γράμματά τε γράψας τὸν Ἀλέξανδρον ἔπεμψεν. Ὃς ἐπειδὴ ἐν Ῥώμῃ ἐγένετο, τοὺς μὲν ἱερεῖς αὐτοῦ εἴασε πράσσοντας ὧν ἕνεκα ἦλθον, ἐς δὲ Ῥάβενναν αὐτὸς κομισθεὶς καὶ Ἀμαλασούνθῃ ἐς ὄψιν ἥκων, τούς τε βασιλέως λόγους ἀπήγγειλε λάθρα καὶ τὰ γράμματα ἐς τὸ ἐμφανὲς ἐνεχείρισεν.

§ 5.3.17 ἐδήλου δὲ ἡ γραφὴ τάδε· “Τὸ ἐν Λιλυβαίῳ φρούριον, ἡμέτερον ὄν, βίᾳ λαβοῦσα ἔχεις, καὶ βαρβάρους δραπέτας ἐμοὺς γεγενημένους δεξαμένη ἀποδοῦναι οὔπω καὶ νῦν ἔγνωκας, ἀλλὰ καὶ Γρατιανὴν τὴν ἐμὴν τὰ ἀνήκεστα,

§ 5.3.18 οὐδέν σοι προσῆκον, εἰργάσω. ὅθεν ὥρα σοι ἐκλογίζεσθαι ποία ποτὲ τούτοις τελευτὴ γένοιτο.”

§ 5.3.19 ταῦτα ὡς ἀπενεχθέντα ἡ γυνὴ τὰ γράμματα ἀνελέξατο, ἀμείβεται τοῖσδε· “Βασιλέα μέγαν τε καὶ ἀρετῆς μεταποιούμενον, ὀρφανῷ παιδὶ καὶ ὡς ἥκιστα τῶν πρασσομένων ἐπαισθανομένῳ μᾶλλον ξυλλαβέσθαι εἰκὸς ἢ ἐξ οὐδεμιᾶς αἰτίας διάφορον εἶναι.

§ 5.3.20 ἀγὼν γάρ, ἢν μὴ ἐκ τοῦ ἀντιπάλου ξυσταίη, οὐδὲ τὴν νίκην εὐπρεπῆ φέρει.

§ 5.3.21 σὺ δὲ τὸ Λιλύβαιον Ἀταλαρίχῳ ἐπανασείεις καὶ φυγάδας δέκα καὶ στρατιωτῶν ἐπὶ πολεμίους τοὺς σφετέρους ἰόντων ἁμαρτάδα ξυμπεσοῦσαν ἀγνοίᾳ τινὶ ἐς πόλιν φιλίαν.

§ 5.3.22 μὴ δῆτα, μὴ σύ γε, ὦ βασιλεῦ, ἀλλ’ ἐνθυμοῦ μὲν ὡς, ἡνίκα ἐπὶ Βανδίλους ἐστράτευες, οὐχ ὅσον σοι ἐμποδὼν ἔστημεν, ἀλλὰ καὶ ὁδὸν ἐπὶ τοὺς πολεμίους καὶ ἀγορὰν τῶν ἀναγκαιοτάτων σὺν προθυμίᾳ πολλῇ ἔδομεν, ἄλλων τε καὶ ἵππων τοσούτων τὸ πλῆθος, ἀφ’ ὧν σοι ἡ τῶν ἐχθρῶν ἐπικράτησις μάλιστα γέγονε.

§ 5.3.23 καίτοι ξύμμαχος ἂν καὶ φίλος δικαίως καλοῖτο οὐχ ὃς ἂν τὴν ὁμαιχμίαν ἐς τοὺς πέλας προΐσχοιτο μόνον, ἀλλὰ καὶ ὃς ἄν τῳ ἐς πόλεμον ἕκαστον ὅτου ἂν δέοιτο ὑπουργῶν φαίνοιτο.

§ 5.3.24 ἐκλογίζου δὲ ὡς τηνικαῦτα ὁ στόλος ὁ σὸς οὔτε ἀλλαχῆ ἐκ τοῦ πελάγους εἶχεν ὅτι μὴ Σικελίᾳ προσχεῖν οὔτε τῶν ἐνθένδε ὠνηθέντων χωρὶς εἰς Λιβύην ἰέναι.

§ 5.3.25 ὥστε σοι τὸ τῆς νίκης κεφάλαιον ἐξ ἡμῶν ἐστιν· ὁ γὰρ τοῖς ἀπόροις τὴν λύσιν διδοὺς καὶ τὴν ἐντεῦθεν ἀπόβασιν φέρεσθαι δίκαιος.

§ 5.3.26 τί δὲ ἀνθρώπῳ ἥδιον ἂν ἐχθρῶν ἐπικρατήσεως, ὦ βασιλεῦ, γένοιτο; καὶ μὴν ἐλασσοῦσθαι οὐκ ἐν μετρίοις ἡμῖν ξυμβαίνει, οἵ γε οὐχὶ κατὰ τὸν τοῦ πολέμου νόμον τὸ τῶν λαφύρων νεμόμεθα μέρος.

§ 5.3.27 νῦν δὲ καὶ τὸ Σικελίας Λιλύβαιον, ἄνωθεν Γότθοις προσῆκον, ἀξιοῖς ἀφαιρεῖσθαι ἡμᾶς, πέτραν, ὦ βασιλεῦ, μίαν ὅσον οὐδὲ ἀργυρίου ἀξίαν, ἣν ἀνθυπουργεῖν σε Ἀταλαρίχῳ εἰκός γε ἦν, ἐν τοῖς ἀναγκαιοτάτοις ξυναραμένῳ, εἴπερ ἄνωθεν τῆς

§ 5.3.28 σῆς βασιλείας οὖσα ἐτύγχανε.” ταῦτα μὲν ἐκ τοῦ ἐμφανοῦς Ἀμαλασοῦνθα βασιλεῖ ἔγραψε· λάθρα δὲ αὐτῷ ξύμπασαν Ἰταλίαν ἐγχειριεῖν ὡμολόγησεν.

§ 5.3.29 οἱ δὲ πρέσβεις ἐς Βυζάντιον ἐπανήκοντες ἅπαντα Ἰουστινιανῷ βασιλεῖ ἤγγειλαν· Ἀλέξανδρος μὲν ἅπερ τῇ Ἀμαλασούνθῃ δοκοῦντα εἴη, Δημήτριος δὲ καὶ Ὑπάτιος ὅσα Θευδάτου λέγοντος ἤκουσαν, καὶ ὡς δυνάμει μεγάλῃ ἐν Τούσκοις ὁ Θευδάτος χρώμενος, χώρας τε ἐνταῦθα τῆς πολλῆς κύριος γεγονώς, πόνῳ ἂν οὐδενὶ τὰ ὡμολογημένα ἐπιτελεῖν οἷός τε εἴη.

§ 5.3.30 οἷς δὴ περιχαρὴς γεγονὼς βασιλεὺς Πέτρον, Ἰλλυριὸν γένος, ἐκ Θεσσαλονίκης ὁρμώμενον, ἐς τὴν Ἰταλίαν εὐθὺς ἔστελλεν, ἕνα μὲν ὄντα τῶν ἐν Βυζαντίῳ ῥητόρων, ἄλλως δὲ ξυνετόν τε καὶ πρᾷον καὶ ἐς τὸ πείθειν ἱκανῶς πεφυκότα.

Wars 5.5

§ 5.5.1 Ἐν τούτῳ δὲ Βελισάριον ηὐδοκιμηκέναι κατὰ Γελίμερός τε καὶ Βανδίλων τετύχηκε. βασιλεὺς δὲ τὰ ἀμφὶ Ἀμαλασούνθῃ ξυνενεχθέντα μαθὼν εὐθὺς καθίστατο ἐς τὸν πόλεμον, ἔνατον ἔτος τὴν βασιλείαν ἔχων.

§ 5.5.2 καὶ Μοῦνδον μὲν τὸν Ἰλλυριῶν στρατηγὸν ἔς τε Δαλματίαν ἰέναι, τὴν Γότθων κατήκοον, καὶ Σαλώνων ἀποπειράσασθαι ἐκέλευεν ʽἦν δὲ ὁ Μοῦνδος γένος μὲν βάρβαρος, διαφερόντως δὲ τοῖς τε βασιλέως πράγμασιν εὔνους καὶ ἀγαθὸς τὰ πολέμιἀ, Βελισάριον δὲ ναυσὶν ἔστελλε, στρατιώτας ἐκ μὲν καταλόγων καὶ φοιδεράτων τετρακισχιλίους, ἐκ δὲ Ἰσαύρων τρισχιλίους μάλιστα ἔχοντα.

§ 5.5.3 ἄρχοντες δὲ ἦσαν λόγιμοι μὲν Κωνσταντῖνός τε καὶ Βέσσας, ἐκ τῶν ἐπὶ Θρᾴκης χωρίων, Περάνιος δὲ ἐξ Ἰβηρίας τῆς ἄγχιστα Μήδων, γενόμενος μὲν τῶν ἐκ βασιλέως Ἰβήρων, αὐτόμολος δὲ πρότερον ἐς Ῥωμαίους κατὰ ἔχθος τὸ Περσῶν ἥκων, καταλόγων δὲ ἱππικῶν μὲν Βαλεντῖνός τε καὶ Μάγνος καὶ Ἰννοκέντιος, πεζῶν δὲ Ἡρωδιανός τε καὶ Παῦλος καὶ Δημήτριος καὶ Οὐρσικῖνος, ἀρχηγὸς δὲ Ἰσαύρων Ἔννης.

§ 5.5.4 εἵποντο δὲ καὶ Οὖννοι ξύμμαχοι διακόσιοι καὶ Μαυρούσιοι τριακόσιοι. στρατηγὸς δὲ αὐτοκράτωρ ἐφ’ ἅπασι Βελισάριος ἦν, δορυφόρους τε καὶ ὑπασπιστὰς πολλούς τε καὶ δοκίμους ἔχων.

§ 5.5.5 εἵπετο δὲ αὐτῷ καὶ Φώτιος, ὁ τῆς γυναικὸς Ἀντωνίνης υἱὸς ἐκ γάμων προτέρων, νέος μὲν ὢν ἔτι καὶ πρῶτον ὑπηνήτης, ξυνετώτατος δὲ καὶ φύσεως ἰσχὺν ὑπὲρ τὴν ἡλικίαν δηλώσας.

§ 5.5.6 βασιλεύς τε Βελισαρίῳ ἐπέστελλεν ἐς Καρχηδόνα μὲν τῷ λόγῳ στέλλεσθαι, ἐπειδὰν δὲ ἐς Σικελίαν ἀφίκωνται, ὡς δὴ κατὰ χρείαν τινὰ ἐνταῦθα ἀποβάντας πειρᾶσθαι τῆς νήσου.

§ 5.5.7 καὶ ἢν μὲν δυνατὰ ᾖ ὑποχειρίαν αὐτὴν οὐδενὶ πόνῳ ποιήσασθαι, κατέχειν τε καὶ αὐτῆς μηκέτι μεθίεσθαι· ἢν δέ τι ἐμπόδιον ὑπαντιάσῃ, πλεῖν κατὰ τάχος ἐπὶ Λιβύης, οὐδενὶ αἴσθησιν τῆς βουλήσεως παρεχομένους.

§ 5.5.8 Πέμψας δὲ καὶ παρὰ Φράγγων τοὺς ἡγεμόνας ἔγραψε τάδε· “Γότθοι Ἰταλίαν τὴν ἡμετέραν βίᾳ ἑλόντες οὐχ ὅσον αὐτὴν ἀποδιδόναι οὐδαμῆ ἔγνωσαν, ἀλλὰ καὶ προσηδικήκασιν ἡμᾶς οὔτε φορητὰ οὔτε μέτρια.

§ 5.5.9 διόπερ ἡμεῖς μὲν στρατεύειν ἐπ’ αὐτοὺς ἠναγκάσμεθα, ὑμᾶς δὲ εἰκὸς ξυνδιαφέρειν ἡμῖν πόλεμον τόνδε, ὃν ἡμῖν κοινὸν εἶναι ποιεῖ δόξα τε ὀρθή, ἀποσειομένη τὴν Ἀρειανῶν γνώμην, καὶ τὸ ἐς Γότθους ἀμφοτέρων ἔχθος.”

§ 5.5.10 τοσαῦτα μὲν βασιλεὺς ἔγραψε· καὶ χρήμασιν αὐτοὺς δωρησάμενος, πλείονα δώσειν, ἐπειδὰν ἐν τῷ ἔργῳ γένωνται, ὡμολόγησεν. οἱ δὲ αὐτῷ ξὺν προθυμίᾳ πολλῇ ξυμμαχήσειν ὑπέσχοντο.

§ 5.5.11 Μοῦνδος μὲν οὖν καὶ ἡ ξὺν αὐτῷ στρατιὰ ἐς Δαλματίαν ἀφικόμενοι καὶ Γότθοις τοῖς ἐκείνῃ ὑπαντιάσασιν ἐς χεῖρας ἐλθόντες, νικήσαντές τε τῇ ξυμβολῇ, Σάλωνας ἔσχον.

§ 5.5.12 Βελισάριος δὲ καταπλεύσας ἐς Σικελίαν Κατάνην ἔλαβεν. ἔνθεν τε ὁρμώμενος Συρακούσας τε ὁμολογίᾳ καὶ πόλεις τὰς ἄλλας παρεστήσατο οὐδενὶ πόνῳ· πλήν γε δὴ ὅτι Γότθοι οἳ ἐν Πανόρμῳ φυλακὴν εἶχον, θαρσοῦντες τῷ περιβόλῳ ʽἦν γὰρ ἐχυρὸν τὸ χωρίον’ προσχωρεῖν τε Βελισαρίῳ ἥκιστα ἤθελον καὶ αὐτὸν ἐνθένδε ἀπάγειν τὸν στρατὸν κατὰ τάχος ἐκέλευον.

§ 5.5.13 Βελισάριος δὲ λογισάμενος ἀμήχανον εἶναι διὰ τῆς ἠπείρου τὸ χωρίον ἑλεῖν ἐσπλεῖν τὸν στόλον ἐς τὸν λιμένα ἐκέλευεν ἄχρι ἐς τὸ τεῖχος διήκοντα.

§ 5.5.14 ἦν γὰρ τοῦ τε περιβόλου ἐκτὸς καὶ παντάπασιν ἀνδρῶν ἔρημος. οὗ δὴ τῶν νηῶν ὁρμισαμένων τοὺς ἱστοὺς ξυνέβαινε τῶν ἐπάλξεων καθυπερτέρους εἶναι.

§ 5.5.15 αὐτίκα οὖν τοὺς λέμβους τῶν νηῶν ἅπαντας τοξοτῶν ἐμπλησάμενος ἀπεκρέμασεν ἄκρων ἱστῶν.

§ 5.5.16 ὅθεν δὴ κατὰ κορυφὴν βαλλόμενοι οἱ πολέμιοι ἐς δέος τι ἄμαχον ἦλθον καὶ Πάνορμον εὐθὺς ὁμολογίᾳ Βελισαρίῳ παρέδοσαν.

§ 5.5.17 βασιλεύς τε ἐκ τοῦδε Σικελίαν ὅλην ἐς φόρου ἀπαγωγὴν κατήκοον εἶχε. τῷ δὲ Βελισαρίῳ τότε κρεῖσσον λόγου εὐτύχημα ξυνηνέχθη γενέσθαι.

§ 5.5.18 τῆς γὰρ ὑπατείας λαβὼν τὸ ἀξίωμα ἐπὶ τῷ Βανδίλους νενικηκέναι, ταύτης ἔτι ἐχόμενος, ἐπειδὴ παρεστήσατο Σικελίαν ὅλην, τῇ τῆς ὑπατείας ὑστάτῃ ἡμέρᾳ ἐς τὰς Συρακούσας εἰσήλασε, πρός τε τοῦ στρατοπέδου καὶ Σικελιωτῶν κροτούμενος ἐς τὰ μάλιστα καὶ νόμισμα χρυσοῦ ῥίπτων ἅπασιν.

§ 5.5.19 οὐκ ἐξεπίτηδες μέντοι αὐτῷ πεποίηται τοῦτο, ἀλλά τις τῷ ἀνθρώπῳ ξυνέβη τύχη πᾶσαν ἀνασωσαμένῳ τὴν νῆσον Ῥωμαίοις ἐκείνῃ τῇ ἡμέρᾳ ἐς τὰς Συρακούσας ἐσεληλακέναι, τήν τε τῶν ὑπάτων ἀρχήν, οὐχ ᾗπερ εἰώθει ἐν τῷ Βυζαντίου βουλευτηρίῳ, ἀλλ’ ἐνταῦθα καταθεμένῳ ἐξ ὑπάτων γενέσθαι. Βελισαρίῳ μὲν οὖν οὕτω δὴ εὐημερῆσαι ξυνέτυχεν.

Wars 5.27

§ 5.27.1 Ταῦτα μὲν οὖν, ἐπειδὴ τειχομαχοῦντες ἀπεκρούσθησαν, τρίτῃ ἡμέρᾳ οἱ Γότθοι ἔδρασαν. ἡμέραις δὲ ὕστερον εἴκοσιν ἢ ὁ Πόρτος ἥ τε πόλις καὶ ὁ λιμὴν ἑάλω, Μαρτῖνός τε καὶ Βαλεριανὸς ἧκον, ἑξακοσίους τε καὶ χιλίους στρατιώτας ἱππεῖς ἐπαγομένω.

§ 5.27.2 καὶ αὐτῶν οἱ πλεῖστοι Οὖννοί τε ἦσαν καὶ Σκλαβηνοὶ καὶ Ἄνται, οἳ ὑπὲρ ποταμὸν Ἴστρον οὐ μακρὰν τῆς ἐκείνῃ ὄχθης ἵδρυνται.

§ 5.27.3 Βελισάριος δὲ ἥσθη τε αὐτῶν τῇ παρουσίᾳ καὶ πολεμητέα σφίσιν ἐπὶ τοὺς πολεμίους εἶναι τὸ λοιπὸν ᾤετο.

§ 5.27.4 τῇ γοῦν ὑστεραίᾳ τῶν δορυφόρων τῶν αὑτοῦ ἕνα, θυμοειδῆ τε καὶ δραστήριον, Τραϊανὸν ὄνομα, τῶν ὑπασπιστῶν διακοσίους ἱππέας λαβόντα, ἐκέλευεν εὐθὺ τῶν βαρβάρων ἰέναι, καὶ ἐπειδὰν τῶν χαρακωμάτων ἐγγυτέρω ἵκωνται, ἀναβάντας ἐπὶ λόφου ὑψηλοῦ ἡσυχάζειν, δείξας τι χωρίον αὐτῷ.

§ 5.27.5 ἢν δὲ οἱ πολέμιοι ἐπ’ αὐτοὺς ἴωσιν, ἐκ χειρὸς μὲν τὴν μάχην οὐκ ἐᾶν γενέσθαι, οὐδὲ ξίφους ἢ δορατίου τινὸς ἅπτεσθαι, χρῆσθαι δὲ μόνοις τοξεύμασιν, ἡνίκα τέ οἱ τὴν φαρέτραν οὐδὲν ἐντὸς ἔχουσαν ἴδῃ, φεύγειν τε κατὰ κράτος οὐδὲν αἰδεσθέντα καὶ ἐς τὸν περίβολον ἀναχωρεῖν δρόμῳ.

§ 5.27.6 ταῦτα ἐπιστείλας, τῶν τε τοξευμάτων τὰς μηχανὰς καὶ τοὺς ἀμφὶ ταύταις τεχνίτας ἐν παρασκευῇ εἶχε. Τραϊανὸς δὲ ξὺν τοῖς διακοσίοις ἐκ πύλης Σαλαρίας ᾔει ἐπὶ τὸ τῶν πολεμίων στρατόπεδον.

§ 5.27.7 καὶ οἱ μέν. καταπεπληγμένοι τῷ αἰφνιδίῳ, ἐβοήθουν ἐκ τῶν χαρακωμάτων, ὡς ἑκάστῳ ἐκ τῶν δυνατῶν ἐσκευάσθαι τετύχηκεν.

§ 5.27.8 οἱ δὲ ἀμφὶ Τραϊανὸν ἀναβάντες ἐπὶ τοῦ λόφου ὅνπερ αὐτοῖς Βελισάριος ἔδειξεν, ἐνθένδε τοὺς βαρβάρους ἠμύνοντο βάλλοντες.

§ 5.27.9 καὶ αὐτῶν τοὺς ἀτράκτους ἅτε ἐς πολὺν ἐμπίπτοντας ὅμιλον ἀνθρώπου ἢ ἵππου ἐπὶ πλεῖστον ἐπιτυγχάνειν ξυνέβαινεν. ἐπεὶ δὲ ἅπαντα σφᾶς τὰ βέλη ἤδη ἐπελελοίπει, οἵδε κατὰ τάχος ὀπίσω ἀπήλαυνον, διώκοντές τε οἱ Γότθοι ἐνέκειντο.

§ 5.27.10 ὡς δὲ τοῦ περιβόλου ἐγγυτέρω ἵκοντο, τά τε ἐκ τῶν μηχανῶν τοξεύματα οἱ τεχνῖται ἐνήργουν, καὶ τῆς διώξεως οἱ βάρβαροι κατωρρωδηκότες ἀπέσχοντο.

§ 5.27.11 λέγονται δὲ Γότθοι οὐχ ἧσσον ἢ χίλιοι ἐν τῷ ἔργῳ τούτῳ ἀποθανεῖν. ἡμέραις δὲ ὀλίγαις ὕστερον Βελισάριος Μουνδίλαν τῶν δορυφόρων τῶν αὑτοῦ ἕτερον, καὶ Διογένην, διαφερόντως ἀγαθοὺς τὰ πολέμια, ξὺν ὑπασπισταῖς τριακοσίοις στείλας, ταὐτὸ ποιεῖν τοῖς προτέροις ἐκέλευε. καὶ οἱ μὲν κατὰ ταῦτα ἐποίουν.

§ 5.27.12 ὑπαντιασάντων δὲ τῶν πολεμίων ξυνηνέχθη αὐτῶν οὐχ ἥσσους, εἰ μὴ καὶ πλείους, ἢ ἐν τῷ προτέρῳ ἔργῳ τρόπῳ τῷ αὐτῷ ἀπολωλέναι.

§ 5.27.13 πέμψας δὲ καὶ τρίτον ξὺν ἱππεῦσι τριακοσίοις Ὀΐλαν τὸν δορυφόρον, ἐφ’ ᾧ τὰ ὅμοια τοὺς πολεμίους ἐργάσονται, ταὐτὰ ἔδρασε.

§ 5.27.14 τρεῖς τε, καθάπερ μοι ἐρρήθη, ἐπεκδρομὰς ποιησάμενος τῶν ἐναντίων ἀμφὶ τετρακισχιλίους διέφθειρεν.

§ 5.27.15 Οὐίττιγις δὲ ʽοὐ γὰρ αὐτὸν εἰσῄει τὸ διαλλάσσον ἐν τοῖς στρατοπέδοις τῆς τε ὁπλίσεως καὶ τῆς ἐς τὰ πολέμια ἔργα μελέτησ̓ ῥᾷστα καὶ αὐτὸς ᾤετο τὰ ἀνήκεστα τοὺς πολεμίους ἐργάσασθαι, ἤν γε στρατῷ ὀλίγῳ ἐπ’ αὐτοὺς τὴν ἔφοδον ποιοίη.

§ 5.27.16 ἔπεμψεν οὖν ἱππεῖς πεντακοσίους, ἄγχιστά τε τοῦ περιβόλου ἰέναι κελεύσας, καὶ ὅσα πρὸς ὀλίγων πολλάκις πολεμίων πεπόνθασι, ταῦτα δὴ ἐς ξύμπασαν τὴν ἐκείνων στρατιὰν ἐπιδείξασθαι.

§ 5.27.17 καὶ οἱ μὲν ἐν χωρίῳ ὑψηλῷ γενόμενοι τῆς πόλεως οὐ μακρὰν ἄποθεν, ἀλλ’ ὅσον ἔξω βελῶν, ἵσταντο.

§ 5.27.18 Βελισάριος δὲ ἄνδρας τε ἀπολέξας χιλίους καὶ Βέσσαν αὐτοῖς ἄρχοντα ἐπιστήσας ὁμόσε χωρεῖν ἐπὶ τοὺς πολεμίους ἐπέστελλεν.

§ 5.27.19 οἱ δὲ κύκλωσίν τε τῶν βαρβάρων ποιησάμενοι καὶ κατὰ νώτου ἀεὶ βάλλοντες κτείνουσί τε συχνοὺς καὶ τοὺς λοιποὺς βιασάμενοι κατελθεῖν ἐς τὸ πεδίον ἠνάγκασαν.

§ 5.27.20 ἔνθα δὴ τῆς μάχης οὐκ ἐξ ἀντιπάλου τῆς δυνάμεως ἐκ χειρὸς γενομένης, τῶν Γότθων οἱ μὲν πολλοὶ διεφθάρησαν, ὀλίγοι δέ τινες μόλις διαφυγόντες εἰς τὸ σφέτερον στρατόπεδον ἀνεχώρησαν.

§ 5.27.21 οὓς δὴ ὁ Οὐίττιγις ἅτε τῷ ἀνάνδρῳ ἡσσημένους ἐκάκιζε, καὶ τὸ πάθος ἑτέροις τισὶν ἀνασώσασθαι οὐκ ἐς μακρὰν ὑποσχόμενος, ἐν μὲν τῷ παρόντι ἡσύχαζε, τρισὶ δὲ ὕστερον ἡμέραις ἐκ πάντων τῶν χαρακωμάτων ἄνδρας ἀπολεξάμενος πεντακοσίους ἔργα ἐς τοὺς πολεμίους ἐκέλευεν ἐπιδείξασθαι ἀρετῆς ἄξια.

§ 5.27.22 οὓς ἐπειδὴ Βελισάριος ἐγγυτέρω ἥκοντας εἶδε, πεντακοσίους τε καὶ χιλίους καὶ ἄρχοντας Μαρτῖνόν τε καὶ Βαλεριανὸν ἐπ’ αὐτοὺς ἔστελλεν.

§ 5.27.23 ἱππομαχίας τε ἐκ τοῦ εὐθέος γεγενημένης, τῷ πλήθει Ῥωμαῖοι παρὰ πολὺ ὑπεραίροντες τῶν πολεμίων, τρέπουσί τε αὐτοὺς οὐδενὶ πόνῳ καὶ σχεδόν τι ἅπαντας διαφθείρουσι.

§ 5.27.24 Καὶ τοῖς μὲν πολεμίοις δεινόν τε καὶ τύχης ἐναντίωμα παντάπασιν ἐδόκει εἶναι, εἰ πολλοί τε ὄντες πρὸς ὀλίγων πολεμίων ἐπιόντων σφίσιν ἡσσῶνται καὶ κατ’ ὀλίγους αὖθις ἰόντες ἐπ’ αὐτοὺς διαφθείρονται.

§ 5.27.25 Βελισάριον δὲ δημοσίᾳ μὲν τῆς ξυνέσεως Ῥωμαῖοι ἐπῄνουν, ἐν θαύματι αὐτήν, ὡς τὸ εἰκός, μεγάλῳ ποιούμενοι, ἰδίᾳ δὲ αὐτὸν ἠρώτων οἱ ἐπιτήδειοι ὅτῳ ποτὲ τεκμαιρόμενος ἐκείνῃ τῇ ἡμέρᾳ ᾗ τοὺς πολεμίους οὕτως ἡσσημένος διέφυγεν, εὔελπις ἐγεγόνει τῷ πολέμῳ κατὰ κράτος αὐτῶν περιέσεσθαι.

§ 5.27.26 καὶ αὐτὸς ἔλεγεν ὡς αὐτοῖς κατ’ ἀρχὰς ξὺν ὀλίγοις τισὶν ἐς χεῖρας ἐλθὼν κατενόησεν ὅτι ποτὲ τὸ διαφέρον ἐν ἑκατέρᾳ στρατιᾷ εἴη, ὥστε ἢν κατὰ λόγον τῆς δυνάμεως τὰς ξυμβολὰς ποιοίη, οὐδὲν ἂν τῇ σφετέρᾳ ὀλιγανθρωπίᾳ τὸ τῶν πολεμίων λυμήνασθαι πλῆθος.

§ 5.27.27 διαφέρειν δέ, ὅτι Ῥωμαῖοι μὲν σχεδόν τι ἅπαντες καὶ οἱ ξύμμαχοι Οὖννοι ἱπποτοξόται εἰσὶν ἀγαθοί, Γότθων δὲ τὸ ἔργον τοῦτο οὐδενὶ ἤσκηται, ἀλλ’ οἱ μὲν ἱππεῖς αὐτοῖς μόνοις δορατίοις τε καὶ ξίφεσιν εἰώθασι χρῆσθαι, οἱ δὲ τοξόται πεζοί τε ὄντες καὶ πρὸς τῶν ὁπλιτῶν καλυπτόμενοι ἐς μάχην καθίστανται.

§ 5.27.28 οἵ τε οὗν ἱππεῖς, ἢν μὴ ἐκ χειρὸς ἡ ξυμβολὴ εἴη, οὐκ ἔχοντες καθ’ ὅ τι ἀμυνοῦνται πρὸς τῶν ἐναντίων τοξεύμασι χρωμένων, εὐπετῶς ἂν βαλλόμενοι διαφθείρονται, καὶ οἱ πεζοὶ κατ’ ἀνδρῶν ἱππέων ἐπεκδρομὰς ποιεῖσθαι οὐκ ἄν ποτε ἱκανοὶ εἶεν.

§ 5.27.29 διὰ ταῦτα μὲν Βελισάριος ἰσχυρίζετο τοὺς βαρβάρους ἐν ταύταις δὴ ταῖς ξυμβολαῖς πρὸς Ῥωμαίων ἡσσῆσθαι. Γότθοι δὲ τῶν σφίσι ξυμβεβηκότων τὸ παράλογον ἐν νῷ ἔχοντες οὔτε κατ’ ὀλίγους τὸ λοιπὸν ἐπὶ τὸν Ῥώμης περίβολον ἐχώρουν οὔτε τοὺς πολεμίους ἐνοχλοῦντας ἐδίωκον, πλήν γε δὴ ὅσον ἐκ τῶν χαρακωμάτων ἀπώσασθαι.

Wars 6.1

§ 6.1.1 Μετὰ δὲ Ῥωμαῖοι παντὶ τῷ στρατῷ διακινδυνεύειν οὐκέτι ἐτόλμων· ἱππομαχίας δὲ ποιούμενοι ἐξ ἐπιδρομῆς τρόπῳ τῷ προτέρῳ τὰ πολλὰ τοὺς βαρβάρους ἐνίκων.

§ 6.1.2 ᾔεσαν δὲ καὶ πεζοὶ ἑκατέρωθεν, οὐκ ἐς φάλαγγα ξυντεταγμένοι,

§ 6.1.3 ἀλλὰ τοῖς ἱππεῦσιν ἑπόμενοι. καί ποτε Βέσσας ἐν πρώτῃ ὁρμῇ ἐς τοὺς πολεμίους ξὺν τῷ δόρατι ἐσπηδήσας τρεῖς τε τῶν ἀρίστων ἱππέων ἔκτεινε καὶ τοὺς ἄλλους ἐς φυγὴν ἔτρεψεν.

§ 6.1.4 αὖθις δὲ Κωνσταντῖνος τοὺς Οὔννους ἐπαγόμενος ἐν Νέρωνος πεδίῳ ἀμφὶ δείλην ὀψίαν, ἐπειδὴ τῷ πλήθει ὑπερβιαζομένους τοὺς ἐναντίους εἶδεν,

§ 6.1.5 ἐποίει τοιάδε. στάδιον μέγα ἐνταῦθα ἐκ παλαιοῦ ἐστιν, οὗ δὴ οἱ τῆς πόλεως μονομάχοι τὰ πρότερα ἠγωνίζοντο, πολλά τε ἄλλα οἱ πάλαι ἄνθρωποι ἀμφὶ τὸ στάδιον τοῦτο ἐδείμαντο, καὶ ἀπ’ αὐτοῦ στενωπούς, ὡς τὸ εἰκός, πανταχόθι τοῦ χωρίου ξυμβαίνει εἶναι.

§ 6.1.6 τότε οὖν Κωνσταντῖνος, ἐπεὶ οὔτε περιέσεσθαι τοῦ τῶν Γότθων ὁμίλου εἶχεν οὔτε κινδύνου μεγάλου ἐκτὸς φεύγειν οἷός τε ἦν, ἀπὸ τῶν ἵππων ἅπαντας τοὺς Οὔννους ἀποβιβάσας πεζὸς ξὺν αὐτοῖς ἔς τινα τῶν ἐκείνῃ στενωπῶν ἔστη.

§ 6.1.7 ὅθεν δὴ βάλλοντες ἐκ τοῦ ἀσφαλοῦς τοὺς πολεμίους συχνοὺς ἔκτεινον. καὶ χρόνον μέν τινα οἱ Γότθοι βαλλόμενοι ἀντεῖχον.

§ 6.1.8 ἤλπιζον γάρ, ἐπειδὰν τάχιστα τῶν Οὔννων τὰς φαρέτρας ἐπιλείπῃ τὰ βέλη, κύκλωσίν τε αὐτῶν οὐδενὶ πόνῳ ποιήσασθαι καὶ δήσαντες ἐς στρατόπεδον αὐτοὺς τὸ σφέτερον ἄξειν.

§ 6.1.9 ἐπεὶ δὲ οἱ Μασσαγέται, τοξόται μὲν ἀγαθοὶ ὄντες, ἐς πολὺν δὲ ὅμιλον βάλλοντες, τοξεύματι σχεδόν τι ἑκάστῳ πολεμίου ἀνδρὸς ἐπετύγχανον, ᾔσθοντο μὲν ὑπὲρ ἥμισυ ἀπολωλότες, ἤδη δὲ καὶ ἐς δυσμὰς ἰόντος ἡλίου οὐκ ἔχοντες ὅ τι γένωνται ἐς φυγὴν ὥρμηντο.

§ 6.1.10 ἔνθα δὴ αὐτῶν πολλοὶ ἔπεσον· ἐπισπόμενοι γὰρ οἱ Μασσαγέται, ἐπεὶ τοξεύειν ὡς ἄριστα καὶ πολλῷ χρώμενοι δρόμῳ ἐπίστανται, οὐδέν τι ἧσσον ἐς νῶτα βάλλοντες ἔκτεινον. οὕτω τε ἐς Ῥώμην Κωνσταντῖνος ξὺν τοῖς Οὔννοις ἐς νύκτα ἧκε.

§ 6.1.11 Περανίου δὲ ἡμέραις οὐ πολλαῖς ὕστερον Ῥωμαίων τισὶ διὰ πύλης Σαλαρίας ἐπὶ τοὺς πολεμίους ἡγησαμένου ἔφευγον μὲν κατὰ κράτος οἱ Γότθοι, παλινδιώξεως δὲ περὶ ἡλίου δυσμὰς ἐκ τοῦ αἰφνιδίου γεγενημένης, τῶν τις Ῥωμαίων πεζὸς ἐς μέγαν καταστὰς θόρυβον ἐς βαθεῖάν τινα κατώρυχα ἐμπίπτει, οἷαι πολλαὶ τοῖς πάλαι ἀνθρώποις πρὸς σίτου παρακαταθήκην ἐνταῦθα,

§ 6.1.12 οἶμαι, πεποίηνται. οὔτε δὲ κραυγῇ χρῆσθαι τολμήσας, ἅτε που ἐγγὺς στρατοπεδευομένων τῶν πολεμίων, οὔτε τοῦ βόθρου τρόπῳ ὁτῳοῦν ἀπαλλάσσεσθαι οἷός τε ὤν, ἐπεὶ ἀνάβασιν οὐδαμῆ εἶχεν, αὐτοῦ διανυκτερεύειν ἠνάγκαστο.

§ 6.1.13 τῇ δὲ ἐπιγενομένῃ ἡμέρᾳ, τροπῆς αὖθις τῶν βαρβάρων γεγενημένης, τῶν τις Γότθων ἐς τὴν αὐτὴν κατώρυχα ἐμπίπτει.

§ 6.1.14 ἔνθα δὴ ἄμφω ἔς τε φιλοφροσύνην καὶ εὔνοιαν ξυνηλθέτην ἀλλήλοιν, ξυναγούσης αὐτοὺς τῆς ἀνάγκης, τά τε πιστὰ ἐδοσαν, ἦ μὴν κατεσπουδασμένην ἑκατέρῳ τὴν θατέρου σωτηρίαν εἶναι, καὶ τότε δὴ μέγα καὶ ἐξαίσιον ἄμφω ἐβόων.

§ 6.1.15 Γότθοι μὲν οὖν τῇ τε φωνῇ ἐπισπόμενοι καὶ ὑπὲρ τῆς κατώρυχος διακύψαντες ἐπυνθάνοντο ὅστις ποτὲ ὁ βοῶν εἴη.

§ 6.1.16 οὕτω δὲ τοῖν ἀνδροῖν δεδογμένον, σιωπὴν μὲν ὁ Ῥωμαῖος εἶχεν, ἅτερος δὲ τῇ πατρίῳ γλώσσῃ ἔναγχος ἔφασκεν ἐν τῇ γενομένῃ τροπῇ ἐμπεπτωκέναι, βρόχον τε αὐτούς, ὅπως ἀναβαίνοι, ἠξίου καθεῖναι.

§ 6.1.17 καὶ οἱ μὲν ὡς τάχιστα τῶν κάλων τὰς ἀρχὰς ἀπορρίψαντες τοῦ Γότθου ποιεῖσθαι τὴν ἀνολκὴν ᾤοντο, λαβόμενος δὲ ὁ Ῥωμαῖος τῶν βρόχων εἵλκετο ἄνω, τοιοῦτον εἰπών, ὡς, ἢν μὲν αὐτὸς ἀναβαίνοι πρῶτος, οὔποτε τοῦ ἑταίρου ἀμελήσειν τοὺς Γότθους, ἢν δέ γε τὸν πολέμιον πύθωνται μόνον ἐνταῦθα εἶναι, οὐδένα ἂν αὐτοῦ ποιοῖντο λόγον.

§ 6.1.18 ταῦτα εἰπὼν ἀνέβη. καὶ αὐτὸν ἐπεὶ οἱ Γότθοι εἶδον, ἐθαύμαζόν τε καὶ ἀμηχανίᾳ πολλῇ εἴχοντο, πάντα τε παρ’ αὐτοῦ τὸν λόγον ἀκούσαντες ἐν δευτέρῳ τὸν ἑταῖρον ἀνεῖλκον, ὃς δὴ αὐτοῖς τά τε ξυγκείμενα σφίσι καὶ τὰ δεδομένα πρὸς ἀμφοτέρων πιστὰ ἔφρασε.

§ 6.1.19 καὶ αὐτὸς μὲν ξὺν τοῖς ἑταίροις ἀπιὼν ᾤχετο, τὸν δὲ Ῥωμαῖον κακῶν ἀπαθῆ ἐς τὴν πόλιν ἀφῆκαν ἰέναι.

§ 6.1.20 ἔπειτα δὲ ἱππεῖς μὲν πολλάκις ἑκατέρωθεν οὐ πολλοὶ ὡς ἐς μάχην ὡπλίζοντο, ἐς μονομαχίαν δὲ ἀεὶ τὰ τῆς ἀγωνίας αὐτοῖς ἐτελεύτα καὶ πάσαις Ῥωμαῖοι ἐνίκων. ταῦτα μὲν δὴ ὧδέ πη ἔσχεν.

§ 6.1.21 Ὀλίγῳ δὲ ὕστερον χρόνῳ ξυμβολῆς ἐν Νέρωνος γινομένης πεδίῳ, διώξεις τε ἄλλων ἄλλῃ κατ’ ὀλίγους ἱππεῖς ποιουμένων, Χορσάμαντις, ἐν τοῖς Βελισαρίου δορυφόροις εὐδόκιμος, Μασσαγέτης γένος, ξὺν ἑτέροις τισὶν ἄνδρας ἑβδομήκοντα τῶν πολεμίων ἐδίωκεν.

§ 6.1.22 ἐπειδή τε τοῦ πεδίου πόρρω ἐγένετο, οἱ μὲν ἄλλοι Ῥωμαῖοι ὀπίσω ἀπήλαυνον, Χορσάμαντις δὲ μόνος ἔτι ἐδίωκεν. ὅπερ κατιδόντες οἱ Γότθοι στρέψαντες τοὺς ἵππους ἐπ’ αὐτὸν ᾔεσαν.

§ 6.1.23 καὶ ὁ μὲν ἐς μέσους χωρήσας, ἕνα τε τῶν ἀρίστων δόρατι κτείνας, ἐπὶ τοὺς ἄλλους ᾔει, οἱ δὲ αὖθις τραπόμενοι ἐς φυγὴν ὥρμηντο.

§ 6.1.24 αἰσχυνόμενοι δὲ τοὺς ἐν τῷ στρατοπέδῳ ʽἤδη γὰρ καὶ πρὸς αὐτῶν καθορᾶσθαι ὑπώπτευον’ πάλιν ἰέναι ἐπ’ αὐτὸν ἤθελον.

§ 6.1.25 ταὐτὸ δὲ παθόντες, ὅπερ καὶ πρότερον, ἕνα τε τῶν ἀρίστων ἀποβαλόντες, ἐς φυγὴν οὐδὲν ἧσσον ἐτράποντο, μέχρι τε τοῦ χαρακώματος τὴν δίωξιν ὁ Χορσάμαντις ποιησάμενος ἀνέστρεψε μόνος.

§ 6.1.26 ὀλίγῳ δὲ ὕστερον ἐν μάχῃ ἑτέρᾳ κνήμην τὴν ἀριστερὰν βληθέντι τούτῳ ἐνομίσθη εἶναι ἄκρου ὀστέου τὸ βέλος ἁψάμενον.

§ 6.1.27 ἀπόμαχος μέντοι ἡμέρας ὅσας δὴ ἐπὶ ταύτῃ γεγονὼς τῇ πληγῇ ἅτε ἀνὴρ βάρβαρος οὐκ ἤνεγκε πρᾴως, ἀλλ’ ἠπείλησε τῆς ἐς τὸ σκέλος ὕβρεως τοὺς Γότθους ὅτι τάχιστα τίσασθαι.

§ 6.1.28 ῥαΐσας οὖν οὐ πολλῷ ὕστερον ἔν τε ἀρίστῳ οἰνωμένος, ὥσπερ εἰώθει, μόνος ἐπὶ τοὺς πολεμίους ἐβούλευσεν ἰέναι καὶ τῆς ἐς τὸν πόδα ὕβρεως τίσασθαι, ἔν τε Πιγκιανῇ γενόμενος πυλίδι, στέλλεσθαι πρὸς Βελισαρίου ἔφασκεν ἐπὶ τὸ τῶν ἐναντίων στρατόπεδον.

§ 6.1.29 οἱ δὲ ταύτῃ φρουροὶ ʽοὐ γὰρ ἀπιστεῖν ἀνδρὶ τῶν Βελισαρίου δορυφόρων ἀρίστῳ εἶχον’ τάς τε πύλας ἀνέῳξαν καὶ ὅπη βούλοιτο ἀφῆκαν ἰέναι.

§ 6.1.30 κατιδόντες τε αὐτὸν οἱ πολέμιοι, τὰ μὲν πρῶτα αὐτόμολον σφίσι τινὰ προσχωρεῖν ᾤοντο, ἐπεὶ δὲ ἀγχοῦ γενόμενος τοῦ τόξου εἴχετο, οὐκ εἰδότες ὅστις ποτὲ εἴη, χωροῦσιν ἐπ’ αὐτὸν εἴκοσιν.

§ 6.1.31 οὓς δὴ εὐπετῶς ἀπωσάμενος ἀπήλαυνε βάδην, πλειόνων τε Γότθων ἐπ’ αὐτὸν ἰόντων οὐκ ἔφυγεν.

§ 6.1.32 ὡς δὲ πλήθους πολλοῦ ἐπιρρέοντος ἀμύνεσθαι ἠξίου, Ῥωμαῖοι ἐκ τῶν πύργων θεώμενοι μαίνεσθαι μὲν τὸν ἄνδρα ὑπώπτευον, ὡς δὲ Χορσάμαντις εἴη οὔπω ἠπίσταντο.

§ 6.1.33 ἔργα μὲν ἐπιδειξάμενος μεγάλα τε καὶ λόγου πολλοῦ ἄξια, ἔς τε κύκλωσιν ἐμπεπτωκὼς τοῦ τῶν πολεμίων στρατεύματος,

§ 6.1.34 ποινὰς ἀλόγου θράσους ἐξέτισεν. ἅπερ ἐπειδὴ Βελισάριός τε καὶ ὁ Ῥωμαίων στρατὸς ἔμαθον, ἐν πένθει μεγάλῳ γενόμενοι, ἅτε τῆς πάντων ἐλπίδος ἐπὶ τῷ ἀνθρώπῳ διαφθαρείσης, ὠδύροντο.

Wars 6.4

§ 6.4.1 Τούτοις μὲν Ῥωμαίων τὸν δῆμον παραθρασύνας Βελισάριος ἀπεπέμψατο, Προκόπιον δέ, ὃς τάδε ξυνέγραψεν, αὐτίκα ἐς Νεάπολιν ἐκέλευεν ἰέναι. φήμη γάρ τις περιήγγελλεν ὡς στράτευμα ἐνταῦθα βασιλεὺς πέμψειε.

§ 6.4.2 καί οἱ ἐπέστελλε ναῦς τε ὅτι πλείστας σίτου ἐμπλήσασθαι καὶ στρατιώτας ἀγεῖραι ἅπαντας ὅσους ἐν τῷ παρόντι ἐκ Βυζατίου ἥκειν τετύχηκεν, ἢ ἵππων φυλακῆς ἕνεκα ἢ ἄλλου ὁτουοῦν ἐνταῦθα λελεῖφθαι, οἵους δὴ πολλοὺς ἐς τὰ ἐν Καμπανίᾳ χωρία ἠκηκόει ἰέναι, τινὰς δὲ καὶ τῶν ταύτῃ φρουρῶν ἀφελέσθαι, ἥξειν τε ξὺν αὐτοῖς τὸν σῖτον παρακομίζοντι ἐς Ὀστίαν, ὅθι τὸ Ῥωμαίων ἐπίνειον.

§ 6.4.3 καὶ ὁ μὲν ξὺν τῷ Μουνδίλᾳ τῷ δορυφόρῳ καὶ ὀλίγοις ἱππεῦσι διὰ πύλης ἣ Παύλου τοῦ ἀποστόλου ἐπώνυμός ἐστι, νύκτωρ διῆλθε, λαθὼν τὸ τῶν πολεμίων στρατόπεδον ὅπερ ἄγχιστα ὁδοῦ τῆς Ἀππίας ἐφύλασσεν.

§ 6.4.4 ἐπειδή τε ἐς Ῥώμην οἱ ἀμφὶ Μουνδίλαν ἐπανήκοντες ἀφῖχθαι ἤδη Προκόπιον ἐς Καμπανίαν οὐδενὶ ἐντυχόντα τῶν βαρβάρων ἀπήγγελλον, νύκτωρ γὰρ οὔποτε τοὺς πολεμίους ἔξω τοῦ στρατοπέδου πορεύεσθαι, εὐέλπιδες μὲν γεγένηνται πάντες, Βελισάριος δὲ θαρσήσας ἤδη ἐπενόει τάδε.

§ 6.4.5 τῶν ἱππέων πολλοὺς ἐς τὰ πλησίον ἐξέπεμπεν ὀχυρώματα, ἐπιστείλας, ἤν τινες τῶν πολεμίων ταύτῃ ἴωσιν, ἐφ’ ᾧ τὰ ἐπιτήδεια ἐς τὰ στρατόπεδα ἐσκομίσονται, ἔνθεν αὐτοῖς ἐπεκδρομάς τε καὶ ἐνέδρας πανταχόθι τῶν τῇδε χωρίων ἀεὶ ποιουμένους μὴ ἐπιτρέπειν, ἀλλὰ παντὶ σθένει ἀπείργειν, ὅπως ἥ τε πόλις ἐλασσόνως ἢ πρότερον τῇ ἀπορίᾳ πιέζοιτο καὶ οἱ βάρβαροι πολιορκεῖσθαι μᾶλλον ἢ αὐτοὶ πολιορκεῖν Ῥωμαίους δόξειαν.

§ 6.4.6 Μαρτῖνον μὲν οὖν καὶ Τραϊανὸν ξὺν χιλίοις ἐς Ταρακίναν ἐκέλευσεν ἰέναι. οἷς δὴ καὶ Ἀντωνίναν τὴν γυναῖκα ξυνέπεμψεν, ἐντειλάμενος ἔς τε Νεάπολιν αὐτὴν στέλλεσθαι ξὺν ὀλίγοις τισὶ καὶ τύχην ἐκ τοῦ ἀσφαλοῦς τὴν σφίσι ξυμβησομένην καραδοκεῖν.

§ 6.4.7 Μάγνον δὲ καὶ Σινθούην τὸν δορυφόρον πεντακοσίους μάλιστα ἐπαγομένους ἐς Τίβουριν τὸ φρούριον ἔπεμψε, σταδίους τεσσαράκοντα καὶ ἑκατὸν Ῥώμης διέχον.

§ 6.4.8 ἐς μέντοι τὸ Ἀλβανῶν πόλισμα, σταδίους μὲν τοσούτους ἀπέχον, ἐν δὲ τῇ Ἀππίᾳ ὁδῷ κείμενον, πρότερον ἤδη Γόνθαριν ξὺν Ἐρούλοις τισὶ πέμψας ἔτυχεν, οὓς δὴ οἱ Γότθοι βιασάμενοι ἐξήλασαν ἐνθένδε οὐ πολλῷ ὕστερον.

§ 6.4.9 Ἔστι δέ τις νεὼς Παύλου τοῦ ἀποστόλου, Ῥώμης τοῦ περιβόλου τεσσαρεσκαίδεκα σταδίους ἀπέχων, ὅ τε ποταμὸς αὐτὸν παραρρεῖ Τίβερις. ἐνταῦθα ὀχύρωμα μὲν οὐδαμῆ ἐστι, στοὰ δέ τις ἄχρι ἐς τὸν νεὼν διήκουσα ἐκ τῆς πόλεως, ἄλλαι τε πολλαὶ οἰκοδομίαι ἀμφ’ αὐτὸν οὖσαι οὐκ εὐέφοδον ποιοῦσι τὸν χῶρον.

§ 6.4.10 ἔστι δέ τις καὶ αἰδὼς πρὸς ταῦτα δὴ τὰ ἱερὰ τοῖς Γότθοις. ἐς οὐδέτερον γοῦν τοῖν ἀποστόλοιν νεὼν παρὰ πάντα τὸν τοῦ πολέμου καιρὸν ἄχαρί τι πρὸς αὐτῶν γέγονεν, ἀλλὰ πάντα τῇδε τοῖς ἱερεῦσιν, ᾗπερ εἰώθει, ἐξοσιοῦσθαι ξυμβέβηκεν.

§ 6.4.11 ἐν τούτῳ δὲ τῷ χωρίῳ Βαλεριανόν, τοὺς Οὔννους ἅπαντας ἀπαγαγόντα, χαράκωμα παρὰ τοῦ Τιβέριδος τὴν ὄχθην ἐκέλευε ποιεῖσθαι, ὅπως ἂν αὐτοῖς τε ἀδεέστερον οἱ ἵπποι τρέφοιντο καὶ οἱ Γότθοι μᾶλλον ἔτι ἀναστέλλοιντο τοῦ κατ’ ἐξουσίαν ὡς ἀπωτάτω τῶν στρατοπέδων τῶν σφετέρων ἰέναι.

§ 6.4.12 ὁ δὲ κατὰ ταῦτα ἐποίει. ἐπειδή τε οἱ Οὖννοι ἐνταῦθα ἐστρατοπεδεύσαντο οὗπερ ὁ στρατηγὸς ἐνετέλλετο, ἐς τὴν πόλιν ἀπήλαυνε.

§ 6.4.13 Ταῦτα μὲν οὖν Βελισάριος διαπεπραγμένος ἡσύχαζε, μάχης μὲν οὐκ ἄρχων, ἐκ δὲ τοῦ τείχους ἀμύνεσθαι προθυμούμενος, ἤν τις ἔξωθεν ἐπ’ αὐτὸ κακουργήσων ἴοι.

§ 6.4.14 καὶ σῖτον μέντοι τισὶ τοῦ Ῥωμαίων δήμου παρείχετο. Μαρτῖνος δὲ καὶ Τραϊανὸς διελθόντες νύκτωρ τὰ τῶν πολεμίων στρατόπεδα, ἐπειδὴ ἐν Ταρακίνῃ ἐγένοντο, Ἀντωνίναν μὲν ἐς Καμπανίαν ξὺν ὀλίγοις τισὶν ἔπεμψαν, αὐτοὶ δὲ τὰ ταύτῃ ὀχυρώματα καταλαβόντες, ἔνθεν τε ὁρμώμενοι καὶ τὰς ἐφόδους ἐκ τοῦ αἰφνιδίου ποιούμενοι, τῶν Γότθων τοὺς ἐς τὰ ἐκείνῃ χωρία περιιόντας ἀνέστελλον.

§ 6.4.15 Μάγνος δὲ καὶ Σινθούης τοῦ τε φρουρίου ὅσα καταπεπτώκει ἐν βραχεῖ ἀνῳκοδομήσαντο χρόνῳ καὶ ἐπειδὴ ἐν τῷ ἀσφαλεῖ ἐγένοντο, ἤδη μᾶλλον ἐλύπουν τοὺς πολεμίους ἅτε αὐτῶν τὸ ἐπιτείχισμα οὐκ ἄποθεν ὂν συχνά τε καταθέοντες καὶ τῷ ἀπροσδοκήτῳ ἐκπλήσσοντες ἀεὶ τῶν βαρβάρων τοὺς τὰ ἐπιτήδεια παραπέμποντας, ἕως Σινθούης ἐν μάχῃ δή τινι δόρατι πληγεὶς τὴν δεξιὰν χεῖρα τῶν τε νεύρων οἱ ἀποκοπέντων ἀπόμαχος τὸ λοιπὸν γέγονε.

§ 6.4.16 καὶ Οὖννοι δὲ τὸ στρατόπεδον ἐν γειτόνων, ὥσπερ μοι ἐρρήθη, πεποιημένοι οὐκ ἐλάσσω κακὰ τοὺς Γότθους ἐποίουν, ὥστε καὶ αὐτοὶ τῷ λιμῷ ἐπιέζοντο ἤδη, οὐκέτι σφίσιν ἀδείας οὔσης τὰς τροφὰς ὥσπερ τὸ πρότερον ἐσκομίζεσθαι.

§ 6.4.17 καὶ λοιμὸς δὲ αὐτοῖς ἐπεισπεσὼν πολλοὺς ἔφθειρε, καὶ μάλιστα ἐν τῷ στρατοπέδῳ ὅπερ αὐτοῖς ἀγχοῦ τῆς Ἀππίας ὁδοῦ ὕστατον,

§ 6.4.18 ὥσπερ μοι προδεδήλωται, γεγονὸς ἔτυχε. καὶ αὐτῶν ὀλίγοι ἐνθένδε ὅσοι οὐ διεφθάρησαν ἐς τἄλλα χαρακώματα ὑπεχώρησαν. ταὐτὸ δὲ τοῦτο καὶ Οὖννοι παθόντες ἐς Ῥώμην εἰσῆλθον.

§ 6.4.19 ταῦτα μὲν οὖν ἐγίνετο τῇδε. Προκόπιος δέ, ἐπεὶ ἐν Καμπανίᾳ ἐγένετο, στρατιώτας τε οὐχ ἧσσον ἢ πεντακοσίους ἐνταῦθα ἤγειρε, καὶ νεῶν πολύ τι χρῆμα σίτου ἐμπλησάμενος ἐν παρασκευῇ εἶχε.

§ 6.4.20 παρῆν δέ οἱ καὶ Ἀντωνίνα οὐ πολλῷ ὕστερον καὶ τοῦ στόλου ἤδη ξὺν αὐτῷ ἐπεμελεῖτο.

§ 6.4.21 Τότε καὶ τὸ ὄρος ὁ Βέβιος ἐμυκήσατο μέν, οὐ μέντοι ἠρεύξατο, καίτοι γε καὶ λίαν ἐπίδοξος ἀπ’ αὐτοῦ ἐγεγόνει ὅτι ἐρεύξεται. διὸ δὴ καὶ τοῖς ἐπιχωρίοις ξυνέβη ἐς δέος μέγα ἐμπεπτωκέναι.

§ 6.4.22 τὸ δὲ ὄρος τοῦτο Νεαπόλεως μὲν ἑβδομήκοντα σταδίοις διέχει, τετραμμένον αὐτῆς πρὸς βορρᾶν ἄνεμον, ἀπότομον δὲ ἀτεχνῶς ἐστι, τὰ κάτω μὲν ἀμφιλαφὲς κύκλῳ, τὰ δὲ ὕπερθεν κρημνῶδές τε καὶ δεινῶς ἄβατον.

§ 6.4.23 ἐν δὲ τῇ τοῦ Βεβίου ὑπερβολῇ σπήλαιον κατὰ μέσον μάλιστα βαθὺ φαίνεται, ὥστε εἰκάζειν αὐτὸ ἄχρι ἐς τὰ ἔσχατα τοῦ ὄρους διήκειν.

§ 6.4.24 καὶ πῦρ ἐνταῦθα ὁρᾶν πάρεστιν, ἤν τις ὑπερκύπτειν τολμήσειε, καὶ χρόνῳ μὲν τῷ ἄλλῳ ἡ φλὸξ ἐφ’ ἑαυτὴν στρέφεται, πράγματα οὐδενὶ παρεχομένη τῶν ταύτῃ ἀνθρώπων, ἐπειδὰν δὲ κτύπον τινὰ μυκηθμῷ ἐμφερῆ τὸ ὄρος ἀφῇ, κόνεως μέγα τι χρῆμα οὐ πολλῷ ὕστερον ἐκ τοῦ ἐπὶ πλεῖστον ἀνίησι.

§ 6.4.25 καὶ ἢν μέν τινα ὁδῷ τὸ κακὸν τοῦτο βαδίζοντα λάβῃ, τοῦτον δὴ τὸν ἄνθρωπον οὐδεμία μηχανὴ βιώσεσθαί ἐστιν, ἢν δὲ οἰκίαις τισὶν ἐπιπέσῃ, πίπτουσι καὶ αὐταὶ τῷ τῆς κόνεως πλήθει ἀχθόμεναι.

§ 6.4.26 ἀνέμου δὲ σκληροῦ, ἂν οὕτω τύχῃ, ἐπιπεσόντος, ἀνιέναι μὲν αὐτὴν ξυμβαίνει ἐς ὕψος μέγα, ὡς μηκέτι ἀνθρώπῳ ὁρατὴν εἶναι, φέρεσθαι δὲ ὅπη ἂν αὐτῇ τὸ πνεῦμα ἐπίφορον ἴοι, ἐμπίπτειν τε ἐς γῆν ἣ ὡς ἑκαστάτω τυγχάνει οὖσα.

§ 6.4.27 καί ποτε μέν φασιν ἐν Βυζαντίῳ ἐπιπεσοῦσαν οὕτως ἐκπλῆξαι τοὺς ταύτῃ ἀνθρώπους ὥστε πανδημεὶ ἐξ ἐκείνου δὴ καὶ ἐς τόδε τοῦ χρόνου λιταῖς ἐνιαυσίοις ἐξιλάσκεσθαι τὸν θεὸν ἔγνωσαν, ἐς Τρίπολιν δὲ τῆς Λιβύης χρόνῳ ἑτέρῳ ἐμπεπτωκέναι.

§ 6.4.28 καὶ πρότερον μὲν ἐνιαυτῶν ἑκατὸν ἢ καὶ πλειόνων τὸν μυκηθμὸν τοῦτόν φασι γενέσθαι, ὕστερον δὲ καὶ πολλῷ ἔτι θᾶσσον ξυμβῆναι.

§ 6.4.29 τοῦτο μέντοι ἀπισχυρισάμενοι λέγουσιν, ὅτι δὴ ἐπειδὰν τῷ Βεβίῳ ταύτην ἐρεύξασθαι τὴν κόνιν ξυμβαίη, εὐθηνεῖν ἀνάγκη τὴν ἐκείνην χώραν καρποῖς ἅπασιν.

§ 6.4.30 ἀὴρ δὲ λεπτότατός ἐστι καὶ πρὸς ὑγείαν ἱκανῶς πεφυκὼς ἐν τῷ ὄρει τούτῳ πάντων μάλιστα. ἐς τοῦτο ἀμέλει τοὺς φθόῃ ἁλόντας ἐκ τῶν ἄνωθεν χρόνων ἰατροὶ πέμπουσι. τὰ μὲν οὖν ἀμφὶ τῷ Βεβίῳ ταύτῃ πη ἔχει.

Wars 6.15

§ 6.15.1 Ἡνικα Ἔρουλοι Λαγγοβαρδῶν ἡσσηθέντες τῇ μάχῃ ἐξ ἠθῶν τῶν πατρίων ἀνέστησαν, οἱ μὲν αὐτῶν, ὥσπερ μοι ἔμπροσθεν δεδιήγηται, ᾠκήσαντο ἐς τὰ ἐν Ἰλλυριοῖς χωρία, οἱ δὲ δὴ ἄλλοι Ἴστρον ποταμὸν διαβαίνειν οὐδαμῆ ἔγνωσαν, ἀλλ’ ἐς αὐτάς που τὰς ἐσχατιὰς τῆς οἰκουμένης ἱδρύσαντο·

§ 6.15.2 οὗτοι γοῦν πολλῶν ἐκ τοῦ βασιλείου αἵματος ἡγουμένων σφίσιν ἤμειψαν μὲν τὰ Σκλαβηνῶν ἔθνη ἐφεξῆς ἅπαντα, ἔρημον δὲ χώραν διαβάντες ἐνθένδε πολλὴν ἐς τοὺς Οὐάρνους καλουμένους ἐχώρησαν.

§ 6.15.3 μεθ’ οὓς δὴ καὶ Δανῶν τὰ ἔθνη παρέδραμον οὐ βιαζομένων σφᾶς τῶν τῇδε βαρβάρων.

§ 6.15.4 ἐνθένδε τε ἐς ὠκεανὸν ἀφικόμενοι ἐναυτίλλοντο, Θούλῃ τε προσχόντες τῇ νήσῳ αὐτοῦ ἔμειναν. Ἔστι δὲ ἡ Θούλη μεγίστη ἐς ἄγαν· Βρεττανίας γὰρ αὐτὴν πλέον ἢ δεκαπλασίαν ξυμβαίνει εἶναι.

§ 6.15.5 κεῖται δὲ αὐτῆς πολλῷ ἄποθεν πρὸς βορρᾶν ἄνεμον. ἐν ταύτῃ τῇ νήσῳ γῆ μὲν ἔρημος ἐκ τοῦ ἐπὶ πλεῖστον τυγχάνει οὖσα, ἐν χώρᾳ δὲ τῇ οἰκουμένῃ ἔθνη τριακαίδεκα πολυανθρωπότατα ἵδρυται· βασιλεῖς τέ εἰσι κατὰ ἔθνος ἕκαστον.

§ 6.15.6 ἐνταῦθα γίνεταί τι ἀνὰ πᾶν ἔτος θαυμάσιον οἷον. ὁ γὰρ ἥλιος ἀμφὶ θερινὰς μὲν τροπὰς μάλιστα ἐς ἡμέρας τεσσαράκοντα οὐδαμῆ δύει, ἀλλὰ διηνεκῶς πάντα τοῦτον τὸν χρόνον ὑπὲρ γῆς φαίνεται.

§ 6.15.7 μησὶ δὲ οὐχ ἧσσον ἢ ἓξ ὕστερον ἀμφὶ τὰς χειμερινάς που τροπὰς ἥλιος μὲν ἐς ἡμέρας τεσσαράκοντα τῆς νήσου ταύτης οὐδαμῆ φαίνεται, νὺξ δὲ αὐτῆς ἀπέραντος κατακέχυται· κατήφειά τε ἀπ’ αὐτοῦ ἔχει πάντα τοῦτον τὸν χρόνον τοὺς τῇδε ἀνθρώπους, ἐπεὶ ἀλλήλοις ἐπιμίγνυσθαι μεταξὺ οὐδεμιᾷ μηχανῇ ἔχουσιν.

§ 6.15.8 ἐμοὶ μὲν οὖν ἐς ταύτην ἰέναι τὴν νῆσον τῶν τε εἰρημένων αὐτόπτῃ γενέσθαι, καίπερ γλιχομένῳ, τρόπῳ οὐδενὶ ξυνηνέχθη.

§ 6.15.9 τῶν μέντοι ἐς ἡμᾶς ἐνθένδε ἀφικομένων ἐπυνθανόμην ὅπη ποτὲ οἷοί τέ εἰσι τῶν ἡμερῶν λογίζεσθαι τὸ μέτρον οὔτε ἀνίσχοντος οὔτε δύοντος τοῖς καθήκουσι χρόνοις ἐνταῦθα ἡλίου. οἵπερ ἐμοὶ λόγον ἀληθῆ τε καὶ πιστὸν ἔφρασαν.

§ 6.15.10 τὸν γὰρ ἥλιόν φασι τὰς τεσσαράκοντα ἡμέρας ἐκείνας οὐ δύειν μέν, ὥσπερ εἴρηται, φαίνεσθαι δὲ τοῖς ταύτῃ ἀνθρώποις πὴ μὲν πρὸς ἕω, πὴ δὲ πρὸς ἑσπέραν.

§ 6.15.11 ἐπειδὰν οὖν ἐπανιὼν αὖθις ἀμφὶ τὸν ὁρίζοντά τε γινόμενος ἐς τὸν αὐτὸν ἀφίκηται χῶρον, οὗπερ αὐτὸν ἀνίσχοντα τὰ πρότερα ἑώρων, ἡμέραν οὕτω καὶ νύκτα μίαν παρῳχηκέναι διαριθμοῦνται.

§ 6.15.12 καὶ ἡνίκα μέντοι ὁ τῶν νυκτῶν χρόνος ἀφίκηται, τῆς τε σελήνης τῶν τε ἄστρων ἀεὶ τοῖς δρόμοις τεκμηριούμενοι τὸ τῶν ἡμερῶν λογίζονται μέτρον.

§ 6.15.13 ὁπηνίκα δὲ πέντε καὶ τριάκοντα ἡμερῶν χρόνος τῇ μακρᾷ ταύτῃ διαδράμοι νυκτί, στέλλονταί τινες ἐς τῶν ὀρῶν τὰς ὑπερβολάς, εἰθισμένον αὐτοῖς τοῦτό γε, τόν τε ἥλιον ἀμηγέπη ἐνθένδε ὁρῶντες ἀπαγγέλλουσι τοῖς κάτω ἀνθρώποις, ὅτι δὴ πέντε ἡμερῶν ἥλιος αὐτοὺς καταλάμψοι.

§ 6.15.14 οἱ δὲ πανδημεὶ πανηγυρίζουσιν εὐαγγέλια καὶ ταῦτα ἐν σκότῳ. αὕτη τε Θουλίταις ἡ μεγίστη τῶν ἑορτῶν ἐστι·

§ 6.15.15 δοκοῦσι γάρ μοι περιδεεῖς ἀεὶ γίνεσθαι οἱ νησιῶται οὗτοι, καίπερ ταὐτὸ συμβαῖνον σφίσιν ἀνὰ πᾶν ἔτος, μή ποτε αὐτοὺς ἐπιλείποι τὸ παράπαν ὁ ἥλιος.

§ 6.15.16 Τῶν δὲ ἱδρυμένων ἐν Θούλῃ βαρβάρων ἓν μόνον ἔθνος, οἳ Σκριθίφινοι ἐπικαλοῦνται, θηριώδη τινὰ βιοτὴν ἔχουσιν. οὔτε γὰρ ἱμάτια ἐνδιδύσκονται οὔτε ὑποδεδεμένοι βαδίζουσιν οὔτε οἶνον πίνουσιν οὔτε τι ἐδώδιμον ἐκ τῆς γῆς ἔχουσιν.

§ 6.15.17 οὔτε γὰρ αὐτοὶ γῆν γεωργοῦσιν οὔτε τι αὐτοῖς αἱ γυναῖκες ἐργάζονται, ἀλλὰ ἄνδρες ἀεὶ ξὺν ταῖς γυναιξὶ τὴν θήραν μόνην ἐπιτηδεύουσι.

§ 6.15.18 θηρίων τε γὰρ καὶ ἄλλων ζῴων μέγα τι χρῆμα αἵ τε ὗλαι αὐτοῖς φέρουσι, μεγάλαι ὑπερφυῶς οὖσαι, καὶ τὰ ὄρη ἃ ταύτῃ ἀνέχει.

§ 6.15.19 καὶ κρέασι μὲν θηρίων ἀεὶ τῶν ἁλισκομένων σιτίζονται, τὰ δέρματα δὲ ἀμφιέννυνται, ἐπεί τε αὐτοῖς οὔτε λίνον οὔτε ὄργανον ὅτῳ ῥάπτοιέν ἐστιν, οἱ δὲ τῶν θηρίων τοῖς νεύροις τὰ δέρματα ἐς ἄλληλα ταῦτα ξυνδέοντες οὕτω δὴ ἐς τὸ σῶμα ὅλον ἀμπίσχονται.

§ 6.15.20 οὐ μὴν οὐδὲ τὰ βρέφη αὐτοῖς κατὰ ταὐτὰ τιθηνοῦνται τοῖς ἄλλοις ἀνθρώποις.

§ 6.15.21 οὐ γὰρ σιτίζονται Σκριθιφίνων παιδία γυναικῶν γάλακτι οὐδὲ μητέρων ἅπτονται τιτθοῦ, ἀλλὰ ζῴων τῶν ἁλισκομένων τοῖς μυελοῖς ἐκτρέφονται μόνοις.

§ 6.15.22 ἐπειδὰν οὖν γυνὴ τάχιστα τέκοι, δέρματι τὸ βρέφος ἐμβαλομένη κρεμᾷ μὲν εὐθὺς ἐπὶ δένδρου τινός, μυελὸν δέ οἱ ἐπὶ τοῦ στόματος ἐνθεμένη ξὺν τῷ ἀνδρὶ ἐπὶ τὴν εἰωθυῖαν στέλλεται θήραν. ἐπὶ κοινῇ γὰρ τά τε ἄλλα δρῶσι καὶ τὸ ἐπιτήδευμα μετίασι τοῦτο.

§ 6.15.23 τούτοις μὲν οὖν δὴ τοῖς βαρβάροις τὰ ἐς τὴν δίαιταν ταύτῃ πη ἔχει. Οἱ μέντοι ἄλλοι Θουλῖται ὡς εἰπεῖν ἅπαντες οὐδέν τι μέγα διαλλάσσουσι τῶν ἄλλων ἀνθρώπων, θεοὺς μέντοι καὶ δαίμονας πολλοὺς σέβουσιν, οὐρανίους τε καὶ ἀερίους, ἐγγείους τε καὶ θαλασσίους, καὶ ἄλλα ἄττα δαιμόνια ἐν ὕδασι πηγῶν τε καὶ ποταμῶν εἶναι λεγόμενα.

§ 6.15.24 θύουσι δὲ ἐνδελεχέστατα ἱερεῖα πάντα καὶ ἐναγίζουσι, τῶν δὲ ἱερείων σφίσι τὸ κάλλιστον ἄνθρωπός ἐστιν ὅνπερ δορυάλωτον ποιήσαιντο πρῶτον·

§ 6.15.25 τοῦτον γὰρ τῷ Ἄρει θύουσιν, ἐπεὶ θεὸν αὐτὸν νομίζουσι μέγιστον εἶναι. ἱερεύονται δὲ τὸν αἰχμάλωτον οὐ θύοντες μόνον, ἀλλὰ καὶ ἀπὸ ξύλου κρεμῶντες, καὶ ἐς τὰς ἀκάνθας ῥιπτοῦντες, ταῖς ἄλλαις τε κτείνοντες θανάτου ἰδέαις οἰκτίσταις.

§ 6.15.26 οὕτω μὲν Θουλῖται βιοῦσιν. ὦν ἔθνος ἓν πολυάνθρωπον οἱ Γαυτοί εἰσι, παρ’ οὓς δὴ Ἐρούλων τότε οἱ ἐπηλύται ἱδρύσαντο.

§ 6.15.27 Νῦν δὲ Ἔρουλοι οἳ δὴ παρὰ Ῥωμαίοις ᾤκηνται, φόνου σφίσι τοῦ βασιλέως ἐξειργασμένου, ἔπεμψαν τῶν λογίμων τινὰς ἐς Θούλην τὴν νῆσον, τοὺς διερευνησομένους τε καὶ κομιοῦντας, ἤν τινα ἐνταῦθα εὑρεῖν αἵματος τοῦ βασιλείου οἷοί τε ὦσιν.

§ 6.15.28 ἐπεί τε οἱ ἄνδρες οὗτοι ἐν τῇ νήσῳ ἐγένοντο, πολλοὺς μὲν ἐνταῦθα γένους τοῦ βασιλείου εὗρον, ἕνα μέντοι ἀπολέξαντες ὅσπερ αὐτοῖς μάλιστα ἤρεσκεν, ὀπίσω ἀναστρέφοντες ξὺν αὐτῷ ᾔεσαν.

§ 6.15.29 ὃς δὴ ἐπεὶ ἐν Δανοῖς ἐγένετο, τελευτᾷ νόσῳ. διὸ δὴ αὖθις οἱ ἄνδρες οὗτοι ἐν τῇ νήσῳ γενόμενοι ἕτερον ἐπηγάγοντο Δάτιον ὄνομα. ᾧ δὴ ὅ τε ἀδελφὸς Ἄορδος εἵπετο καὶ τῶν ἐν Θούλῃ Ἐρούλων νεανίαι διακόσιοι.

§ 6.15.30 χρόνου δὲ αὐτοῖς ἐν τῇ πορείᾳ ταύτῃ τριβέντος συχνοῦ Ἐρούλοις τοῖς ἀμφὶ Σιγγιδόνον ἔννοια γέγονεν ὡς οὐ τὰ ξύμφορα σφίσιν αὐτοῖς ποιοῖεν ἐκ Θούλης ἀρχηγὸν ἐπαγόμενοι Ἰουστινιανοῦ βασιλέως οὔτι ἐθελουσίου.

§ 6.15.31 πέμψαντες οὖν ἐς Βυζάντιον βασιλέως ἐδέοντο ἄρχοντα σφίσι πέμψαι, ὃν ἂν αὐτῷ βουλομένῳ εἴη.

§ 6.15.32 ὁ δὲ αὐτοῖς τῶν τινα Ἐρούλων ἐκ παλαιοῦ διατριβὴν ἐνταῦθα ἔχοντα εὐθὺς ἔπεμψε, Σουαρτούαν ὄνομα.

§ 6.15.33 ὅνπερ Ἔρουλοι εἶδον μὲν τὰ πρῶτα καὶ προσεκύνησαν ἄσμενοι ἐπιστέλλοντί τε τὰ εἰωθότα ἐπήκουον· ἡμέραις δὲ οὐ πολλαῖς ὕστερον ἧκέ τις ἀγγέλλων τοὺς ἐκ Θούλης νήσου ἄγχιστά πη εἶναι.

§ 6.15.34 καὶ Σουαρτούας μὲν ὡς ἀπολέσων αὐτοὺς ὑπαντιάζειν ἐκέλευεν, Ἔρουλοι δὲ τὸ βούλευμα ἐπαινέσαντες εὐθὺς εἵποντο.

§ 6.15.35 ἐπεὶ δὲ ἡμέρας ὁδῷ ἀλλήλων διεῖχον, νύκτωρ μὲν ἀφέντες αὐτὸν ἅπαντες ἐς τοὺς ἐπηλύτας αὐτόμολοι ἦλθον, αὐτὸς δὲ μόνος ἐς Βυζάντιον ἀποδρὰς ᾤχετο.

§ 6.15.36 καὶ βασιλεὺς μὲν πάσῃ δυνάμει κατάγειν ἐς τὴν ἀρχὴν αὐτὸν ἐν σπουδῇ ἐποιεῖτο, Ἔρουλοι δὲ δύναμιν τῶν Ῥωμαίων δειμαίνοντες Γήπαισι προσχωρεῖν ἔγνωσαν. αὔτη μὲν Ἐρούλοις αἰτία τῆς ἀποστάσεως γέγονε.

Wars 6.26

§ 6.26.1 Οὕτω μὲν Θευδίβερτος στρατεύσας ἐς Ἰταλίαν τὴν ἄφοδον ἐποιήσατο. οἵ τε ἀμφὶ Μαρτῖνον καὶ Ἰωάννην ἀνέστρεψαν οὐδέν τι ἧσσον, ὅπως μή τινα οἱ πολέμιοι ἔφοδον ἐπὶ σφῶν τοὺς πολιορκοῦντας ποιήσονται.

§ 6.26.2 Γότθοι δὲ οἱ ἐν Αὐξίμῳ, Φράγγων μὲν ἀφίξεως πέρι οὐδὲν πεπυσμένοι, ἀπειρηκότες δὲ πρὸς τὴν ἐκ Ῥαβέννης ἐλπίδα οὕτω μέλλουσαν, αὖθις μὲν Οὐίττιγιν διενοοῦντο μαρτύρεσθαι, λαθεῖν δὲ τῶν πολεμίων τὴν φυλακὴν οὐχ οἷοί τε ὄντες ἐπένθουν.

§ 6.26.3 μετὰ δὲ τῶν τινα Ῥωμαίων, Βέσον γένος Βουρκέντιον ὄνομα, ὑπὸ Ναρσῇ τεταγμένον τῷ Ἀρμενίῳ, μόνον ἰδόντες ἐς μέσην ἡμέραν φυλακὴν ἔχοντα, ὡς μή τις ἐκ τῆς πόλεως ἐπὶ τὴν πόαν ληψόμενος ἴοι, ἔς τε λόγους αὐτῷ ξυνῆλθον ἐγγυτέρω ἥκοντες καὶ τὰ πιστὰ δόντες ὡς οὐδὲν ἐς αὐτὸν κακουργήσωσι ξυγγενέσθαι σφίσιν ἐκέλευον, ἔσεσθαί οἱ μεγάλα ἐπαγγειλαμένοις παρὰ σφῶν χρήματα.

§ 6.26.4 καὶ ἐπειδὴ ἐν τῷ αὐτῷ ἐγένοντο, ἐδέοντο τοῦ ἀνθρώπου οἱ βάρβαροι ἐπιστολήν τινα ἐς Ῥάβενναν διακομίσαι, τάξαντες μέν οἱ ἐν τῷ παραυτίκα χρυσίον ῥητόν, πλέον δὲ ὑποσχόμενοι δώσειν, ἐπειδὰν σφίσιν Οὐιττίγιδος γράμματα ἐπανήκοι φέρων.

§ 6.26.5 τοῖς δὲ χρήμασιν ὁ στρατιώτης ἀναπεισθεὶς ὑπουργήσειν τε ὡμολόγησε ταῦτα καὶ ἐπιτελῆ ἐποίησε τὴν ὑπόσχεσιν. γράμματα γοῦν κατασεσημασμένα λαβὼν ἐς Ῥάβενναν κατὰ τάχος ἀφίκετο. καὶ Οὐιττίγιδι ἐς ὄφιν ἐλθὼν τὴν ἐπιστολὴν ἐνεχείρισεν.

§ 6.26.6 ἐδήλου δὲ τάδε· “Ὅπη μὲν ἡμῖν τὰ παρόντα ἔχει σαφῶς εἴσεσθε, πυνθανόμενοι ὅστις ποτὲ ὁ τῆς ἐπιστολῆς παραπομπὸς εἴη.

§ 6.26.7 Γότθῳ γὰρ ἀνδρὶ ἔξω γενέσθαι τοῦ περιβόλου ἀμήχανά ἐστι. τῶν δὲ βρωμάτων ἡμῖν τὸ εὐπορώτατον ἡ παρὰ τὸ τεῖχος πόα τυγχάνει οὖσα, ἧς γε ἡμῖν οὐδὲ ὅσον ἅψασθαι τανῦν ἔξεστιν, ὅτι μὴ πολλοὺς ἀποβάλλουσιν ἐν τῷ ὑπὲρ ταύτης ἀγῶνι. ταῦτα ἐς ὅ τι ἡμῖν τελευτήσει σέ τε χρὴ καὶ Γότθους τοὺς ἐν Ῥαβέννῃ λογίζεσθαι.”

§ 6.26.8 Ταῦτα ἐπεὶ ὁ Οὐίττιγις ἀνελέξατο, ἀμείβεται ὧδε· “Ἀναπεπτωκέναι δὲ ἡμᾶς, ὦ φίλτατοι ἀνθρώπων ἁπάντων, οἰέσθω μηδείς, μηδὲ ἐς κακίας τοσόνδε ἥκειν ὥστε ῥᾳθυμίᾳ τὰ Γότθων καταπροΐεσθαι πράγματα.

§ 6.26.9 ἐμοὶ γὰρ ἔναγχος ἥ τε τῆς ἐξόδου παρασκευὴ ὡς ἔνι μάλιστα ἤσκητο καὶ Οὐραΐας παντὶ τῷ στρατῷ ἐκ Μεδιολάνου μετάπεμπτος ἦλθεν.

§ 6.26.10 ἀλλ’ ἡ Φράγγων ἔφοδος παραδόξως ἐπιπεσοῦσα πάντα ἡμῖν τὰ ἐν παρασκευῇ ἀνεχαίτισεν, ὧν ἔγωγε οὐκ ἂν τὴν αἰτίαν δικαίως φεροίμην.

§ 6.26.11 ὅσα γὰρ μείζω ἢ κατὰ ἀνθρώπου δύναμίν ἐστι καὶ τοῖς ἐπταικόσι τὸ ἀνεγκλήτοις εἶναι χαρίζεται, τῆς τύχης ἐφ’ ἑαυτὴν ἐπισπωμένης ἀεὶ τὰ ἐκ τῶν πεπραγμένων ἐγκλήματα.

§ 6.26.12 νῦν μέντοι ʽκαὶ γὰρ Θευδίβερτον ἐκποδὼν ἡμῖν γεγενῆσθαι ἀκούομεν’ οὐκ ἐς μακρὰν ὑμῖν, ἂν θεὸς θέλῃ, πάσῃ τῇ Γότθων στρατιᾷ παρεσόμεθα.

§ 6.26.13 χρὴ δὲ ὑμᾶς τὰ παραπίπτοντα φέρειν ἀνδρείως τε καὶ τῇ ἀνάγκῃ ἐπιτηδείως, λογιζομένους μὲν τὴν ὑμετέραν ἀρετήν, ἧς ἕνεκα ἐκ πάντων ἀπολέξας ὑμᾶς ἐν Αὐξίμῳ κατεστησάμην, αἰσχυνομένους δὲ τὴν δόξαν, ἣν Γότθοι ἅπαντες ἐφ’ ὑμῖν ἔχοντες Ῥαβέννης τε ὑμᾶς καὶ

§ 6.26.14 τῆς σφῶν αὐτῶν σωτηρίας προβέβληνται.” τοσαῦτα γράψας Οὐίττιγις καὶ χρήμασι πολλοῖς τὸν ἄνθρωπον δωρησάμενος ἀπεπέμψατο. ὃς δὴ ἐς Αὔξιμον ἀφικόμενος, παρά τε τοὺς ἑταίρους τοὺς αὐτοῦ ἦλθε καὶ ἀρρώστημα ὅ τι δή οἱ ξυμβεβηκέναι σκηψάμενος ἔς τε ἱερόν τι οὐκ ἄποθεν ὂν διὰ τοῦτο ἐσχολακέναι, κατέστη μὲν αὖθις ἐς τὴν φυλακὴν ᾗπερ εἰώθει, λαθὼν δὲ ἅπαντας τοῖς πολεμίοις τὰ γράμματα ἔδωκεν· ἅπερ ἐς τὸ πλῆθος ἀναγνωσθέντα ἔτι μᾶλλον ἅπαντας,

§ 6.26.15 καίπερ τῷ λιμῷ πιεζομένους, ἐπέρρωσε. διὸ δὴ προσχωρεῖν Βελισαρίῳ πολλὰ τιθασσεύοντι οὐδαμῆ ἤθελον. αὖθις δὲ ʽοὐδὲ γὰρ σφίσι στράτευμα ἐκ Ῥαβέννης ἐξεληλυθὸς ἠγγέλλετο καὶ τῶν ἀναγκαίων τῇ ἀπορίᾳ ὑπερφυῶς ἤδη ἤχθοντὀ Βουρκέντιον πάλιν πέμπουσι, τοῦτο ἐν γράμμασι δηλώσαντες μόνον, ὡς πέντε ἡμερῶν οὐκέτι τὸ λοιπὸν οἷοί τέ εἰσι τῷ λιμῷ μάχεσθαι. ὁ δὲ αὐτοῖς ἐπανῆκεν αὖθις, Οὐιττίγιδος ἐπιστολὴν ἔχων ταῖς ὁμοίαις ἐλπίσιν αὐτοὺς ἀναρτῶσαν.

§ 6.26.16 Ῥωμαῖοι δὲ οὐδέν τι ἧσσον ἀχθόμενοι, ὅτι δὴ ἐν χώρᾳ ἐρήμῳ μακρὰν οὕτω προσεδρείαν πεποίηνται, διηποροῦντο, οὐκ ἐνδιδόντας σφίσιν ἐν τοσούτοις κακοῖς τοὺς βαρβάρους ὁρῶντες.

§ 6.26.17 διὸ δὴ Βελισάριος ἐν σπουδῇ ἐποιεῖτο ζῶντά τινα τῶν ἐν τοῖς πολεμίοις δοκίμων λαβεῖν, ὅπως ἂν γνοίη ὅτου δὴ ἕνεκα τὰ δεινὰ καρτεροῦσιν οἱ βάρβαροι, καί οἱ Βαλεριανὸς τὸ τοιοῦτον ὑπουργήσειν εὐπετῶς ὡμολόγει.

§ 6.26.18 εἶναι γάρ τινας τῶν οἱ ἑπομένων ἐκ τοῦ Σκλαβηνῶν ἔθνους, οἳ κρύπτεσθαί τε ὑπὸ λίθῳ βραχεῖ ἢ φυτῷ τῳ παρατυχόντι εἰώθασι καὶ ἀναρπάζειν ἄνδρα πολέμιον.

§ 6.26.19 τοῦτό τε ἀεὶ παρὰ ποταμὸν Ἴστρον, ἔνθα ἵδρυνται, ἔς τε Ῥωμαίους καὶ τοὺς ἄλλους βαρβάρους ἐνδείκνυνται. ἥσθη τῷ λόγῳ Βελισάριος καὶ τοῦ ἔργου ἐπιμελεῖσθαι κατὰ τάχος ἐκέλευε.

§ 6.26.20 Βαλεριανὸς οὖν ἀπολέξας τῶν Σκλαβηνῶν ἕνα σώματός τε μεγέθους πέρι εὖ ἥκοντα καὶ διαφερόντως δραστήριον, ἄνδρα πολέμιον ἄγειν ἐπέστελλε, χρήματά οἱ μεγάλα πρὸς Βελισαρίου ἰσχυρισάμενος ἔσεσθαι.

§ 6.26.21 δράσειν δὲ τοῦτο αὐτὸν ἐν τῷ χωρίῳ εὐπετῶς ἔφασκεν οὗπερ ἡ πόα τυγχάνει οὖσα· χρόνου γὰρ πολλοῦ ταύτῃ τοὺς Γότθους ἀπορίᾳ τῶν ἀναγκαίων σιτίζεσθαι.

§ 6.26.22 ὁ μὲν οὖν Σκλαβηνὸς ὄρθρου βαθέος ἄγχιστα τοῦ περιβόλου γενόμενος, ἐν θάμνῳ τινὶ ἐγκαλυψάμενός τε καὶ τὸ σῶμα ἐς ὀλίγον ξυναγαγὼν ἀμφὶ τὴν πόαν ἐκρύπτετο.

§ 6.26.23 ἅμα δὲ ἡμέρᾳ Γότθος ἀνὴρ ἐνταῦθα ἥκων τὰς βοτάνας κατὰ τάχος ξυνέλεγεν, ἐκ μὲν τοῦ θάμνου ὑποτοπάζων οὐδὲν ἄχαρι, συχνὰ δὲ περισκοπῶν ἐς τὸ τῶν ἐναντίων στρατόπεδον, μή τις ἐνθένδε ἐς αὐτὸν ἴοι.

§ 6.26.24 καί οἱ ἐπιπεσὼν ὄπισθεν ὁ Σκλαβηνὸς ἐκ τοῦ αἰφνιδίου ἀνάρπαστον ἐποιήσατο, σφίγγων τε μέσον καρτερῶς χερσὶν ἀμφοτέραις τὸν ἄνθρωπον, ἔς τε τὸ στρατόπεδον ἤνεγκε καὶ φέρων Βαλεριανῷ ἐνεχείρισεν.

§ 6.26.25 ᾧ δὴ πυνθανομένῳ, ὅτῳ ποτὲ Γότθοι πιστεύοντες καὶ τί τὸ ἐχυρὸν ἔχοντες ἥκιστα ἐθέλουσι προσχωρεῖν σφίσιν, ἀλλ’ ἑκούσιοι τὰ δεινότατα ἐγκαρτεροῦσι, τὸν πάντα λόγον ἀμφὶ τῷ Βουρκεντίῳ ὁ βάρβαρος ἔφρασε καὶ αὐτόν οἱ ἐς ὄψιν ἥκοντα ἤλεγχεν.

§ 6.26.26 ὁ δὲ Βουρκέντιος, ἐπεὶ ἔκπυστος ἤδη γεγονὼς ᾔσθετο, οὐδὲν τῶν πεπραγμένων ἀπέκρυψε. διὸ δὴ Βελισάριος μὲν τοῖς ἑταίροις αὐτὸν ὅ τι βούλοιντο παρέδωκε χρῆσθαι, οἱ δὲ αὐτὸν ζῶντα οὐκ ἐς μακρὰν ἔκαυσαν, θεωμένων τὰ ποιούμενα τῶν πολεμίων. Βουρκέντιος μὲν οὕτω τῆς φιλοχρηματίας ἀπέλαυσε.

Wars 7.6

§ 7.6.1 Ἔπειτα δὲ ὁ Τουτίλας Καισῆνάν τε καὶ Πέτραν τὰ φρούρια εἷλεν. ὀλίγον τε ὕστερον ἐς Τουσκίαν ἀφίκετο, καὶ τῶν ἐνταῦθα χωρίων ἀποπειρασάμενος, ἐπεί οἱ προσχωρεῖν οὐδεὶς ἤθελε, Τίβεριν ποταμὸν διαβάς, ἐς μὲν τὰ Ῥώμης ὅρια οὐδαμῆ ἦλθεν, ἐς Καμπανοὺς δὲ καὶ Σαμνίτας αὐτίκα ἥκων Βενεβεντὸν πόλιν ἐχυρὰν παρεστήσατο οὐδενὶ πόνῳ, καὶ αὐτῆς τὰ τείχη ἐς ἔδαφος καθεῖλεν, ὅπως μὴ στράτευμα ἐκ Βυζαντίου ἧκον ἔκ τε ὀχυροῦ ὁρμώμενον πράγματα Γότθοις παρέχειν δύνηται.

§ 7.6.2 μετὰ δὲ Νεαπολίτας πολιορκεῖν ἔγνω, ἐπεὶ αὐτὸν δέχεσθαι τῇ πόλει, καίπερ ἐπαγωγὰ πολλὰ λέγοντα, ὡς ἥκιστα ἤθελον. Κόνων γὰρ ἐνταῦθα ἐφύλασσε, Ῥωμαίων τε καὶ Ἰσαύρων χιλίους ἔχων.

§ 7.6.3 καὶ αὐτὸς μὲν τῷ πλείονι τοῦ στρατοῦ ἐνστρατοπεδευσάμενος οὐ πολλῷ ἄποθεν τοῦ περιβόλου ἡσύχαζε, πέμψας δὲ τῆς στρατιᾶς μοῖραν, Κύμην τε τὸ φρούριον καὶ ἄλλα ἄττα ὀχυρώματα εἷλε, χρήματά τε ἐνθένδε περιβαλέσθαι μεγάλα ἴσχυσε.

§ 7.6.4 καὶ γυναῖκας τῶν ἐκ βουλῆς ἐνταῦθα εὑρὼν οὔτε ὕβρισε καὶ ξὺν πολλῇ φιλοφροσύνῃ ἐλευθέρας ἀφῆκε, μέγα τε ἀπ’ αὐτοῦ ὄνομα ἐπί τε ξυνέσει καὶ φιλανθρωπίᾳ ἐς Ῥωμαίους ἅπαντας ἔσχε. Καὶ ἐπεί οἱ πολέμιον οὐδὲν ὑπηντίαζεν, ὀλίγους ἀεὶ τοῦ στρατοῦ περιπέμπων ἔργα λόγου πολλοῦ ἄξια ἔπρασσε.

§ 7.6.5 Βριττίους μὲν καὶ Λευκανοὺς παρεστήσατο, καὶ Ἀπουλίαν ξὺν Καλαβρίᾳ ἔσχε, τούς τε δημοσίους φόρους αὐτὸς ἔπρασσε, καὶ τὰς τῶν χρημάτων προσόδους ἀντὶ τῶν τὰ χωρία κεκτημένων ἐφέρετο, καὶ τἄλλα καθίστη ἅτε τῆς Ἰταλίας γεγονὼς κύριος.

§ 7.6.6 διὸ δὴ τῇ Ῥωμαίων στρατιᾷ χρόνοις τοῖς καθήκουσιν οὐ κομιζομένῃ τὰς συνειθισμένας συντάξεις χρήματα μεγάλα βασιλεὺς ὤφειλε.

§ 7.6.7 καὶ ἀπ’ αὐτοῦ οἱ μὲν Ἰταλιῶται τῶν τε προσηκόντων ἐκπεπτωκότες καὶ ἐς κινδύνου μέγεθος αὖθις ἐληλακότες ἐν πένθει μεγάλῳ ἐγίνοντο. οἱ δὲ στρατιῶται ἀπειθεστέρους αὑτοὺς τοῖς ἄρχουσιν ἔτι μᾶλλον παρεῖχον, ἔν τε ταῖς πόλεσιν ἄσμενοι ἔμενον.

§ 7.6.8 Κωνσταντιανὸς μὲν οὖν Ῥάβενναν εἶχεν, Ἰωάννης δὲ Ῥώμην, Σπολίτιον δὲ Βέσσας, καὶ Ἰουστῖνος Φλωρεντιαν, Κυπριανὸς δὲ Περυσίαν, καὶ τῶν ἄλλων ἕκαστος ὅπη φυγών τε καὶ διασωθεὶς κατ’ ἀρχὰς ἔτυχε.

§ 7.6.9 Ταῦτα βασιλεὺς μαθών τε καὶ ἐν ξυμφορᾷ πεποιημένος τῶν Ἰταλίας πραιτωρίων ἔπαρχον Μαξιμῖνον ὡς τάχιστα κατεστήσατο, ἐφ’ ᾧ τοῖς τε ἄρχουσιν ἐς τὸν πόλεμον ἐπιστάτης εἴη καὶ τοῖς στρατιώταις τὰ ἐπιτήδεια κατὰ τὴν χρείαν πορίζηται.

§ 7.6.10 καί οἱ νεῶν ξυνέπεμψε στόλον, Θρᾳκῶν τε καὶ Ἀρμενίων στρατιωτῶν ἐμπλησάμενος. ἡγεῖτο δὲ τῶν μὲν Θρᾳκῶν Ἡρωδιανός, τῶν δὲ Ἀρμενίων Φάζας Ἴβηρ, Περανίου ἀδελφιδοῦς· ξυνέπλεον δὲ αὐτοῖς καὶ Οὖννοι ὀλίγοι.

§ 7.6.11 Μαξιμῖνος μὲν οὖν ἄρας ἐκ Βυζαντίου παντὶ τῷ στόλῳ τῆς Ἑλλάδος ἐς τὴν Ἤπειρον ἦλθεν· ἔνθα δὴ τὸν καιρὸν κατατρίβων ἐκάθητο οὐδενὶ λόγῳ.

§ 7.6.12 ἦν γὰρ πολεμίων ἔργων οὐδαμῶς ἔμπειρος καὶ ἀπ’ αὐτοῦ δειλός τε καὶ μελλητὴς ἐς τὰ μάλιστα.

§ 7.6.13 Μετὰ δὲ καὶ Δημήτριον στρατηγὸν βασιλεὺς ἔπεμψεν, ὃς δὴ τὰ πρότερα ξὺν Βελισαρίῳ ἐστράτευε καταλόγου πεζικοῦ ἄρχων.

§ 7.6.14 καταπλεύσας οὖν ὁ Δημήτριος ἐς Σικελίαν, ἐπεὶ Κόνωνά τε καὶ Νεαπολίτας πικρότατα πολιορκεῖσθαι τῶν ἐπιτηδείων παντάπασι σπανίζοντας ἤκουσε, βοηθεῖν μὲν κατὰ τάχος ἤθελεν, ἀδύνατος δὲ ὤν, ἐπεί οἱ στράτευμα βραχύ τε καὶ οὐκ ἀξιόλογον εἵπετο,

§ 7.6.15 ἐπενόει τοιάδε. ναῦς ὅτι πλείστας ἐκ Σικελίας ἁπάσης ἀγείρας σίτου τε αὐτὰς ἐμπλησάμενος καὶ τῶν ἄλλων ἐπιτηδείων ἔπλει, δόκησιν παρέχων τοῖς ἐναντίοις πάμπολύ τι στράτευμα ἐν ταῖς ναυσὶν εἶναι.

§ 7.6.16 καὶ ἔτυχέ γε τῆς τῶν πολεμίων ἐννοίας. μέγαν γὰρ σφίσιν ἐπιέναι στρατὸν ᾤοντο, τεκμαιρόμενοι ὅτι δὴ στόλου πολύ τι χρῆμα πλεῖν ἐκ Σικελίας ἐπύθοντο.

§ 7.6.17 καὶ εἰ μὲν κατ’ ἀρχὰς εὐθὺ Νεαπόλεως ἰέναι Δημήτριος ἤθελεν, οἶμαι ἂν αὐτὸν ἐκπλῆξαί τε τοὺς πολεμίους καὶ τὴν πόλιν διασώσασθαι, οὐδενός οἱ ἀντιστατοῦντος.

§ 7.6.18 νῦν δὲ κατορρωδήσας τὸν κίνδυνον καταίρειν μὲν ἐς Νεάπολιν ἥκιστα ἔγνω, ἐς δὲ τὸν Ῥώμης καταπλεύσας λιμένα, στρατιώτας ἐνθένδε ἀγείρειν ἐν σπουδῇ ἐποιεῖτο.

§ 7.6.19 οἱ δὲ ἅτε πρὸς τῶν βαρβάρων ἡσσημένοι τε καὶ μέγα δέος ἔτι ἀπ’ αὐτῶν ἔχοντες, ἕπεσθαι Δημητρίῳ ἐπὶ Τουτίλαν τε καὶ Γότθους οὐδαμῆ ἤθελον. διὸ δὴ μόνοις τοῖς ἐκ Βυζαντίου ξὺν αὐτῷ ἥκουσιν ἐς Νεάπολιν ἰέναι ἠνάγκαστο.

§ 7.6.20 Ἦν δέ τις Δημήτριος ἕτερος, Κεφαληνὸς γένος, ναύτης μὲν τὸ παλαιὸν καὶ τῶν κατὰ θάλασσαν ἔργων τε καὶ κινδύνων ἀκριβῶς ἔμπειρος, πλεύσας δὲ ξὺν Βελισαρίῳ ἔς τε Λιβύην καὶ Ἰταλίαν ἐγένετο ἐς ταύτην δὴ τὴν ἐμπειρίαν δόκιμος, καὶ ἀπ’ αὐτοῦ ἐπίτροπον βασιλεὺς αὐτὸν Νεαπόλεως κατεστήσατο.

§ 7.6.21 ἐπειδή τε οἱ βάρβαροι τὸ χωρίον πολιορκεῖν ἤρξαντο, ἀσελγείᾳ πολλῇ ἐχόμενος ἐς τὸν Τουτίλαν συχνὰ ὕβριζε, λίαν τε ἀθυρόγλωσσος ἐν τούτῳ τῷ πόνῳ ὁ ἀνὴρ ὤφθη.

§ 7.6.22 Προϊόντος δὲ τοῦ κακοῦ καὶ τῆς ἀπωλείας Κόνωνος ἐς λέμβον τινὰ λάθρα ἐσβὰς ἐτόλμησε παρὰ τὸν στρατηγὸν Δημήτριον ἰέναι μόνος.

§ 7.6.23 ἐκ δὲ τοῦ παραδόξου σωθείς τε καὶ ξυγγενόμενος τῷ Δημητρίῳ ἐθάρσυνέ τε μάλιστα καὶ ἐς ταύτην δὴ τὴν πρᾶξιν ἐνῆγε.

§ 7.6.24 Τουτίλας δὲ τὸν πάντα λόγον ἀμφὶ τῷ στόλῳ τούτῳ ἀκούσας δρόμωνας μὲν πολλοὺς ἄριστα πλέοντας ἐν παρασκευῇ εἶχεν, ἐπειδὴ δὲ κατῆραν ἐς τὴν ἐκείνῃ ἀκτὴν οἱ πολέμιοι Νεαπόλεως οὐ μακρὰν ἄποθεν, ἐλθὼν ἐκ τοῦ ἀπροσδοκήτου κατέπληξέ τε καὶ ἐς φυγὴν ἅπαντας ἔτρεψε.

§ 7.6.25 καὶ αὐτῶν πολλοὺς μὲν ἔκτεινεν, ἐζώγρησε δὲ πλείστους, διέφυγον δὲ ὅσοι ἐς τῶν νεῶν τοὺς λέμβους ἐσπηδῆσαι κατ’ ἀρχὰς ἴσχυσαν, ἐν τοῖς καὶ Δημήτριος ὁ στρατηγὸς ἦν. τὰς γὰρ ναῦς ἁπάσας σὺν αὐτοῖς φορτίοις, αὐτοῖς ἀνδράσιν,

§ 7.6.26 οἱ βάρβαροι εἷλον. οὗ δὴ καὶ Δημήτριον τὸν Νεαπόλεως ἐπίτροπον εὗρον. γλῶσσάν τε καὶ χεῖρας ἄμφω ἀποτεμόντες οὐκ ἔκτειναν μέν, οὕτω δὲ λωβησάμενοι ὅπη βούλοιτο ἀφῆκαν ἰέναι. ταύτην τε Τουτίλᾳ τὴν δίκην Δημήτριος γλώσσης ἀκολάστου ἐξέτισεν.

Wars 7.11

§ 7.11.1 Τὰ μὲν οὖν ἀμφὶ Τιβούρει οὕτω γενέσθαι ξυνέπεσε. Βελισάριος δὲ παντὶ τῷ στόλῳ ἐς Ῥάβενναν ἀφικόμενος Γότθους τε τοὺς παρόντας καὶ Ῥωμαίων στρατιώτας ξυναγαγὼν ἔλεξε τοιάδε· “Οὐ νῦν πρῶτον, ὦ ἄνδρες, τὰ τῆς ἀρετῆς ἔργα πρὸς τῆς κακίας διερρυηκέναι ξυμβέβηκεν.

§ 7.11.2 ἄνωθεν γὰρ τοῦτο τοῖς ἀνθρωπίνοις ἐμπέφυκεν ἀτεχνῶς πράγμασι, πολλάς τε ἀνδρῶν ἀγαθῶν πράξεις μοχθηρία τῶν πονηροτάτων ἀναχαιτίζειν τε καὶ διαφθείρειν ἱκανῶς ἴσχυσεν. ὅπερ καὶ νῦν τὰ βασιλέως πράγματα ἔσφηλεν.

§ 7.11.3 ᾧ δὴ τοσοῦτον τὰ ἡμαρτημένα ἐπανορθοῦν μέλει, ὥστε τὴν Περσῶν ἐπικράτησιν περὶ ἐλάσσονος τούτων ποιούμενος ἀποστεῖλαί με τανῦν εἰς ὑμᾶς ἔγνωκεν, ὅπως ἐπανορθώσω καὶ ἰάσωμαι εἴ τι τοῖς ἄρχουσι μὴ ὀρθῶς ἢ ἐς τοὺς στρατιώτας τοὺς αὐτοῦ ἢ εἰς Γότθους εἴργασται.

§ 7.11.4 τὸ μὲν οὖν μηδὲν ὑφ’ ὁτουοῦν ἁμαρτάνεσθαι οὔτε ἀνθρώπινον καὶ τῆς τῶν πραγμάτων φύσεως ἔξω, τὸ δὲ τὰ ἡμαρτημένα ἐπανορθοῦν βασιλεῖ τε διαρκῶς πρέπον καὶ παραψυχῆς τοῖς ἠγαπημένοις ἱκανῶς ἄξιον.

§ 7.11.5 οὐ γὰρ ὅσον ὑμῖν τῶν δυσκόλων ἀπαλλαγῆναι ξυμβήσεται, ἀλλὰ καὶ τῆς βασιλέως εἰς ὑμᾶς εὐνοίας ξυνεῖναί τε καὶ ἀπολαύειν αὐτίκα προσέσται· οὗ τί ἂν ἀξιώτερον γένοιτο ἀνθρώπῳ τῶν πάντων χρημάτων;

§ 7.11.6 ἐπειδὴ τοίνυν ἐπ’ αὐτῷ τούτῳ ὑμῖν πάρειμι, προσήκει καὶ ὑμῶν ἕκαστον πάσῃ δυνάμει χρήσασθαι,

§ 7.11.7 ὅπως ἂν τῆς ἐντεῦθεν ὠφελείας ἀπόναισθε. ὅτῳ τε ὑμῶν ξυγγενεῖς ἢ φίλοι παρὰ Τουτίλᾳ τῷ τυράννῳ τυγχάνουσιν ὄντες, μεταπεμψάσθω τούτους ὅτι τάχιστα τὴν βασιλέως δηλώσας γνώμην.

§ 7.11.8 οὕτω γὰρ ἂν ὑμῖν τά τε ἐκ τῆς εἰρήνης καὶ τὰ ἐκ τοῦ μεγάλου βασιλέως ἀγαθὰ γένοιτο. ὡς ἔγωγε οὔτε τῳ πολεμησείων ἐνθάδε ἀφῖγμαι οὒτ’ ἂν ἑκών ποτε τοῖς βασιλέως κατηκόοις πολέμιος εἴην.

§ 7.11.9 εἰ μέντοι καὶ νῦν παρὰ φαῦλον ἡγησάμενοι τὸ τὰ βελτίω σφίσιν αὐτοῖς ἑλέσθαι οἵδε ἀπ’ ἐναντίας ἡμῖν ἴωσιν, ἀνάγκη καὶ ἡμᾶς αὐτοῖς ὡς μάλιστα ἀκουσίους ὡς πολεμίοις χρῆσθαι.”

§ 7.11.10 Τοσαῦτα μὲν Βελισάριος εἶπε. προσεχώρει δέ οἱ τῶν ἐναντίων οὐδεὶς οὔτε Γότθος οὔτε Ῥωμαῖος. ἔπειτα δὲ Θουριμούθ τε τὸν δορυφόρον καὶ τῶν

§ 7.11.11 ἑπομένων τινὰς ξύν τε Βιταλίῳ καὶ τοῖς Ἰλλυριοῖς στρατιώταις ἐς Αἰμιλίαν πέμψας, ἐκέλευεν ἀποπειρᾶσθαι τῶν ταύτῃ χωρίων.

§ 7.11.12 Βιτάλιος οὖν ξὺν τῷ στρατῷ τούτῳ ἀμφὶ πόλιν Βονώνειαν γενόμενός τινά τε τῶν ἐνταῦθα φρουρίων ὁμολογίᾳ ἑλὼν ἐν Βονωνείᾳ πόλει ἡσύχαζε.

§ 7.11.13 χρόνῳ δὲ οὐ πολλῷ ὕστερον Ἰλλυριοὶ ξύμπαντες, ὅσοι ξὺν αὐτῷ ἐστρατεύοντο, ἐκ τοῦ αἰφνιδίου, κακὸν οὐδὲν οὔτε παθόντες οὔτε ἀκούσαντες, λάθρα ἐνθένδε ἀναχωρήσαντες ἐπ’ οἴκου ἀπεκομίσθησαν.

§ 7.11.14 πρέσβεις τε παρὰ βασιλέα πέμψαντες συγγνώμην διδόναι σφίσιν ἐδέοντο, οὐκ ἄλλου του ἕνεκα εἰς τὰ οἰκεῖα τῷ τρόπῳ τούτῳ ἀφικομένοις ἢ ὅτι συχνὸν σφίσι χρόνον ἐν Ἰταλίᾳ στρατευομένοις τάς τε συντάξεις ὡς ἥκιστα κομιζομένοις χρήματα δὴ πολλὰ τὸ δημόσιον ὤφειλε.

§ 7.11.15 στρατεύματος δὲ Οὐννικοῦ τοῖς Ἰλλυριοῖς ἐπισκήψαντος παῖδάς τε καὶ γυναῖκας ἐξηνδραποδίσθαι τετύχηκεν.

§ 7.11.16 ἃ δὴ πυθόμενοι καὶ τῶν ἀναγκαίων ἔν γε Ἰταλιώταις σπανίζοντες ἀνεχώρησαν. οἷς δὴ βασιλεὺς τὰ πρῶτα χαλεπήνας, εἶτα συγγνώμων ἐγένετο. Γνοὺς δὲ ὁ Τουτίλας τὴν τῶν Ἰλλυριῶν ἀναχώρησιν στράτευμα ἐπὶ Βονώνειαν ἔπεμψεν, ὡς Βιτάλιον καὶ τοὺς ξὺν αὐτῷ ἀναρπάσοντας.

§ 7.11.17 ἀλλὰ Βιτάλιός τε καὶ Θουριμοὺθ προλοχίσαντες ἐνέδραις τισὶ τοὺς ἐπιόντας πολλοὺς μὲν διέφθειραν,

§ 7.11.18 τοὺς δὲ λοιποὺς ἐς φυγὴν ἔτρεψαν. ἔνθα Ναζάρης, ἀνὴρ λόγιμος, Ἰλλυριὸς γένος, στρατιωτῶν τε τῶν ἐν Ἰλλυριοῖς ἄρχων, ἔργα θαυμαστὰ ἐς τοὺς πολεμίους πάντων μάλιστα ἐπεδείξατο. οὕτω τε ὁ Θουριμοὺθ παρὰ Βελισάριον ἐς Ῥάβενναν ἦλθε.

§ 7.11.19 Τότε δὴ Βελισάριον τρεῖς τῶν δορυφόρων τῶν αὑτοῦ, Θουριμούθ τε καὶ Ῥικίλαν καὶ Σαβινιανόν, ἔστειλε ξὺν χιλίο ς στρατιώταις ἐς Αὔξιμον πόλιν, Μάγνῳ τε καὶ Ῥωμαίοις ἐνταῦθα πολιορκουμένοις ἐπαμυνοῦντας.

§ 7.11.20 οἱ δὲ Τουτίλαν τε λαθόντες καὶ τὸ τῶν πολεμίων στρατόπεδον νύκτωρ ἐν Αὐξίμῳ ἐγένοντο, ἐπεκδρομάς τέ τινας ποιεῖσθαι ἐπὶ τοὺς ἐναντίους διενοοῦντο.

§ 7.11.21 τῇ δὲ ὑστεραίᾳ πυθόμενοι ἀμφὶ ἡμέραν μέσην τῶν πολεμίων τινὰς ἄγχιστά πη εἶναι ἐξῆλθον μὲν ὡς ὑπαντιάσοντες, κατασκόπους δὲ πέμψαι πρότερον ἐπ’ αὐτοὺς ἔγνωσαν, κατασκεψομένους τὴν δύναμιν, ὡς μὴ ἀνεπισκέπτως ἐπ’ αὐτοὺς ἴωσι.

§ 7.11.22 Ῥικίλας δὲ ὁ Βελισαρίου δορυφόρος ʽοἰνωμένος γὰρ τηνικαῦτα ἐτύγχανεν’ ἄλλους μὲν ἐπὶ κατασκοπῇ οὐκ εἴα ἰέναι, μόνος δὲ αὐτὸς τὸν ἵππον ἐξελάσας κατὰ τάχος ᾔει.

§ 7.11.23 Γότθοις τε τρισὶν ἐντυχὼν ἐν χώρῳ κρημνώδει τὰ μὲν πρῶτα ὡς ἀντιταξόμενος ἔστη· ἐπὶ πλεῖστον γὰρ ἀνδριας ἐτύγχανεν ἥκων· πολλοὺς δὲ πανταχόθεν ἰδὼν ἐπ’ αὐτὸν ἐπιρρέοντας ἐς φυγὴν ὥρμητο.

§ 7.11.24 τοῦ δέ οἱ ἵππου ἐν δυσχωρίᾳ ὀκλάσαντος, κραυγή τε πολλὴ τῶν πολεμίων γέγονε καὶ τὰ δοράτια ἠκόντιζον ἐπ’ αὐτὸν ἅπαντες. ὧν δὴ Ῥωμαῖοι αἰσθόμενοι ἐβοήθουν δρόμῳ.

§ 7.11.25 καὶ Ῥικίλας μὲν δόρασι πολλοῖς κεκαλυμμένος θνήσκει, τρέψαντες δὲ τοὺς ἐναντίους οἱ ἀμφὶ Θουριμούθ, ἄραντές τε τὸν νεκρόν, ἐς Αὔξιμον πόλιν ἐκόμισαν, οὐκ ἐπαξίως τῆς ἀρετῆς τὴν τοῦ βίου καταστροφὴν κληρωσάμενον.

§ 7.11.26 Ἔπειτα Σαβινιανός τε καὶ Θουριμοὺθ Μάγνῳ κοινολογησάμενοι ἀξύμφορον σφίσιν εὕρισκον εἶναι περαιτέρω διατριβήν τινα ἐνταῦθα ποιεῖσθαι, λογισάμενοι ὅτι δὴ οὔτε τοῖς πολεμίοις πολλοῖς γε οὖσιν ἀξιόμαχοί ποτε γένοιντο καὶ τὰς τῶν πολιορκουμένων καταδαπανῶντες τροφὰς ἁλώσιμον ἔτι θᾶσσον τὴν πόλιν τοῖς ἐναντίοις ποιήσονται.

§ 7.11.27 καὶ ἐπεὶ ταῦτα ἐδέδοκτο, αὐτοὶ μὲν καὶ οἱ χίλιοι παρεσκευάζοντο εἰς τὴν ἄφοδον, ὡς νύκτωρ τῆς ἀποπορείας ἀρξόμενοι· αὐτίκα δὲ τῶν τις στρατιωτῶν αὐτομολήσας λάθρα ἐς τὸ τῶν πολεμίων στρατόπεδον ἔκπυστα ἐποίησε τὰ πρασσόμενα.

§ 7.11.28 Τουτίλας τοίνυν ἄνδρας δισχιλίους ἀριστίνδην ἀπολεξάμενος νυκτὸς ἐπιλαβούσης ἐφύλασσε τὰς ὁδοὺς ἀπὸ σταδίων Αὐξίμου τριάκοντα, οὐδενὶ αἴσθησιν παρεχόμενος.

§ 7.11.29 οἳ ἐπεὶ παριόντας ἀμφὶ νύκτα μέσην τοὺς πολεμίους εἶδον, σπασάμενοι τὰ ξίφη ἔργου εἴχοντο.

§ 7.11.30 καὶ αὐτῶν διακοσίους μὲν ἔκτειναν, Σαβινιανὸς δὲ καὶ Θουριμοὺθ ξὺν τοῖς λοιποῖς ἅτε ἐν σκότῳ λαθεῖν τε καὶ φυγεῖν ἐς τὴν Ἀρίμινον ἴσχυσαν.

§ 7.11.31 τῶν μέντοι ὑποζυγίων ἁπάντων Γότθοι ἐκράτησαν, ἃ τῶν στρατιωτῶν τήν τε θεραπείαν καὶ τὰ ὅπλα καὶ τὰ ἱμάτια ἔφερεν.

§ 7.11.32 Ἔστι δὲ πολίσματα δύο πρὸς τῇ ἀκτῇ τοῦ Ἰονίου κόλπου, Πίσαυρός τε καὶ Φανός, μεταξὺ τῆς τε Αὐξίμου καὶ Ἀριμίνου πόλεως κείμενα. ὧν δὴ τὰς οἰκίας τοῦδε τοῦ πολέμου κατ’ ἀρχὰς Οὐίττιγις ἐμπρήσας τὰ τείχη καθεῖλεν ἄχρι ἐς ἥμισυ μάλιστα, ὅπως μὴ καταλαβόντες αὐτὰ Ῥωμαῖοι πράγματα Γότθοις παρέξωσι.

§ 7.11.33 τούτων θάτερον, Πίσαυρον, Βελισάριος καταλαβεῖν ἔγνω· ἔδοξε γάρ οἱ ἐς ἵππων νομὰς ἐπιτηδείως τὸ χωρίον κεῖσθαι. πέμψας οὖν νύκτωρ τῶν οἱ ἐπιτηδείων τινὰς ἐς τὸ ἀκριβὲς εὖρός τε καὶ μῆκος πύλης ἑκάστης ξυνεμετρήσατο λάθρα.

§ 7.11.34 τάς τε πύλας τεκτηνάμενος καὶ σιδήρῳ περιβαλὼν εἶτά τισιν ἀκατίοις ἐνθέμενος ἔπεμψεν, ἃς δὴ ἐκέλευε τοὺς ἀμφὶ Σαβινιανόν τε καὶ Θουριμοὺθ κατὰ τάχος τοῖς τείχεσιν ἐναρμόσαντας ἐντὸς τοῦ περιβόλου μένειν, ἔν τε τῷ ἀσφαλεῖ γενομένους ὅσα τοῦ περιβόλου κατεπεπτώκει, ὅτῳ δὴ ἀνοικοδομήσασθαι τρόπῳ, λίθους τε καὶ πηλὸν καὶ ἄλλο ὁτιοῦν ἐμβαλλομένους. οἱ μὲν οὖν κατὰ ταῦτα ἐποίουν.

§ 7.11.35 Τουτίλας δὲ μαθὼν τὰ πρασσόμενα στρατῷ πολλῷ ἐπ’ αὐτοὺς ἦλθε.

§ 7.11.36 καὶ ἀποπειρασάμενος χρόνον τε ἐνταῦθα διατρίψας τινά, ἐπεὶ ἐξελεῖν οὐχ οἷός τε ἦν, ἄπρακτος ἐν Αὐξίμῳ εἰς τὸ στρατόπεδον ἀνεχώρησεν.

§ 7.11.37 Ἐπεξῄει δὲ Ῥωμαίων ἔτι τοῖς πολεμίοις οὐδείς, ἀλλ’ ἐντὸς τειχῶν ἕκαστοι ἔμενον. ἀλλὰ καὶ τῶν δορυφόρων τῶν αὑτοῦ δύο Βελισάριος ἐς Ῥώμην στείλας, Ἀρτασίρην τε, ἄνδρα Πέρσην, καὶ Βαρβατίωνα Θρᾷκα, ὡς ξυμφυλάξοντας Βέσσᾳ τὴν πόλιν ὃς ἐνταῦθα ἐτύγχανεν ὤν, ἐπέστελλε τοῖς πολεμίοις ὡς ἥκιστα ἐπεξιέναι.

§ 7.11.38 Τουτίλας δὲ καὶ ὁ Γότθων στρατός, ἐπεὶ οὐκ ἀξιόχρεων ἀντιτάξασθαι σφίσι τὴν Βελισαρίου δύναμιν ᾔσθοντο οὖσαν, τῶν χωρίων τὰ ἐχυρώτατα ἐνοχλεῖν ἔγνωσαν.

§ 7.11.39 διὸ δὴ ἐν Πικηνοῖς ἀμφί τε Φίρμον καὶ Ασκουλον ἐνστρατοπεδευσάμενοι ἐς πολιορκίαν καθίσταντο. καὶ ὁ χειμὼν ἔληγε, καὶ δέκατον ἔτος ἐτελεύτα τῷ πολέμῳ τῷδε, ὃν Προκόπιος ξυνέγραψε.

Wars 7.12

§ 7.12.1 Βελισάριος δὲ ἀμύνειν τοῖς πολιορκουμένοις οὐδαμῆ ἔχων Ἰωάννην τὸν Βιταλιανοῦ ἀνεψιὸν ἐς Βυζάντιον ἔπεμψεν, ὅρκοις αὐτὸν δεινοτάτοις καταλαβὼν ὡς ἐπανήκειν ὅτι τάχιστα ἐν σπουδῇ θήσεται, βασιλέως δεησόμενον στρατιάν τε πολλὴν σφίσι καὶ χρήματα μεγάλα πέμψαι, καὶ μέντοι καὶ ὅπλα καὶ ἵππους.

§ 7.12.2 οἱ γὰρ στρατιῶται ὀλίγοι λίαν ὄντες οὐδὲ αὐτοὶ μάχεσθαι ἤθελον, χρήματά τε πολλὰ φάσκοντες τὸ δημόσιον σφίσιν ὀφείλειν καὶ αὐτοὶ ἁπάντων ἐνδεεῖς εἶναι.

§ 7.12.3 καὶ ἦν δὲ οὕτως. καὶ γράμματα ὑπὲρ τούτων βασιλεῖ ἔγραψεν. ἐδήλου δὲ ἡ γραφὴ τάδε· “Ἀφίγμεθα εἰς τὴν Ἰταλίαν, ὦ βασιλεῦ κράτιστε, ἀνδρῶν τε καὶ ἵππων καὶ ὅπλων καὶ χρημάτων χωρίς. ὧν οὐδ’ ἄν τις μὴ διαρκῶς ἔχων πόλεμον, οἶμαι, διενεγκεῖν οὐ μή ποτε ἱκανὸς εἴη.

§ 7.12.4 Θρᾷκας μὲν γὰρ καὶ Ἰλλυριοὺς ἐνδελεχέστατα περιελθόντες στρατιώτας ξυνήγομεν κομιδῆ ὀλίγους οἰκτροὺς οὐδέ τι ὅπλων ἐν χερσὶν ἔχοντας καὶ μάχης ὄντας παντάπασιν ἀμελετήτους.

§ 7.12.5 ὁρῶμεν δὲ καὶ τοὺς ἀπολελειμμένους ἐνταῦθα οὔτε αὐτάρκεις ὄντας καὶ κατεπτηχότας τοὺς πολεμίους δεδουλωμένους τε τὸ φρόνημα τῷ πρὸς ἐκείνων πολλάκις ἡσσῆσθαι, οἵ γε οὐδὲ εἰκῆ τοὺς ἐναντίους διέφυγον, ἀλλὰ τούς τε ἵππους ἀφέντες καὶ τὰ ὅπλα ἐς τὴν γῆν ῥίψαντες.

§ 7.12.6 χρημάτων δὲ πρόσοδον ἐξ Ἰταλίας πορίζεσθαι ἡμῖν ἀδύνατά ἐστι, πάλιν πρὸς τῶν πολεμίων κατειλημμένης.

§ 7.12.7 διὸ δὴ καὶ ὑπερήμεροι γεγενημένοι ἐς τῶν στρατιωτῶν τὰς συντάξεις ἐπιτάττειν αὐτοῖς ἥκιστα ἔχομεν· ἀφείλετο γὰρ ἡμῶν τὴν παρρησίαν τὸ ὄφλημα.

§ 7.12.8 εὖ δὲ καὶ τοῦτο, ὦ δέσποτα, ἴσθι, ὡς τῶν ὑπὸ σοὶ στρατευομένων οἱ πλείους πρὸς τοὺς πολεμίους ηὐτομοληκότες τυγχάνουσιν ὄντες.

§ 7.12.9 εἰ μὲν οὖν ἔδει Βελισάριον ἐς Ἰταλίαν στέλλεσθαι μόνον, ἄριστά σοι τὰ ἐς τὸν πόλεμον παρεσκεύασται· εἰμὶ γὰρ ἐν Ἰταλιώταις ἤδη που μέσοις· εἰ δὲ περιεῖναι βούλει τῷ πολέμῳ τῶν δυσμενῶν, καὶ τὰ ἄλλα ἐξαρτύεσθαι δεῖ.

§ 7.12.10 στρατηγὸς γάρ τις, οἶμαι, τῶν ὑπουργούντων χωρὶς οὐκ ἂν γένοιτο. δορυφόρους τοίνυν καὶ ὑπασπιστὰς τοὺς ἐμοὺς μάλιστά μοι πάντων σταλῆναι προσήκει, ἔπειτα πάμπολύ τι πλῆθος Οὔννων τε καὶ ἄλλων βαρβάρων, οἷς καὶ χρήματα ἤδη δοτέον.”

§ 7.12.11 Τοσαῦτα μὲν Βελισάριος ἔγραψεν. Ἰωάννης δὲ χρόνον ἐν Βυζαντίῳ διατρίψας πολὺν οὐδὲν μὲν διεπράξατο ὧν ἕνεκα ἦλθεν, ἔγημε δὲ τοῦ Γερμανοῦ βασιλέως ἀνεψιοῦ παῖδα.

§ 7.12.12 ἐν τούτῳ δὲ Τουτίλας Φίρμον τε καὶ Ἄσκουλον ὁμολογίᾳ εἷλεν· ἐς Τούσκους τε ἀφικόμενος Σπολίτιόν τε καὶ Ἀσίσην ἐπολιόρκει. ἦρχε δὲ τοῦ μὲν ἐν Σπολιτίῳ φυλακτηρίου Ἡρωδιανός, τοῦ δὲ ἐν Ἀσίσῃ Σισίφριδος, Γότθος μὲν γένος, εὐνοϊκῶς δὲ λίαν ἔς τε Ῥωμαίους καὶ τὰ βασιλέως πράγματα ἔχων.

§ 7.12.13 Ἡρωδιανὸς μὲν οὖν τοῖς πολεμίοις ἐς λόγους ἦλθεν, ἐφ’ ᾧ τριάκοντα ἡμέρας ἡσυχῆ μείνωσιν.

§ 7.12.14 ὧν ἢν μὴ ἐπικουρία τις αὐτοῖς ἐπιγένηται, αὑτόν τε καὶ τὴν πόλιν ξύν τε τοῖς στρατιώταις καὶ τοῖς ἐνοικοῦσι Γότθοις ἐνδώσειν. τόν τε παῖδα ὅμηρον ἐπὶ ταύτῃ τῇ ὁμολογίᾳ παρέσχετο.

§ 7.12.15 ἐπειδὴ δὲ παρῆν μὲν ἡ κυρία, στράτευμα δὲ οὐδαμόθεν Ῥωμαίων ἦλθεν, Ἡρωδιανός τε καὶ ὅσοι φρουρὰν ἐνταῦθα εἶχον κατὰ τὰ ξυγκείμενα Τουτίλᾳ καὶ Γότθοις σφᾶς τε αὐτοὺς καὶ Σπολίτιον ἐνεχείρισαν.

§ 7.12.16 φασὶ δὲ Ἡρωδιανὸν κατὰ τὸ ἐς Βελισάριον ἔχθος αὑτόν τε καὶ Σπολίτιον Γότθοις ἐνδοῦναι· λογισμοὺς γὰρ αὐτὸν Βελισάριος τῶν βεβιωμένων ἠπείλησε πράξειν. Τὰ μὲν οὖν ἀμφὶ Σπολιτίῳ ταύτῃ ἐχώρησε.

§ 7.12.17 Σισίφριδος δὲ ξὺν τοῖς ἑπομένοις ἐπεκδρομὴν ποιησάμενος, τῶν τε ξὺν αὐτῷ πλείστους ἀποβάλλει καὶ αὐτὸς θνήσκει.

§ 7.12.18 Ἀσίσηνοί τε τοῖς παροῦσιν ἀπορούμενοι, αὐτίκα τὴν πόλιν τοῖς πολεμίοις ἐνέδοσαν. πέμψας δὲ καὶ παρὰ Κυπριανὸν εὐθὺς Τουτίλας, ἐνδοῦναί οἱ αὐτῷ Περυσίαν ἠξίου, δεδιττόμενος μὲν ἢν ἀπειθήσῃ, χρήμασι δὲ αὐτὸν δωρήσασθαι μεγάλοις ἐπαγγελλόμενος,

§ 7.12.19 ἤν γε ταῦτα ἐπιτελοίη. ἐπεί τέ οί πρὸς Κυπριανοῦ οὐδὲν προὐχώρει, τῶν ἐκείνου δορυφόρων ἕνα, Οὔλιφον ὄνομα, χρήμασιν ἀναπείθει δόλῳ τὸν ἄνθρωπον διαχρήσασθαι.

§ 7.12.20 Οὔλιφος μὲν οὖν μόνῳ τῷ Κυπριανῷ ἐντυχὼν ἔκτεινέ τε αὐτὸν καὶ παρὰ Τουτίλαν φεύγων ᾤχετο. οὐδὲν δὲ ἧσσον οἱ Κυπριανοῦ στρατιῶται βασιλεῖ τὴν πόλιν ἐφύλασσον· διὸ δὴ Γότθοι ἐνθένδε ἀναχωρεῖν ἔγνωσαν.

Wars 7.13

§ 7.13.1 Μετὰ δὲ Τουτίλας ἐπὶ Ῥώμην ᾔει, καὶ ἐπεὶ ἀγχοῦ ἐγένετο, ἐς πολιορκίαν καθίστατο· τοὺς μέντοι γεωργοὺς οὐδὲν ἄχαρι ἀνὰ πᾶσαν τὴν Ἰταλίαν εἰργάσατο, ἀλλὰ τὴν γῆν ἀδεῶς ἐκέλευεν, ᾗπερ εἰώθασιν, ἐς ἀεὶ γεωργεῖν, τοὺς φόρους αὐτῷ ἀποφέροντας ὅσους τὸ πρότερον ἔς τε τὸ δημόσιον καὶ ἐς τοὺς κεκτημένους ἀποφέρειν ἠξίουν.

§ 7.13.2 Γότθων δέ τινων ἄγχιστα τοῦ Ῥώμης περιβόλου ἀφικομένων Ἀρτασίρης τε καὶ Βαρβατίων, πολλούς τε τῶν ἑπομένων ἐπαγαγόμενοι, Βέσσα ὡς ἥκιστα ἐπαινοῦντος, ἐπεκδρομὴν ἐπ’ αὐτοὺς ἐποιήσαντο.

§ 7.13.3 καὶ πολλοὺς μὲν εὐθὺς ἔκτειναν, τοὺς δὲ λοιποὺς ἐς φυγὴν ἔτρεψαν. οἷς δὴ ἐπισπόμενοι, ἔς τε τὴν δίωξιν ἐπὶ πλεῖστον ἐκπεπτωκότες ἐνέδραις ὑπὸ τῶν πολεμίων ἐνέτυχον.

§ 7.13.4 οὗ δὴ τοὺς πλείστους ἀποβαλόντες αὐτοὶ ξὺν ὀλίγοις τισὶ διέφυγον μόλις, καὶ τὸ λοιπὸν ἐπεξιέναι τοῖς ἐναντίοις, καίπερ ἐγκειμένοις, οὐκέτι ἐτόλμων.

§ 7.13.5 Καὶ ἀπ’ αὐτοῦ λιμός τις ἀκριβὴς τοὺς Ῥωμαιους ἐπίεζεν, οὐκέτι δυναμένους τι τῶν ἀναγκαίων ἐκ τῶν ἀγρῶν εἰσκομίζεσθαι, καὶ τῶν ἐκ θαλάσσης ἀποκεκλεισμένων φορτίων.

§ 7.13.6 ἐπειδὴ γὰρ Γότθοι Νεάπολιν εἷλον, ναυτικὸν ἐνταῦθα καταστησάμενοι ἀκάτων πολλῶν κἀν ταῖς νήσοις ταῖς Αἰόλου καλουμέναις καὶ ὅσαι ἄλλαι τῇδε ἐπίκεινται, ἐς τὸ ἀκριβὲς τὸν διάπλουν ἐφύλασσον.

§ 7.13.7 ὅσαι οὖν νῆες ἐκ Σικελίας ἀναγόμεναι ἔπλεον ἐπὶ τὸν Ῥωμαίων λιμένα, πᾶσαι γεγόνασιν αὐτοῖς ἀνδράσιν ὑπὸ ταῖς ἐκείνων χερσί.

§ 7.13.8 Τουτίλας δὲ στράτευμα ἐς Αἰμιλίαν πέμψας, πόλιν Πλακεντίαν ἐξελεῖν ἢ βίᾳ ἢ ὁμολογίᾳ ἐκέλευεν.

§ 7.13.9 αὕτη δὲ πρώτη μέν ἐστιν Αἰμιλίων τῆς χώρας, ὀχύρωμα ἰσχυρὸν ἔχουσα. πρὸς δὲ τῷ ποταμῷ Ἠριδανῷ κεῖται καὶ μόνη τῶν τῇδε χωρίων Ῥωμαίων κατήκοος οὖσα ἔτι ἐλέλειπτο.

§ 7.13.10 ἐπεὶ δὲ ὁ στρατὸς οὗτος Πλακεντίας ἀγχοῦ ἐγένοντο, λόγους προὔφερον τοῖς ἐνταῦθα φρουροῖς, ὅπως τὴν πόλιν ὁμολογίᾳ Τουτίλᾳ τε καὶ Γότθοις ἐνδοῖεν.

§ 7.13.11 ὡς δὲ οὐδὲν σφίσι προὐχώρει, αὐτοῦ ἐνστρατοπεδευσάμενοι ἐς πολιορκίαν καθίσταντο, τῶν ἐπιτηδείων ἐνδεῖν τοὺς ἐν τῇ πόλει αἰσθόμενοι.

§ 7.13.12 Τότε τοῖς ἐν Ῥώμῃ τοῦ βασιλέως στρατοῦ ἄρχουσιν ὑποψία προδοσίας πέρι ἐγένετο ἐς Κέθηγον, πατρίκιον ἄνδρα καὶ πρῶτον τῆς Ῥωμαίων βουλῆς. διὸ δὴ ἐς Κεντουκέλλας ἀπιὼν ᾤχετο.

§ 7.13.13 Βελισάριος δὲ περί τε τῇ Ῥώμῃ καὶ τοῖς ὅλοις πράγμασι δείσας, ἐπεὶ ἐκ Ῥαβέννης ἀμύνειν ἄλλως τε καὶ στρατῷ ὀλίγῳ ἀδύνατα ἦν, ἀπανίστασθαί τε ἐνθένδε καὶ τὰ ἐπὶ Ῥώμης χωρία καταλαβεῖν ἔγνω, ὅπως δὴ ἀγχοῦ γενόμενος τοῖς ταύτῃ κάμνουσιν ἐπιβοηθεῖν οἷός τε εἴη.

§ 7.13.14 καί οἱ τὸ κατ’ ἀρχὰς ἐς Ῥάβενναν ἀφικομένῳ μετέμελεν, ἃ δὴ Βιταλίῳ ἀναπεισθεὶς ἔδρασε πρότερον οὐκ ἐπὶ τῷ τῶν βασιλέως πραγμάτων ξυμφόρῳ, ἐπεὶ ἐνταῦθα καθείρξας αὑτὸν ἐδεδώκει τοῖς πολεμίοις κατ’ ἐξουσίαν τὴν τοῦ πολέμου διοικεῖσθαι ῥοπήν.

§ 7.13.15 καί μοι ἔδοξεν ἢ Βελισάριον ἑλέσθαι τὰ χείρω, ἐπεὶ χρῆν τότε Ῥωμαίοις γενέσθαι κακῶς, ἢ βεβουλεῦσθαι μὲν αὐτὸν τὰ βελτίω, ἐμπόδιον δὲ τὸν θεὸν γεγονέναι, Τουτίλᾳ τε καὶ Γότθοις ἐπικουρεῖν ἐν νῷ ἔχοντα, καὶ ἀπ’ αὐτοῦ τῶν βουλευμάτων τὰ βέλτιστα ἐς πᾶν τοὐναντίον Βελισαρίῳ ἀποκεκρίσθαι.

§ 7.13.16 οἷς μὲν γὰρ ἐπιπνεῖ ἐξ οὐρίας τὸ πνεῦμα τῆς τύχης καὶ τὰ χείριστα βουλευομένοις οὐδὲν ἀπαντιάσει δεινόν, ἀντιπεριάγοντος αὐτὰ τοῦ δαιμονίου ἐς πᾶν ξύμφορον·

§ 7.13.17 ἀνδρὶ δέ, οἶμαι, κακοτυχοῦντι εὐβουλία οὐδαμῆ πάρεστι, παραιρουμένου αὐτὸν ἐπιστήμην τε καὶ ἀληθῆ δόξαν τοῦ χρῆναι παθεῖν.

§ 7.13.18 ἢν δέ τι καὶ βουλεύσηταί ποτε τῶν δεόντων, ἀλλὰ πνέουσα τῷ βουλεύσαντι ἀπ’ ἐναντίας εὐθὺς ἡ τύχη ἀντιστρέφει αὐτῷ τὴν εὐβουλίαν ἐπὶ τὰ πονηρότατα τῶν ἀποβάσεων.

§ 7.13.19 ἀλλὰ ταῦτα μὲν εἴτε ταύτῃ εἴτε ἐκείνῃ ἔχει οὐκ ἔχω εἰπεῖν. Βελισάριος δὲ Ἰουστῖνον ἐπὶ τῇ Ῥαβέννης φυλακῇ καταστησάμενος ξὺν ὀλίγοις τισὶν αὐτὸς ἐνθένδε διά τε Δαλματίας καὶ τῶν ταύτῃ χωρίων κομίζεται ἐς Ἐπίδαμνον, ἵνα δὴ στράτευμα ἐκ Βυζαντίου καραδοκῶν ἡσυχῆ ἔμενε. γράψας τε βασιλεῖ γράμματα, τύχας τὰς παρούσας ἐσήγγελλεν.

§ 7.13.20 ὁ δέ οἱ οὐ πολλῷ ὕστερον Ἰωάννην τε τὸν Βιταλιανοῦ ἀνεψιὸν καὶ Ἰσαάκην Ἀρμένιον Ἀρατίου τε καὶ Ναρσοῦ ἀδελφὸν ξὺν στρατῷ ἔπεμψε βαρβάρων τε καὶ Ῥωμαίων στρατιωτῶν.

§ 7.13.21 οἳ δὴ ἐς Ἐπίδαμνον ἀφικόμενοι Βελισαρίῳ ξυνέμιξαν. Καὶ Ναρσῆν δὲ τὸν εὐνοῦχον παρὰ τῶν Ἐρούλων τοὺς ἄρχοντας ἔπεμψεν, ἐφ’ ᾧ δὴ αὐτῶν τοὺς πολλοὺς πείσει ἐς Ἰταλίαν στρατεύεσθαι.

§ 7.13.22 καὶ αὐτῷ τῶν Ἐρούλων πολλοὶ εἵποντο, ὧν ἄλλοι τε καὶ Φιλημοὺθ ἦρχον καὶ ξὺν αὐτῷ ἐς τὰ ἐπὶ Θρᾴκης χωρία ἦλθον. ἐνταῦθα γὰρ διαχειμάσαντες ἔμελλον ἅμα ἦρι ἀρχομένῳ παρὰ Βελισάριον στέλλεσθαι.

§ 7.13.23 ξυνῆν δὲ αὐτοῖς καὶ Ἰωάννης, ὃν ἐπίκλησιν ἐκάλουν Φαγᾶν. καὶ αὐτοῖς ἐν ταύτῃ τῇ πορείᾳ ξυνέβη τις τύχη μεγάλα Ῥωμαίους ἀγαθὰ ἐκ τοῦ ἀπροσδοκήτου ἐργάσασθαι.

§ 7.13.24 βαρβάρων γὰρ Σκλαβηνῶν πολὺς ὅμιλος ἔτυχον ἔναγχος διαβάντες μὲν ποταμὸν Ἴστρον, ληϊσάμενοι δὲ τὰ ἐκείνῃ χωρία καὶ Ῥωμαίων ἐξανδραποδίσαντες πάμπολυ πλῆθος.

§ 7.13.25 οἷς δὴ Ἔρουλοι ἐκ τοῦ αἰφνιδίου ἐς χεῖρας ἐλθόντες, νικήσαντές τε παρὰ δόξαν μέτρῳ σφᾶς πολλῷ ὑπεραίροντας, αὐτούς τε κτείνουσι καὶ τοὺς αἰχμαλώτους ἐς τὰ οἰκεῖα ξύμπαντας ἀφῆκαν ἰέναι.

§ 7.13.26 τότε δὲ ὁ Ναρσῆς καί τινα εὑρὼν ἐπιβατεύοντα τοῦ Χιλβουδίου ὀνόματος, ἀνδρὸς ἐπιφανοῦς καὶ Ῥωμαίων ποτὲ στρατηγήσαντος, διελέγξαι τὴν ἐπιβουλὴν ῥᾳδίως ἔσχε. τοῦτο δὲ ὅ τί ποτε ἦν αὐτίκα δηλώσω.

Wars 7.14

§ 7.14.1 Χιλβούδιος ἦν τις ἐκ τῆς Ἰουστινιανοῦ βασιλέως οἰκίας ἐσάγαν μὲν δραστήριος τὰ πολέμια, ἐς τόσον δὲ χρημάτων κρείσσων ὥστε ἀντὶ μεγίστου κτήματος ἐν τῇ οὐσίᾳ τῇ αὑτοῦ εἶχε τὸ κεκτῆσθαι μηδέν·

§ 7.14.2 τοῦτον βασιλεὺς τὸν Χιλβούδιον, ὅτε δὴ τέταρτον ἔτος τὴν αὐτοκράτορα εἶχεν ἀρχήν, Θρᾴκης στρατηγὸν ἀνειπών, ἐπὶ τῇ τοῦ Ἴστρου ποταμοῦ φυλακῇ κατεστήσατο, φυλάσσειν κελεύσας ὅπως μηκέτι τοῖς ταύτῃ βαρβάροις ὁ ποταμὸς διαβατὸς ἔσται, ἐπεὶ αὐτοῦ τὴν διάβασιν πολλάκις ἤδη Οὖννοί τε καὶ Ἄνται καὶ Σκλαβηνοὶ πεποιημένοι ἀνήκεστα Ῥωμαίους ἔργα εἰργάσαντο.

§ 7.14.3 Χιλβούδιος δὲ οὕτω τοῖς βαρβάροις φοβερὸς γέγονεν ὥστε ἐς τριῶν ἐνιαυτῶν χρόνον, ὅσον ξὺν ταύτῃ δὴ τῇ τιμῇ τὴν διατριβὴν ἐνταῦθα εἶχεν, οὐχ ὅσον διαβῆναι τὸν Ἴστρον ἐπὶ τοὺς Ῥωμαίους οὐδεὶς ἴσχυσεν, ἀλλὰ καὶ Ῥωμαῖοι ἐς ἤπειρον τὴν ἀντιπέρας σὺν Χιλβουδίῳ πολλάκις ἰόντες ἔκτεινάν τε καὶ ἠνδραπόδισαν τοὺς ταύτῃ βαρβάρους.

§ 7.14.4 ἐνιαυτοῖς δὲ τρισὶν ὕστερον διέβη μὲν ὁ Χιλβούδιος τὸν ποταμὸν ᾗπερ εἰώθει ξὺν ὀλίγῳ στρατῷ, Σκλαβηνοὶ δὲ πανδημεὶ ὑπηντίαζον.

§ 7.14.5 μάχης τε καρτερᾶς γενομένης Ῥωμαίων τε πολλοὶ ἔπεσον καὶ Χιλβούδιος ὁ στρατηγός.

§ 7.14.6 καὶ τὸ λοιπὸν ὅ τε ποταμὸς ἐσβατὸς ἀεὶ τοῖς βαρβάροις κατ’ ἐξουσίαν καὶ τὰ Ῥωμαίων πράγματα εὐέφοδα γέγονε, ξύμπασά τε ἡ Ῥωμαίων ἀρχὴ ἀνδρὸς ἑνὸς ἀρετῇ ἀντίρροπος γενέσθαι ἐν τῷ ἔργῳ τούτῳ οὐδαμῆ ἴσχυσε.

§ 7.14.7 Χρόνῳ δὲ ὕστερον Ἄνται καὶ Σκλαβηνοὶ διάφοροι ἀλλήλοις γενόμενοι ἐς χεῖρας ἦλθον, ἔνθα δὴ τοῖς Ἄνταις ἡσσηθῆναι τῶν ἐναντίων τετύχηκεν.

§ 7.14.8 ἐν ταύτῃ δὲ τῇ μάχῃ Σκλαβηνὸς ἀνὴρ τῶν τινα πολεμίων ἄρτι γενειάσκοντα, Χιλβούδιον ὄνομα, αἰχμάλωτον εἷλεν, ἔς τε τὰ οἰκεῖα λαβὼν ᾤχετο.

§ 7.14.9 οὗτος ὁ Χιλβούδιος προϊόντος τοῦ χρόνου εὔνους τε ὡς ἔνι μάλιστα τῷ κεκτημένῳ ἐγένετο καὶ τὰ ἐς τοὺς πολεμίους δραστήριος.

§ 7.14.10 πολλάκις τε τοῦ δεσπότου προκινδυνεύσας ἠρίστευσέ τε διαφερόντως καὶ κλέος ἴσχυσε περιβαλέσθαι ἀπ’ αὐτοῦ μέγα.

§ 7.14.11 ὑπὸ δὲ τὸν χρόνον τοῦτον Ἄνται ἐπισκήψαντες εἰς τὰ ἐπὶ Θράκης χωρία πολλοὺς ἐληΐσαντο καὶ ἠνδραπόδισαν τῶν ἐκείνῃ Ῥωμαίων. οὕσπερ ἐπαγόμενοι ἀπεκομίσθησαν εἰς τὰ πάτρια ἤθη.

§ 7.14.12 Τούτων δὲ ἕνα τῶν αἰχμαλώτων εἰς φιλάνθρωπόν τινα ἤγαγεν ἡ τύχη καὶ πρᾷον δεσπότην. ἦν δὲ οὗτος ἀνὴρ κακοῦργός τε λίαν καὶ οἷος ἀπάτῃ τοὺς ἐντυχόντας περιελθεῖν.

§ 7.14.13 ἐπειδή τε βουλόμενος ἐπανήκειν ἐς Ῥωμαίων τὴν γῆν οὐδεμιᾷ μηχανῇ εἶχεν, ἐπενόει τοιάδε. τῷ κεκτημένῳ ἐς ὄψιν ἥκων τῆς τε φιλανθρωπίας ἐπῄνεσε καὶ πολλὰ μέν οἱ διὰ τοῦτο πρὸς τοῦ θεοῦ ἰσχυρίσατο τἀγαθὰ ἔσεσθαι, καὶ αὐτὸν δὲ οὐδαμῆ ἀχάριστον δεσπότῃ φιλανθρωποτάτῳ φανήσεσθαι, ἀλλ̓, ἤν γε αὐτῷ τὰ βέλτιστα εἰσηγουμένῳ ἐπακούειν ἐθέλῃ, κύριον αὐτὸν οὐκ εἰς μακρὰν καταστήσεσθαι χρημάτων μεγάλων.

§ 7.14.14 εἶναι γὰρ ἐν τῷ Σκλαβηνῶν ἔθνει Χιλβούδιον, τὸν Ῥωμαίων στρατηγήσαντα, ἐν ἀνδραπόδων λόγῳ, πάντας βαρβάρους λανθάνοντα ὅστις ποτέ ἐστιν.

§ 7.14.15 ἢν τοίνυν αὐτῷ βουλομένῳ εἴη προέσθαι τε τὰς τοῦ Χιλβουδίου τιμὰς καὶ διακομίζειν τὸν ἄνθρωπον ἐς Ῥωμαίων τὴν γῆν, δόξαν τε ἀγαθὴν καὶ πλούτου αὐτὸν πάμπολυ χρῆμα περιβαλέσθαι πρὸς βασιλέως οὐκ ἀπεικὸς εἶναι.

§ 7.14.16 ταῦτα ὁ Ῥωμαῖος εἰπὼν τὸν κεκτημένον εὐθὺς ἔπεισε, καὶ ξὺν αὐτῷ γίνεται ἐν Σκλαβηνοῖς μέσοις· ἐπεκηρυκεύοντο γὰρ ἤδη καὶ ἀλλήλοις ἀνεμίγνυντο ἀδεῶς οἱ βάρβαροι οὗτοι. χρήματα γοῦν πολλὰ τῷ Χιλβούδιον κεκτημένῳ προέμενοι τὸν ἄνδρα ὠνοῦντο καὶ ξὺν αὐτῷ ἀπιόντες εὐθὺς ᾤχοντο.

§ 7.14.17 ἐπεί τε ἐν ἤθεσι τοῖς σφετέροις ἐγένοντο, ἀνεπυνθάνετο τοῦ ἀνθρώπου ὁ πριάμενος, εἰ Χιλβούδιος αὐτὸς ὁ Ῥωμαίων στρατηγὸς εἴη.

§ 7.14.18 καὶ ὃς οὐκ ἀπηξίου τὰ ὄντα καταλέγειν ξὺν τῷ ἀληθεῖ λόγῳ ἐφεξῆς ἅπαντα, ὡς εἴη μὲν καὶ αὐτὸς Αντης τὸ γένος, μαχόμενος δὲ ξὺν τοῖς ὁμογενέσι πρὸς Σκλαβηνούς, τότε πολεμίους σφίσιν ὄντας, πρός του τῶν ἐναντίων ἁλῴη, τανῦν δέ, ἐπεὶ ἀφίκετο ἐς τὰ πάτρια ἤθη, ἐλεύθερος τὸ λοιπὸν κατά γε τὸν νόμον καὶ αὐτὸς ἔσται.

§ 7.14.19 Ὁ μὲν οὖν ὑπὲρ αὐτοῦ χρυσίον προέμενος εἰς ἀφασίαν ἐμπεπτωκὼς ἤσχαλλεν, ἐλπίδος ἀποτυχὼν οὐ μετρίας τινός.

§ 7.14.20 ὁ δὲ Ῥωμαῖος τόν τε ἄνθρωπον παρηγορεῖν τήν τε ἀλήθειαν ἐκκρούειν ἐθέλων, ὡς μή τι αὐτῷ τῆς ἐς τὴν οἰκείαν ἐπανόδου χαλεπὸν εἴη, Χιλβούδιον μὲν ἐκεῖνον ἔτι τοῦτον δὴ τὸν ἄνδρα ἰσχυρίζετο εἶναι, δεδιότα δὲ ἅτε δὴ ὄντα ἐν μέσοις βαρβάροις ὡς ἥκιστα ἐθέλειν ἀποκαλύψαι τὸν πάντα λόγον, ἢν μέντοι γένηται ἐν γῇ τῇ Ῥωμαίων, οὐχ ὅσον οὐκ ἀποκρύψεσθαι τὸν ἀληθῆ λόγον, ἀλλὰ καὶ φιλοτιμήσεσθαι, ὡς τὸ εἰκός, ἐπὶ τούτῳ δὴ τῷ ὀνόματι. τὰ μὲν οὖν πρῶτα κρύφα ταῦτα ἐπράσσετο τῶν ἄλλων βαρβάρων.

§ 7.14.21 Ἐπεὶ δὲ ὁ λόγος περιφερόμενος ἐς ἅπαντας ἦλθεν, ἠγείροντο μὲν ἐπὶ τούτῳ Ἄνται σχεδὸν ἅπαντες, κοινὴν δὲ εἶναι τὴν πρᾶξιν ἠξίουν, μεγάλα σφίσιν οἰόμενοι ἀγαθὰ ἔσεσθαι, κυρίοις ἤδη τοῦ Ῥωμαίων στρατηγοῦ Χιλβουδίου γεγενημένοις.

§ 7.14.22 τὰ γὰρ ἔθνη ταῦτα, Σκλαβηνοί τε καὶ Ἄνται, οὐκ ἄρχονται πρὸς ἀνδρὸς ἑνός, ἀλλ’ ἐν δημοκρατίᾳ ἐκ παλαιοῦ βιοτεύουσι, καὶ διὰ τοῦτο αὐτοῖς τῶν πραγμάτων ἀεὶ τά τε ξύμφορα καὶ τὰ δύσκολα ἐς κοινὸν ἄγεται. ὁμοίως δὲ καὶ τὰ ἄλλα ὡς εἰπεῖν ἅπαντα ἑκατέροις ἐστί τε καὶ νενόμισται τούτοις ἄνωθεν τοῖς βαρβάροις.

§ 7.14.23 θεὸν μὲν γὰρ ἕνα τὸν τῆς ἀστραπῆς δημιουργὸν ἁπάντων κύριον μόνον αὐτὸν νομίζουσιν εἶναι, καὶ θύουσιν αὐτῷ βόας τε καὶ ἱερεῖα πάντα· εἱμαρμένην δὲ οὔτε ἴσασιν οὔτε ἄλλως ὁμολογοῦσιν ἔν γε ἀνθρώποις ῥοπήν τινα ἔχειν, ἀλλ’ ἐπειδὰν αὐτοῖς ἐν ποσὶν ἤδη ὁ θάνατος εἴη, ἢ νόσῳ ἁλοῦσιν ἢ ἐς πόλεμον καθισταμένοις, ἐπαγγέλλονται μέν, ἢν διαφύγωσι, θυσίαν τῷ θεῷ ἀντὶ τῆς ψυχῆς αὐτίκα ποιήσειν, διαφυγόντες δὲ θύουσιν ὅπερ ὑπέσχοντο, καὶ οἴονται τὴν σωτηρίαν ταύτης δὴ τῆς θυσίας αὐτοῖς ἐωνῆσθαι.

§ 7.14.24 σέβουσι μέντοι καὶ ποταμούς τε καὶ νύμφας καὶ ἄλλα ἄττα δαιμόνια, καὶ θύουσι καὶ αὐτοῖς ἅπασι, τάς τε μαντείας ἐν ταύταις δὴ ταῖς θυσίαις ποιοῦνται. οἰκοῦσι δὲ ἐν καλύβαις οἰκτραῖς διεσκηνημένοι πολλῷ μὲν ἀπ’ ἀλλήλων, ἀμείβοντες δὲ ὡς τὰ πολλὰ τὸν τῆς ἐνοικήσεως ἕκαστοι χῶρον.

§ 7.14.25 ἐς μάχην δὲ καθιστάμενοι πεζῇ μὲν ἐπὶ τοὺς πολεμίους οἱ πολλοὶ ἴασιν ἀσπίδια καὶ ἀκόντια ἐν χερσὶν ἔχοντες, θώρακα δὲ οὐδαμῆ ἐνδιδύσκονται.

§ 7.14.26 τινὲς δὲ οὐδὲ χιτῶνα οὐδὲ τριβώνιον ἔχουσιν, ἀλλὰ μόνας τὰς ἀναξυρίδας ἐναρμοσάμενοι μέχρι ἐς τὰ αἰδοῖα, οὕτω δὴ ἐς ξυμβολὴν τοῖς ἐναντίοις καθίστανται. ἔστι δὲ καὶ μία ἑκατέροις φωνὴ ἀτεχνῶς βάρβαρος.

§ 7.14.27 οὐ μὴν οὐδὲ τὸ εἶδος ἐς ἀλλήλους τι διαλλάσσουσιν. εὐμήκεις τε γὰρ καὶ ἄλκιμοι διαφερόντως εἰσὶν ἅπαντες, τὰ δὲ σώματα καὶ τὰς κόμας οὔτε λευκοὶ ἐσάγαν ἢ ξανθοί εἰσιν οὔτε πη ἐς τὸ μέλαν αὐτοῖς παντελῶς τέτραπται, ἀλλ’ ὑπέρυθροί εἰσιν ἅπαντες.

§ 7.14.28 δίαιταν δὲ σκληράν τε καὶ ἀπημελημένην, ὥσπερ οἱ Μασσαγέται, καὶ αὐτοὶ ἔχουσι, καὶ ῥύπου ᾗπερ ἐκεῖνοι ἐνδελεχέστατα γέμουσι, πονηροὶ μέντοι ἢ κακοῦργοι ὡς ἥκιστα τυγχάνουσιν ὄντες, ἀλλὰ κἀν τῷ ἀφελεῖ διασώζουσι τὸ Οὐννικὸν ἦθος.

§ 7.14.29 καὶ μὴν καὶ ὄνομα Σκλαβηνοῖς τε καὶ Ἄνταις ἓν τὸ ἀνέκαθεν ἦν· Σπόρους γὰρ τὸ παλαιὸν ἀμφοτέρους ἐκάλουν, ὅτι δὴ σποράδην, οἶμαι, διεσκηνημένοι τὴν χώραν οἰκοῦσι.

§ 7.14.30 διὸ δὴ καὶ γῆν τινα πολλὴν ἔχουσι· τὸ γὰρ πλεῖστον τῆς ἑτέρας τοῦ Ἴστρου ὄχθης αὐτοὶ νέμονται. τὰ μὲν οὖν ἀμφὶ τὸν λεὼν τοῦτον ταύτῃ πη ἔχει.

§ 7.14.31 Ἄνται δὲ τότε ἀγειρόμενοι, ὥσπερ ἐρρήθη, τὸν ἄνδρα τοῦτον ἠνάγκαζον ὁμολογεῖν σφίσιν ὅτι Χιλβούδιος αὐτὸς ὁ Ῥωμαίων στρατηγὸς εἴη.

§ 7.14.32 ἀρνηθέντα τε κολάζειν ἠπείλουν. ἐν ᾧ δὲ ταῦτα ἐπράσσετο τῇδε, ἐν τούτῳ βασιλεὺς Ἰουστινιανὸς πρέσβεις τινὰς παρὰ τούτους δὴ τοὺς βαρβάρους στείλας ἠξίου ξυνοικίζεσθαι ἅπαντας εἰς πόλιν ἀρχαίαν, Τούρριν ὄνομα, ἣ κεῖται μὲν ὑπὲρ ποταμὸν Ἴστρον, Τραϊανοῦ τοῦ Ῥωμαίων αὐτοκράτορος ἐν τοῖς ἄνω χρόνοις αὐτὴν δειμαμένου, ἔρημος δὲ ἐκ παλαιοῦ ἐτύγχανεν οὖσα, ληϊσαμένων αὐτὴν τῶν ταύτῃ βαρβάρων.

§ 7.14.33 ταύτῃ γὰρ αὐτοὺς καὶ τῇ ἀμφ’ αὐτὴν χώρᾳ Ἰουστινιανὸς βασιλεὺς ἅτε προσηκούσῃ τὸ ἐξ ἀρχῆς Ῥωμαίοις ὡμολόγει δεδωρήσεσθαι καὶ σφίσι ξυνοικιεῖν μὲν δυνάμει τῇ πάσῃ, χρήματα δὲ μεγάλα σφίσι προΐεσθαι, ἐφ’ ᾧ οἱ ἔνσπονδοι τὸ λοιπὸν ὄντες Οὔννοις ἐμπόδιοι ἐς ἀεὶ γένωνται, καταθεῖν βουλομένοις τὴν Ῥωμαίων ἀρχήν.

§ 7.14.34 Ταῦτα ἐπεὶ οἱ βάρβαροι ἤκουσαν, ἐπῄνεσάν τε καὶ πράξειν ἅπαντα ὑπέσχοντο, εἴπερ αὐτοῖς τὸν Χιλβούδιον στρατηγὸν Ῥωμαίων αὖθις καταστησάμενος ξυνοικιστὴν δοίη, αὐτὸν ἐκεῖνον ἰσχυριζόμενοι, ᾗπερ ἠβούλοντο, Χιλβούδιον εἶναι.

§ 7.14.35 ταύταις δὲ ὁ ἄνθρωπος ἐπαρθεὶς ταῖς ἐλπίσιν ἤδη καὶ αὐτὸς ἤθελέ τε καὶ ἔφασκε Χιλβούδιος ὁ Ῥωμαίων στρατηγὸς εἶναι. ἐφ’ οἷς δὴ αὐτὸν στελλόμενον ἐς Βυζάντιον Ναρσῆς ἐν ταύτῃ τῇ πορείᾳ καταλαμβάνει.

§ 7.14.36 καὶ ξυγγενόμενος, ἐπεὶ φενακίζοντα τὸν ἄνθρωπον εὗρε ʽκαίπερ τήν τε Λατίνων ἀφιέντα φωνὴν καὶ τῶν Χιλβουδίου γνωρισμάτων πολλὰ ἐκμαθόντα τε ἤδη καὶ προσποιεῖσθαι ἱκανῶς ἔχοντἀ ἔν τε δεσμωτηρίῳ καθεῖρξε καὶ τὸν πάντα ἐξειπεῖν λόγον ἠνάγκασεν, οὕτω τε ἐς Βυζάντιον ξὺν αὑτῷ ἤγαγεν. ἐγὼ δὲ ὅθενπερ ἐξέβην ἐπάνειμι.

Wars 7.22

§ 7.22.1 Ἐν ᾧ δὲ οἱ πρέσβεις οὗτοι ἐς Βυζάντιον καὶ αὖθις ἐς Ἰταλίαν ἐστέλλοντο, ἐν τούτῳ ἐν Λευκανοῖς τάδε ξυνηνέχθη γενέσθαι.

§ 7.22.2 Τουλλιανὸς τοὺς ἐκείνῃ ἀγροίκους ἀγείρας τὴν εἴσοδον στενοτάτην οὖσαν ἐφύλασσεν, ὅπως μὴ οἱ πολέμιοι κακουργήσοντες ἴοιεν ἐς τὰ ἐπὶ Λευκανίας χωρία.

§ 7.22.3 καὶ Ἄνται δὲ αὐτοῖς τριακόσιοι ξυνεφύλασσον, οὕσπερ Ἰωάννης ἐνταῦθα δεηθέντι Τουλλιανῷ ἀπολιπὼν πρότερον ἔτυχεν· ἀγαθοὶ γὰρ οἱ βάρβαροι οὗτοι μάχεσθαι ἐν δυσχωρίαις πάντων μάλιστα.

§ 7.22.4 ἅπερ ἐπεὶ ὁ Τουτίλας ἔμαθε, Γότθους μὲν ἐς τὸ ἔργον καθεῖναι ἀξύμφορον ᾤετο εἶναι, ἀγροίκων δὲ πλῆθος ἀγείρας, Γότθων τε ξυμπέμψας αὐτοῖς ὀλίγους τινάς, ἐκέλευε τῆς εἰσόδου σθένει παντὶ ἀποπειρᾶσθαι.

§ 7.22.5 οἵπερ ἐπειδὴ ἀλλήλοις ξυνέμιξαν, ὠθισμὸς μὲν ἀμφοτέρων πολὺς ἐγεγόνει, Ἄνται δὲ τῇ σφετέρᾳ ἀρετῇ, ἅμα δὲ καὶ τῆς δυσχωρίας σφίσι ξυλλαμβανούσης, ξὺν τοῖς ἀμφὶ Τουλλιανὸν ἀγροίκοις τοὺς ἐναντίους ἐτρέψαντο.

§ 7.22.6 φόνος τε αὐτῶν ἐγεγόνει πολύς. Γνοὺς δὲ ταῦτα ὁ Τουτίλας ἔγνω Ῥώμην μὲν καθελεῖν ἐς ἔδαφος, τοῦ δὲ στρατοῦ τὸ μὲν πλεῖστον ἐνταῦθά πη ἀπολιπεῖν, τῷ δὲ ἄλλῳ ἐπί τε Ἰωάννην καὶ Λευκανοὺς ἰέναι.

§ 7.22.7 τοῦ μὲν οὖν περιβόλου ἐν χώροις πολλοῖς τοσοῦτον καθεῖλεν ὅσον ἐς τριτημόριον τοῦ παντὸς μάλιστα. ἐμπιπρᾶν δὲ καὶ τῶν οἰκοδομιῶν τὰ κάλλιστά τε καὶ ἀξιολογώτατα ἔμελλε, Ῥώμην τε μηλόβοτον καταστήσεσθαι, ἀλλὰ Βελισάριος μαθὼν πρέσβεις τε καὶ γράμματα παρ’ αὐτὸν ἔπεμψεν.

§ 7.22.8 οἵπερ ἐπειδὴ Τουτίλᾳ ἐς ὄψιν ἦλθον, εἶπόν τε ὧν ἕνεκα ἥκοιεν καὶ τὰ γράμματα ἐνεχείρισαν. ἐδήλου δὲ ἡ γραφὴ τάδε· “Πόλεως μὲν κάλλη οὐκ ὄντα ἐργάζεσθαι ἀνθρώπων ἂν φρονίμων εὑρήματα εἶεν καὶ πολιτικῶς βιοτεύειν ἐπισταμένων, ὄντα δὲ ἀφανίζειν τούς γε ἀξυνέτους εἰκὸς καὶ γνώρισμα τοῦτο τῆς αὑτῶν φύσεως οὐκ αἰσχυνομένους χρόνῳ τῷ ὑστέρῳ ἀπολιπεῖν.

§ 7.22.9 Ῥώμη μέντοι πόλεων ἁπασῶν, ὅσαι ὑφ’ ἡλίῳ τυγχάνουσιν οὖσαι, μεγίστη τε καὶ ἀξιολογωτάτη ὡμολόγηται εἶναι.

§ 7.22.10 οὐ γὰρ ἀνδρὸς ἑνὸς ἀρετῇ εἴργασται οὐδὲ χρόνου βραχέος δυνάμει ἐς τόσον μεγέθους τε καὶ κάλλους ἀφῖκται, ἀλλὰ βασιλέων μὲν πλῆθος, ἀνδρῶν δὲ ἀρίστων συμμορίαι πολλαί, χρόνου τε μῆκος καὶ πλούτου ἐξουσίας ὑπερβολὴ τά τε ἄλλα πάντα ἐκ πάσης τῆς γῆς καὶ τεχνίτας ἀνθρώπους ἐνταῦθα ξυναγαγεῖν ἴσχυσαν.

§ 7.22.11 οὕτω τε τὴν πόλιν τοιαύτην, οἵανπερ ὁρᾷς, κατὰ βραχὺ τεκτηνάμενοι, μνημεῖα τῆς πάντων ἀρετῆς τοῖς ἐπιγενησομένοις ἀπέλιπον, ὥστε ἡ ἐς ταῦτα ἐπήρεια εἰκότως ἂν ἀδίκημα μέγα ἐς τοὺς ἀνθρώπους τοῦ παντὸς αἰῶνος δόξειεν εἶναι·

§ 7.22.12 ἀφαιρεῖται γὰρ τοὺς μὲν προγεγενημένους τὴν τῆς ἀρετῆς μνήμην, τοὺς δὲ ὕστερον ἐπιγενησομένους τῶν ἔργων τὴν θέαν.

§ 7.22.13 τούτων δὲ τοιούτων ὄντων ἐκεῖνο εὖ ἴσθι, ὡς δυοῖν ἀνάγκη τὸ ἕτερον εἶναι. ἢ γὰρ ἡσσηθήσῃ βασιλέως ἐν τῷδε τῷ πόνῳ, ἢ περιέσῃ, ἂν οὕτω τύχοι.

§ 7.22.14 ἢν μὲν οὖν νικῴης, Ῥώμην τε καθελών, οὐ τὴν ἑτέρου του, ἀλλὰ τὴν σαυτοῦ ἀπολωλεκὼς ἄν, ὦ βέλτιστε, εἴης, καὶ διαφυλάξας, κτήματι, ὡς τὸ εἰκός, τῶν πάντων καλλίστῳ πλουτήσεις· ἢν δέ γε τὴν χείρω σοι τύχην πληροῦσθαι ξυμβαίη, σώσαντι μὲν Ῥώμην χάρις ἂν σώζοιτο παρὰ τῷ νενικηκότι πολλή, διαφθείραντι δὲ φιλανθρωπίας τε οὐδεὶς ἔτι λελείψεται λόγος καὶ προσέσται τὸ μηδὲν τοῦ ἔργου ἀπόνασθαι.

§ 7.22.15 καταλήψεται δέ σε καὶ δόξα τῆς πράξεως ἀξία πρὸς πάντων ἀνθρώπων, ἥπερ ἐφ’ ἑκάτερά σοι τῆς γνώμης ἑτοίμως ἕστηκεν,

§ 7.22.16 ὁποῖα γὰρ ἂν τῶν ἀρχόντων τὰ ἔργα εἴη, τοιοῦτον ἀνάγκη καὶ ὑπὲρ αὐτῶν ὄνομα φέρεσθαι.” τοσαῦτα μὲν Βελισάριος ἔγραψε.

§ 7.22.17 Τουτίλας δὲ πολλάκις ἀναλεξάμενος τὴν ἐπιστολὴν καὶ τῆς παραινέσεως ἐς τὸ ἀκριβὲς πεποιημένος τὴν μάθησιν, ἐπείσθη τε καὶ Ῥώμην εἰργάσατο ἄχαρι περαιτέρω οὐδέν. σημήνας τε Βελισαρίῳ τὴν αὑτοῦ γνώμην τοὺς πρέσβεις εὐθὺς ἀπεπέμψατο.

§ 7.22.18 καὶ τοῦ μὲν στρατοῦ τὸ πλεῖστον μέρος Ῥώμης οὐ πολλῷ ἄποθεν, ἀλλ’ ὅσον ἀπὸ σταδίων εἴκοσι καὶ ἑκατὸν ἐς τὰ πρὸς δύοντα ἥλιον ἐνστρατοπεδευσαμένους ἐν χωρίῳ Ἀλγηδόνι ἐκέλευεν ἡσυχῆ μένειν, ὅπως δὴ μηδεμία ἐξουσία τοῖς ἀμφὶ Βελισάριον εἴη ἔξω πη τοῦ Πόρτου ἰέναι· αὐτὸς δὲ ξὺν τῷ ἄλλῳ στρατῷ ἐπί τε Ἰωάννην καὶ Λευκανοὺς ᾔει.

§ 7.22.19 Ῥωμαίων μέντοι τοὺς μὲν ἐκ τῆς συγκλήτου βουλῆς ξὺν αὑτῷ εἶχε, τοὺς δὲ ἄλλους ἅπαντας ξύν τε γυναιξὶ καὶ παισὶν ἔστειλεν ἐς τὰ ἐπὶ Καμπανίας χωρία, ἐν Ῥώμῃ ἄνθρωπον οὐδένα ἐάσας, ἀλλ’ ἔρημον αὐτὴν τὸ παράπαν ἀπολιπών.

§ 7.22.20 Ἰωάννης δὲ Τουτίλαν οἱ ἐπιέναι μαθών, μένειν ἐπὶ τῆς Ἀπουλίας οὐκέτι ἠξίου, ἀλλ’ ἐς τὸν Δρυοῦντα δρόμῳ ἀφίκετο. τῶν τε πατρικίων οἱ ἐς Καμπανίαν ἀγόμενοι ἐς Λευκανοὺς πέμψαντες τῶν οἰκείων τινάς, Τουτίλα γνώμῃ, τοὺς σφετέρους ἀγροίκους ἐκέλευον μεθίεσθαι μὲν τῶν πρασσομένων, τοὺς δὲ ἀγροὺς γεωργεῖν ᾗπερ εἰώθεσαν· ἔσεσθαι γὰρ αὐτοῖς τἀγαθὰ ἀπήγγελλον τῶν κεκτημένων.

§ 7.22.21 οἱ δὲ ἀπετάξαντο μὲν τοῦ Ῥωμαίων στρατοῦ, ἐν δὲ τοῖς ἀγροῖς ἡσυχῆ ἔμενον· Τουλλιανὸς δὲ φυγὼν ᾤχετο, καὶ οἱ τριακόσιοι Ἄνται παρὰ τὸν Ἰωάννην ἀναχωρεῖν ἔγνωσαν.

§ 7.22.22 οὕτω μὲν ἅπαντα τὰ ἐντὸς κόλπου τοῦ Ἰονίου, πλὴν τοῦ Δρυοῦντος, αὖθις ὑποχείρια Γότθοις τε καὶ Τουτίλᾳ γέγονε. θαρσοῦντες δὲ ἤδη οἱ βάρβαροι καὶ κατὰ συμμορίας σκεδαννύμενοι περιῄεσαν κύκλῳ ἅπαντα.

§ 7.22.23 ὅπερ Ἰωάννης μαθὼν τῶν οἱ ἑπομένων πολλοὺς ἐπ’ αὐτοὺς ἔπεμψεν. οἳ δὴ τοῖς πολεμίοις ἀπροσδόκητοι ἐπιπεσόντες πολλοὺς ἔκτειναν.

§ 7.22.24 καὶ ἀπ’ αὐτοῦ δείσας ὁ Τουτίλας, ἅπαντάς τε τοὺς ξὺν αὑτῷ ἀγείρας, ἀμφὶ ὄρος τὸ Γάργανον, ὅπερ ἐν Ἀπουλίοις που μέσοις ἀνέχει, ἐν τῷ Ἀννίβαλος τοῦ Λίβυος χαρακώματι στρατοπεδευσάμενος ἡσυχῆ ἔμενεν.

Wars 7.23

§ 7.23.1 Ἐν τούτῳ δὲ τῶν τις ξὺν τῷ Κόνωνι ἐκ Ῥώμης φυγόντων, ἡνίκα ἡ πόλις ἡλίσκετο, Μαρτινιανὸς ὄνομα, Βυζάντιος γενος, Βελισαρίῳ προσελθὼν στέλλεσθαι αὐτόμολος δῆθεν τῷ λόγῳ παρὰ τοὺς πολεμίους ἠξίου, μεγάλα Ῥωμαίους ἐπαγγελλομενος ἀγαθὰ δράσειν· δόξαν τε τοῦτο Βελισαίῳ, ἀπιὼν ᾤχετο. καὶ αὐτὸν ὁ Τουτίλας ἰδὼν ὑπερφυῶς ἥσθη.

§ 7.23.2 εὐδοκιμοῦντα γὰρ ἐν μονομαχίαις τὸν νεανίαν ἤκουσέ τε καὶ εἶδε πολλάκις. ὄντων δὲ αὐτῷ παίδων τε δύο καὶ τῆς γυναικὸς ἐν τοῖς αἰχμαλώτοις, τὴν μὲν γυναῖκα καὶ τῶν παίδων τὸν ἕτερον εὐθὺς τῷ ἀνθρώπῳ ἀπέδωκε, τὸν δὲ ἕτερον ἐν ὁμήρου λόγῳ ἐφύλασσεν, ἔς τε Σπολίτιον ξὺν ἑτέροις τισὶν ἔπεμψεν.

§ 7.23.3 Ἐτύγχανον δὲ Γότθοι, ἡνίκα Ἡρωδιανοῦ ἐνδιδόντος Σπολίτιον εἷλον, τῆς μὲν πόλεως τὸν περίβολον ἐς τὸ ἔδαφος καθελόντες, τοῦ δὲ πρὸ τῆς πόλεως κυνηγεσίου, ὅπερ καλεῖν ἀμφιθέατρον νενομίκασι, τάς τε εἰσόδους ἐς τὸ ἀκριβὲς ἀποφράξαντες καὶ φρουρὰν ἐνταῦθα καταστησάμενοι Γότθων τε καὶ Ῥωμαίων τῶν αὐτομόλων,

§ 7.23.4 ἐφ’ ᾧ φυλάξωσι τὰ ἐκείνῃ χωρία. Μαρτινιανὸς οὖν ἐπειδὴ εἰς Σπολίτιον ἦλθε, στρατιώτας πεντεκαίδεκα ἑταιρίσασθαι ἴσχυσεν, οὕσπερ ἀνέπειθε δράσαντάς τι ἐς τοὺς βαρβάρους μέγα οὕτω δὴ ἐπανήκειν ἐς τὸ Ῥωμαίων στρατόπεδον.

§ 7.23.5 στείλας δέ τινας καὶ παρὰ τὸν ἄρχοντα τοῦ ἐν Περυσίᾳ φυλακτηρίου ἐκέλευέν οἱ στράτευμα ὅτι τάχιστα ἐς Σπολίτιον πέμψαι, τοῦ παντὸς λόγου τὴν δήλωσιν ποιησάμενος.

§ 7.23.6 Ὁδολγὰν δὲ Οὖννος ἦρχε τότε τῆς ἐν Περυσίᾳ φρουρᾶς, Κυπριανοῦ πρός του τῶν αὐτοῦ δορυφόρων, ὥς μοι ἔμπροσθεν εἴρηται, δόλῳ ἐξ ἀνθρώπων ἀφανισθέντος. ὅσπερ ξὺν στρατεύματι ἐπὶ τὸ Σπολίτιον ᾔει.

§ 7.23.7 Μαρτινιανὸς δὲ ἄγχιστά πη εἶναι τὸ στράτευμα τοῦτο αἰσθόμενος, ἅμα τοῖς πεντεκαίδεκα στρατιώταις τοῦ τε φυλακτηρίου τὸν ἄρχοντα ἐκ τοῦ αἰφνιδίου διέφθειρε καὶ τὰς πύλας ἀναπετάσας Ῥωμαίους ἅπαντας τῷ φρουρίῳ ἐδέξατο. οἳ δὴ κτείνουσι μὲν τῶν πολεμίων πλείστους, τινὰς δὲ ζωγρήσαντες παρὰ Βελισάριον ἦγον.

§ 7.23.8 Ὀλίγῳ δὲ ὕστερον Βελισαρίῳ ἔννοια γέγονεν ἐς Ῥώμην τε ἀναβῆναι καὶ ἐς ὅ τι τύχης ἐληλύθει θεάσασθαι. τῶν στρατιωτῶν οὖν χιλίους ἀπολεξάμενος ἐνταῦθα ᾔει.

§ 7.23.9 Ῥωμαῖος δὲ ἀνὴρ ἀφικόμενος δρόμῳ ἐς τοὺς πολεμίους, οἵπερ ἐστρατοπεδεύοντο ἐν Ἀλγηδόνι, τὸ Βελισαρίου στράτευμα ἤγγειλεν.

§ 7.23.10 οἱ δὲ βάρβαροι προλοχίσαντες ἐνέδραις τισὶ τὰ πρὸ τῆς Ῥώμης χωρία, ἐπειδὴ ἄγχιστά πη ἀφικομένους τοὺς ἀμφὶ Βελισάριον εἶδον, ἐκ τῶν ἐνεδρῶν ἀναστάντες ἐπ’ αὐτοὺς ᾔεσαν.

§ 7.23.11 μάχης τε καρτερᾶς γενομένης, τῇ σφετέρᾳ ἀρετῇ Ῥωμαῖοι τοὺς πολεμίους τρεψάμενοι, πλείστους τε διαφθείραντες ἐς τὸν Πόρτον εὐθὺς ἀνεχώρησαν. ταῦτα μὲν οὖν τῇδε ἐχώρησεν.

§ 7.23.12 Ἔστι δὲ Καλαβρῶν ἐπιθαλασσία πόλις ὁ Τάρας, δυοῖν σχεδόν τι ἡμέραιν ὁδὸν Δρυοῦντος διέχουσα, ἐπί τε Θουρίους καὶ Ῥηγίνους ἐνθένδε ἰόντι.

§ 7.23.13 ἐνταῦθα Ἰωάννης ξὺν ὀλίγοις τισί, Ταραντηνῶν αὐτὸν ἐπαγαγομένων, ἀφίκετο, τοὺς λοιποὺς ἐπὶ τῇ τοῦ Δρυοῦντος φυλακῇ καταστησάμενος.

§ 7.23.14 καὶ ἐπεὶ τὴν πόλιν εἶδε μεγίστην τε ὑπερφυῶς καὶ παντάπασιν ἀτείχιστον οὖσαν, πᾶσαν μὲν φυλάξαι οἷός τε ἔσεσθαι οὐδεμιᾷ μηχανῇ ᾤετο, ἰδὼν δὲ τὴν θάλασσαν τῆς πόλεως ἐς τὰ πρὸς βορρᾶν ἄνεμον ἀμφί τινα χῶρον στενὸν μάλιστα ἑκατέρωθεν ἐς κόλπον ἰοῦσαν, οὗ δὴ Ταραντηνῶν ὁ λιμήν ἐστιν, ἰσθμόν τε, ὡς τὸ εἰκός, τὸν ἐν μέσῳ χῶρον οὐχ ἧσσον ἢ σταδίων εἴκοσιν ὄντα, ἐπενόει τάδε.

§ 7.23.15 ἀποτεμὼν ἀπὸ τῆς ἄλλης πόλεως τὴν τοῦ ἰσθμοῦ μοῖραν τειχίσματί τε αὐτὴν περιέβαλεν ἐκ θατέρου θαλάσσης μέρους ἄχρι ἐς ἕτερον καὶ τάφρον βαθεῖαν ἀμφὶ τὸ τείχισμα ὤρυσσεν.

§ 7.23.16 ἐνταῦθά τε οὐ Ταραντηνοὺς μόνον, ἀλλὰ καὶ ὅσοι τὰ ἐκείνῃ χωρία ᾤκουν συνήγαγε, καὶ φυλακὴν αὐτοῖς λόγου ἀξίαν ἐλίπετο.

§ 7.23.17 ταύτῃ τε Καλαβροὶ ἅπαντες ἐν τῷ ἀσφαλεῖ ἤδη γενόμενοι Γότθων ἐς ἀπόστασιν εἶδον. ταῦτα μὲν ἐφέρετο τῇδε.

§ 7.23.18 Τουτίλας δὲ φρούριον ἐν Λευκανοῖς καταλαβὼν ἐχυρώτατον ἄγχιστά πη τῶν Καλαβρίας ὁρίων κείμενον, ὅπερ Ἀχεροντίδα καλοῦσι Ῥωμαῖοι, ἐνταῦθά τε φυλακτήριον ἀνδρῶν οὐχ ἧσσον ἢ τετρακοσίων καταστησάμενος αὐτὸς ξὺν τῷ ἄλλῳ στρατῷ ἐπὶ Ῥάβενναν ᾔει, τῶν βαρβάρων τινὰς ἀπολιπὼν ἐς τὰ ἐπὶ Καμπανίας χωρία, οἷσπερ ἡ Ῥωμαίων ἐπέκειτο φυλακή, τῶν ἐκ τῆς συγκλήτου βουλῆς ἐνταῦθα ὄντων.

Wars 7.29

§ 7.29.1 Ὑπὸ τοῦτον τὸν χρόνον Σκλαβηνῶν στράτευμα διαβάντες ποταμὸν Ἴστρον Ἰλλυριοὺς ἅπαντας ἄχρι Ἐπιδαμνίων ἔδρασαν ἀνήκεστα ἔργα, κτείνοντες καὶ ἀνδραποδίζοντες τοὺς ἐν ποσὶν ἡβηδὸν ἅπαντας καὶ τὰ χρήματα ληϊζόμενοι.

§ 7.29.2 ἤδη δὲ καὶ φρούρια ἐνταῦθα πολλά τε καὶ δοκοῦντα ἐχυρὰ τὰ πρότερα εἶναι οὐδενὸς ἀμυνομένου ἐξελεῖν ἴσχυσαν, καὶ περιήρχοντο ξύμπαντα κατ’ ἐξουσίαν διερευνώμενοι.

§ 7.29.3 οἱ δὲ τῶν Ἰλλυριῶν ἄρχοντες στράτευμα πεντακισχιλίων τε καὶ μυρίων ἔχοντες εἵποντο, ἄγχιστα μέντοι τῶν πολεμίων οὐδαμῆ ἐτόλμων ἰέναι.

§ 7.29.4 Τότε δὲ καὶ σεισμοὶ πολλάκις χειμῶνος ὥρᾳ σκληροί τε λίαν καὶ ὑπερφυεῖς ἔν τε Βυζαντίῳ καὶ χωρίοις ἄλλοις ἐγένοντο, νύκτωρ ἅπαντες.

§ 7.29.5 καὶ οἱ μὲν ταύτῃ ᾠκημένοι καταχωσθήσεσθαι ὑποτοπήσαντες ἐν δέει μεγάλῳ ἐγένοντο, οὐδὲν μέντοι ἐνθένδε φλαῦρον αὐτοῖς ξυνηνέχθη παθεῖν.

§ 7.29.6 Τότε καὶ Νεῖλος ὁ ποταμὸς ὑπὲρ ὀκτωκαίδεκα πήχυς ἀναβὰς ἐπέκλυσε μὲν τὴν Αἴγυπτον καὶ ἤρδευσε πᾶσαν, ἀλλὰ ἐν μὲν Θηβαΐδι τῇ ὕπερθεν οὔσῃ ὑφιζάνοντά τε καὶ ἀποχωροῦντα τοῖς καθήκουσι χρόνοις τὰ ὕδατα παρείχετο τοῖς τῇδε ᾠκημένοις σπείρειν τε τὴν γῆν καὶ τῶν ἄλλων ἐπιμελεῖσθαι ᾗπερ εἰώθει·

§ 7.29.7 χώρας δὲ τῆς ἔνερθεν ἐπειδὴ πρῶτον ἐπεπόλασεν, οὐκέτι ἀπέβη, ἀλλ’ ἐνοχλῶν αὐτῇ ξύμπαντα διαγέγονε τὸν τοῦ σπείρειν καιρόν, οὐ ξυμπεσὸν τοῦτό γε πρότερον ἐκ τοῦ παντὸς αἰῶνος, ἔστι δὲ οὗ καὶ ἀπολωφῆσαν τὸ ὕδωρ ἐπέκλυσεν αὖθις οὐ πολλῷ ὕστερον.

§ 7.29.8 ταύτῃ τε ἅπαντα ἐσεσήπει τὰ σπέρματα, ὅσα δὴ μεταξὺ καταβεβλημένα ἐς τὴν γῆν ἔτυχε. καὶ οἱ μὲν ἄνθρωποι τῷ παραλόγῳ τῆς ξυμφορᾶς ἀμηχανίᾳ πολλῇ εἴχοντο, τῶν δὲ ἄλλων ζῴων ἀπορίᾳ τροφῆς τὰ πλεῖστα ἐφθάρη.

§ 7.29.9 Τότε καὶ τὸ κῆτος, ὃ δὴ Βυζάντιοι Πορφύριον ἐκάλουν, ἑάλω. τοῦτό τε τὸ κῆτος πλέον μὲν ἢ ἐς πεντήκοντα ἐνιαυτοὺς τό τε Βυζάντιον καὶ τὰ ἀμφ’ αὐτὸ χωρία ἠνώχλει, οὐκ ἐφεξῆς μέντοι, ἀλλὰ διαλεῖπον, ἂν οὕτω τύχῃ, πολύν τινα μεταξὺ χρονον.

§ 7.29.10 καὶ πολλὰ μὲν κατέδυσε πλοῖα, πολλῶν δὲ τοὺς ἐπιβατας ξυνταράττον τε καὶ βιαζόμενον ὡς ἀπωτάτω ἀπήνεγκεν. ἐπιμελὲς μὲν οὖν Ἰουστινιανῷ βασιλεῖ ἐγεγόνει τὸ θηρίον τοῦτο χειρώσασθαι. ἐπιτελέσαι δὲ τὸ βούλευμα οὐδεμιᾷ μηχανῆ ἔσχεν. ὅπως δὲ αὐτῷ τανῦν ἁλῶναι ξυνέπεσεν.

§ 7.29.11 ἐγὼ δηλώσω. ἐτύγχανε μὲν γαλήνη τὴν θάλασσαν πολλὴ ἔχουσα, δελφίνων δὲ πάμπολύ τι πλῆθος ἄγχιστά πη τοῦ στόματος Πόντου τοῦ Εὐξείνου ξυνέρρεον.

§ 7.29.12 οἵπερ ἐκ τοῦ αἰφνιδίου τὸ κῆτος ἰδόντες ἔφευγον ὥς πη ἑκάστῳ δυνατὰ γέγονεν, οἱ δὲ πλεῖστοι ἀμφὶ τοῦ Σαγάριδος τὰς ἐκβολὰς ἦλθον. τινὰς μὲν οὖν αὐτῶν καταλαβὸν τὸ κῆτος καταπιεῖν εὐθὺς ἴσχυσεν.

§ 7.29.13 εἴτε δὲ πείνῃ εἴτε φιλονεικίᾳ ἔτι ἐχόμενον οὐδέν τι ἧσσον ἐδίωκεν, ἕως δὴ αὐτὸ ἄγχιστά πη τῆς γῆς ἐκπεσὸν ἔλαθεν.

§ 7.29.14 ἐνταῦθά τε ἰλύϊ βαθείᾳ κομιδῆ ἐντυχὸν ἐβιάζετο μὲν καὶ πάντα ἐκίνει, ὅπως δὴ ἐνθένδε ὅτι τάχιστα ἀπαλλάσσοιτο, διαφυγεῖν δὲ τὸ τέναγος τοῦτο οὐδαμῆ εἶχεν, ἀλλ’ ὑπὸ τῷ πηλῷ ἔτι μᾶλλον ἐγίνετο.

§ 7.29.15 ἐπεὶ δὲ τοῦτο ἐς τοὺς περιοίκους ἅπαντας ἦλθε, δρόμῳ εὐθὺς ἐπ’ αὐτὸ ᾔεσαν, ἀξίναις τε πανταχόθεν ἐνδελεχέστατα κόψαντες οὐδ’ ὣς ἔκτειναν, ἀλλὰ σχοίνοις ἁδραῖς τισιν εἷλκον.

§ 7.29.16 ἕν τε ἁμάξαις ἐνθέμενοι εὕρισκον μῆκος μὲν πηχῶν μάλιστα τριάκοντα ὄν, εὖρος δὲ δέκα. ἐνταῦθά τε κατὰ συμμορίας τινὰς διασπασάμενοι οἱ μέν τινες αὐτοῦ ἐν τῷ παρόντι ἐγεύσαντο, οἱ δὲ καὶ μοῖραν ταριχεῦσαι τὴν ἐπιβάλλουσαν σφίσιν ἔγνωσαν.

§ 7.29.17 Βυζάντιοι δέ, ἐπειδὴ τῶν τε σεισμῶν ᾔσθοντο καὶ τὰ ξυμπεσόντα ἀμφί τε τῷ Νείλῳ καὶ τῷ κήτει τούτῳ ἔγνωσαν, προὔλεγον αὐτίκα ξυμβήσεσθαι ὅσα δὴ αὐτῶν ἑκάστῳ ἤρεσκε.

§ 7.29.18 φιλοῦσι γὰρ ἄνθρωποι τοῖς παροῦσι διαπορούμενοι τὰ ἐσόμενα τερατεύεσθαι, καὶ τοῖς ἐνοχλοῦσιν ἀποκναιόμενοι τὰ ξυμβησόμενα λόγῳ οὐδενὶ τεκμηριοῦσθαι.

§ 7.29.19 ἐγὼ δὲ μαντείας τε καὶ τεράτων δηλώσεις ἄλλοις ἀφιεὶς ἐκεῖνο εὖ οἶδα, ὡς ἡ μὲν τοῦ Νείλου ἐπὶ τῆς χώρας διατριβὴ μεγάλων αἰτία ἔν γε τῷ παρόντι συμφορῶν γέγονε, τὸ δὲ κῆτος ἀφανισθὲν πολλῶν ἀπαλλαγὴ κακῶν διαδείκνυται οὖσα.

§ 7.29.20 τινὲς δέ φασιν οὐ τὸ κῆτος τοῦτο, οὗπερ ἐμνήσθην, ἀλλ’ ἕτερον εἶναι, ὃ δὴ ἁλῶναι ξυνέπεσεν. ἐγὼ δὲ ὅθεν τὴν ἐκβολὴν τοῦ λόγου ἐποιησάμην ἐπάνειμι.

§ 7.29.21 Τουτίλας οὖν ταῦτα διαπεπραγμένος ἃ προδεδήλωται, ἐπεὶ Ῥωμαίους τοὺς ἐν τῷ ἐπὶ Ῥουσκιανῆς φρουρίῳ τῶν ἀναγκαίων ὑποσπανίζειν ἐπύθετο, ἐξαιρήσειν αὐτοὺς οἰόμενος ὅτι τάχιστα, ἢν μή τι ἐσκομίζεσθαι τῶν ἐπιτηδείων οἷοί τε ὦσιν, ἐστρατοπεδεύσατό τε ὡς ἀγχοτάτω καὶ ἐγκαθεζόμενος ἐς πολιορκίαν καθίστατο. καὶ ὁ χειμὼν ἔληγε, καὶ τρισκαιδέκατον ἔτος ἐτελεύτα τῷ πολέμῳ τῷδε, ὃν Προκόπιος ξυνέγραψε.

Wars 7.35

§ 7.35.1 Βελισάριος μὲν τὴν ἐπὶ τὸ Βυζάντιον οὐδενὶ κόσμῳ ᾔει, γῆς μὲν τῆς Ἰταλῶν πενταετὲς οὐδαμῆ ἀποβάς, οὐδέ πη ὁδῷ ἰέναι ἐνταῦθα ἰσχύσας, ἀλλὰ φυγῇ κεκρυμμένῃ ἐχόμενος πάντα τοῦτον τὸν χρόνον. ἔκ τε ὀχυρώματος ἀεὶ ἐπιθαλασσίου τινὸς ἐς ἄλλο ἐπὶ τῆς παραλίας ὀχύρωμα διηνεκὲς

§ 7.35.2 ναυτιλλόμενος καὶ ἀπ’ αὐτοῦ ἀδεέστερον τοὺς πολεμίους τετύχηκε Ῥώμην τε ἀνδραποδίσαι καὶ τἄλλα ὡς εἰπεῖν ἅπαντα. τότε δὲ καὶ Περυσίαν πόλιν. ἣ πρώτη ἐν Τούσκοις οὖσα ἐτύγχανε. πικρότατα πολιορκουμένην ἀπέλιπεν, ἥπερ αὐτοῦ ἔτι ὁδῷ ἰόντος κατ’ ἄκρας ἑάλω.

§ 7.35.3 ἐς Βυζάντιον δὲ ἀφικόμενος διατριβὴν τὸ λοιπὸν ἐνταῦθα εἶχε, πλούτου μὲν ἐξουσίαν περιβεβλημένος πολλήν. εὐτυχήμασι δὲ τοῖς ἔμπροσθεν αὐτῷ ξυμβεβηκόσιν ἀπόβλεπτος ὤν, ἅπερ οἱ πρότερον ἢ ἐς Λιβύην ἐστράτευσε ξυμβόλῳ προὔλεγέ τινι οὐκ ἀφανεῖ τὸ δαιμόνιον.

§ 7.35.4 Ὁδὲ ξύμβολος ἐγένετο ὧδε. ἦν τις Βελισαρίῳ κλῆρος ἐν Βυζαντίων τῷ προαστείῳ ὃ δὴ Παντείχιον μὲν ὀνομάζεται, κεῖται δὲ ἐν τῇ ἀντιπέρας ἠπείρῳ. ἐνταῦθα ὀλίγῳ ἔμπροσθεν ἢ ἔμελλε Βελισάριος ἐπί τε Γελίμερα καὶ Λιβύην ἐξηγήσασθαι τῷ Ῥωμαίων στρατῷ, ἐνδελεχέστατα πλήθειν οἱ τὰς ἀμπέλους ξυνέβη.

§ 7.35.5 οἴνου τε ὃς ἐνθένδε γεγονὼς ἔτυχε πίθων οἱ θεράποντες ἐμπλησάμενοι μέγα τι χρῆμα, καὶ αὐτῶν τὰ μὲν ἔνερθεν κατορύξαντες, τὰ δὲ ὕπερθεν πηλῷ ἐς τὸ ἀκριβὲς ἐπιβύσαντες, ἐν τῷ οἰνῶνι κατέθεντο.

§ 7.35.6 μησὶ δὲ ὀκτὼ ὕστερον ἐν πίθοις τισὶν ἀναβράσσων ὁ οἶνος διεσπάσατο μὲν τὸν πηλὸν ᾧπερ ἐπέφρακτο αὐτῶν ἕκαστος, ὑπερβλύσας δὲ καὶ ῥεύσας πολὺς ἐς τοσόνδε γῆν τὴν ἐχομένην ἐπέκλυσεν ὥστε καὶ τέλμα ἐν τούτῳ τῷ ἐδάφει ἐργάσασθαι μέγα.

§ 7.35.7 ὅπερ ἐπεὶ οἱ θεράποντες εἶδον, ἐν θάμβει μεγάλῳ γενόμενοι πολλοὺς μὲν ἐνθένδε ἀμφορέας ἐμπλήσασθαι ἔσχον, αὖθις δὲ τούτους δὴ τοὺς πίθους τῷ πηλῷ ἀποφράξαντες τὰ παρόντα ἐν σιωπῇ εἶχον.

§ 7.35.8 ἐπεὶ δὲ τοῦτο πολλάκις ὑπὸ τὸν αὐτὸν χρόνον γεγονὸς εἶδον, αὐτοὶ μὲν ἐπὶ τὸν κεκτημένον τὸ πρᾶγμα ἦγον, ὁ δὲ τῶν ἐπιτηδείων πολλοὺς ἐνταῦθα ἀγείρας ἐπέδειξε τὰ ποιούμενα· οἵπερ τῷ ξυμβόλῳ τεκμηριούμενοι ἐς ταύτην δὴ τὴν οἰκίαν μεγάλα προὔλεγον ἀγαθὰ ἔσεσθαι.

§ 7.35.9 Ταῦτα μὲν οὖν τῇδε Βελισαρίῳ ἐχώρησε. Βιγίλιος δέ, ὁ τῆς Ῥώμης ἀρχιερεύς, ξὺν Ἰταλοῖς τοῖς ἐνταῦθα τηνικάδε παροῦσι, πολλοῖς τε καὶ λογιμωτάτοις ἐσάγαν οὖσιν, οὐκέτι ἀνίει, ἀλλ’ ἔχρῃζε βασιλέως Ἰταλίας μεταποιεῖσθαι δυνάμει τῇ πάσῃ.

§ 7.35.10 μάλιστα δὲ πάντων αὐτὸν Γόθιγος ἐνῆγε, πατρίκιος ἀνήρ, ἐς τῶν ὑπάτων τὸν δίφρον ἀναβεβηκὼς πολλῷ πρότερον· ἐπεὶ καὶ αὐτὸς τούτων δὴ ἕνεκεν ἐς Βυζάντιον ἀφικόμενος ἔτυχεν ἔναγχος.

§ 7.35.11 βασιλεὺς δὲ Ἰταλίας μὲν ἐπηγγέλλετο προνοήσειν αὐτὸς, ἀμφι δὲ τὰ Χριστιανῶν δόγματα ἐκ τοῦ ἐπὶ πλεῖστον διατριβὴν εἶχεν, εὖ διαθέσθαι τὰ ἐν σφίσιν ἀντιλεγόμενα σπουδάζων τε καὶ διατεινόμενος μάλιστα.

§ 7.35.12 Ταῦτα μὲν ἐν Βυζαντίῳ ἐπράσσετο. ἐτύγχανε δὲ Λαγγοβάρδης ἀνὴρ ἐς Γήπαιδας φεύγων ἐξ αἰτίας τοιᾶσδε.

§ 7.35.13 ἡνίκα Λαγγοβαρδῶν Οὐάκης ἦρχεν, ἦν τίς οἱ ἀνεψιὸς Ῥισιοῦλφος ὄνομα. ὃν δὴ ὁ νόμος, ἐπειδὰν Οὐάκης τελευτήσειεν, ἐπὶ τὴν ἡγεμονίαν ἐκάλει.

§ 7.35.14 προνοήσας οὖν Οὐάκης ὅπως εἰς τὸν παῖδα τὸν αὑτοῦ ἡ ἀρχὴ ἄγοιτο, ἔγκλημα Ῥισιούλφῳ ἐπενεγκὼν αἰτίαν οὐκ ἔχον φυγῇ τὸν ἄνθρωπον ἐζημίωσεν.

§ 7.35.15 ὃς δὴ ἐξ ἠθῶν ἀναστὰς τῶν πατρίων ξὺν ὀλίγοις τισὶν ἐς τοὺς Οὐάρνους αὐτίκα φεύγει, παίδων οἱ ἀπολελειμμένων ἐνταῦθα δυοῖν.

§ 7.35.16 χρήμασι δὲ Οὐάκης τοὺς βαρβάρους τούτους ἀνέπεισε τὸν Ῥισιοῦλφον κτεῖναι. τῶν δὲ Ῥισιούλφου παίδων ὁ μὲν εἷς ἐτελεύτησε νόσῳ, ὁ δὲ δὴ ἕτερος, Ἰλδίγης ὄνομα, ἐς Σκλαβηνοὺς φεύγει.

§ 7.35.17 Οὐ πολλῷ μὲν οὖν ὕστερον ὁ μὲν Οὐάκης νοσήσας ἐξ ἀνθρώπων ἠφάνιστο, ἐς δὲ Οὐάλδαρον, τὸν Οὐάκου υἱόν, ἡ Λαγγοβαρδῶν ἦλθεν ἀρχή. ᾧ δὴ παιδὶ κομιδῆ ὄντι ἐπίτροπος καταστὰς Αὐδουὶν τὴν ἀρχὴν διῳκεῖτο.

§ 7.35.18 δυνάμει τε πολλῇ ἀπ’ αὐτοῦ χρώμενος αὐτὸς τὴν ἀρχὴν οὐκ ἐς μακρὰν ἔσχε, τοῦ παιδὸς τούτου νόσῳ αὐτίκα ἐξ ἀνθρώπων ἀφανισθέντος.

§ 7.35.19 ἡνίκα τοίνυν Γήπαισί τε καὶ Λαγγοβάρδαις ὁ πόλεμος κατέστη, ὥσπερ μοι εἴρηται, Ἰλδίγης εὐθὺς Λαγγοβαρδῶν τε τούς οἱ ἐπισπομένους καὶ Σκλαβηνῶν πολλοὺς ἐπαγαγόμενος ἐς Γήπαιδας ἦλθε, καὶ αὐτὸν Γήπαιδες κατάξειν ἐπὶ τὴν ἀρχὴν ἐλπίδα εἶχον.

§ 7.35.20 γενομένων δὲ τῶν ἐν τῷ παρόντι πρὸς Λαγγοβάρδας σπονδῶν ἕνεκα ὁ μὲν Αυδουὶν τὸν Ἰλδίγην εὐθὺς ἅτε πρὸς φίλων ἐξῃτεῖτο Γηπαίδων, οἱ δὲ τὸν μὲν ἄνθρωπον ἐκδοῦναι οὐδαμῆ ἔγνωσαν, ἐκέλευον δὲ αὐτὸν ἐνθένδε ἀπαλλαγέντα ὅπῃ βούλοιτο διασώσασθαι.

§ 7.35.21 καὶ ὃς μελλήσει οὐδεμιᾷ ξὺν τοῖς ἑπομένοις καὶ Γηπαίδων τισὶν ἐθελουσίοις ἐς Σκλαβηνοὺς αὖθις ἀφίκετο.

§ 7.35.22 ἔνθεν τε ἀναστὰς παρὰ Τουτίλαν τε καὶ Γότθους ᾔει, στράτευμα οὐχ ἧσσον ἢ ἐς ἑξακισχιλίους ξὺν αὑτῷ ἔχων, ἔς τε Βενετίας ἀφικόμενος Ῥωμαίοις τισὶν ὑπαντήσας, ὧν Λάζαρος ἡγεῖτο, ἐς χεῖρας ἦλθε, τρεψάμενός τε αὐτοὺς πολλοὺς ἔκτεινεν. οὐ μέντοι Γότθοις ξυνέμιξεν, ἀλλ’ Ἴστρον ποταμὸν διαβὰς αὖθις ἐς Σκλαβηνοὺς ἀπεχώρησεν.

§ 7.35.23 Ἐν ᾧ δὲ ταῦτα ἐπράσσετο τῇδε ᾗπέρ μοι εἴρηται, ἐν τούτῳ τῶν τις Βελισαρίου δορυφόρων, Ἰνδοὺλφ ὄνομα, βάρβαρος γένος, θυμοειδής τε καὶ δραστήριος, ὃς δὴ ἐν Ἰταλίᾳ λειφθεὶς ἔτυχε, Τουτίλᾳ τε καὶ Γότθοις προσεχώρησεν οὐδενὶ λόγῳ.

§ 7.35.24 καὶ αὐτὸν ὁ Τουτίλας εὐθὺς ξὺν στρατῷ πολλῷ καὶ ναυσὶν ἔπεμψεν ἐς τὰ ἐπὶ Δαλματίας χωρία.

§ 7.35.25 ὃς δὴ ἐν χωρίῳ Μουικούρῳ καλουμένῳ γενόμενος, ὅπερ ἐπιθαλάσσιον ἄγχιστά πη Σαλώνων ἐστί, τὰ μὲν πρῶτα ξυνέμισγε τοῖς ταύτῃ ἀνθρώποις ἅτε Ῥωμαῖός τε ὢν καὶ Βελισαρίῳ προσήκων, ἔπειτα δὲ αὐτός τε τὸ ξίφος ἀράμενος καὶ τοῖς ἐπισπομένοις ἐγκελευσάμενος ἐξαπιναίως ἅπαντας ἔκτεινε.

§ 7.35.26 ληϊσάμενός τε τὰ χρήματα πάντα ἐνθένδε ἀπιὼν ᾤχετο, ἐπέσκηψε δὲ ἄλλῳ ἐν τῇ παραλίᾳ κειμένῳ φρουρίῳ, ὅπερ Λαυρεάτην καλοῦσι Ῥωμαῖοι.

§ 7.35.27 οὗ δὴ ἐπιβὰς τοὺς παραπεπτωκότας ἀνῄρει. Ἅπερ ἐπεὶ Κλαυδιανὸς ἔγνω, ὅσπερ τότε Σαλώνων ἦρχε, στράτευμα ἐπὶ τῶν καλουμένων δρομώνων ἐπ’ αὐτὸν ἔπεμψεν.

§ 7.35.28 οἳ δὴ ἐπεὶ ἐν Λαυρεάτῃ ἐγένοντο, τοῖς πολεμίοις ἐς χεῖρας ἦλθον. παρὰ πολύ τε ἡσσηθέντες τῇ μάχῃ ἔφυγον ὅπη ἑκάστῳ δυνατὰ γέγονε, τοὺς δρόμωνας ἐν τῷ λιμένι ἀπολιπόντες. οὗ δὴ καὶ τὰ ἄλλα πλοῖα ἔμπλεα σίτου τε καὶ τῶν ἄλλων ἐπιτηδείων ὄντα ἐτύγχανεν.

§ 7.35.29 ἅπερ ἅπαντα Ἰνδούλφ τε καὶ Γότθοι ἑλόντες κτείναντές τε τοὺς ἐν ποσὶν ἅπαντας καὶ τὰ χρήματα ληϊσάμενοι παρὰ Τουτίλαν ἦλθον.

§ 7.35.30 καὶ ὁ χειμὼν ἔληγε, καὶ τέταρτον καὶ δέκατον ἔτος ἐτελεύτα τῷ πολέμῳ τῷδε, ὃν Προκόπιος ξυνέγραψε.

Wars 7.38

§ 7.38.1 Ὑπὸ τοῦτον τὸν χρόνον στράτευμα Σκλαβηνῶν οὐ πλέον ἢ ἐς τρισχιλίους ἀγηγερμένοι, ποταμόν τε Ἴστρον, οὐδενὸς σφίσιν ἀντιστατοῦντος, διέβησαν, καὶ πόνῳ οὐδενὶ ποταμὸν Εὗρον εὐθὺς διαβάντες δίχα ἐγένοντο.

§ 7.38.2 εἶχε δὲ αὐτῶν ἁτέρα μὲν συμμορία ὀκτακοσίους τε καὶ χιλίους, ἡ δὲ δὴ ἑτέρα τοὺς καταλοίπους.

§ 7.38.3 ἑκατέροις μὲν οὖν καίπερ ἀλλήλων ἀπολελειμμένοις ἐς χεῖρας ἐλθόντες οἱ τοῦ Ῥωμαίων στρατοῦ ἄρχοντες ἔν τε Ἰλλυριοῖς καὶ Θρᾳξίν, ἡσσήθησάν τε ἐκ τοῦ ἀπροσδοκήτου καὶ οἱ μὲν αὐτοῦ διεφθάρησαν, οἱ δὲ κόσμῳ οὐδενὶ διαφυγόντες ἐσώθησαν.

§ 7.38.4 ἐπεὶ δὲ οἱ στρατηγοὶ πάντες οὕτω παρ’ ἑκατέρων τῶν βαρβαρικῶν στρατοπέδων, καίπερ ἐλασσόνων παρὰ πολὺ ὄντων, ἀπήλλαξαν, Ἀσβάδῳ ἡ ἑτέρα τῶν πολεμίων ξυμμορία ξυνέμιξεν.

§ 7.38.5 ἦν δὲ οὗτος ἀνὴρ βασιλέως μὲν Ἰουστινιανοῦ δορυφόρος, ἐπεὶ ἐς τοὺς Κανδιδάτους καλουμένους τελῶν ἔτυχε, τῶν δὲ ἱππικῶν καταλόγων ἦρχεν οἳ ἐν Τζουρουλῷ τῷ ἐν Θρᾴκῃ φρουρίῳ ἐκ παλαιοῦ ἵδρυνται,

§ 7.38.6 πολλοί τε καὶ ἄριστοι ὄντες. καὶ αὐτοὺς οἱ Σκλαβηνοὶ τρεψάμενοι οὐδενὶ πόνῳ πλείστους μὲν αἰσχρότατα φεύγοντας ἔκτειναν, Ἄσβαδον δὲ καταλαβόντες ἐν μὲν τῷ παραυτίκα ἐζώγρησαν, ὕστερον δὲ αὐτὸν ἐς πυρὸς ἐμβεβλημένον φλόγα ἔκαυσαν, ἱμάντας πρότερον ἐκ τοῦ νώτου τοῦ ἀνθρώπου ἐκδείραντες.

§ 7.38.7 ταῦτα διαπεπραγμένοι τὰ χωρία ξύμπαντα, τά τε Θρᾳκῶν καὶ Ἰλλυριῶν, ἀδεέστερον ἐληΐζοντο, καὶ φρούρια πολλὰ πολιορκίᾳ ἑκάτεροι εἷλον, οὔτε τειχομαχήσαντες πρότερον, οὔτε ἐς τὸ πεδίον καταβῆναι τολμήσαντες, ἐπεὶ οὐδὲ γῆν τὴν Ῥωμαίων καταθεῖν ἐγκεχειρήκασι αἱ βάρβαροι οὗτοι πώποτε.

§ 7.38.8 οὐ μὴν οὐδὲ στρατῷ ποταμὸν Ἴστρον φαίνονται διαβεβηκότες ἐκ τοῦ παντὸς χρόνου, πλήν γε δὴ ἐξ ὅτου μοι ἔμπροσθεν εἴρηται.

§ 7.38.9 Οὗτοι δὲ οἱ τὸν Ἄσβαδον νενικηκότες μέχρι ἐς θάλασσαν ληϊσάμενοι ἐφεξῆς ἅπαντα καὶ πόλιν ἐπιθαλασσίαν τειχομαχήσαντες εἷλον, καίπερ στρατιωτῶν φρουρὰν ἔχουσαν, Τόπηρον ὄνομα· ἣ πρώτη μὲν Θρᾳκῶν τῶν παραλίων ἐστί, τοῦ δὲ Βυζαντίου διέχει ὁδῷ ἡμερῶν δυοκαίδεκα.

§ 7.38.10 εἷλον δὲ αὐτὴν τρόπῳ τοιῷδε. οἱ μὲν πλεῖστοι ἐν δυσχωρίαις πρὸ τοῦ περιβόλου σφᾶς αὐτοὺς ἔκρυψαν, ὀλίγοι δέ τινες ἀμφὶ τὰς πύλας γενόμενοι αἳ πρὸς ἀνίσχοντά εἰσιν ἥλιον, τοὺς ἐν ταῖς ἐπάλξεσι Ῥωμαίους ἠνώχλουν.

§ 7.38.11 ὑποτοπήσαντες δὲ οἱ στρατιῶται ὅσοι τὸ ἐνταῦθα φυλακτήριον εἶχον οὐ πλείους αὐτοὺς ἢ ὅσοι καθεωρῶντο εἶναι, ἀνελόμενοι αὐτίκα τὰ ὅπλα ἐξίασιν ἐπ’ αὐτοὺς ἅπαντες.

§ 7.38.12 οἱ δὲ βάρβαροι ὀπίσω ἀνέστρεφον, δόκησιν παρεχόμενοι τοῖς ἐπιοῦσιν ὅτι δὴ αὐτοὺς κατωρρωδηκότες ἐς ὑπαγωγὴν χωροῦσι· καὶ οἱ Ῥωμαῖοι ἐς τὴν δίωξιν ἐκπεπτωκότες πόρρω που τοῦ περιβόλου ἐγένοντο.

§ 7.38.13 ἀναστάντες οὖν οἱ ἐκ τῶν ἐνεδρῶν κατόπισθέν τε τῶν διωκόντων γενόμενοι ἐσιτητὰ σφίσιν ἐς τὴν πόλιν οὐκέτι ἐποίουν.

§ 7.38.14 ἀναστρέψαντες δὲ καὶ οἱ φεύγειν δοκοῦντες ἀμφιβόλους ἤδη τοὺς Ῥωμαίους πεποίηνται. οὓς δὴ ἅπαντας οἱ βάρβαροι διαφθείραντες τῷ περιβόλῳ προσέβαλον.

§ 7.38.15 οἱ δὲ τῆς πόλεως οἰκήτορες τῶν στρατιωτῶν τῆς δυνάμεως ἐστερημένοι, γίνονται μὲν ἐν ἀμηχανίᾳ πολλῇ, καὶ ὣς δὲ τοὺς ἐπιόντας ἐκ τῶν παρόντων ἠμύνοντο.

§ 7.38.16 καὶ πρῶτα μὲν ἔλαιόν τε καὶ πίσσαν ἐπὶ πλεῖστον θερμήναντες τῶν τειχομαχούντων κατέχεον, καὶ λίθων βολαῖς πανδημεὶ ἐς αὐτοὺς χρώμενοι τοῦ ἀπεῶσθαι τὸν κίνδυνον οὐ μακράν που ἐγένοντο.

§ 7.38.17 ἔπειτα δὲ αὐτοὺς πλήθει βελῶν οἱ βάρβαροι βιασάμενοι ἐκλιπεῖν τε τὰς ἐπάλξεις ἠνάγκασαν καὶ κλίμακας τῷ περιβόλῳ ἐρείσαντες κατὰ κράτος τὴν πόλιν εἷλον.

§ 7.38.18 ἄνδρας μὲν οὖν ἐς πεντακισχιλίους τε καὶ μυρίους εὐθὺς ἅπαντας ἔκτειναν καὶ πάντα τὰ χρήματα ἐληΐσαντο, παῖδας δὲ καὶ γυναῖκας ἐν ἀνδραπόδων πεποίηνται λόγῳ.

§ 7.38.19 καίτοι τὰ πρότερα οὐδεμιᾶς ἡλικίας ἐφείσαντο, ἀλλ’ αὐτοί τε καὶ ἡ συμμορία ἡ ἑτέρα, ἐξ ὅτου δὴ τῇ Ῥωμαίων ἐπέσκηψαν χώρᾳ, τοὺς παραπίπτοντας ἡβηδὸν ἅπαντας ἔκτεινον. ὥστε γῆν ἅπασαν, ἥπερ Ἰλλυριῶν τε καὶ Θρᾳκῶν ἐστί, νεκρῶν ἔμπλεων ἐπὶ πλεῖστον ἀτάφων γενέσθαι.

§ 7.38.20 Ἔκτεινον δὲ τοὺς παραπίπτοντας οὔτε ζίφει οὔτε δόρατι οὔτε τῳ ἄλλῳ εἰωθότι τρόπῳ, ἀλλὰ σκόλοπας ἐπὶ τῆς γῆς πηξάμενοι ἰσχυρότατα, ὀξεῖς τε αὐτοὺς ἐς τὰ μάλιστα ποιησάμενοι, ἐπὶ τούτων ξὺν βίᾳ πολλῇ τοὺς δειλαίους ἐκάθιζον, τήν τε σκολόπων ἀκμὴν γλουτῶν κατὰ μέσον ἐνείροντες ὠθοῦντές τε ἄχρι ἐς τῶν ἀνθρώπων τὰ ἔγκατα, οὕτω δὴ αὐτοὺς διαχρήσασθαι ἠξίουν.

§ 7.38.21 καὶ ξύλα δὲ παχέα τέτταρα ἐπὶ πλεῖστον ἐς γῆν κατορύξαντες οἱ βάρβαροι οὗτοι, ἐπ’ αὐτῶν τε χεῖράς τε καὶ πόδας τῶν ἡλωκότων δεσμεύοντες, εἶτα ῥοπάλοις αὐτοὺς κατὰ κόρρης ἐνδελεχέστατα παίοντες, ὡς δὴ κύνας ἢ ὄφεις ἢ ἄλλο τι θηρίον διέφθειρον.

§ 7.38.22 ἄλλους δὲ ξύν τε βουσὶ καὶ προβάτοις, ὅσα δὴ ἐπάγεσθαι ἐς τὰ πάτρια ἤθη ὡς ἥκιστα εἶχον, ἐν τοῖς δωματίοις καθείρξαντες, οὐδεμιᾷ φειδοῖ ἐνεπίμπρασαν. οὕτω μὲν Σκλαβηνοὶ τοὺς ἐντυχόντας ἀεὶ ἀνῄρουν.

§ 7.38.23 ἀλλὰ νῦν αὐτοί τε καὶ οἱ τῆς ἑτέρας συμμορίας, ὥσπερ τῷ τῶν αἱμάτων μεθύοντες πλήθει, ζωγρεῖν τὸ ἐνθένδε ἠξίουν τῶν παραπεπτωκότων τινάς, καὶ ἀπ’ αὐτοῦ μυριάδας αἰχμαλώτων ἐπαγόμενοι ἀριθμοῦ κρείσσους ἐπ’ οἴκου ἀπεκομίσθησαν ἅπαντες.

Wars 7.40

§ 7.40.1 Γερμανοῦ δὲ τὸ στράτευμα ἐν Σαρδικῇ, τῇ Ἰλλυριῶν πόλει, ἀγείραντός τε καὶ διέποντος, ἅπαντά τε ἰσχυρότατα ἐξαρτυομένου τὰ ἐς τὴν τοῦ πολέμου παρασκευήν, Σκλαβηνῶν ὅμιλος ὅσος οὔπω πρότερον ἀφίκετο ἐς Ῥωμαίων τὴν γῆν· Ἴστρον τε ποταμὸν διαβάντες ἀμφὶ Νάϊσον ἦλθον.

§ 7.40.2 ὧν δὴ ὀλίγους τινὰς ἀποσκεδασθέντας μὲν τοῦ στρατοπέδου, πλανωμένους δὲ καὶ κατὰ μόνας περιιόντας τὰ ἐκείνῃ χωρία τῶν τινὲς Ῥωμαίων καταλαβόντες τε καὶ ξυνδήσαντες ἀνεπυνθάνοντο ὅτου δὴ ἕνεκα οὗτος δὴ ὁ τῶν Σκλαβηνῶν στρατὸς καὶ ὅ τι κατεργασόμενοι διέβησαν ποταμὸν Ἴστρον.

§ 7.40.3 οἱ δὲ ἰσχυρίσαντο ὡς Θεσσαλονίκην τε αὐτὴν καὶ πόλεις τὰς ἀμφ’ αὐτὴν πολιορκίᾳ ἐξαιρήσοντες ἥκοιεν. ἅπερ ἐπεὶ βασιλεὺς ἤκουσεν, ἄγαν τε ξυνεταράχθη καὶ πρὸς Γερμανὸν εὐθὺς ἔγραψεν, ὁδὸν μὲν ἐν τῷ παραυτίκα τὴν ἐπὶ Ἰταλίαν ἀναβαλέσθαι, Θεσσαλονίκῃ δὲ καὶ πόλεσι ταῖς ἄλλαις ἀμῦναι, καὶ τὴν Σκλαβηνῶν ἔφοδον ὅση δύναμις ἀποκρούσασθαι. καὶ Γερμανὸς μὲν ἀμφὶ ταῦτα διατριβὴν εἶχε.

§ 7.40.4 Σκλαβηνοὶ δὲ γνόντες διαρρήδην πρὸς τῶν αἰχμαλώτων Γερμανὸν ἐν Σαρδικῇ εἶναι ἐς δέος ἦλθον·

§ 7.40.5 μέγα γὰρ ὄνομα ἐς τούτους δὴ τοὺς βαρβάρους ὁ Γερμανὸς εἶχεν ἐξ αἰτίας τοιᾶσδε. ἡνίκα Ἰουστινιανὸς ὁ Γερμανοῦ θεῖος τὴν βασι· λείαν εἷχεν, Ἄνται, οἳ Σκλαβηνῶν ἄγχιστα ᾤκηνται, Ἴστρον ποταμὸν διαβάντες στρατῷ μεγάλῳ ἐσέβαλον ἐς Ῥωμαίων τὴν γῆν.

§ 7.40.6 ἐτύγχανε δὲ Γερμανὸν βασιλεὺς Θρᾴκης ὅλης στρατηγὸν καταστησάμενος οὐ πολλῷ πρότερον. ὃς δὴ ἐς χεῖρας ἐλθὼν τῷ τῶν πολεμίων στρατῷ κατὰ κράτος τε μάχῃ νικήσας σχεδόν τι ἅπαντας ἔκτεινε, κλέος τε μέγα ἐκ τοῦ ἔργου τούτου ό Γερμανὸς ἐς πάντας ἀνθρώπους καὶ διαφερόντως ἐς τούτους δὴ τοὺς βαρβάρους περιεβάλετο.

§ 7.40.7 δειμαίνοντες οὖν αὐτόν, ὥσπερ μοι εἴρηται, Σκλαβηνοί, ἅμα δὲ καὶ δύναμιν ἀξιολογωτάτην αὐτὸν ἐπάγεσθαι οἰόμενοι ἅτε πρὸς βασιλέως στελλόμενον ἐπὶ Τουτίλαν τε καὶ Γότθους, ὁδοῦ μὲν εὐθὺς τῆς ἐπὶ Θεσσαλονίκην ἀπέσχοντο, ἐς δὲ τὸ πεδίον καταβῆναι οὐκέτι ἐτόλμων, ἀλλὰ ξύμπαντα τὰ ὄρη τὰ Ἰλλυριῶν διαμείψαντες ἐν Δαλματίᾳ ἐγένοντο.

§ 7.40.8 ὧν δὴ ὁ Γερμανὸς ἀφροντιστήσας πάσῃ ἐπήγγελλε τῇ στρατιᾷ ξυσκευάζεσθαι, ὡς ἡμέραιν δυοῖν ὕστερον ὁδοῦ ἐνθένδε τῆς ἐπὶ τὴν Ἰταλίαν ἀρξόμενος.

§ 7.40.9 Ἀλλά τις αὐτῷ ξυνέπεσε τύχη νοσήσαντι ἐξαπιναίως τὸν βίον διαμετρήσασθαι. εὐθυωρόν τε ὁ Γερμανὸς ἐξ ἀνθρώπων ἠφάνιστο, ἀνὴρ ἀνδρεῖός τε καὶ δραστήριος ἐς τὰ μάλιστα, ἐν μὲν τῷ πολέμῳ στρατηγός τε ἄριστος καὶ αὐτουργὸς δεξιός, ἐν δὲ εἰρήνῃ καὶ ἀγαθοῖς πράγμασι τά τε νόμιμα καὶ τὸν τῆς πολιτείας κόσμον βεβαιότατα φυλάσσειν ἐξεπιστάμενος, δικάσας μὲν ὀρθότατα πάντων μάλιστα, χρήματα δὲ τοῖς δεομένοις ἅπασι δεδανεικὼς μεγάλα καὶ τόκον οὐδ’ ὅσον λόγῳ κεκομισμένος πρὸς αὐτῶν πώποτε, ἐν Παλατίῳ μὲν καὶ τῇ ἀγορᾷ ἐμβριθέστατός τε καὶ σοβαρὸς ἄγαν, ἑστιάτωρ δὲ καθ’ ἡμέραν οἴκοι ἡδύς τε καὶ ἐλευθέριος καὶ ἐπίχαρις, οὐδέ τι ἐν Παλατίῳ ἁμαρτάνεσθαι παρὰ τὰ εἰωθότα ὅση δύναμις ξυγχωρῶν, οὐδὲ στασιώταις τοῖς ἐν Βυζαντίῳ τῆς βουλήσεως ἢ τῆς ὁμιλίας μεταλαχὼν πώποτε, καίπερ καὶ τῶν ἐν δυνάμει πολλῶν ἐς τοῦτο ἀτοπίας ἐληλακότων. ταῦτα μὲν οὖν τῇδε κεχώρηκε.

§ 7.40.10 Βασιλεὺς δὲ τοῖς ξυμπεσοῦσι περιώδυνος γεγονὼς Ἰωάννην ἐκέλευε, τὸν Βιταλιανοῦ μὲν ἀδελφιδοῦν. Γερμανοῦ δὲ γαμβρόν, ξὺν Ἰουστινιανῷ θατέρῳ τοῖν Γερμανοῦ παίδοιν τῷ στρατῷ τούτῳ ἐς τὴν Ἰταλίαν ἡγήσασθαι.

§ 7.40.11 καὶ οἱ μὲν τὴν ἐπὶ Δαλματίας ᾔεσαν, ὡς ἐν Σάλωσι διαχειμάσοντες, ἐπεὶ ἀδύνατα σφίσιν ᾤοντο εἶναι τηνικάδε τοῦ καιροῦ περιιοῦσι τὴν τοῦ κόλπου περίοδον ἐς Ἰταλίαν κομίζεσθαι· διαπορθμεύεσθαι γὰρ νηῶν σφίσιν οὐ παρουσῶν ἀμήχανα ἦν.

§ 7.40.12 Λιβέριος δέ, οὔπω τι πεπυσμένος ὧνπερ βασιλεῖ ἀμφὶ τῷ στόλῳ τούτῳ μετέμελε, Συρακούσαις προσέσχε πολιορκουμέναις πρὸς τῶν πολεμίων.

§ 7.40.13 βιασάμενός τε τοὺς ταύτῃ βαρβάρους ἔς τε τὸν λιμένα κατῆρε καὶ παντὶ τῷ στόλῳ ἐντὸς τοῦ περιβόλου ἐγένετο. καὶ

§ 7.40.14 Ἀρταβάνης δὲ οὐ πολλῷ ὕστερον ἐν Κεφαλωνίᾳ γενόμενος, ἐπειδὴ τοὺς ἀμφὶ Λιβέριον ἤδη ἐνθένδε ἀναχθέντας ἐπὶ Σικελίας κεχωρηκέναι ἔγνω, ἄρας ἐνθένδε πέλαγος αὐτίκα τὸ Ἀδριατικὸν καλούμενον διέβη.

§ 7.40.15 ἐπεὶ δὲ Καλαβρῶν ἀγχοῦ ἐγένετο, χειμῶνός οἱ ἐξαισίου ἐπιπεσόντος καὶ τοῦ πνεύματος σκληροῦ τε ὑπεράγαν ὄντος καὶ ἀπ’ ἐναντίας σφίσιν ἰόντος, οὕτως ἁπάσας διασκεδάννυσθαι τὰς ναῦς ξυνηνέχθη, ὡς δοκεῖν ὅτι δὴ αἱ πολλαὶ ἐς τὴν Καλαβρίαν ἐξενεχθεῖσαι ὑπὸ τοῖς πολεμίοις ἐγένοντο.

§ 7.40.16 οὐκ ἦν δὲ οὕτως, ἀλλὰ πρὸς τοῦ πνεύματος ξὺν βίᾳ πολλῇ διωθούμεναι ἀνέστρεφόν τε βιαζόμεναι ὑπερφυῶς καὶ αὖθις ἐν Πελοποννήσῳ ἐγένοντο. καὶ ταῖς ἄλλαις δέ, ὅπη παρατύχῃ, ἢ διεφθάρθαι ἢ διασεσῶσθαι τετύχηκε.

§ 7.40.17 ναῦς δὲ μία, ἐν ᾗ ἔπλει Ἀρταβάνης αὐτός, τοῦ ἱστοῦ οἱ ἐν τῷ σάλῳ τούτῳ ἀποκοπέντος, ἐς τοσόνδε κινδύνου ἐλθοῦσα, πρός τε τοῦ ῥοθίου φερομένη καὶ τῷ κλύδωνι ἐπισπομένη Μελίτῃ προσέσχε τῇ νήσῳ. οὕτω μὲν Ἀρταβάνην διασεσῶσθαι ἐκ τοῦ ἀπροσδοκήτου ξυνέπεσε.

§ 7.40.18 Λιβέριος δὲ οὔτε τοῖς πολιορκοῦσιν ἐπεξιέναι ἢ μάχῃ πρὸς αὐτοὺς οἷός τε ὢν διακρίνεσθαι, καὶ τῶν ἐπιτηδείων σφίσιν ἅτε πολλοῖς οὖσιν ἐς πλείω χρόνον οὐδαμῆ διαρκούντων, ἄρας ἐνθένδε ξὺν τοῖς ἑπομένοις καὶ τοὺς πολεμίους λαθὼν ἐς Πάνορμον ἀπεχώρησε.

§ 7.40.19 Τουτίλας δὲ καὶ Γότθοι σχεδόν τι ἅπαντα ληϊσάμενοι τὰ ἐπὶ Σικελίας χωρία ἵππων μὲν ἐπαγόμενοι καὶ ζῴων ἄλλων μέγα τι χρῆμα, σῖτον δὲ καὶ τοὺς ἄλλους καρποὺς ἅπαντας ἐκ τῆς νήσου μετενεγκόντες καὶ πάντα τὰ χρήματα, μεγάλα κομιδῆ ὄντα, ἐν τοῖς πλοίοις ἐνθέμενοι, τήν τε νῆσον ἐξαπιναίως ἐξέλιπον καὶ ἐς τὴν Ἰταλίαν ἀνέστρεφον, τρόπῳ ὁρμώμενοι τοιῷδε.

§ 7.40.20 τῶν τινὰ Ῥωμαίων, Σπῖνον ὄνομα, ἐκ Σπολιτίου ὁρμώμενόν οἱ αὐτῷ πάρεδρον οὐ πολλῷ πρότερον καταστησάμενος Τουτίλας ἔτυχεν.

§ 7.40.21 οὗτος ἀνὴρ ἐν πόλει Κατάνῃ, ἀτειχίστῳ οὔσῃ, διατριβὴν εἶχε. τύχη τέ τις αὐτῷ ξυνέβη ὑπὸ τοῖς πολεμίοις ἐνταῦθα γενέσθαι.

§ 7.40.22 ὃν δὴ ῥύεσθαι ὁ Τουτίλας ἐπειγόμενος τῶν τινὰ ἐπιφανῶν γυναῖκα, αἰχμάλωτον οὖσαν, ἀφεῖναι Ῥωμαίοις ἀντ’ αὐτοῦ ἤθελε.

§ 7.40.23 γυναῖκα δὲ Ῥωμαῖοι οὐδαμῆ ἐδικαίουν ἀνταλλάξασθαι ἀνδρὸς τὴν τοῦ καλουμένου κοιαίστωρος ἀρχὴν ἔχοντος.

§ 7.40.24 δείσας οὖν ὁ ἀνὴρ μὴ παρὰ τοῖς πολεμίοις διαφθαρείη, ὡμολόγησε Ῥωμαίοις αὐτίκα Τουτίλαν ἀναπείσειν Σικελίας μὲν ἀπανίστασθαι, παντὶ δὲ τῷ Γότθων στρατῷ ἐς Ἰταλίαν διαπορθμεύσασθαι.

§ 7.40.25 καὶ οἱ μὲν ὅρκοις αὐτὸν σφίσιν ἀμφὶ ταύτῃ τῇ ὁμολογίᾳ καταληφθέντα Γότθοις ἀπέσοσαν, ἀντ’ αὐτοῦ τὴν γυναῖκα κεκομισμένοι.

§ 7.40.26 ὁ δὲ Τουτίλᾳ ἐς ὄψιν ἥκων οὐκ ἐπὶ τῷ σφετέρῳ ξυμφόρῳ Γότθους ἔφασκε Σικελίαν ληϊσαμένους σχεδόν τι ὅλην ὀλίγων τινῶν φρουρίων διατριβὴν ἐνταῦθα ἔχειν.

§ 7.40.27 ἔναγχος γὰρ ἰσχυρίζετο ἀκηκοέναι, ἡνίκα παρὰ τοῖς πολεμίοις ἐτύγχανεν ὤν, Γερμανὸν μὲν τὸν βασιλέως ἀνεψιὸν ἐξ ἀνθρώπων ἀφανισθῆναι, Ἰωάννην δὲ τὸν αὐτοῦ κηδεστὴν καὶ Ἰουστινιανὸν τὸν αὐτοῦ παῖδα παντὶ τῷ πρὸς Γερμανοῦ συλλεγέντι στρατῷ εἶναι μὲν ἤδη ἐν Δαλματίᾳ, εὐθὺ δὲ Λιγουρίας αὐτίκα δὴ μάλα ξυσκευαζομένους ἐνθένδε χωρήσειν, ἐφ’ ᾧ δὴ Γότθων ἐξ ἐπιδρομῆς παῖδάς τε καὶ γυναῖκας ἀνδραποδίσουσι καὶ χρήματα ληΐσονται πάντα, οἷσπερ ἡμᾶς ὑπαντιάζειν ἄμεινον ἂν εἴη ἐν τῷ ἀσφαλεῖ ξὺν τοῖς οἰκείοις διαχειμάζοντας.

§ 7.40.28 ἢν γὰρ ἐκείνων περιεσόμεθα, Σικελίας αὖθις ἅμα ἦρι ἀρχομένῳ παρέσται ἡμῖν ἀδεέστερον ἐπιβήσεσθαι πολέμιον οὐδὲν ἐν νῷ ἔχουσι.

§ 7.40.29 ταύτῃ ὁ Τουτίλας τῇ ὑποθήκῃ ἀναπεισθεὶς φρουροὺς μὲν ἐν ὀχυρώμασι τέτρασιν εἴασεν, αὐτὸς δὲ ξύμπασαν τὴν λείαν ἐπαγόμενος παντὶ τῷ ἄλλῳ στρατῷ ἐς Ἰταλίαν διεπορθμεύσατο. ταῦτα μὲν οὖν ἐπράσσετο τῇδε.

§ 7.40.30 Ἰωάννης δὲ καὶ ὁ βασιλέως στρατὸς ἀφικόμενοι ἐς Δαλματίαν ἐν Σάλωσι διαχειμάζειν ἔγνωσαν, ἐνθένδε μετὰ τὴν τοῦ χειμῶνος ὥραν εὐθὺ Ῥαβέννης ὁδῷ ἰέναι διανοούμενοι.

§ 7.40.31 Σκλαβηνοὶ δέ, οἵ τε τὰ πρότερα ἐν γῇ τῇ βασιλέως γενόμενοι, ὥσπερ μοι ἔναγχος δεδιήγηται, καὶ ἄλλοι οὐ πολλῷ ὕστερον Ἴστρον ποταμὸν διαβάντες καὶ τοῖς προτέροις ἀναμιχθέντες, κατέθεον ἐν πολλῇ ἐξουσίᾳ τὴν Ῥωμαίων ἀρχήν.

§ 7.40.32 καί τινες μὲν ἐν ὑποψίᾳ εἶχον ὡς Τουτίλας τούτους δὴ τοὺς βαρβάρους χρήμασι πολλοῖς ἀναπείσας ἐπιπέμψειε τοῖς ταύτῃ Ῥωμαίοις, ὅπως δὴ βασιλεῖ ἀδύνατα εἴη τὸν πρὸς Γότθους πόλεμον ἀσχολίᾳ τῇ ἐς τούτους δὴ τοὺς βαρβάρους εὖ διοικήσασθαι.

§ 7.40.33 εἴτε δὲ Τουτίλᾳ χαριζόμενοι εἴτε ἄκλητοι Σκλαβηνοὶ ἐνταῦθα ἦλθον οὐκ ἔχω εἰπεῖν. ἐς τρία μέντοι τέλη σφᾶς αὐτοὺς διελόντες οἱ βάρβαροι οὗτοι ἀνήκεστα ἐν Εὐρώπῃ τῇ ὅλῃ ἔργα εἰργάσαντο, οὐκ ἐξ ἐπιδρομῆς ληϊζόμενοι τὰ ἐκείνῃ χωρία, ἀλλ’ ὥσπερ ἐν χώρᾳ οἰκείᾳ διαχειμάζοντες οὐδέν τε δεδιότες πολέμιον.

§ 7.40.34 ὕστερον δὲ Ἰουστινιανὸς βασιλεὺς στρατιὰν ἀξιολογωτάτην ἐπ’ αὐτοὺς ἔπεμψεν, ἧς ἄλλοι τε καὶ Κωνσταντιανὸς καὶ Ἀράτιος καὶ Ναζάρης ἡγοῦντο καὶ Ἰουστῖνος ὁ Γερμανοῦ παῖς καὶ Ἰωάννης, ὅνπερ ἐπίκλησιν ἐκάλουν Φαγᾶν.

§ 7.40.35 ἐπιστάτην δὲ Σχολαστικὸν ἐφ’ ἅπασι κατεστήσατο, τῶν ἐν Παλατίῳ εὐνούχων ἕνα.

§ 7.40.36 Οὗτος ὁ στρατὸς μοῖραν τῶν βαρβάρων καταλαμβάνουσιν ἀμφὶ Ἀδριανούπολιν, ἥπερ ἐπὶ Θράκης ἐν μεσογείοις κεῖται, πέντε ἡμερῶν ὁδὸν Βυζαντίου διέχουσα.

§ 7.40.37 καὶ πρόσω μὲν χωρεῖν οἱ βάρβαροι οὐκέτι εἶχον· λείαν γὰρ ἐπήγοντο ἀνθρωπων τε καὶ ζῴων ἄλλων καὶ πάντων χρημάτων ἀριθμοῦ κρείσσονα.

§ 7.40.38 μένοντες δὲ αὐτοῦ ἠπείγοντο τοῖς πολεμίοις ἐς χεῖρας ἰέναι, τούτου δὴ αὐτοῖς αἴσθησιν ὡς ἥκιστα παρεχόμενοι. καὶ οἱ μὲν Σκλαβηνοὶ ἐστρατοπεδεύοντο ἐς τὸ ὄρος ὃ ταύτῃ ἀνέχει, Ῥωμαῖοι δὲ ἐν τῷ πεδίῳ οὐ πολλῷ ἄποθεν.

§ 7.40.39 χρόνου δὲ σφίσιν ἐν ταύτῃ τῇ προσεδρείᾳ τριβομένου συχνοῦ ἤσχαλλόν τε οἱ στρατιῶται καὶ δεινὰ ἐποιοῦντο, τοῖς στρατηγοῖς ἐπικαλοῦντες ὅτι δὴ αὐτοὶ τὰ ἐπιτήδεια ξύμπαντα εὔπορα ἔχοντες ἅτε τοῦ Ῥωμαίων στρατοῦ ἄρχοντες τοὺς στρατιώτας περιορῶσι τῶν ἀναγκαίων τῇ ἀπορίᾳ πιεζομένους καὶ οὐ βούλονται τοῖς πολεμίοις ἐς χεῖρας ἰέναι.

§ 7.40.40 οἶς δὴ οἱ στρατηγοὶ ἀναγκασθέντες τοῖς ἐναντίοις ξυνέμιξαν. καὶ γίνεται μὲν καρτερὰ μάχη, ἡσσῶνται δὲ κατὰ κράτος Ῥωμαῖοι.

§ 7.40.41 ἔνθα δὴ στρατιῶται μὲν πολλοί τε καὶ ἄριστοι θνήσκουσιν, οἱ δὲ στρατηγοὶ παρ’ ὀλίγον ἐλθόντες ὑπὸ τοῖς πολεμίοις γενέσθαι ξὺν τοῖς καταλοίποις μόλις διαφυγόντες ἐσώθησαν,

§ 7.40.42 ὥς πη ἑκάστῳ δυνατὰ γέγονε. καὶ Κωνσταντιανοῦ δὲ τὸ σημεῖον οἱ βάρβαροι εἷλον, τοῦ τε Ῥωμαίων στρατοῦ ἐς ὀλιγωρίαν τραπόμενοι πρόσω ἐχώρουν.

§ 7.40.43 καὶ χώραν τὴν Ἀστικὴν καλουμένην ἐληΐζοντο κατ’ ἐξουσίαν, ἀδῄωτον ἐκ παλαιοῦ οὖσαν, καὶ ἀπ’ αὐτοῦ λείαν αὐτοὺς πολλήν τινα ἐνταῦθα εὑρεῖν ξυνηνέχθη· οὕτω δὲ χώραν πολλὴν ληϊζόμενοι ἄχρι ἐς τὰ μακρὰ τείχη ἀφίκοντο, ἅπερ ὀλίγῳ πλέον ἢ ἡμέρας ὁδὸν Βυζαντίου διέχει.

§ 7.40.44 οὐ πολλῷ δὲ ὕστερον ὁ Ῥωμαίων στρατὸς τούτοις δὴ ἐπισπόμενοι τοῖς βαρβάροις, μοίρᾳ τε αὐτῶν ἐντυχόντες τινὶ καὶ ἐξαπιναίως ἐς χεῖρας ἐλθόντες ἐτρέψαντο.

§ 7.40.45 καὶ τῶν μὲν πολεμίων πολλοὺς ἔκτειναν, Ῥωμαίων δὲ τῶν αἰχμαλώτων μέγα τι διεσώσαντο χρῆμα, τό τε Κωνσταντιανοῦ σημεῖον εὑρόντες ἀνείλοντο. οἱ δὲ λοιποὶ βάρβαροι ξὺν τῇ ἄλλῃ λείᾳ ἐπ’ οἴκου ἀπεκομίσθησαν.

Wars 8.2

§ 8.2.1 Οὗτος τοίνυν ὁ Πόντος ἄρχεται μὲν ἐκ Βυζαντίου καὶ Καλχηδόνος, τελευτᾷ δὲ ἐς Κόλχων τὴν γῆν.

§ 8.2.2 καὶ αὐτὸν ἐν δεξιᾷ ἐσπλέοντι Βιθυνοί τε καὶ οἱ αὐτῶν ἐχόμενοι Ὁνωριάται καὶ Παφλαγόνες ᾤκηνται, οἳ δὴ ἄλλα τε χωρία καὶ Ἡράκλειάν τε καὶ Ἄμαστριν ἐπιθαλασσίας πόλεις ἔχουσι, καὶ μετ’ αὐτοὺς οἱ Ποντικοὶ ἐπικαλούμενοι μέχρι ἐς Τραπεζοῦντα πόλιν καὶ τὰ ταύτης ὅρια. ἐνταῦθα πολίσματά τε ἄλλα ἐπιθαλασσίδια καὶ Σινώπη τε καὶ Ἀμισὸς οἰκεῖται, Ἀμισοῦ δὲ ἄγχιστα τό τε Θεμίσκουρον καλούμενον καὶ Θερμώδων ποταμός ἐστιν, οὗ δὴ τὸ τῶν Ἀμαζόνων στρατόπεδον γεγενῆσθαί φασιν. ἀλλὰ περὶ μὲν Ἀμαζόνων γεγράψεταί μοι οὐ πολλῷ ὄπισθεν.

§ 8.2.3 Τραπεζουντίων δὲ τὰ ὅρια διήκει ἔς τε κώμην Σουσούρμενα καὶ τὸ Ῥιζαῖον καλούμενον χωρίον, ὅπερ Τραπεζουντίων διέχει δυοῖν ἡμέραιν ὁδὸν διὰ τῆς παραλίας ἐς Λαζικὴν ἰόντι.

§ 8.2.4 Τραπεζοῦντος δέ μοι ἐπιμνησθέντι οὐ παριτέον τὸ πλείστῳ παραλόγῳ τῇδε ξυμβαῖνον. τὸ γὰρ μέλι ἐν ἅπασι τοῖς περὶ Τραπεζοῦντα χωρίοις πικρὸν γίνεται, ἐνταῦθα μόνον στασιαζομένης τῆς ἀμφ’ αὐτὸ δόξης.

§ 8.2.5 τούτων δὲ δὴ τῶν χωρίων ἐν δεξιᾷ τὰ Τζανικῆς ὄρη πάντα ἀνέχει, ἐπέκεινά τε αὐτῶν Ἀρμένιοι Ῥωμαίων κατήκοοι ᾤκηνται.

§ 8.2.6 Ἐκ τούτων δὲ τῶν Τζανικῶν ὀρῶν κάτεισι ποταμὸς Βόας ὄνομα, ὃς δὴ ἔς τε λόχμας παμπληθεῖς ἰὼν καὶ χώραν λοφώδη περιερχόμενος φέρεται μὲν ἄγχιστα τῶν Λαζικῆς χωρίων, ποιεῖται δὲ τὰς ἐκβολὰς ἐς τὸν Εὔξεινον καλούμενον Πόντον, οὐ μέντοι Βόας καλούμενος.

§ 8.2.7 ἐπειδὰν γὰρ τῆς θαλάσσης ἐγγὺς ἵκηται, τὸ μὲν ὄνομα μεθίησι τοῦτο, ἑτέρας δὲ τὸ ἐνθένδε προσηγορίας μεταλαγχάνει, ἐκ τῶν οἱ ἐπιγινομένων ὄνομα κτώμενος.

§ 8.2.8 Ἄκαμψιν γὰρ αὐτὸν τὸ λοιπὸν καλοῦσιν οἱ ἐπιχώριοι, τούτου δὴ ἕνεκα, ὅτι δὴ κάμψαι αὐτὸν τῇ θαλάσσῃ ἀναμιχθέντα ἀμήχανά ἐστιν, ἐπεὶ ξὺν ῥύμῃ τοσαύτῃ καὶ ὀξύτητι τοῦ ῥοῦ τὰς ἐκβολὰς ποιεῖται, ταραχὴν τοῦ ῥοθίου πολλὴν ἐπίπροσθεν ἐργαζόμενος, ὥστε ὡς πορρωτάτω τῆς θαλάσσης ἰὼν ἄπορον ποιεῖται τὸν ταύτῃ διάπλουν· οἵ τε ναυτιλλόμενοι ἐνταῦθα τοῦ Πόντου, εἴτε Λαζικῆς εὐθὺ πλέοντες εἴτε καὶ ἐνθένδε ἀπάραντες, οὐκέτι ἑξῆς διαπλεῖν δύνανται.

§ 8.2.9 κάμψαι γὰρ τοῦ ποταμοῦ τὸν ῥοῦν οὐδαμῆ ἔχουσιν, ἀλλὰ πορρωτάτω μὲν ἀναγόμενοι τοῦ ἐκείνῃ πελάγους, ἐπὶ μέσον δέ που τὸν Πόντον ἰόντες, οὕτω δὴ ἀπαλλάσσεσθαι τῆς τοῦ ποταμοῦ ἐκβολῆς δύνανται. τὰ μὲν οὖν ἀμφὶ ποταμὸν Βόαν τοιαῦτά ἐστι.

§ 8.2.10 Μετὰ δὲ τὸ Ῥιζαῖον αὐτονόμων ἀνθρώπων ὅροι ἐκδέχονται, οἳ δὴ Ῥωμαίων τε καὶ Λαζῶν μεταξὺ ᾤκηνται. καὶ κώμη τις, Ἀθῆναι ὄνομα, ἐνταῦθα οἰκεῖται, οὐχ ὅτι Ἀθηναίων ἄποικοι, ὥσπερ τινὲς οἴονται, τῇδε ἱδρύσαντο, ἀλλὰ γυνή τις Ἀθηναία ὄνομα ἐν τοῖς ἄνω χρόνοις κυρία ἐγεγόνει τῆς χώρας, ἧσπερ ὁ τάφος ἐνταῦθα καὶ εἰς ἐμέ ἐστι.

§ 8.2.11 μετὰ δὲ Ἀθήνας Ἄρχαβίς τε οἰκεῖται καὶ Ἀψαροῦς, πόλις ἀρχαία, ἣ τοῦ Ῥιζαίου διέχει ὁδῷ ἡμερῶν τριῶν μάλιστα.

§ 8.2.12 αὕτη Ἄψυρτος τὸ παλαιὸν ὠνομάζετο, ὁμώνυμος τῷ ἀνθρώπῳ διὰ τὸ πάθος γεγενημένη. ἐνταῦθα γάρ φασιν οἱ ἐπιχώριοι ἐξ ἐπιβουλῆς Μηδείας τε καὶ Ἰάσονος τὸν Ἄψυρτον ἐξ ἀνθρώπων ἀφανισθῆναι, καὶ δι’ αὐτὸ τὴν ἐπωνυμίαν τὸ χωρίον λαβεῖν· ὁ μὲν γὰρ ἐν ἐκείνῳ ἀπέθνησκε, τὸ δὲ ἀπ’ αὐτοῦ ὠνομάζετο.

§ 8.2.13 ἀλλὰ πολὺς ἄγαν μετὰ ταῦτα ἐπιρρεύσας ὁ χρόνος καὶ ἀνθρώπων ἀναρίθμοις διαδοχαῖς ἐνακμάσας αὐτὸς διαφθεῖραι μὲν τὴν τῶν πραγμάτων ἐπιβολὴν ἴσχυσεν ἐξ ὧν τὸ ὄνομα ξύγκειται τοῦτο, ἐς δὲ τὸν νῦν φαινόμενον τρόπον μεταρρυθμῆσαι τὴν προσηγορίαν τῷ τόπῳ.

§ 8.2.14 τούτου δὲ τοῦ Ἀψύρτου καὶ τάφος ἐς τῆς πόλεως τὰ πρὸς ἀνίσχοντα ἥλιόν ἐστιν. αὕτη πόλις ἦν τὸ παλαιὸν πολυάνθρωπος, καὶ τείχους μὲν αὐτὴν περιέβαλε μέγα τι χρῆμα, θεάτρῳ δὲ καὶ ἱπποδρόμῳ ἐκαλλωπίζετο καὶ τοῖς ἄλλοις ἅπασιν οἷσπερ πόλεως μέγεθος δείκνυσθαι εἴωθε. νῦν δὲ δὴ αὐτῶν ἄλλο οὐδὲν ἀπολέλειπται, ὅτι μὴ τῆς κατασκευῆς τὰ ἐδάφη.

§ 8.2.15 Ὥστε εἰκότως θαυμάσειεν ἄν τις τῶν Κόλχους φαμένων Τραπεζουντίοις ὁμόρους εἶναι. ταύτῃ μὲν γὰρ καὶ τὸ δέρας ξὺν τῇ Μηδείᾳ συλήσας Ἰάσων οὐκ ἐπὶ τὴν Ἑλλάδα καὶ τὰ πάτρια ἤθη φυγὼν φαίνοιτο, ἀλλ’ ἔμπαλιν ἐπὶ Φᾶσίν τε ποταμὸν καὶ τοὺς ἐνδοτάτω βαρβάρους.

§ 8.2.16 λέγουσι μὲν οὖν ὡς κατὰ τοὺς Τραϊανοῦ τοῦ Ῥωμαίων αὐτοκράτορος χρόνους κατάλογοι Ῥωμαίων στρατιωτῶν ἐνταῦθά τε καὶ μέχρι ἐς Λαζοὺς καὶ Σαγίνας ἵδρυντο.

§ 8.2.17 τὰ δὲ νῦν ἄνθρωποι ἐνταῦθα οἰκοῦσιν οὔτε τοῦ Ῥωμαίων οὔτε τοῦ Λαζῶν βασιλέως κατήκοοι ὄντες, πλήν γε δὴ ὅτι Χριστιανοῖς οὖσιν οἱ Λαζῶν ἐπίσκοποι τοὺς ἱερεῖς καθίστανται σφίσι.

§ 8.2.18 καὶ αὐτοὶ ἔνσπονδοί τε καὶ φίλοι ἀμφοτέροις ἐθέλοντες εἶναι, τοὺς ἐξ ἑκατέρων παρὰ τοὺς ἑτέρους ἀεὶ στελλομένους παραπέμψειν διηνεκῶς ὡμολόγησαν· ὃ δὴ φαίνονται καὶ ἐς ἐμὲ δρῶντες.

§ 8.2.19 ἀκάτοις γὰρ ἰδίαις τοὺς παρὰ θατέρου βασιλέως ἐς τὸν ἕτερον στελλομένους ἀγγέλους ναυτιλλόμενοι παραπέμπουσι. φόρου μέντοι ὑποτελεῖς οὐδαμῆ γεγένηνται ἐς τόδε τοῦ χρόνου.

§ 8.2.20 τούτων δὲ τῶν χωρίων ἐν δεξιᾷ ὄρη τε λίαν ἀπότομα ἀποκρέμαται καὶ χώρα ἔρημος ἐπὶ πλεῖστον διήκει. καὶ αὐτῆς ὕπερθεν οἱ Περσαρμένιοι καλούμενοι ᾤκηνται, καὶ Ἀρμένιοι οἳ Ῥωμαίων κατήκοοί εἰσι μέχρι ἐς τοὺς Ἰβηρίας ὅρους διήκοντες.

§ 8.2.21 Ἐκ δὲ Ἀψαροῦντος πόλεως ἐς Πέτραν τε πόλιν καὶ τοὺς Λαζῶν ὅρους, οὗ δὴ τελευτᾷ ὁ Εὔξεινος Πόντος, μιᾶς ἐστὶν ἡμέρας ὁδός. ἀπολήγων δὲ ὁ Πόντος ἐνταῦθα μηνοειδῆ τίθεται τὴν ἀκτήν.

§ 8.2.22 καὶ ὁ μὲν τοῦ μηνοειδοῦς τούτου διάπλους ἐς πεντήκοντά τε καὶ πεντακοσίους μάλιστα σταδίους διήκει, τὰ δὲ αὐτοῦ ὄπισθεν ξύμπαντα Λαζική τέ ἐστι καὶ ὠνόμασται.

§ 8.2.23 μετὰ δὲ αὐτοὺς κατὰ τὴν μεσόγαιαν Σκυμνία τε καὶ Σουανία ἐστί. ταῦτα δὲ τὰ ἔθνη Λαζῶν κατήκοα τυγχάνει ὄντα. καὶ ἄρχοντας μὲν οἱ τῇδε ἄνθρωποι τῶν ὁμογενῶν τινὰς ἔχουσιν, ἐπειδὰν δὲ τῶν ἀρχόντων τινὶ ἐπιγένηται ἡ τέλειος ἡμέρα τοῦ βίου, ἕτερον αὐτοῖς ἀντικαθίστασθαι πρὸς τοῦ Λαζῶν βασιλέως ἐς ἀεὶ εἴθισται.

§ 8.2.24 ταύτης δὲ τῆς χώρας ἐκ πλαγίου μὲν παρ’ αὐτὴν μάλιστα τὴν Ἰβηρίαν Μέσχοι Ἰβήρων ἐκ παλαιοῦ κατήκοοι ᾤκηνται,

§ 8.2.25 τὰ οἰκία ἐν ὄρεσιν ἔχοντες. ὄρη δὲ τὰ Μέσχων οὐ σκληρὰ οὐδὲ καρπῶν ἄφορά ἐστιν, ἀλλ’ εὐθηνοῦσιν ἀγαθοῖς ἅπασιν, ἐπεὶ καὶ οἱ Μέσχοι γεωργοὶ δεξιοὶ καὶ ἀμπελῶνες τυγχάνουσιν ἐκεῖ ὄντες.

§ 8.2.26 ταύτῃ δὲ τῇ χώρᾳ ὄρη ἐπίκεινται ἄγαν τε ὑψηλὰ καὶ ἀμφιλαφῆ καὶ δεινῶς ἄβατα. καὶ ταῦτα μὲν ἄχρι ἐς τὰ Καυκάσια ὄρη διήκει· ὄπισθεν δὲ αὐτῶν πρὸς ἀνίσχοντα ἥλιον Ἰβηρία ἐστί, μέχρι ἐς Περσαρμενίους διήκουσα.

§ 8.2.27 Διὰ δὲ τῶν ὀρῶν ἃ ταύτῃ ἀνέχει, Φᾶσις ποταμὸς κάτεισιν, ἐκ τῶν Καυκασίων ἀρχόμενος καὶ κατὰ μέσον τὸ μηνοειδὲς τοῦ Πόντου ἐκβάλλει.

§ 8.2.28 ταύτῃ τε ἤπειρον ἑκατέραν αὐτὸν διορίζειν τινὲς οἴονται. τὰ μὲν γὰρ ἐν ἀριστερᾷ κατιόντος τοῦ ῥοῦ Ἀσία ἐστί, τὰ δὲ ἐν δεξιᾷ Εὐρώπη ὠνόμασται.

§ 8.2.29 κατὰ μὲν οὖν τὴν τῆς Εὐρώπης μοῖραν ξύμπαντα Λαζῶν τὰ οἰκία ξυμβαίνει εἶναι, ἐπὶ θάτερα δὲ οὔτε πόλισμα οὔτε ἄλλο τι ὀχύρωμα οὔτε κώμην τινὰ λόγου ἀξίαν Λαζοὶ ἔχουσι, πλήν γε δὴ ὅτι Πέτραν Ῥωμαῖοι ἐνταῦθα ἐδείμαντο πρότερον.

§ 8.2.30 κατὰ ταύτην δέ που τὴν Λαζικῆς μοῖραν ἀπέκειτο, ὥσπερ οἱ ἐπιχώριοι λέγουσι, καὶ τὸ δέρας ἐκεῖνο, οὗπερ ἕνεκα οἱ ποιηταὶ τὴν Ἀργὼ ἀποτετορνεῦσθαι μυθολογοῦσι. λέγουσι δὲ ταῦτα, ἐμὴν γνώμην, ἀληθιζόμενοι ἥκιστα.

§ 8.2.31 οὐ γὰρ ἄν, οἶμαι, λαθὼν τὸν Αἰήτην Ἰάσων ἐνθένδε ἀπηλλάσσετο ξὺν τῇ Μηδείᾳ τὸ δέρας ἔχων, εἰ μὴ τά τε βασίλεια καὶ τὰ ἄλλα τῶν Κόλχων οἰκία τοῦ χωρίου διείργετο Φάσιδι ποταμῷ, ἵνα δὴ τὸ δέρας ἐκεῖνο κεῖσθαι ξυνέβαινεν, ὃ δὴ καὶ οἱ ποιηταὶ παραδηλοῦσιν οἱ τὰ τοιαῦτα ἀναγραψάμενοι.

§ 8.2.32 ὁ μὲν οὖν Φᾶσις τῇδε φερόμενος, ᾗπέρ μοι δεδιήγηται, ἐς αὐτόν που λήγοντα ἐκβάλλει τὸν Εὔξεινον Πόντον. τοῦ δὲ μηνοειδοῦς κατὰ μὲν τὴν μίαν ἀρχήν, ἣ τῆς Ἀσίας ἐστί, Πέτρα ἡ πόλις ἐτύγχανεν οὖσα, ἐν δὲ δὴ τῇ ἀντιπέρας ἀκτῇ κατὰ τὴν τῆς Εὐρώπης μοῖραν Ἀψιλίων ἡ χώρα ἐστί·

§ 8.2.33 Λαζῶν δὲ κατήκοοί εἰσι καὶ Χριστιανοὶ γεγόνασιν ἐκ παλαιοῦ οἱ Ἀψίλιοι, ὥσπερ καὶ τἄλλα ξύμπαντα ἔθνη ὧνπερ ἐμνήσθην ἐς τόδε τοῦ λόγου.

Wars 8.3

§ 8.3.1 Ταύτης δὲ τῆς χώρας καθύπερθεν ὄρος τὸ Καυκάσιόν ἐστι. τοῦτο δὲ τὸ ὄρος, ὁ Καύκασος, ἐς τοσόνδε ὕψος ἀνέχει, ὥστε δὴ αὐτοῦ τῶν μὲν ὑπερβολῶν οὔτε ὄμβρους οὔτε νιφετοὺς ἐπιψαύειν ποτέ· τῶν γὰρ νεφελῶν αὐτὰς ἁπασῶν καθυπερτέρας ξυμβαίνει εἶναι. τὰ δὲ μέσα μέχρι τῶν ἐσχάτων χιόνων ἔμπλεα διηνεκές ἐστι.

§ 8.3.2 καὶ ἀπ’ αὐτοῦ οἱ πρόποδες ὑψηλοὶ ἐσάγαν τυγχάνουσιν ὄντες, οὐδέν τι καταδεέστεροι τῶν ἐν τοῖς ὄρεσι τοῖς ἄλλοις σκοπέλων.

§ 8.3.3 τῶν δὲ τοῦ Καυκασίου ὄρους προπόδων οἱ μὲν πρός τε βορρᾶν ἄνεμον καὶ ἥλιον δύοντα τετραμμένοι ἔς τε Ἰλλυριοὺς καὶ Θρᾷκας διήκουσιν, οἱ δὲ πρός τε ἀνίσχοντα ἥλιον καὶ ἄνεμον νότον ἐς τὰς διεξόδους ἐξικνοῦνται αὐτὰς αἳ τὰ τῇδε ᾠκημένα Οὐννικὰ ἔθνη ἐς γῆν τήν τε Περσῶν καὶ Ῥωμαίων ἄγουσιν.

§ 8.3.4 ὧνπερ ἁτέρα μὲν Τζοὺρ ἐπικέκληται, ἡ δὲ δὴ ἑτέρα Πύλη ἐκ παλαιοῦ Κασπία ἐκλήθη. ταύτην δὲ τὴν χώραν ἣ ἐξ ὄρους τοῦ Καυκάσου ἄχρι ἐς τὰς Κασπίας κατατείνει Πύλας Ἀλανοὶ ἔχουσιν, αὐτόνομον ἔθνος, οἳ δὴ καὶ Πέρσαις τὰ πολλὰ ξυμμαχοῦσιν, ἐπί τε Ῥωμαίους καὶ ἄλλους πολεμίους στρατεύουσι. τὰ μὲν οὖν ἀμφὶ τῷ ὄρει τῷ Καυκασίῳ ταύτῃ πη ἔχει.

§ 8.3.5 Οὖννοι δέ, οἱ Σάβειροι ἐπικαλούμενοι, ἐνταῦθα ᾤκηνται καὶ ἄλλα ἄττα Οὐννικὰ ἔθνη. ἐνθένδε μὲν τὰς Ἀμαζόνας ὡρμῆσθαί φασιν, ἀμφὶ δὲ τὸ Θεμίσκουρον καὶ ποταμὸν τὸν Θερμώδοντα ἐνστρατοπεδεύσασθαι, ᾗπέρ μοι ἔναγχος εἴρηται,

§ 8.3.6 οὗ δὴ πόλις ἐν τῷ παρόντι Ἀμισός ἐστι. τανῦν δὲ οὐδαμῆ τῶν ἀμφὶ τὸ Καυκάσιον ὄρος χωρίων Ἀμαζόνων τις μνήμη ἢ ὄνομα διασώζεται, καίτοι καὶ Στράβωνι καὶ ἄλλοις τισὶ λόγοι ἀμφ’ αὐταῖς πολλοὶ εἴρηνται.

§ 8.3.7 ἀλλά μοι δοκοῦσι μάλιστα πάντων τά γε κατὰ τὰς Ἀμαζόνας ξὺν τῷ ἀληθεῖ λόγῳ εἰπεῖν, ὅσοι ἔφασαν οὐ πώποτε γένος γυναικῶν ἀνδρείων γεγονέναι, οὐδ’ ἐν ὄρει μόνῳ τῷ Καυκασίῳ τὴν τῶν ἀνθρώπων φύσιν θεσμῶν τῶν οἰκείων ἐξίστασθαι, ἀλλὰ βαρβάρους ἐκ τῶνδε τῶν χωρίων στρατῷ μεγάλῳ ξὺν γυναιξὶ ταῖς αὐτῶν ἰδίαις ἐπὶ τὴν Ἀσίαν στρατεῦσαι, στρατόπεδόν τε ἀμφὶ ποταμὸν Θερμώδοντα ποιησαμένους ἐνταῦθα μὲν τὰς γυναῖκας ἀπολιπεῖν, αὐτοὺς δὲ γῆν τῆς Ἀσίας τὴν πολλὴν καταθέοντας, ὑπαντιασάντων σφίσι τῶν τῇδε ᾠκημένων, ἅπαντας ἐξ ἀνθρώπων ἀφανισθῆναι, οὐδένα τε αὐτῶν τὸ παράπαν ἐπανήκειν ἐς τῶν γυναικῶν τὸ χαράκωμα, καὶ τὸ λοιπὸν ταύτας δὴ τὰς γυναῖκας, δέει τῶν περιοίκων καὶ ἀπορίᾳ τῶν ἐπιτηδείων ἀναγκασθείσας, τό τε ἀρρενωπὸν ἀμφιέσασθαι οὔτι ἐθελουσίας καὶ ἀνελομένας τὴν πρὸς τῶν ἀνδρῶν ἐν τῷ στρατοπέδῳ ἀπολελειμμένην τῶν ὅπλων σκευήν, καὶ ταύτῃ ἐξοπλισαμένας ὡς ἄριστα ἔργα ἀνδρεῖα ξὺν ἀρετῇ ἐπιδείξασθαι, διωθουμένης ἐς τοῦτο αὐτὰς τῆς ἀνάγκης, ἕως δὴ ἁπάσαις διαφθαρῆναι ξυνέπεσε.

§ 8.3.8 ταῦτα δὲ ὧδέ πη γεγονέναι καὶ ξὺν τοῖς ἀνδράσι τὰς Ἀμαζόνας στρατεύσασθαι καὶ αὐτὸς οἴομαι, τεκμηριούμενος οἷς δὴ καὶ χρόνῳ τῷ κατ’ ἐμὲ ξυνηνέχθη γενέσθαι.

§ 8.3.9 τὰ γὰρ ἐπιτηδεύματα μέχρι ἐς τοὺς ἀπογόνους παραπεμπόμενα τῶν προγεγενημένων τῆς φύσεως ἴνδαλμα γίνεται.

§ 8.3.10 Οὔννων τοίνυν καταδραμόντων πολλάκις τὴν Ῥωμαίων ἀρχήν, τοῖς τε ὑπαντιάσασιν ἐς χεῖρας ἐλθόντων, τινὰς μὲν αὐτῶν πεσεῖν ἐνταῦθα τετύχηκε, μετὰ δὲ τῶν βαρβάρων τὴν ἀναχώρησιν Ῥωμαῖοι διερευνώμενοι τῶν πεπτωκότων τὰ σώματα καὶ γυναῖκας ἐν αὐτοῖς εὗρον.

§ 8.3.11 ἄλλο μέντοι γυναικῶν στράτευμα οὐδαμῆ τῆς Ἀσίας ἢ τῆς Εὐρώπης ἐπιχωρίαζον ἐφάνη. οὐ μὴν οὐδὲ τὰ Καυκάσια ὄρη ἀνδρῶν ἔρημα γεγενῆσθαι πώποτε ἀκοῇ ἴσμεν. περὶ μὲν οὖν τῶν Ἀμαζόνων τοσαῦτα εἰρήσθω.

§ 8.3.12 Μετὰ δὲ Ἀψιλίους τε καὶ τοῦ μηνοειδοῦς τὴν ἑτέραν ἀρχὴν ἐς τὴν παραλίαν Ἀβασγοὶ ᾤκηνται, ἄχρι ἐς τὰ Καυκάσια ὄρη διήκοντες. οἱ δὲ Ἀβασγοὶ Λαζῶν μὲν κατήκοοι ἐκ παλαιοῦ ἦσαν,

§ 8.3.13 ἄρχοντας δὲ ὁμογενεῖς δύο ἐσαεὶ εἶχον. ὧν ἅτερος μὲν ἐς τῆς χώρας τὰ πρὸς ἑσπέραν, ὁ δὲ δὴ ἕτερος ἐς τὰ πρὸς ἀνίσχοντα ἥλιον ἵδρυτο.

§ 8.3.14 οἱ δὲ βάρβαροι οὗτοι μέχρι μὲν ἐς ἐμὲ ἄλση τε καὶ ὕλας ἐσέβοντο· θεοὺς γὰρ τὰ δένδρα βαρβάρῳ τινὶ ἀφελείᾳ ὑπώπτευον εἶναι.

§ 8.3.15 πρὸς δὲ τῶν ἐν σφίσιν ἀρχόντων τὰ δεινότατα διὰ φιλοχρηματίας μέγεθος ἔπασχον. ἄμφω γὰρ αὐτῶν οἱ βασιλεῖς, ὅσους ἂν παῖδας ἐν τούτῳ τῷ ἔθνει ἀγαθούς τε τὴν ὄψιν καὶ τὸ σῶμα καλοὺς ἴδοιεν, τούτους δὴ ὀκνήσει οὐδεμιᾷ ἐκ τῶν γειναμένων ἀφέλκοντες εὐνούχους τε ἀπεργαζόμενοι ἀπεδίδοντο ἐς Ῥωμαίων τὴν γῆν τοῖς ὠνεῖσθαι βουλομένοις χρημάτων μεγάλων.

§ 8.3.16 τούς τε αὐτῶν πατέρας ἔκτεινον εὐθύς, τοῦ μὴ αὐτῶν τινὰς τίσασθαί ποτε τῆς ἐς τοὺς παῖδας ἀδικίας τὸν βασιλέα ἐγχειριεῖν, μηδὲ ὑπόπτους αὐτοῖς τῶν κατηκόων τινὰς ἐνταῦθα εἶναι. ἥ τε τῶν υἱέων εὐμορφία σφίσιν ἐς τὸν ὄλεθρον ἀπεκρίνετο·

§ 8.3.17 διεφθείροντο γὰρ οἱ ταλαίπωροι, παίδων θανάσιμον δεδυστυχηκότες εὐπρέπειαν. καὶ ἀπ’ αὐτοῦ τῶν ἐν Ῥωμαίοις εὐνούχων οἱ πλεῖστοι καὶ οὐχ ἥκιστα ἐν τῇ βασιλέως αὐλῇ γένος Ἀβασγοὶ ἐτύγχανον ὄντες.

§ 8.3.18 Ἐπὶ τούτου δὲ Ἰουστινιανοῦ βασιλεύοντος ἅπαντα Ἀβασγοῖς ἐπὶ τὸ ἡμερώτερον τετύχηκε μεταμπίσχεσθαι.

§ 8.3.19 τά τε γὰρ Χριστιανῶν δόγματα εἵλοντο καὶ αὐτοῖς Ἰουστινιανὸς βασιλεὺς τῶν τινὰ ἐκ Παλατίου εὐνούχων στείλας, Ἀβασγὸν γένος, Εὐφρατᾶν ὄνομα, τοῖς αὐτῶν βασιλεῦσι διαρρήδην ἀπεῖπε μηδένα τὸ λοιπὸν ἐν τούτῳ τῷ ἔθνει τὴν ἀρρενωπίαν ἀποψιλοῦσθαι, σιδήρῳ βιαζομένης τῆς φύσεως. ὃ δὴ ἄσμενοι Ἀβασγοὶ ἤκουσαν,

§ 8.3.20 καὶ τῇ τοῦ Ῥωμαίων βασιλέως ἐπιτάξει θαρροῦντες ἤδη τὸ ἔργον τοῦτο σθένει παντὶ διεκώλυον. ἐδεδίει γὰρ αὐτῶν ἕκαστος μή ποτε παιδίου πατὴρ εὐπρεποῦς γένηται.

§ 8.3.21 τότε δὴ Ἰουστινιανὸς βασιλεὺς καὶ ἱερὸν τῆς θεοτόκου ἐν Ἀβασγοῖς οἰκοδομησάμενος, ἱερεῖς τε αὐτοῖς καταστησάμενος, διεπράξατο ἅπαντα αὐτοὺς ἤθη τῶν Χριστιανῶν ἐκδιδάσκεσθαι, τούς τε βασιλεῖς ἄμφω Ἀβασγοὶ καθελόντες αὐτίκα ἐν ἐλευθερίᾳ βιοτεύειν ἐδόκουν. ταῦτα μὲν οὖν τῇδε ἐχώρησε.

Wars 8.4

§ 8.4.1 Μετὰ δὲ τοὺς Ἀβασγῶν ὅρους κατὰ μὲν ὄρος τὸ Καυκάσιον Βροῦχοι ᾤκηνται, Ἀβασγῶν τε καὶ Ἀλανῶν μεταξὺ ὄντες, κατὰ δὲ τὴν παραλίαν Πόντου τοῦ Εὐξείνου Ζῆχοι ἵδρυνται.

§ 8.4.2 τοῖς δὲ δὴ Ζήχοις κατὰ μὲν παλαιὸν ὁ Ῥωμαίων αὐτοκράτωρ βασιλέα καθίστη, τὸ δὲ νῦν οὐδ’ ὁτιοῦν Ῥωμαίοις ἐπακούουσιν οἱ βάρβαροι οὗτοι.

§ 8.4.3 μετὰ δὲ αὐτοὺς Σαγίναι μὲν οἰκοῦσι, μοῖραν δὲ αὐτῶν τῆς παραλίας Ῥωμαῖοι ἐκ παλαιοῦ ἔσχον.

§ 8.4.4 φρούριά τε δειμάμενοι ἐπιθαλασσίδια δύο, Σεβαστόπολίν τε καὶ Πιτιοῦντα, δυοῖν ἡμέραιν ὁδῷ ἀλλήλοιν διέχοντα, φρουρὰν ἐνταῦθα στρατιωτῶν τὸ ἐξ ἀρχῆς κατεστήσαντο.

§ 8.4.5 τὰ μὲν γὰρ πρότερα κατάλογοι Ῥωμαίων στρατιωτῶν τὰ ἐπὶ τῆς ἀκτῆς πάντα χωρία ἐκ τῶν Τραπεζοῦντος ὁρίων ἄχρι ἐς τοὺς Σαγίνας εἶχον, ᾗπέρ μοι εἴρηται· νῦν δὲ μόνα τὰ δύο ταῦτα φρούρια ἐλέλειπτο σφίσιν, οὗ δὴ τὰ φυλακτήρια καὶ ἐς ἐμὲ εἶχον, ἐπειδὴ Χοσρόης, ὁ Περσῶν βασιλεύς, Λαζῶν αὐτὸν ἐπαγαγομένων ἐς τὴν Πέτραν, στράτευμα Περσῶν ἐνταῦθα στέλλειν ἐν σπουδῇ εἶχε, τούς τε τὰ φρούρια ταῦτα καθέξοντας καὶ καθιζησομένους ἐν τοῖς ἐνταῦθα φυλακτηρίοις.

§ 8.4.6 ἅπερ ἐπεὶ οἱ Ῥωμαίων στρατιῶται προμαθεῖν ἴσχυσαν, προτερήσαντες τάς τε οἰκίας ἐνέπρησαν καὶ τὰ τείχη ἐς τὸ ἔδαφος καθελόντες ἔς τε τὰς ἀκάτους μελλήσει οὐδεμιᾷ ἐσβάντες ἐς ἤπειρον εὐθὺς τὴν ἀντιπέρας καὶ Τραπεζοῦντα πόλιν ἐχώρησαν, ζημιώσαντες μὲν τῇ τῶν φρουρίων διαφθορᾷ τὴν Ῥωμαίων ἀρχήν, κέρδος δὲ αὐτῇ πορισάμενοι μέγα, ὅτι δὴ τῆς χώρας ἐγκρατεῖς οὐ γεγόνασιν οἱ πολέμιοι. ἄπρακτοι γὰρ ἀπ’ αὐτοῦ ἐς τὴν Πέτραν ἀνέστρεφον Πέρσαι. ταῦτα μὲν οὖν τῇδε ξυνηνέχθη γενέσθαι.

§ 8.4.7 Ὑπὲρ δὲ Σαγίνας Οὐννικὰ ἔθνη πολλὰ ἵδρυνται. τὸ δ’ ἐντεῦθεν Εὐλυσία μὲν ἡ χώρα ὠνόμασται, βάρβαροι δὲ αὐτῆς ἄνθρωποι τά τε παράλια καὶ τὴν μεσόγειον ἔχουσι, μέχρι ἐς τὴν Μαιῶτιν καλουμένην Λίμνην καὶ ποταμὸν Τάναϊν, ὃς δὴ ἐς τὴν Λίμνην ἐσβάλλει.

§ 8.4.8 αὕτη δὲ ἡ Λίμνη ἐς τὴν ἀκτὴν Πόντου τοῦ Εὐξείνου τὰς ἐκβολὰς ποιεῖται. ἄνθρωποι δὲ οἳ ταύτῃ ᾤκηνται Κιμμεριοι μὲν τὸ παλαιὸν ὠνομάζοντο, τανῦν δὲ Οὐτίγουροι καλοῦνται.

§ 8.4.9 καὶ αὐτῶν καθύπερθεν ἐς βορρᾶν ἄνεμον ἔθνη τὰ Ἀντῶν ἄμετρα ἵδρυνται. παρὰ δὲ τὸν χῶρον αὐτὸν ὅθεν ἡ τῆς Λίμνης ἐκβολὴ ἄρχεται, Γότθοι οἱ Τετραξῖται καλούμενοι ᾤκηνται, οὐ πολλοὶ ὄντες, οἳ δὴ τὰ Χριστιανῶν νόμιμα σεβόμενοι περιστέλλουσιν οὐδενὸς ἧσσον.

§ 8.4.10 ʽΤάναϊν δὲ καλοῦσιν οἱ ἐπιχώριοι καὶ τὴν ἐκβολὴν ταύτην, ἥπερ ἐκ Λίμνης ἀρξαμένη τῆς Μαιώτιδος ἄχρι ἐς τὸν Εὔξεινον Πόντον διήκει, ἐς ὁδὸν ἡμερῶν, ὥς φασιν, εἴκοσιν. ἀλλὰ καὶ τὸν ἄνεμον ὃς ἐνθένδε πνεῖ Ταναΐτην προσαγορεύουσιν.ʼ

§ 8.4.11 εἴτε δὲ τῆς Ἀρείου δόξης ἐγένοντό ποτε οἱ Γότθοι οὗτοι, ὥσπερ καὶ τὰ ἄλλα Γοτθικὰ ἔθνη, εἴτε καὶ ἄλλο τι ἀμφὶ τῇ δόξῃ αὐτοῖς ἤσκητο, οὐκ ἔχω εἰπεῖν, ἐπεὶ οὐδὲ αὐτοὶ ἴσασιν, ἀλλ’ ἀφελείᾳ τε τανῦν καὶ ἀπραγμοσύνῃ πολλῇ τιμῶσι τὴν δόξαν.

§ 8.4.12 Οὗτοι ὀλίγῳ πρότερον ʽλέγω δέ, ἡνίκα πρῶτόν τε καὶ εἰκοστὸν ἔτος Ἰουστινιανὸς βασιλεὺς τὴν αὐτοκράτορα εἶχεν ἀρχὴν’ πρέσβεις τέτταρας ἐς Βυζάντιον ἔπεμψαν, ἐπίσκοπον σφίσι τινὰ δεόμενοι δοῦναι· ἐπεὶ ὅστις μὲν αὐτοῖς ἱερεὺς ἦν τετελευτήκει οὐ πολλῷ πρότερον, ἔγνωσαν δὲ ὡς καὶ Ἀβασγοῖς ἱερέα βασιλεὺς πέμψειε· καὶ αὐτοῖς προθυμότατα Ἰουστινιανὸς βασιλεὺς ἐπιτελῆ ποιήσας τὴν δέησιν ἀπεπέμψατο.

§ 8.4.13 οἱ δὲ πρέσβεις οὗτοι δέει Οὔννων τῶν Οὐτιγούρων ἐς μὲν τὸ ἐμφανές, αὐτηκόων πολλῶν ὄντων, ἀποστοματίζοντες ὅτου δὴ ἕνεκα ἥκοιεν, ἄλλο οὐδὲν ὅτι μὴ τὰ ἀμφὶ τῷ ἱερεῖ βασιλεῖ ἤγγειλαν, ὡς λαθραιότατα δὲ ξυγγενόμενοι ἅπαντα φράζουσιν, ὅσα συνοίσειν τῇ Ῥωμαίων ἀρχῇ ἔμελλε, ξυγκρουομένων ἐς ἀλλήλους ἀεὶ τῶν σφίσι προσοίκων βαρβάρων. ὅντινα δὲ τρόπον οἱ Τετραξῖται καὶ ὅθεν ἀναστάντες ἐνταῦθα ἱδρύσαντο, ἐρῶν ἔρχομαι.

Wars 8.5

§ 8.5.1 Πάλαι μὲν Οὔννων, τῶν τότε Κιμμερίων καλουμένων, πολύς τις ὅμιλος τὰ χωρία ταῦτα ἐνέμοντο ὧν ἄρτι ἐμνήσθην, βασιλεύς τε εἷς ἅπασιν ἐφειστήκει.

§ 8.5.2 καί ποτέ τις αὐτῶν τὴν ἀρχὴν ἔσχεν, ᾧ δὴ παῖδες ἐγένοντο δύο, ἅτερος μὲν Οὐτιγοὺρ ὄνομα, Κουτριγοὺρ δὲ ὁ ἕτερος.

§ 8.5.3 οἵπερ, ἐπειδὴ αὐτοῖν ὁ πατὴρ τὸν βίον συνεμετρήσατο, τήν τε ἀρχὴν ἄμφω ἐν σφίσιν αὐτοῖς διεδάσαντο καὶ τὴν ἐπωνυμίαν τοῖς ἀρχομένοις αὐτοῖς ἔδοσαν·

§ 8.5.4 οἱ μὲν γὰρ Οὐτίγουροι, οἱ δὲ Κουτρίγουροι καὶ ἐς ἐμὲ ὀνομάζονται. οὗτοι μὲν ἅπαντες τῇδε ᾤκηντο, κοινὰ μὲν τὰ ἐπιτηδεύματα ξύμπαντα ἔχοντες, οὐκ ἐπιμιγνύμενοι δὲ ἀνθρώποις οἳ δὴ τῆς τε Λίμνης καὶ τῆς ἐνθένδε ἐκροῆς ἐς τὰ ἐπὶ θάτερα ἵδρυντο, ἐπεὶ οὔτε διέβαινόν ποτε τὰ ὕδατα ταῦτα οὔτε διαβατὰ εἶναι ὑπώπτευον, πρὸς τὰ εὐκολώτατα περίφοβοι ὄντες, τῷ μηδὲ ἀποπειράσασθαι αὐτῶν πώποτε, ἀλλ’ ἀμελέτητοι τῆς διαβάσεως παντάπασιν εἶναι.

§ 8.5.5 Λίμνην δὲ τὴν Μαιῶτιν καὶ τὴν ἐξ αὐτῆς ἐκβολὴν ὑπερβάντι εὐθὺς μὲν ἐς αὐτήν που τὴν ταύτης ἀκτὴν οἱ Τετραξῖται καλούμενοι Γότθοι τὸ παλαιὸν ᾤκηντο, ὧν ἐπεμνήσθην ἀρτίως· πολλῷ δὲ αὐτῶν ἄποθεν Γότθοι τε καὶ Οὐισίγοτθοι καὶ Βανδίλοι καὶ τὰ ἄλλα Γοτθικὰ γένη ξύμπαντα ἵδρυντο.

§ 8.5.6 οἳ δὴ καὶ Σκύθαι ἐν τοῖς ἄνω χρόνοις ἐπεκαλοῦντο, ἐπεὶ πάντα τὰ ἔθνη ἅπερ τὰ ἐκείνῃ χωρία εἶχον, Σκυθικὰ μὲν ἐπὶ κοινῆς ὀνομάζεται, ἔνιοι δὲ αὐτῶν Σαυρομάται ἢ Μελάγχλαινοι, ἢ ἄλλο τι ἐπεκαλοῦντο.

§ 8.5.7 Προϊόντος δὲ τοῦ χρόνου, φασίν, εἴπερ ὁ λόγος ὑγιής ἐστι, τῶν μὲν Κιμμερίων νεανίας τινὰς ἐν κυνηγεσίῳ διατριβὴν ἔχειν, ἔλαφον δὲ μίαν πρὸς αὐτῶν φεύγουσαν ἐς τὰ ὕδατα ἐσπηδῆσαι ταῦτα.

§ 8.5.8 τούς τε νεανίας, εἴτε φιλοτιμίᾳ εἴτε φιλονεικίᾳ τινὶ ἐχομένους, ἢ καί τι δαιμόνιον αὐτοὺς κατηνάγκασε, τῇ ἐλάφῳ ἐπισπέσθαι ταύτῃ, μηχανῇ τε μεθίεσθαι αὐτῆς οὐδεμιᾷ, ἕως ξὺν αὐτῇ ἐς τὴν ἀντιπέρας ἀκτὴν ἵκοντο.

§ 8.5.9 καὶ τὸ μὲν διωκόμενον ὅ τι ποτ’ ἦν εὐθὺς ἀφανισθῆναι· ʽδοκεῖν γάρ μοι οὐδὲ ἄλλου του ἕνεκα ἐνταῦθα ἐφάνη, ὅτι μὴ τοῦ γενέσθαι κακῶς τοῖς τῇδε ᾠκημένοις βαρβάροισ̓ τοὺς δὲ νεανίας τοῦ μὲν κυνηγεσίου ἀποτυχεῖν, μάχης δὲ ἀφορμὴν καὶ λείας εὑρέσθαι.

§ 8.5.10 ἐς ἤθη γὰρ τὰ πάτρια ὅτι τάχιστα ἐπανήκοντες ἔνδηλα πᾶσι Κιμμερίοις πεποίηνται ὅτι δὴ ταῦτα βατὰ σφίσι τὰ ὕδατα εἴη. ἀνελόμενοι οὖν αὐτίκα τὰ ὅπλα πανδημεί τε διαβάντες ἐγένοντο μελλήσει οὐδεμιᾷ ἐν τῇ ἀντιπέρας ἠπείρῳ, Βανδίλων μὲν ἤδη ἐνθένδε ἀναστάντων ἐπί τε Λιβύης ἱδρυσαμένων, ἐν Ἱσπανίᾳ δὲ Οὐισιγότθων οἰκησαμένων.

§ 8.5.11 Γότθοις οὖν τοῖς ἐς τὰ τῇδε ᾠκημένοις πεδία ἐξαπιναίως ἐπιπεσόντες πολλοὺς μὲν ἔκτειναν, τοὺς δὲ λοιποὺς ἐτρέψαντο ἅπαντας.

§ 8.5.12 ὅσοι τε αὐτοὺς διαφυγεῖν ἴσχυσαν, ξὺν παισί τε καὶ γυναιξὶν ἐνθένδε ἀναστάντες ἀπέλιπον μὲν τὰ πάτρια ἤθη, διαπορθμευσάμενοι δὲ ποταμὸν Ἴστρον ἐν γῇ τῇ Ῥωμαίων ἐγένοντο.

§ 8.5.13 Καὶ πολλὰ μὲν τοὺς ταύτῃ ᾠκημένους δεινὰ ἔδρασαν, μετὰ δὲ δόντος βασιλέως ᾠκήσαντο ἐς τὰ ἐπὶ Θρᾴκης χωρία, καὶ τὰ μὲν ξυνεμάχουν Ῥωμαίοις, τάς τε συντάξεις ὥσπερ οἱ ἄλλοι στρατιῶται πρὸς βασιλέως κομιζόμενοι ἀνὰ πᾶν ἔτος καὶ φοιδερᾶτοι ἐπικληθέντες· οὕτω γὰρ αὐτοὺς τότε Λατίνων φωνῇ ἐκάλεσαν Ῥωμαῖοι, ἐκεῖνο, οἶμαι, παραδηλοῦντες, ὅτι δὴ οὐχ ἡσσημένοι αὐτῶν τῷ πολέμῳ Γότθοι, ἀλλ’ ἐπὶ ξυνθήκαις τισὶν ἔνσπονδοι·

§ 8.5.14 ἐγένοντο σφίσι· φοίδερα γὰρ Λατῖνοι τὰς ἐν πολέμῳ καλοῦσι ξυνθήκας, ᾗπέρ μοι ἐν τοῖς ἔμπροσθεν δεδήλωται λόγοις· τὰ δὲ καὶ πόλεμον πρὸς αὐτοὺς διέφερον οὐδενὶ λόγῳ, ἕως ᾤχοντο ἀπιόντες ἐς Ἰταλίαν, Θευδερίχου ἡγουμένου σφίσι. τὰ μὲν οὖν τῶν Γότθων τῇδε κεχώρηκεν.

§ 8.5.15 Οὖννοι δὲ αὐτῶν τοὺς μὲν κτείναντες, τοὺς δέ, ὥσπερ ἐρρήθη, ἐξαναστήσαντες τὴν χώραν ἔσχον. καὶ αὐτῶν Κουτρίγουροι μὲν παῖδάς τε καὶ γυναῖκας μεταπεμψάμενοι ἐνταῦθα ἱδρύσαντο,

§ 8.5.16 οὗ δὴ καὶ ἐς ἐμὲ ᾤκηνται. καὶ δῶρα μὲν πολλὰ πρὸς βασιλέως ἀνὰ πᾶν ἔτος κομίζονται, καὶ ὣς δὲ διαβαίνοντες ποταμὸν Ἴστρον καταθέουσιν ἐσαεὶ τὴν βασιλέως χώραν,

§ 8.5.17 ἔνσπονδοί τε καὶ πολέμιοι Ῥωμαίοις ὄντες. Οὐτίγουροι δὲ ξὺν τῷ ἡγουμένῳ ἐπ’ οἴκου ἀπεκομίζοντο, μόνοι τὸ λοιπὸν ἐνταῦθα καθιζησόμενοι.

§ 8.5.18 οἵπερ ἐπειδὴ Λίμνης τῆς Μαιώτιδος ἀγχοῦ ἐγένοντο, Γότθοις ἐνταῦθα τοῖς Τετραξίταις καλουμένοις ἐνέτυχον.

§ 8.5.19 καὶ τὰ μὲν πρῶτα φραξάμενοι ταῖς ἀσπίσιν οἱ Γότθοι ἀντικρὺ τοῖς ἐπιοῦσιν ὡς ἀμυνόμενοι ἔστησαν, σθένει τε τῷ σφετέρῳ καὶ χωρίου ἰσχύϊ θαρσοῦντες· αὐτοὶ γὰρ ἀλκιμώτατοι ἁπάντων εἰσὶ τῶν τῇδε βαρβάρων.

§ 8.5.20 καὶ ἡ πρώτη τῆς Μαιώτιδος ἐκροή, οὗ δὴ τότε οἱ Τετραξῖται Γότθοι ἵδρυντο, ἐν κόλπῳ ξυνιοῦσα μηνοειδεῖ, περιβαλοῦσά τε αὐτοὺς ἐκ τοῦ ἐπὶ πλεῖστον, μίαν ἐπ’ αὐτοὺς εἴσοδον οὐ λίαν εὐρεῖαν τοῖς ἐπιοῦσι παρείχετο.

§ 8.5.21 ὕστερον δὲ ʽοὔτε γὰρ Οὖννοι χρόνον τινὰ τρίβεσθαι σφίσιν ἐνταῦθα ἤθελον, οἵ τε Γότθοι τῷ τῶν πολεμίων ὁμίλῳ ἐπὶ πολὺ ἀνθέξειν οὐδαμῆ ἤλπιζον’ ἐς λόγους ἀλλήλοις ξυνίασιν, ἐφ’ ᾧ ἀναμιχθέντες κοινῇ ποιήσονται τὴν διάβασιν, καὶ οἱ Γότθοι ἱδρύσονται μὲν ἐν τῇ ἀντιπέρας ἠπείρῳ παρ’ αὐτὴν τῆς ἐκβολῆς μάλιστα τὴν ἀκτήν, ἵνα δὴ καὶ τανῦν ἵδρυνται, φίλοι δὲ καὶ ξύμμαχοι τὸ λοιπὸν Οὐτιγούροις ὄντες ἐπὶ τῇ ἴσῃ καὶ ὁμοίᾳ σφίσιν ἐνταῦθα βιώσονται τὸν πάντα αἰῶνα.

§ 8.5.22 οὕτω μὲν οὖν οἵδε οἱ Γότθοι τῇδε ἱδρύσαντο καὶ τῶν Κουτριγούρων, ὥσπερ μοι εἴρηται, ἀπολελειμμένων ἐν γῇ τῇ ἐπὶ θάτερα τῆς Λίμνης οὔσῃ μόνοι Οὐτίγουροι τὴν χώραν ἔσχον, πράγματα Ῥωμαίοις ὡς ἥκιστα παρεχόμενοι, ἐπεὶ οὐδὲ αὐτῶν ἄγχιστα ᾤκηνται, ἀλλ’ ἔθνεσι πολλοῖς διειργόμενοι μεταξὺ οὖσιν ἀκουσίῳ ἀπραγμοσύνῃ ἐς αὐτοὺς ἔχονται.

§ 8.5.23 Ὑπερβάντι δὲ Λίμνην τε τὴν Μαιώτιδα καὶ ποταμὸν Τάναϊν ἐπὶ πλεῖστον μὲν τῶν τῇδε πεδίων Κουτρίγουροι Οὖννοι, ᾗπέρ μοι ἐρρήθη, ᾠκήσαντο· μετὰ δὲ αὐτοὺς Σκύθαι τε καὶ Ταῦροι ξύμπασαν ἔχουσι τὴν ταύτῃ χώραν, ἧσπερ μοῖρά τις Ταυρικὴ καὶ νῦν ἐπικαλεῖται, ἵνα δὴ καὶ τῆς Ἀρτέμιδος τὸν νεὼν γεγονέναι φασίν, οὗπέρ ποτε ἡ τοῦ Ἀγαμέμνονος Ἰφιγένεια προὔστη.

§ 8.5.24 καίτοι Ἀρμένιοι ἐν τῇ παρ’ αὐτοῖς Κελεσηνῇ καλουμένῃ χώρᾳ τὸν νεὼν τοῦτον γεγονέναι φασὶ Σκύθας τε τηνικάδε ξύμπαντας καλεῖσθαι τοὺς ἐνταῦθα ἀνθρώπους, τεκμηριούμενοι τοῖς ἀμφί τε Ὀρέστῃ καὶ πόλει Κομάνῃ δεδιηγημένοις μοι ἐς ἐκεῖνο τοῦ λόγου.

§ 8.5.25 ἀλλὰ περὶ μὲν τούτων λεγέτω ἕκαστος ὥς πη αὐτῷ βουλομένῳ ἐστί· πολλὰ γὰρ τῶν ἑτέρωθι γεγενημένων, ἴσως δὲ καὶ οὐδαμῆ ξυμπεπτωκότων, ἄνθρωποι προσποιεῖσθαι φιλοῦσιν ὡς πάτρια ἤθη, ἀγανακτοῦντες, ἢν μὴ τῇ δοκήσει τῇ αὐτῶν ἅπαντες ἕπωνται.

§ 8.5.26 Μετὰ δὲ τὰ ἔθνη ταῦτα πόλις θαλασσία οἰκεῖται, Βόσπορος ὄνομα, Ῥωμαίων κατήκοος γενομένη οὐ πολλῷ πρότερον.

§ 8.5.27 ἐκ δὲ Βοσπόρου πόλεως ἐς πόλιν Χερσῶνα ἰόντι, ἣ κεῖται μὲν ἐν τῇ παραλίᾳ, Ῥωμαίων δὲ καὶ αὐτὴ κατήκοος ἐκ παλαιοῦ ἐστί, βάρβαροι, Οὐννικὰ ἔθνη, τὰ μεταξὺ ἅπαντα ἔχουσι.

§ 8.5.28 καὶ ἄλλα δὲ πολίσματα δύο ἀγχοῦ Χερσῶνος, Κῆποί τε καὶ Φανάγουρις καλούμενα, Ῥωμαίων κατήκοα ἐκ παλαιοῦ τε καὶ ἐς ἐμὲ ἦν. ἅπερ οὐ πολλῷ ἔμπροσθεν βαρβάρων τῶν πλησιοχώρων ἑλόντες τινὲς ἐς ἔδαφος καθεῖλον.

§ 8.5.29 ἐκ δὲ Χερσῶνος πόλεως ἐς τὰς ἐκβολὰς ποταμοῦ Ἴστρου, ὃν καὶ Δανούβιον καλοῦσιν, ὁδὸς μέν ἐστιν ἡμερῶν δέκα, βάρβαροι δὲ τὰ ἐκείνῃ ξύμπαντα ἔχουσιν.

§ 8.5.30 Ἴστρος δὲ ποταμὸς ἐξ ὀρέων μὲν τῶν Κελτικῶν ῥεῖ, περιιὼν δὲ τὰς Ἰταλίας ἐσχατιάς, φερόμενός τε ἐπὶ τὰ Δακῶν καὶ Ἰλλυριῶν καὶ τὰ ἐπὶ Θρᾴκης χωρία, ἐκβάλλει ἐς τὸν Εὔξεινον Πόντον. τὰ δὲ ἐνθένδε ἅπαντα μέχρι ἐς Βυζάντιον τοῦ Ῥωμαίων βασιλέως τυγχάνει ὄντα.

§ 8.5.31 Ἡ μὲν οὖν τοῦ Εὐξείνου Πόντου περίοδος ἐκ Καλχηδόνος μέχρι ἐς Βυζάντιον ταύτῃ πη ἔχει.

§ 8.5.32 ἐς ὅσον δὲ ἡ περίοδος ἥδε διήκει, ἅπαντα μὲν ἐς τὸ ἀκριβὲς οὐκ ἔχω εἰπεῖν, βαρβάρων, ὥσπερ μοι ἐρρήθη, ᾠκημένων ἐνταῦθα τοσούτων τὸ πλῆθος, ἐπιμιξίας τε Ῥωμαίοις παρ’ αὐτῶν τινάς, ὅτι μὴ ὅσα κατὰ πρεσβείαν, ἴσως οὐδεμιᾶς οὔσης· ἐπεὶ οὐδὲ τοῖς πρότερον ταῦτα ἐγκεχειρηκόσι διαμετρήσασθαι ἐς τὸ ἀκριβές τι ξυμβαίνει εἰρῆσθαι.

§ 8.5.33 ἐκεῖνο μέντοι διαφανές ἐστιν, ὡς Πόντου τοῦ Εὐξείνου τὰ ἐν δεξιᾷ, εἴη δ’ ἂν ἐκ Καλχηδόνος ἐς ποταμὸν Φᾶσιν, δυοῖν καὶ πεντήκοντα ὁδὸς ἡμερῶν ἐστὶν εὐζώνῳ ἀνδρί· ᾧ δὴ οὐκ ἀπὸ τρόπου τεκμηριούμενος φαίη ἄν τις καὶ τὴν ἑτέραν τοῦ Πόντου μοῖραν μέτρου τοῦδε εἶναι οὐ πολλῷ ἄποθεν.

Wars 8.6

§ 8.6.1 Ἐπεὶ δὲ ἀφικόμεθα ἐνταῦθα τοῦ λόγου, ἀναγράψασθαι οὔ μοι ἀπὸ καιροῦ ἔδοξεν εἶναι ὅσα δὴ ἀμφὶ τοῖς ὁρίοις τῆς τε Ἀσίας καὶ τῆς Εὐρώπης διαμάχονται πρὸς ἀλλήλους οἱ ταῦτα δεινοί.

§ 8.6.2 λέγουσι μὲν γάρ τινες αὐτῶν τὰ ἠπείρω ταύτα διορίζειν ποταμὸν Τάναϊν, ἀπισχυριζόμενοι μὲν χρῆναι τὰς τομὰς φυσικὰς εἶναι, τεκμηριούμενοι δὲ ὡς ἡ μὲν θάλασσα προϊοῦσα ἐκ τῶν ἑσπερίων ἐπὶ τὴν ἑῴαν φέρεται μοῖραν, ποταμὸς δὲ Τάναις ἐκ τῶν ἀρκτῴων φερόμενος ἐς ἄνεμον νότον μεταξὺ ταῖν ἠπείροιν χωρεῖ· ἔμπαλιν δὲ τὸν Αἰγύπτιον Νεῖλον ἐκ μεσημβρίας ἰόντα πρὸς βορρᾶν ἄνεμον Ἀσίας τε καὶ Λιβύης μεταξὺ φέρεσθαι.

§ 8.6.3 ἄλλοι δὲ ἀπ’ ἐναντίας αὐτοῖς ἰόντες οὐχ ὑγιᾶ τὸν λόγον ἰσχυρίζονται εἶναι. λέγουσι γὰρ ὡς τὰ μὲν ἠπείρω ταύτα τὸ ἐξ ἀρχῆς ὅ τε ἐν Γαδείροις διορίζει πορθμὸς ἀπ’ Ὠκεανοῦ ἐξιὼν καὶ ἡ προϊοῦσα ἐνθένδε θάλασσα, καὶ τὰ μὲν τοῦ πορθμοῦ καὶ τῆς θαλάσσης ἐν δεξιᾷ Λιβύη τε καὶ Ἀσία ὠνόμασται, τὰ δὲ ἐν ἀριστερᾷ πάντα Εὐρώπη ἐκλήθη μέχρι που ἐς λήγοντα τὸν Εὔξεινον καλούμενον Πόντον.

§ 8.6.4 Τούτων δὲ δὴ τοιούτων ὄντων ὁ μὲν Τάναϊς ποταμὸς ἐν γῇ τῆς Εὐρώπης τικτόμενος ἐκβάλλει ἐς Λίμνην τὴν Μαιώτιδα, ἡ δὲ Λίμνη ἐς τὸν Εὔξεινον Πόντον τὰς ἐκβολὰς ποιεῖται οὔτε λήγοντα οὔτε μὴν κατὰ μέσον, ἀλλ’ ἔτι πρόσω.

§ 8.6.5 τὰ δὲ εὐώνυμα τούτου δὴ τοῦ Πόντου τῇ τῆς Ἀσίας λογίζεται μοίρα. χωρὶς δὲ τούτων ποταμὸς Τάναϊς ἐξ ὀρέων τῶν Ῥιπαίων καλουμένων ἔξεισιν, ἅπερ ἐν γῇ τῇ Εὐρώπῃ ἐστίν, ὥσπερ καὶ αὐτοὶ οἱ ταῦτα ἐκ παλαιοῦ ἀναγραψάμενοι ὁμολογοῦσι.

§ 8.6.6 τούτων δὲ τῶν Ῥιπαίων ὀρῶν τὸν Ὠκεανὸν ὡς ἀπωτάτω ξυμβαίνει εἶναι. τὰ τοίνυν αὐτῶν τε καὶ Τανάϊδος ποταμοῦ ὄπισθεν ξύμπαντα Εὐρωπαῖα ἐφ’ ἑκάτερα ἐπάναγκες εἶναι.

§ 8.6.7 πόθεν οὖν ἄρα ποτὲ ἄρχεται ἤπειρον ἑκατέραν διορίζειν ὁ Τάναϊς οὐ ῥᾴδιον εἶναι εἰπεῖν. ἢν δέ τινα ποταμὸν διορίζειν ἄμφω τὰ ἠπείρω λεκτέον,

§ 8.6.8 οὗτος δὴ ἐκεῖνος ὁ Φᾶσις ἂν εἴη. καταντικρὺ γὰρ πορθμοῦ τοῦ ἐν Γαδείροις φερόμενος ταῖν ἠπείροιν κατὰ μέσον χωρεῖ, ἐπεὶ ὁ μὲν πορθμὸς ἐξ Ὠκεανοῦ ἐξιὼν θάλασσαν τήνδε ἀπεργαζόμενος τὰ ἠπείρω ταῦτα ἐφ’ ἑκάτερα ἔχει, ὁ δὲ Φᾶσις κατ’ αὐτόν που λήγοντα μάλιστα ἰὼν τὸν Εὔξεινον Πόντον ἐς τοῦ μηνοειδοῦς τὰ μέσα ἐκβάλλει, τὴν τῆς γῆς ἐκτομὴν ἀπὸ τῆς θαλάσσης διαφανῶς ἐκδεχόμενος.

§ 8.6.9 ταῦτα μὲν οὖν ἑκάτεροι προτεινόμενοι διαμάχονται. Ὡς δὲ οὐ μόνος ὁ πρότερος λόγος, ἀλλὰ καὶ οὗτος, ὅνπερ ἀρτίως ἐλέγομεν, μήκει τε χρόνου κεκόμψευται καὶ ἀνδρῶν τινῶν παλαιοτάτων δόξῃ, ἐγὼ δηλώσω, ἐκεῖνο εἰδὼς ὡς ἐκ τοῦ ἐπὶ πλεῖστον ἄνθρωποι ἅπαντες, ἤν τινος φθάσωσι λόγου ἀρχαίου πεποιημένοι τὴν μάθησιν, οὐκέτι ἐθέλουσι τῇ τῆς ἀληθείας ζητήσει ἐμφιλοχωροῦντες ταλαιπωρεῖν, οὐδὲ νεωτέραν τινὰ μεταμαθεῖν ἀμφ’ αὐτῷ δόξαν, ἀλλὰ ἀεὶ αὐτοῖς τὸ μὲν παλαιότερον ὑγιές τε δοκεῖ καὶ ἔντιμον εἶναι, τὸ δὲ κατ’ αὐτοὺς εὐκαταφρόνητον νομίζεται εἶναι καὶ ἐπὶ τὸ γελοιῶδες χωρεῖ.

§ 8.6.10 πρὸς δὲ τούτοις τανῦν οὐ περὶ νοερῶν ἢ νοητῶν τινὸς ἢ ἀφανῶν ἄλλως γίγνεται ζήτησις, ἀλλὰ περὶ ποταμοῦ τε καὶ χώρας· ἅπερ ὁ χρόνος οὔτε ἀμείβειν οὔτε πη ἀποκρύψασθαι ἴσχυσεν.

§ 8.6.11 ἥ τε γὰρ πεῖρα ἐγγὺς καὶ ἡ ὄψις ἐς μαρτυρίαν ἱκανωτάτη, οὐδέν τε παρεμποδισθήσεσθαι οἶμαι τοῖς τὸ ἀληθὲς εὑρέσθαι ἐν σπουδῇ ἔχουσιν.

§ 8.6.12 ὁ τοίνυν Ἁλικαρνασεὺς Ἡρόδοτος ἐν τῇ τῶν ἱστοριῶν τετάρτῃ φησὶ μίαν μὲν εἶναι τὴν γῆν ξύμπασαν, νομίζεσθαι δὲ εἰς μοίρας τε καὶ προσηγορίας τρεῖς διαιρεῖσθαι, Λιβύην τε καὶ Ἀσίαν καὶ Εὐρώπην.

§ 8.6.13 καὶ αὐτῶν Λιβύης μὲν καὶ τῆς Ἀσίας Νεῖλον τὸν Αἰγύπτιον ποταμὸν μεταξὺ φέρεσθαι, τὴν δὲ δὴ Ἀσίαν τε καὶ Εὐρώπην διορίζειν τὸν Κόλχον Φᾶσιν. εἰδὼς δέ τινας ἀμφὶ Τανάϊδι ποταμῷ ταῦτα οἴεσθαι, καὶ τοῦτο ἐν ὑστέρῳ ἐπεῖπε.

§ 8.6.14 καί μοι οὐκ ἀπὸ καιροῦ ἔδοξεν εἶναι αὐτὰ τοῦ Ἡροδότου τὰ γράμματα τῷ λόγῳ ἐνθεῖναι ὧδέ πη ἔχοντα· “Οὐδὲ ἔχω συμβαλέσθαι ἀπὸ τοῦ μιῇ ἐούσῃ γῇ ὀνόματα τριφάσια κέαται, ἐπωνυμίην ἔχοντα γυναικῶν, καὶ ὁρίσματα αὐτῇ Νεῖλός τε ὁ Αἰγύπτιος ποταμὸς ἐτέθη καὶ Φᾶσις ὁ Κόλχος.

§ 8.6.15 οἱ δὲ Τάναϊν ποταμὸν τὸν Μαιήτην καὶ πορθμήια τὰ Κιμμέρια λέγουσιν.” ἀλλὰ καὶ ὁ τραγῳδοποιὸς Αἰσχύλος ἐν Προμηθεῖ τῷ Λυομένῳ εὐθὺς ἀρχόμενος τῆς τραγῳδίας τὸν ποταμὸν Φᾶσιν τέρμονα καλεῖ γῆς τε τῆς Ἀσίας καὶ τῆς Εὐρώπης.

§ 8.6.16 Κἀκεῖνο δέ μοι ἐν τῷ παρόντι εἰρήσεται, ὡς τούτων δὴ τῶν τὰ τοιαῦτα σοφῶν οἱ μὲν τὴν Μαιῶτιν οἴονται Λίμνην ἀπεργάζεσθαι τὸν Εὔξεινον Πόντον, καὶ αὐτοῦ τὸ μὲν ἐν ἀριστερᾷ, τὸ δὲ ἐν δεξιᾷ τῆς Λίμνης χωρεῖν, μητέρα τε διὰ τοῦτο τοῦ Πόντου καλεῖσθαι τὴν Λίμνην.

§ 8.6.17 ταῦτά τέ φασι τεκμηριούμενοι, ὅτι δὴ ἐκ τοῦ καλουμένου Ἱεροῦ ἡ τούτου δὴ τοῦ Πόντου ἐκροὴ ἐπὶ Βυζαντίου καθάπερ τις ποταμὸς κάτεισι, καὶ ἀπ’ αὐτοῦ πέρας εἶναι τοῦτο τοῦ Πόντου οἴονται

§ 8.6.18 οἱ δὲ τοῦ λόγου κατηγοροῦντες ἀποφαίνουσιν ὅτι δὴ μία τις ἐξ Ὠκεανοῦ ξύμπασα ἡ θάλασσα οὖσα καὶ οὐδαμῆ ἑτέρωθι ἀπολήγουσα ἐς γῆν τὴν Λαζῶν κατατείνει, πλήν γε εἰ μή τις, φασί, τὸ ἐν τοῖς ὀνόμασι διάλλασσον ἑτερότητα εἴπῃ, ὅτι δὴ τὸ ἐνθένδε ἡ θάλασσα Πόντος ὠνόμασται.

§ 8.6.19 Εἰ δὲ τὰ ῥεύματα ἐκ τοῦ Ἱεροῦ καλουμένου κάτεισιν ἐς Βυζάντιον, οὐδὲν τοῦτο πρᾶγμα. τὰ γὰρ ἐν πορθμοῖς ἅπασι ξυμπίπτοντα πάθη οὐδενὶ λόγῳ φαίνεται εἴκοντα, οὐδέ τις αὐτὰ φράσαι πώποτε ἱκανὸς γέγονεν.

§ 8.6.20 ἀλλὰ καὶ ὁ Σταγειρίτης Ἀριστοτέλης, σοφὸς ἀνὴρ ἐν τοῖς μάλιστα, ἐν Χαλκίδι τῇ τῆς Εὐβοίας τούτου δὴ ἕνεκα γεγονώς, κατανοῶν τε τὸν ταύτῃ πορθμόν, ὅνπερ Εὔριπον ὀνομάζουσι, καὶ λόγον τὸν φυσικὸν ἐς τὸ ἀκριβὲς διερευνᾶσθαι βουλόμενος, ὅπως δὴ καὶ ὅντινα τρόπον ἐνίοτε μὲν τὰ τοῦ πορθμοῦ τούτου ῥεύματα ἐκ δυσμῶν φέρεται, ἐνίοτε δὲ ἐξ ἡλίου ἀνατολῶν, καὶ κατὰ ταῦτα πλεῖν τὰ πλοῖα ξύμπαντα ἐνταῦθα ξυμβαίνει. ἢν δέ ποτε τοῦ ῥοῦ ἐξ ἀνίσχοντος ἡλίου ἰόντος, ἀρξαμένων τε τῶν ναυτῶν ἐνθένδε ξὺν τῇ τοῦ ῥοθίου ἐπιρροῇ ναυτίλλεσθαι, ᾗπερ εἰώθει, ἀπ’ ἐναντίας αὐτοῦ τὸ ῥεῦμα ἴῃ, ὅπερ πολλάκις ἐνταῦθα φιλεῖ γίνεσθαι, ἀναστρέφει μὲν τὰ πλοῖα ταῦτα εὐθὺς ἔνθεν ὥρμηται, τὰ δὲ ἄλλα ἐκ δυσμῶν ἐπὶ θάτερα πλεῖ, καίπερ αὐτοῖς τῶν ἀνέμων τινὸς ὡς ἥκιστα ἐπιπνεύσαντος, ἀλλὰ γαλήνης τε βαθείας τινὸς καὶ νηνεμίας ἐνταῦθα οὔσης, ταῦτα ὁ Σταγειρίτης ἐννοῶν τε καὶ ἀνακυκλῶν ἐπὶ χρόνου μῆκος, δυσθανατῶν ἐπὶ ξυννοίᾳ ἀφίκετο ἐς τὸ μέτρον τοῦ βίου.

§ 8.6.21 οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ κἀν τῷ τὴν Ἰταλίαν τε καὶ Σικελίαν διείργοντι πορθμῷ πολλὰ τῷ παραλόγῳ γίνεσθαι πέφυκε. δοκεῖ γὰρ ἐκ τοῦ Ἀδριατικοῦ καλουμένου πελάγους τὸ ῥεῦμα ἐκεῖσε ἰέναι.

§ 8.6.22 καίτοι ἐξ Ὠκεανοῦ καὶ Γαδείρων ἡ τῆς θαλάσσης πρόοδος γίνεται. ἀλλὰ καὶ ἴλιγγοι ἐξαπιναίως ἐνταῦθα συχνοὶ ἀπ’ οὐδεμιᾶς ἡμῖν φαινομένης αἰτίας τὰς ναῦς διαχρῶνται.

§ 8.6.23 καὶ διὰ τοῦτο οἱ ποιηταὶ λέγουσι πρὸς τῆς Χαρύβδεως ῥοφεῖσθαι τὰ πλοῖα, ὅσα ἂν τύχῃ τηνικάδε ὄντα ἐν τῷ πορθμῷ τούτῳ.

§ 8.6.24 οὗτοι δὲ ταῦτα δὴ ἅπαντα οἴονται τὰ πλείστῳ παραλόγῳ ἐν πᾶσι ξυμβαίνοντα τοῖς πορθμοῖς, ἐκ τῆς ἄγχιστα οὔσης ἑκατέρωθεν ἠπείρου ξυμβαίνειν· βιαζόμενον γάρ φασι τῇ στενοχωρίᾳ τὸ ῥόθιον ἐς ἀτόπους τινὰς καὶ λόγον οὐκ ἐχούσας ἀνάγκας χωρεῖν.

§ 8.6.25 Ὥστε εἰ καὶ ὁ ῥοῦς ἐκ τοῦ Ἱεροῦ καλουμένου ἐς Βυζάντιον δοκεῖ φέρεσθαι, οὐκ ἄν τις τήν τε θάλασσαν καὶ τὸν Εὔξεινον Πόντον ἀπολήγειν ἰσχυρίσαιτο ἐνταῦθα εἰκότως.

§ 8.6.26 οὐ γὰρ ἐπὶ στερρᾶς τινὸς ὁ λόγος ὅδε φύσεως ἕστηκεν, ἀλλ’ ἡ στενοχωρία κἀνταῦθα νικάτω. οὐ μὴν οὐδὲ παντάπασι τὸ τοιοῦτον ταύτῃ πη ἔχει.

§ 8.6.27 λέγουσι γὰρ οἱ ἀσπαλιεῖς τῶν τῇδε χωρίων ὡς οὐχ ὅλος δὴ εὐθὺ τοῦ Βυζαντίου ὁ ῥοῦς κάτεισιν, ἀλλ’ αὐτοῦ τὰ μὲν ἄνω, ἅπερ ἡμῖν διαφανῆ ἐστί, κατὰ ταῦτα ἰέναι ξυμβαίνει, τὰ μέντοι ἔνερθεν, ἵνα δὴ ἄβυσσός ἐστί τε καὶ ὠνόμασται, τὴν ἐναντίαν τοῖς ἄνω διαρρήδην χωρεῖν, ἔμπαλίν τε τοῦ φαινομένου ἐσαεὶ φέρεσθαι.

§ 8.6.28 ταῦτά τοι, ἐπειδὰν ἄγραν μετιόντες ἰχθύων τὰ λίνα ἐνταῦθά πη ἀπορρίψωσι, ταῦτα δὲ ἀεὶ τῷ ῥεύματι βιαζόμενα τὴν ἐπὶ τὸ Ἱερὸν φέρεσθαι.

§ 8.6.29 Ἐν δὲ Λαζικῇ πανταχόθεν ἡ γῆ τῆς θαλάσσης ἀποκρουομένη τὴν πρόοδον καὶ ἀναχαιτίζουσα τὸν αὐτῆς δρόμον, πρῶτόν τε καὶ μόνον ἀπολήγειν αὐτὴν ἐνταῦθα ποιεῖ, τοῦ δημιουργοῦ δηλονότι τὰ ὅρια σφίσι τῇδε θεμένου.

§ 8.6.30 ἁπτομένη γὰρ ἡ θάλασσα τῆς ταύτῃ ἠϊόνος οὔτε πρόσω χωρεῖ οὔτε πη ἐς ὕψος ἐπαίρεται μεῖζον, καίπερ πανταχόθεν ἀεὶ περιρρεομένη ποταμῶν ἐκβολαῖς ἀναρίθμων τε καὶ ὑπερφυῶν ἄγαν, ἀλλ’ ἀναποδίζουσα ὀπίσω ἐπάνεισιν αὖθις καὶ μέτρον διαριθμουμένη τὸ ταύτης ἴδιον, διασώζει τὸν ἐξ αὐτῆς ὅρον, ὥσπερ τινὰ δειμαίνουσα νόμον, ἀνάγκῃ τε τῇ ἀπ’ αὐτοῦ ἐς τὸ ἀκριβὲς σφιγγομένη μή τι τῶν ξυγκειμένων ἐκβᾶσα φανείη.

§ 8.6.31 τὰς γὰρ ἄλλας ἁπάσας τῆς θαλάσσης ἀκτὰς οὐκ ἀπ’ ἐναντίας αὐτῇ, ἀλλ’ ἐκ πλαγίου ξυμβαίνει κεῖσθαι. ἀλλὰ περὶ μὲν τούτων γινωσκέτω τε καὶ λεγέτω ἕκαστος ὅπη αὐτῷ δ φίλον.

Wars 8.7

§ 8.7.1 Ὅτου δὲ ὁ Χοσρόης ἕνεκα Λαζικῆς μεταποιεῖσθαι διὰ σπουδῆς εἶχεν ἤδη μὲν πρόσθεν μοι ἐρρήθη· ὃ δὲ δὴ αὐτόν τε καὶ Πέρσας μάλιστα πάντων ἐς τοῦτο ἤνεγκεν, ἐνταῦθα δηλώσω, ὅτι δὴ καὶ χώραν τήνδε περιηγησάμενος ξύμπασαν σαφῆ τὸν περὶ τούτου πεποίηκα λόγον.

§ 8.7.2 πολλάκις οἱ βάρβαροι οὗτοι, Χοσρόου σφίσιν ἡγουμένου, στρατῷ μεγάλῳ ἐμβαλόντες ἐς Ῥωμαίων τὴν γῆν οὐκ εὐδιήγητα μὲν τοῖς πολεμίοις ἐπήνεγκαν πάθη, ἅπερ μοι ἐν τοῖς ὑπὲρ αὐτῶν λόγοις ἐρρήθη, αὐτοῖς δὲ ὄφελος οὐδ’ ὁτιοῦν ἀπενεγκαμένοις ἐνθένδε τοῖς τε χρήμασι καὶ τοῖς σώμασι προσκεκακῶσθαι ξυνέπεσε· πολλοὺς γὰρ ἀποβεβληκότες ἀεὶ ἀπηλλάσσοντο ἐκ Ῥωμαίων τῆς γῆς.

§ 8.7.3 διὸ δὴ ἐς ἤθη ἐπανιόντες τὰ πάτρια Χοσρόῃ ὡς λαθραιότατα ἐλοιδοροῦντο καὶ διαφθορέα τοῦ Περσῶν γένους αὐτὸν ἀπεκάλουν.

§ 8.7.4 καί ποτε καὶ ἐκ Λαζικῆς ἐπανήκοντες, ἐπειδὴ ἐνταῦθα πάθεσιν ἔτυχον ὡμιληκότες ἀνηκέστοις τισί, ξυστήσεσθαί τε ἐκ τοῦ ἐμφανοῦς ἐπ’ αὐτὸν ἔμελλον καὶ διαχρήσεσθαι θανάτῳ οἰκτίστῳ, εἰ μὴ προμαθὼν ἐφυλάξατο, θωπείᾳ πολλῇ τοὺς ἐν σφίσι λογιμωτάτους περιελθών.

§ 8.7.5 καὶ ἀπ’ αὐτοῦ ἀπολογεῖσθαι τὴν κατηγορίαν ἐθέλων μέγα τι ὄφελος Περσῶν τῇ ἀρχῇ ἐκπορίζεσθαι διὰ σπουδῆς εἶχε. Πόλει γοῦν Δάρας αὐτίκα ἐγκεχειρηκὼς ἀπεκρούσθη ἐνθένδε, ὥσπερ μοι εἴρηται, ἐς ἀπόγνωσίν τε τῆς τοῦ χωρίου ἐπικρατήσεως παντάπασιν ἦλθεν.

§ 8.7.6 οὐδὲ γὰρ αὐτὸ ἐξ ἐπιδρομῆς ἐξαιρήσειν τὸ λοιπὸν εἶχεν, οὕτω φυλασσομένων τῶν ἐκείνῃ φρουρῶν, οὐ μὴν οὐδὲ πολιορκῶν μηχανῇ τινὶ περιέσεσθαι αὐτῶν ἤλπιζε.

§ 8.7.7 τά τε γὰρ ἄλλα τῶν ἐπιτηδείων ἐσαεὶ ἐν πόλει Δάρας διαρκῶς ἐστὶν ἐξεπίτηδες ἀποκείμενα, ὅπως δὴ ἐς μέγα τι χρόνου διαρκέσειε μῆκος, καὶ πηγὴ ἄγχιστά πη φυομένη ἐν χώρῳ κρημνώδει ποταμὸν ἀπεργάζεται μέγαν ὅσπερ τῆς πόλεως εὐθὺ φέρεται, οὐ δυναμένων ʽτῶν ἐπιβουλεύειν ἐφιεμένων’ ἑτέρωσέ πη αὐτὸν ἀποτρέπειν ἢ τρόπῳ τῳ ἄλλῳ διὰ τὴν δυσχωρίαν βιάζεσθαι.

§ 8.7.8 ἐπειδὰν δὲ τοῦ περιβόλου ἐντὸς γένηται, τήν τε πόλιν περιιὼν ξύμπασαν καὶ τὰς ταύτῃ δεξαμενὰς ἐμπλησάμενος εἶτα ἔξεισιν, ὡς ἀγχοτάτω τε τοῦ περιβόλου ἐς χάος ἐμπεσὼν ἀφανίζεται. καὶ ὅπη

§ 8.7.9 ποτὲ τὸ ἐνθένδε ἐκδίδωσιν οὐδενὶ γέγονε φανερὸν ἐς τόδε τοῦ χρόνου. τοῦτο δὲ τὸ χάος οὐκ ἐπὶ παλαιοῦ γεγονὸς ἔτυχεν, ἀλλὰ χρόνῳ πολλῷ ὕστερον ἢ τὴν πόλιν Ἀναστάσιος βασιλεὺς ἐδείματο ταύτην ἡ φύσις αὐτὸ τοῦ χωρίου ἀπαυτοματίσασα ἔθετο, καὶ διὰ τοῦτο ξυμβαίνει τοῖς προσεδρεύειν ἐθέλουσιν ἀμφὶ πόλιν Δάρας πιέζεσθαι ὕδατος ἀπορίᾳ πολλῇ.

§ 8.7.10 Ταύτης οὖν, ὥσπερ μοι εἴρηται, ἀποτυχὼν ὁ Χοσρόης τῆς πείρας ἐς ἔννοιαν ἦλθεν ὡς, ἢν καὶ πόλιν οἱ Ῥωμαίων ἑτέραν τινὰ παραστήσασθαι δυνατὰ εἴη, ἀλλὰ καθίζεσθαι οὐ μή ποτε οἷός τε εἴη ἐν μέσῳ Ῥωμαίων, ὀχυρωμάτων τοῖς πολεμίοις ἀπολελειμμένων ὀπίσω πολλῶν.

§ 8.7.11 καὶ Ἀντιόχειαν γὰρ τούτου δὴ εἵνεκα ἐς ἔδαφος καθελὼν ἡνίκα ἐξεῖλεν, ἀπηλλάγη ἐκ Ῥωμαίων τῆς γῆς. διὸ δὴ μετεωρισθεὶς τὴν διάνοιαν ἐπὶ μακροτέρας ἐλπίδος ὠχεῖτο, διερευνώμενος ἀμήχανα ἔργα.

§ 8.7.12 ἀκοῇ γὰρ ἔχων ὅντινα τρόπον ἐπ’ ἀριστερᾷ Πόντου τοῦ Εὐξείνου οὗτοι δὴ βάρβαροι οἳ ἀμφὶ τὴν Μαιῶτιν ᾤκηνται Λίμνην ἀδεῶς κατατρέχουσι Ῥωμαίων τὴν γῆν, οὕτω καὶ Πέρσαις Λαζικὴν ἔχουσι πόνῳ οὐδενὶ δυνατὰ ἔσεσθαι ἔλεγεν, ἡνίκα ἂν βουλομένοις ᾖ, εὐθὺ Βυζαντίου ἰέναι, οὐδαμῆ διαπορθμευομένοις τὴν θάλασσαν, ὥσπερ καὶ τὰ ἄλλα βαρβαρικὰ ἔθνη ἃ ταύτῃ ἵδρυται ἐσαεὶ δρῶσι.

§ 8.7.13 διὰ ταῦτα μὲν Λαζικῆς Πέρσαι μεταποιοῦνται. ἐγὼ δὲ ὅθεν τὴν ἐκβολὴν τοῦ λόγου ἐποιησάμην ἐπάνειμι.

Wars 8.9

§ 8.9.1 Ἐν τούτῳ δὲ τάδε ξυνηνέχθη γενέσθαι. Λαζοὶ Δαγισθαῖον ἐς βασιλέα διέβαλλον, ἐς Βυζάντιον ἥκοντες, προδοσίαν τε καὶ μηδισμὸν ἐπιφέροντες.

§ 8.9.2 Πέρσαις γὰρ αὐτὸν ἰσχυρίζοντο ἀναπεισθέντα οὐ βεβουλῆσθαι καταπεπτωκότος τοῦ Πέτρας περιβόλου ἐπιβατεῦσαι, τούς τε πολεμίους θυλάκους μεταξὺ ψάμμου ἐμπλησαμένους καὶ αὐτῶν τὰς ἐπιβολὰς ἀντὶ λίθων ποιησαμένους τοῦ περιβόλου ὅσα καταπεπτώκει ταύτῃ κρατύνασθαι.

§ 8.9.3 ἔλεγόν τε ὡς Δαγισθαῖος, εἴτε χρήμασιν εἴτε ὀλιγωρίᾳ ἐς τοῦτο ἠγμένος, τὴν ἐπίθεσιν ἐς ἕτερόν τινα χρόνον ἀπέθετο, καὶ τοῦ καιροῦ τὴν ἀκμὴν ἐν τῷ παραυτίκα μεθῆκεν, ἧς γε οὐκέτι ἀντιλαβέσθαι οἷός τε ἐγεγόνει.

§ 8.9.4 αὐτὸν οὖν βασιλεὺς ἐν τῷ οἰκήματι καθείρξας ἐτήρει· Βέσσαν δέ, ἐξ Ἰταλίας οὐ πολλῷ ἔμπροσθεν ἥκοντα, στρατηγὸν Ἀρμενίων καταστησάμενος ἐς Λαζικὴν πέμπει, ἄρχειν ἐπαγγείλας τοῦ ἐνταῦθα Ῥωμαίων στρατοῦ.

§ 8.9.5 οὗ δὴ καὶ Βενῖλος, ὁ Βούζου ἀδελφός, ξὺν στρατῷ ἤδη σταλεὶς ἔτυχε καὶ Ὀδόναχός τε καὶ ὁ Βάβας ἐκ Θρᾴκης καὶ Οὐλίγαγος Ἔρουλος γενος.

§ 8.9.6 Ὅ τε Ναβέδης ἐσβαλὼν ἐς Λαζικὴν στρατῷ ἄλλο μέν τι λόγου ἄξιον οὐδὲν ἔδρασεν, Ἀβασγοῖς δὲ ἀποστᾶσιν ἀπό τε Ῥωμαίων καὶ Λαζῶν ἐπιχωριάσας τῇ στρατιᾷ ταύτῃ, παῖδας τῶν ἐν σφίσι λογίμων ἑξήκοντα ἐν ὁμήρων λόγῳ πρὸς αὐτῶν ἔλαβε.

§ 8.9.7 ʽτότε δὲ ποιούμενος ὁ Ναβέδης ὁδοῦ πάρεργον, καὶ Θεοδώραν Ὀψίτῃ ξυνοικήσασαν ʽὃς ἐγεγόνει Γουβάζου μὲν θεῖος, Λαζῶν δὲ βασιλεὺσ̓ εὑρὼν ἐν Ἀψιλίοις εἷλεν, ἔς τε τὰ Περσῶν ἤθη ἀπήνεγκε.

§ 8.9.8 Ῥωμαία δὲ γένος ἡ γυνὴ ἐτύγχανεν οὖσα, ἐπεὶ ἐκ παλαιοῦ οἱ Λαζῶν βασιλεῖς ἐς Βυζάντιον πέμποντες βασιλέως τε γνώμῃ ξυνιόντες ἐς κῆδός τισι τῶν ἀπὸ τῆς συγκλήτου βουλῆς γυναῖκας ἐνθένδε γαμετὰς ἐκομίζοντο.

§ 8.9.9 καὶ Γουβάζης ἀμέλει Ῥωμαίας γυναικὸς ἐγεγόνει γένος.ʼ ὅτου δὲ ἕνεκα οἱ Ἀβασγοὶ οὗτοι ἐς ἀπόστασιν εἶδον, ἐγὼ δηλώσω.

§ 8.9.10 Ἐπειδὴ βασιλεῖς τοὺς σφετέρους καθεῖλον, ᾗπέρ μοι ἔναγχος δεδιήγηται, στρατιῶται Ῥωμαίων πρὸς βασιλέως στελλόμενοι ἐπεχωρίαζόν τε αὐτοῖς ἐκ τοῦ ἐπὶ πλεῖστον καὶ προσποιεῖσθαι τῇ Ῥωμαίων ἀρχῇ τὴν χώραν ἠξίουν, καινά τε αὐτοῖς ἄττα ἐπέταττον.

§ 8.9.11 οἷσπερ Ἀβασγοὶ βιαιοτέροις οὖσιν ἀτεχνῶς ἤχθοντο. δείσαντες οὖν μὴ Ῥωμαίων δοῦλοι τὸ λοιπὸν ἔσονται, τοὺς ἄρχοντας αὖθις κατεστήσαντο σφίσιν Ὀψίτην μὲν ὄνομα ἐς τῆς χώρας τὰ πρὸς ἀνίσχοντα ἥλιον,

§ 8.9.12 Σκεπαρνᾶν δὲ ἐς τὰ πρὸς ἑσπέραν. ἐς ἀγαθῶν γὰρ ἐκπεπτωκότες ἀπόγνωσιν τὰπρότερον δόξαντα σφίσι μοχθηρὰ εἶναι τῶν ἐπιγενομένων ἅτε πονηροτέρων ὄντων, ὡς τὸ εἰκός, ἀντηλλάσσοντο, δύναμίν τε ἀπ’ αὐτοῦ τὴν Ῥωμαίων δειμαίνοντες Πέρσαις ὡς λαθραιότατα προσεχώρησαν. ἅπερ ἐπεὶ βασιλεὺς Ἰουστινιανὸς ἤκουσε, Βέσσαν ἐκέλευε στράτευμα λόγου ἄξιον ἐπ’ αὐτοὺς στεῖλαι.

§ 8.9.13 ὁ δὲ πολλοὺς ἀπολεξάμενος τοῦ Ῥωμαίων στρατοῦ, καὶ ἄρχοντας ἐπιστήσας αὐτοῖς Οὐλίγαγόν τε καὶ Ἰωάννην τὸν Θωμᾶ υἱόν, αὐτίκα ἐπὶ τοὺς Ἀβασγοὺς ναυσὶν ἔπεμψεν. ἐτύγχανε δὲ ἅτερος μὲν τῶν ἐν Ἀβασγοῖς ἡγουμένων, Σκεπαρνᾶς ὄνομα, ἐν Πέρσαις τινὰ διατριβὴν ἔχων·

§ 8.9.14 μετάπεμπτος γὰρ ὀλίγῳ πρότερον παρὰ Χοσρόην ἀφῖκτο. ὁ δὲ δὴ ἕτερος, τὴν Ῥωμαίων μαθὼν ἔφοδον, τούς τε Ἀβασγοὺς ἅπαντας ἤγειρε καὶ ὑπαντιάζειν διὰ σπουδῆς εἶχεν.

§ 8.9.15 Ἔστι δὲ χῶρος μετὰ τοὺς Ἀψιλίας ὅρους ἐν τῇ ἐς τὴν Ἀβασγίαν εἰσόδῳ τοιόσδε· ὄρος ὑψηλὸν ἐκ τῶν Καυκασίων ἀρχόμενον καὶ κατὰ βραχὺ ἐλασσούμενόν τε καὶ ὑπολῆγον ὥσπερ τις κλῖμαξ κατατείνει καὶ τελευτᾷ ἐς τὸν Εὔξεινον Πόντον.

§ 8.9.16 καὶ φρούριον μὲν ἐχυρώτατόν τε καὶ μεγέθους πέρι ἀξιολογώτατον ἐκ παλαιοῦ Ἀβασγοὶ ἐν τῇ ὑπωρείᾳ τοῦ ὄρους τούτου ἐδείμαντο.

§ 8.9.17 οὗ δὴ καταφεύγοντες ἐκκρούουσιν ἀεὶ τὰς τῶν πολεμίων ἐφόδους, οὐδαμῆ ἐχόντων τὴν δυσχωρίαν βιάζεσθαι. μία δὲ εἴσοδος εἰσάγουσά ἐστιν ἔς τε τὸ φρούριον τοῦτο καὶ ἐς τὴν ἄλλην Ἀβασγῶν χώραν, ἥπερ ἀνδράσι σύνδυο ἐρχομένοις ἀπόρευτος τυγχάνει οὖσα.

§ 8.9.18 μηχανὴ γὰρ οὐδεμία ἐστὶν ὅτι μὴ κατ’ ἄνδρα καὶ μόλις πεζεύοντα ἐνθένδε ἰέναι. τῆς τε ἀτραποῦ ταύτης ὑπέρκειται φάραγξ ἐσάγαν σκληρὰ ἐκ τοῦ φρουρίου διήκουσα μέχρι ἐς τὴν θάλασσαν.

§ 8.9.19 φέρεται δὲ καὶ προσηγορίαν τῆς φάραγγος ἀξίαν ὁ χῶρος, ἐπεὶ αὐτὸν ἑλληνίζοντες οἱ τῇδε ἄνθρωποι τὰ Τραχέα καλοῦσιν.

§ 8.9.20 Ὁ μὲν οὖν Ῥωμαίων στόλος μεταξὺ ὁρίων τῶν τε Ἀβασγῶν καὶ Ἀψιλίων κατέπλευσεν, Ἰωάννης δὲ καὶ Οὐλίγαγος ἐς τὴν γῆν τοὺς στρατιώτας ἀποβιβάσαντες πεζῇ ἐχώρουν, οἵ τε ναῦται ταῖς ἀκάτοις ἁπάσαις παρὰ τὴν ἠϊόνα τῷ στρατῷ εἵποντο.

§ 8.9.21 ἐπειδὴ δὲ τῶν Τραχέων ὡς ἀγχοτάτω ἐγένοντο, ἐξωπλισπένους τε ὁρῶσιν Ἀβασγοὺς ἅπαντας καὶ τῆς ἀτραποῦ ὕπερθεν ἧς ἄρτι ἐμνήσθην κατὰ τὴν φάραγγα ὅλην ἐν τάξει ἑστῶτας, ἀμηχανίᾳ τε πολλῇ εἴχοντο θέσθαι τὰ σφίσι παρόντα οὐδαμῆ ἔχοντες, ἕως ἐν αὑτῷ πολλὰ λογισάμενος Ἰωάννης ἄκεσίν τινα τοῦ κακοῦ εὗρε.

§ 8.9.22 τὸν γὰρ Οὐλίγαγον ξὺν τῷ ἡμίσει τοῦ στρατοῦ ἐνταῦθα ἐάσας αὐτὸς τοὺς ἄλλους ἐπαγόμενος τὰς ἀκάτους ἐπλήρου. ἐρέσσοντές τε χῶρον τὸν τῶν Τραχέων περιῆλθόν τε καὶ διέβησαν ὅλον καὶ κατὰ νώτου τῶν πολεμίων ταύτῃ ἐγένοντο.

§ 8.9.23 ἄραντες οὖν τὰ σημεῖα ἐς αὐτοὺς ᾔεσαν. Ἀβασγοὶ δὲ τοὺς πολεμίους σφίσιν ἑκατέρωθεν ἐγκειμένους ἰδόντες ἐς ἀλκὴν μὲν οὐκέτι ἔβλεπον, οὐδὲ τὴν τάξιν ἐφύλασσον, ἐς ὑπαγωγὴν δὲ ξὺν πολλῇ ἀκοσμίᾳ τραπόμενοι πρόσω ἐχώρουν, οὕτω τῷ δέει καὶ τῇ ἀπ’ αὐτοῦ ἀμηχανίᾳ συμποδιζόμενοι ὥστε οὔτε τὴν πατρῴαν σφίσι δυσχωρίαν ἔτι διαγινώσκειν ἐδύναντο οὔτε πη εὐπετῶς ἐνθένδε ἰέναι.

§ 8.9.24 Ῥωμαῖοι δὲ αὐτοῖς ἑκατέρωθεν ἐπισπόμενοί τε καὶ καταλαβόντες πολλοὺς ἔκτειναν. δρόμῳ τε ξὺν τοῖς φεύγουσιν ἐς τὸ φρούριον ἀφικόμενοι ἀνακεκλιμένης ἔτι ἐπιτυγχάνουσι τῆς ταύτῃ πυλίδος· οἱ γὰρ φύλακες ἐπιθεῖναι τὰς θύρας οὐδαμῆ εἶχον, ἀλλὰ τοὺς φεύγοντας ἔτι ἐδέχοντο.

§ 8.9.25 τῶν τε φυγόντων τοῖς διώκουσιν ἀναμιχθέντων ἐπὶ τὰς πύλας ἵενται ἅπαντες, οἱ μὲν ἐπιθυμίᾳ τοῦ σώζεσθαι,

§ 8.9.26 οἱ δὲ τοῦ τὸ φρούριον ἐξελεῖν. ἀνακεκλιμένας οὖν τὰς πύλας εὑρόντες συνεισέβαλον ἐς ταύτας ἀλλήλοις. οἱ γὰρ πυλωροὶ οὔτε διακρίνειν ἀπὸ τῶν πολεμίων τοὺς Ἀβασγοὺς εἶχον οὔτε τὰς πύλας ὑπερβιαζομένου τοῦ ὁμίλου ἐπιτιθέναι.

§ 8.9.27 Καὶ οἱ μὲν Ἀβασγοὶ ἄσμενοι ἐντὸς τοῦ περιβόλου γενόμενοι ξὺν τῷ φρουρίῳ ἡλίσκοντο, Ῥωμαῖοι δὲ τῶν ἐναντίων κεκρατηκέναι οἰόμενοι πόνῳ δυσκολωτέρῳ ἐνταῦθα ὡμίλουν.

§ 8.9.28 τῶν γὰρ οἰκιῶν συχνῶν τε οὐσῶν καὶ οὐ λίαν διεχουσῶν ἀλλήλων, ἀλλὰ καὶ τρόπον τείχους πανταχόθεν συμπεφραγμένων, Ἀβασγοὶ ἐς αὐτὰς ἀναβάντες καὶ σθένει παντὶ ἀμυνόμενοι, τοὺς πολεμίους κατὰ κορυφὴν ἔβαλλον, πόνῳ καὶ φόβῳ καὶ τῷ ἐς παῖδάς τε καὶ γυναῖκας ἐλέῳ καὶ τῇ ἐνθένδε ἀπορίᾳ ἐχόμενοι, ἕως Ῥωμαίοις ἐμπρῆσαι τὰς οἰκίας ἐς ἔννοιαν ἦλθε.

§ 8.9.29 πῦρ τοίνυν αὐταῖς πανταχόθεν ἀνάψαντες τοῦ ἀγῶνος παντάπασι τούτου ἐκράτησαν. Ὀψίτης μὲν οὖν, ὁ τῶν Ἀβασγῶν ἄρχων, ξὺν ὀλίγοις τισὶ φυγεῖν ἴσχυσεν, ἔς τε Οὔννους τοὺς πλησιοχώρους καὶ ὄρος τὸ Καυκάσιον ἀνεχώρησε.

§ 8.9.30 τοῖς δὲ δὴ ἄλλοις ἢ ξὺν ταῖς οἰκίαις ἐξηνθρακωμένοις τετεφρῶσθαι ξυνέβη, ἢ ὑπὸ ταῖς τῶν πολεμίων γεγονέναι χερσίν. ἐζώγρησαν δὲ Ῥωμαῖοι καὶ τὰς τῶν ἀρχόντων γυναῖκας ξὺν γόνῳ παντί, τοῦ τε φρουρίου τὸν περίβολον ἐς ἔδαφος καθεῖλον καὶ τὴν χώραν ἔρημον κατεστήσαντο ἐκ τοῦ ἐπὶ πλεῖστον. Ἀβασγοῖς μὲν οὖν τὰ τῆς ἀποστάσεως ἐς τοῦτο ἐτελεύτα· ἐν δὲ Ἀψιλίοις ἐγένετο τάδε.

Wars 8.11

§ 8.11.1 Τῷ μὲν οὖν Ἀνασωζάδῳ τά τε τῆς τύχης καὶ τοῦ τρόπου ἐς τοῦτο ἐτελεύτα· τὸ δὲ πέμπτον ἔτος τῆς ἐκεχειρίας διήνυστο.

§ 8.11.2 καὶ Πέτρον μὲν ἄνδρα πατρίκιον, τὴν τοῦ μαγίστρου ἀρχὴν ἔχοντα, παρὰ Χοσρόην Ἰουστινιανὸς βασιλεὺς ἔστελλεν, ἐφ’ ᾧ τὰς σπονδὰς ἀμφὶ τῇ ἑῴᾳ παντάπασι διοικήσονται.

§ 8.11.3 ὁ δὲ αὐτὸν ἀπεπέμψατο, ἕψεσθαί οἱ ἄνδρα οὐκ ἐς μακρὰν ὑποσχόμενος τὸν ταῦτα διαθησόμενον, ὅπη ἑκατέροις ξυνοίσειν μέλλει.

§ 8.11.4 Ἰσδιγούσναν τε αὖθις οὐ πολλῷ ὕστερον ἔπεμψεν, ὀφρυάζοντά τε καὶ ἀλαζονείᾳ τινὶ ἀμυθήτῳ ἐχόμενον, οὗ δὴ ὅ τε τῦφος καὶ τὸ φύσημα φορητὸν εἶναι Ῥωμαίων οὐδενὶ ἔδοξεν.

§ 8.11.5 ἐπήγετο δὲ τήν τε γυναῖκα καὶ τὰς παῖδας καὶ τὸν ἀδελφόν, ἑπομένων τε καὶ θεραπευόντων πάμπολυ πλῆθος. εἴκασεν ἄν τις ἐς παράταξιν τοὺς ἄνδρας ἰέναι.

§ 8.11.6 εἵποντο δὲ αὐτῷ καὶ δύο τῶν ἐν Πέρσαις λογιμωτάτων, οἳ δὴ καὶ διαδήματα ἐπὶ τῶν κεφαλῶν χρυσᾶ ἐφόρουν.

§ 8.11.7 ἔδακνέ τε τοὺς ἐν Βυζαντίῳ ἀνθρώπους, ὅτι δὴ αὐτὸν Ἰουστινιανὸς βασιλεὺς οὐ κατὰ πρεσβευτήν, ἀλλὰ πολλῷ ἔτι μᾶλλον φιλοφροσύνης τε καὶ μεγαλοπρεπείας ἠξίωσε.

§ 8.11.8 Βραδούκιος μέντοι ξὺν αὐτῷ ἐς Βυζάντιον οὐκέτι ἦλθεν, ἐπεὶ Χοσρόην φασὶν αὐτὸν ἐξ ἀνθρώπων ἀφανίσαι, ἄλλο οὐδὲν τῷ ἀνθρώπῳ ἐπενεγκόντα, πλήν γε δὴ ὅτι ὁμοτράπεζος τῷ Ῥωμαίων βασιλεῖ γέγονεν.

§ 8.11.9 “οὐ γὰρ ἄν,” ἔφη, “έρμηνεύς γε ὢν ἐς τοῦτο ἀξιώματος πρὸς βασιλέως ἀφίκετο, εἰ μὴ καταπροδοὺς ἔτυχε τὰ Περσῶν πράγματα.” τινὲς δὲ τὸν Ἰσδιγούσναν αὐτὸν διαβαλεῖν φασίν, ὡς λάθρα Ῥωμαίοις ἐς λόγους ἔλθοι.

§ 8.11.10 τὰ δὲ πρῶτα ὁ πρεσβευτὴς οὗτος βασιλεῖ ἐντυχὼν οὐ μικρὸν ἀμφὶ τῇ εἰρήνῃ, οὐ μέγα εἶπεν, ἀλλ’ ᾐτιᾶτο Ῥωμαίους ἐς τὴν ἐκεχειρίαν ἠδικηκέναι, Ἀρέθαν τε καὶ Σαρακηνοὺς τοὺς Ῥωμαίων ἐνσπόνδους Ἀλαμουνδάρῳ ἐν σπονδαῖς λυμήνασθαι φάσκων, ἄλλα τε οὐκ ἀξιόλογα ἐπιφέρων ἐγκλήματα, ὧνπέρ μοι ἐπιμνησθῆναι οὔτι ἀναγκαῖον ἔδοξεν εἶναι.

§ 8.11.11 Ἐν μὲν οὖν Βυζαντίῳ ταῦτα ἐπράσσετο. Βέσσας δὲ παντὶ τῷ Ῥωμαίων στρατῷ Πέτρας ἐς πολιορκίαν καθίστατο. Ῥωμαῖοι μὲν οὖν ἀμφὶ τὸ τεῖχος διώρυσσον, ἵνα δὴ καὶ Δαγισθαῖος τὰ πρότερα τὴν διώρυχα πεποιημένος τὸν περίβολον ταύτῃ καθεῖλεν. ὅτου δὲ δὴ ἕνεκα ἐς τὸν αὐτὸν χῶρον ὤρυσσον, ἐγὼ δηλώσω.

§ 8.11.12 οἱ τὴν πόλιν τὸ ἐξ ἀρχῆς ταύτην δειμάμενοι, ἐπὶ πέτρας μὲν ἔθεντο ἐκ τοῦ ἐπὶ πλεῖστον τὰ τοῦ περιβόλου θεμέλια, ἐνιαχῆ δὲ καὶ ὑπὲρ χώματος αὐτὰ ξυνέβαινε κεῖσθαι.

§ 8.11.13 ἦν δέ τις τοῦ τείχους μοῖρα ἐς τῆς πόλεως τὰ πρὸς ἑσπέραν οὐ λίαν εὐρεῖα, ἧς δὴ ἑκατέρωθεν ἐπὶ πέτρας τινὸς σκληρᾶς τε καὶ ἀμηχάνου τοῦ περιβόλου τὰ θεμέλια ἐτεκτήναντο.

§ 8.11.14 ταύτην τοίνυν τὴν μοῖραν Δαγισθαῖός τε τὰ πρότερα καὶ τανῦν Βέσσας διώρυσσον ὁμοίως, οὐκ ἐφιείσης τῆς τοῦ χωρίου φύσεως σφίσι περαιτέρω ἰέναι, ἀλλὰ τὸ τῆς διώρυχος μῆκος συμμετρούσης τε αὐτοῖς καὶ πρυτανευούσης εἰκότως.

§ 8.11.15 Ἡνίκα οὖν Πέρσαι μετὰ τὴν Δαγισθαίου ὑπαγωγὴν τὸ καταπεπτωκὸς τοῦτο τοῦ τείχους ἀνοικοδομήσασθαι ἤθελον, οὐ κατὰ τὰ πρότερα τὴν οἰκοδομίαν πεποίηνται, ἀλλὰ τρόπῳ τοιῷδε.

§ 8.11.16 κάχληκος τὸν κενωθέντα ἐμπλησάμενοι χῶρον δοκοὺς παχείας αὐτοῦ ὕπερθεν ἔθεντο, ἅσπερ ἐνδελεχέστατα ξύσαντες ὁμαλάς τε παντάπασι καταστησάμενοι ἔζευξαν μὲν ἐς ἀλλήλας ἐς μέγα τι εὖρος, κρηπῖδα δὲ αὐτὰς ἀντὶ θεμελίων ποιησάμενοι τοῦ περιβόλου καθύπερθεν αὐτῶν ἐτεκτήναντο τὴν οἰκοδομίαν ἐμπείρως. ὅπερ οὐ ξυνέντες Ῥωμαῖοι ἔνερθεν τῶν θεμελίων ποιεῖσθαι τὴν διώρυχα ᾤοντο.

§ 8.11.17 καὶ τὸν χῶρον κενώσαντες ὅλον ἐκ τῶν δοκῶν ὧνπερ ἐπεμνήσθην ἀρτίως ἐπὶ πλεῖστον τῆς γῆς τὸν μὲν περίβολον κατασεῖσαι κατὰ πολὺ ἴσχυσαν, μοῖρά τε αὐτοῦ ἐξαπιναίως κατεπεπτώκει, οὐ μέντοι οὔτε πη ἐπὶ θάτερα τὸ πεπτωκὸς τοῦτο ἐκλίθη οὔτε τις αὐτῷ τῶν λίθων ἐπιβολὴ ξυνεταράχθη, ἀλλ’ ἀκραιφνὲς ὅλον εὐθείᾳ τινὶ καταβάσει, ὥσπερ ἐκ μηχανῆς, ἐς τὸν κενωθέντα χῶρον καταβὰν ἔστη, καὶ τὴν οἰκείαν ἐφύλασσε χώραν, οὐκ ἐς ὕψος ὅσον τὰ πρότερα, ἀλλ’ ἔς τι ἧσσον.

§ 8.11.18 κενωθέντος οὖν παντὸς τοῦ τῶν δοκῶν ἔνερθεν χώρου ὑφιζάνειν αὐτὰς ἐνταῦθα ξὺν τῇ ὑπὲρ αὐτὰς οἰκοδομίᾳ πάσῃ ξυνέβη.

§ 8.11.19 Τοῖς δὲ Ῥωμαίοις οὐδ’ ὣς ἐσβατὸν ἐγεγόνει τὸ τεῖχος. ὁ γὰρ τῶν Περσῶν ὅμιλος, ἡνίκα πολὺς ξὺν τῷ Μερμερόῃ ἐνταῦθα ἦλθε, μέγα τι χρῆμα τῇ πρόσθεν οἰκοδομίᾳ ἐνθέμενοι ὑψηλὸν ἐσάγαν τὸν περίβολον ἐτεκτήναντο.

§ 8.11.20 Ῥωμαῖοι μὲν οὖν, ἐπειδὴ τοῦ περιβόλου τὸ κατασεισθὲν αὖθις ἑστηκὸς εἶδον, διηποροῦντό τε καὶ ἀμηχανίᾳ πολλῇ εἴχοντο.

§ 8.11.21 οὔτε γὰρ διορύσσειν ἔτι ἠδύναντο, ἐς τοῦτο ἀποκεκριμένης τῆς κατώρυχος σφίσι, κριῷ τε χρῆσθαι οὐδαμῆ εἶχον, ἐπεὶ ἐν μὲν τῷ ἀνάντει ἐτειχομάχουν, ἡ δὲ μηχανὴ αὕτη ἐφέλκεσθαι οὐχ οἵα τέ ἐστιν ὅτι μὴ ἐν χωρίῳ ὁμαλῷ τε καὶ λίαν ὑπτίῳ.

§ 8.11.22 Τύχῃ δέ τινι ξυνεκύρησεν ἐν τούτῳ τῷ Ῥωμαίων στρατῷ εἶναι βαρβάρων τῶν Σαβείρων ὀλίγους τινὰς ἐξ αἰτίας τοιᾶσδε.

§ 8.11.23 οἱ Σάβειροι ἔθνος μέν ἐστιν Οὐννικόν, ᾤκηνται δὲ ἀμφὶ τὰ Καυκάσια ὄρη, πάμπολυ πλῆθος μὲν ἐσάγαν ὄντες, ἐς ἀρχὰς δὲ πολλὰς ἐπιεικῶς διῃρημένοι.

§ 8.11.24 τούτων δὲ τῶν ἀρχόντων οἱ μέν τινές εἰσι τῷ Ῥωμαίων αὐτοκράτορι, οἱ δὲ τῷ Περσῶν βασιλεῖ ἐκ παλαιοῦ γνώριμοι. τοῖν τε βασιλέοιν ἑκάτερος χρυσίον εἰώθει τακτὸν τοῖς αὑτοῦ ἐνσπόνδοις προΐεσθαι, οὐκ ἐπέτειον μέντοι, ἀλλ’ ἡνίκα ἂν ἐς τοῦτο αὐτὸν ἡ χρεία ἐνάγοι.

§ 8.11.25 τότε οὖν Ἰουστινιανὸς βασιλεὺς τῶν Σαβείρων τούς οἱ ἐπιτηδείους ἐς τὴν ὁμαιχμίαν παρακαλῶν ἔστειλέ τινα τὸν τὰ χρήματα παρ’ αὐτοὺς κομιοῦντα.

§ 8.11.26 ὁ δὲ ʽπολεμίων γὰρ μεταξὺ ὄντων ἐς ὄρη τὰ Καυκάσια ἰέναι ξὺν τῷ ἀσφαλεῖ ἄλλως τε καὶ χρήματα ἐπαγόμενος οὐδαμῆ εἶχεν’ ἀφικνεῖται μὲν παρά τε τὸν Βέσσαν καὶ τὸ Ῥωμαίων στρατόπεδον, ὅπερ ἐς τὴν Πέτρας πολιορκίαν καθίστατο, παρὰ δὲ τοὺς Σαβείρους πέμψας ἐκέλευσεν αὐτῶν τινὰς ὅτι τάχιστα τοὺς τὰ χρήματα ληψομένους παρ’ αὐτον ἥκειν, οἵ τε βάρβαροι τρεῖς ἀπολεξάμενοι τῶν ἐν σφίσιν ἀρχόντων, ξὺν ὀλίγοις τισὶν ἐς Λαζικὴν εὐθὺς ἔπεμψαν· οἳ δὴ ἐνταῦθα γενόμενοι ξὺν τῷ Ῥωμαίων στρατῷ ἐς τήνδε τὴν τειχομαχίαν κατέστησαν.

§ 8.11.27 Οὗτοι ἐπειδὴ Ῥωμαίους εἶδον ἀπογνόντας τε καὶ ἀπορουμένους τὸ παρὸν θέσθαι, μηχανήν τινα ἐπετεχνήσαντο, οἵα οὔτε Ῥωμαίων οὔτε Περσῶν τινί, ἐξ οὗ γεγόνασιν ἄνθρωποι, ἐς ἔννοιαν ἦλθε· καίτοι τεχνιτῶν μὲν πολὺς ὅμιλος ἐν ἑκατέρᾳ πολιτείᾳ γέγονέ τε ἀεὶ καὶ τανῦν ἔστιν.

§ 8.11.28 ἐς χρείαν δὲ πολλάκις ἐς τὸν πάντα αἰῶνα κατέστησαν τῆς μηχανῆς ἑκάτεροι ταύτης, ἐς ἐρύματα τειχομαχοῦντες ἐν χωρίοις σκληροῖς καὶ δυσβάτοις τισὶ κείμενα· ἀλλ’ αὐτῶν οὐδενὶ τὸ ἐνθύμημα τοῦτο γεγένηται ὅπερ τούτοις δὴ τοῖς βαρβάροις τανῦν γέγονεν· οὕτως ἀεὶ προϊόντι τῷ χρόνῳ συννεωτερίζειν τῶν πραγμάτων τὰς ἐπινοίας φιλεῖ τῶν ἀνθρώπων ἡ φύσις.

§ 8.11.29 κριὸν γὰρ αὐτοσχεδιάζουσιν οἱ Σάβειροι οὗτοι, οὐχ ᾗπερ εἰώθει,

§ 8.11.30 ἀλλὰ καινουργήσαντες ἑτέρῳ τῳ τρόπῳ. οὐ γὰρ δοκοὺς ἐς τὴν μηχανὴν ταύτην, οὐκ ὀρθάς, οὐκ ἐγκαρσίας ἐμβέβληνται, ἀλλὰ ῥάβδους παχείας τινὰς ἐς ἀλλήλας ξυνδέοντες, καὶ αὐτὰς ἀντὶ τῶν δοκῶν πανταχόθι ἐναρμοσάμενοι, βύρσαις τε τὴν μηχανὴν καλύψαντες ὅλην τὸ τοῦ κριοῦ διεσώσαντο σχῆμα, μίαν δοκὸν μόνην, ᾗπερ εἴθισται, κατὰ μέσην τὴν μηχανὴν ἁλύσεσιν ἀναρτήσαντες χαλαραῖς τισίν, ἧσπερ τὸ ἄκρον ὀξὺ γεγενημένον καὶ σιδήρῳ περικαλυφθὲν ὥσπερ βέλους ἀκὶς ἔμελλε συχνὰ κατὰ τοῦ περιβόλου ἐμβάλλεσθαι.

§ 8.11.31 οὕτω δὲ κούφην τὴν μηχανὴν ἀπειργάσαντο, ὥστε οὐκέτι αὐτὴν πρὸς ἀνδρῶν τῶν ἔνδον ὄντων ἐφέλκεσθαι ἢ διωθεῖσθαι ἀναγκαῖον ἐγίνετο, ἀλλ’ ἄνδρες τεσσαράκοντα, οἳ καὶ τὴν δοκὸν ἀνασύρειν τε καὶ κατὰ τοῦ περιβόλου ἐμβάλλεσθαι ἔμελλον, ἔνδον τῆς μηχανῆς ὄντες καὶ ὑπὸ τῶν βυρσῶν καλυπτόμενοι ἔφερον τὸν κριὸν ἐπὶ τῶν ὤμων οὐδενὶ πόνῳ.

§ 8.11.32 Τρεῖς μὲν οὗτοι οἱ βάρβαροι μηχανὰς τοιαύτας εἰργάσαντο, τὰς δοκοὺς ξὺν τῷ σιδήρῳ ἐκ τῶν κριῶν ἀφελόμενοι, οὓς δὴ Ῥωμαῖοι ἐν παρασκευῇ ἔχοντες οὐχ οἷοί τε ἦσαν ἐς τὸ τεῖχος ἐφέλκειν· ὑποδύντες δὲ αὐτῶν ἑκάστην οὐχ ἥσσους ἢ κατὰ τεσσαράκοντα στρατιῶται Ῥωμαῖοι ἀριστίνδην ἀπολεχθέντες ὡς ἀγχοτάτω τοῦ τείχους ἔθεντο.

§ 8.11.33 ἑκατέρωθεν δὲ μηχανῆς ἑκάστης ἕτεροι ἵσταντο, τεθωρακισμένοι τε καὶ κράνεσι τὰς κεφαλὰς ἐς τὸ ἀκριβὲς κεκαλυμμένοι καὶ κοντοὺς ἔχοντες, ὧνπερ τὰ ἄκρα σιδηρίοις ἀγκιστροειδέσιν ἐρήρειστο, τούτου δὴ παρεσκευασμένων αὐτοῖς ἕνεκα, ὅπως, ἐπειδὰν ἡ τοῦ κριοῦ ἐς τὸν περίβολον ἐμβολὴ ξυγχέῃ τὰς τῶν λίθων ἐπιβολάς, τούτοις δὴ τοῖς κοντοῖς περιαιρεῖν τε τοὺς ξυγχεομένους τῶν λίθων καὶ ἀπορρίπτειν δυνατοὶ εἶεν.

§ 8.11.34 Ῥωμαῖοι μὲν οὖν ἔργου εἴχοντο καὶ τὸ τεῖχος ἤδη συχναῖς ταῖς ἐμβολαῖς κατεσείετο, οἱ δὲ τῶν μηχανῶν ἐφ’ ἑκάτερα ὄντες τοῖς ἀγκιστροειδέσι κοντοῖς τῶν λίθων τοὺς ξυνταρασσομένους ἀπὸ τῆς κατὰ τὴν οἰκοδομίαν ξυνθήκης ἐρρίπτουν, ἁλώσεσθαί τε ἡ πόλις αὐτίκα δὴ μάλα ἐπίδοξος ἦν.

§ 8.11.35 Οἱ δὲ Πέρσαι ἐπενόουν τάδε. ξύλινον πύργον, ὅσπερ αὐτοῖς ἐκ παλαιοῦ παρεσκεύαστο, καθύπερθεν τοῦ περιβόλου ἐτίθεντο, ἀνδρῶν ἔμπλεων τῶν ἐν σφίσι μαχιμωτάτων, ἥλοις τε σιδηροῖς καὶ θώραξι τάς τε κεφαλὰς καὶ τὸ ἄλλο σῶμα περιβαλόντων.

§ 8.11.36 ἀγγεῖα δὲ θείου τε καὶ ἀσφάλτου ἐμπλησάμενοι καὶ φαρμάκου ὅπερ Μῆδοι μὲν νάφθαν καλοῦσιν, Ἕλληνες δὲ Μηδείας ἔλαιον, πυρί τε ταῦτα ὑφάψαντες ἐπὶ τὰς μηχανὰς τῶν κριῶν ἔβαλλον, ἅσπερ ὀλίγου ἐμπιπράναι πάσας ἐδέησαν.

§ 8.11.37 ἀλλ’ οἱ παρὰ ταύτας, ὥσπερ μοι ἐρρήθη, ἑστῶτες, τοῖς κοντοῖς, ὧνπερ ἐπεμνήσθην ἀρτίως, ἐνδελεχέστατα περιαιροῦντες τὰ βαλλόμενα καὶ περικαθαίροντες, ἅπαντα ἐς τὸ ἔδαφος ἐκ τῶν μηχανῶν εὐθὺς ἐρρίπτουν.

§ 8.11.38 οὐκ ἐπὶ πολὺ δὲ πρὸς τὸ ἔργον τοῦτο ἀνθέξειν ὑπώπτευον· τὸ γὰρ πῦρ οὗ προσψαύσειεν ἐνεπίμπρα αὐτίκα, εἰ μὴ εὐθυωρὸν ἀποβληθείη. ταῦτα μὲν οὖν ἐπράσσετο τῇδε.

§ 8.11.39 Βέσσας δὲ αὐτὸς τεθωρακισμένος καὶ ἅπαν ἐξοπλίσας τὸ στράτευμα κλίμακας πολλὰς ἐς τὸ πεπτωκὸς τοῦ τείχους προῆγε.

§ 8.11.40 καὶ λόγῳ τοσοῦτον παραθαρρύνας, ὅσον μὴ ἀμβλῦναι τοῦ καιροῦ τὴν ἀκμήν, ἔργοις τῆς παρακελεύσεως τὰ λοιπὰ ἔνειμεν. ἀνὴρ γὰρ πλέον ἢ ἑβδομήκοντα γεγονὼς ἐτῶν καὶ παντάπασιν ἔξωρος ὢν ἤδη πρῶτος ἐπέβη τῆς κλίμακος.

§ 8.11.41 ἐνταῦθα μάχη καὶ ἀρετῆς ἐπίδειξις γίνεται Ῥωμαίοις τε καὶ Πέρσαις οἵαν ἔγωγε κατὰ τοῦτον τὸν χρόνον οὐδαμῆ οἶμαι ξυνενεχθῆναι.

§ 8.11.42 τὸ μὲν γὰρ βαρβάρων πλῆθος εἰς δισχιλίους καὶ τριακοσίους ξυνῄει, Ῥωμαῖοι δὲ ἐς ἑξακισχιλίους ἐτύγχανον ὄντες.

§ 8.11.43 καὶ αὐτῶν ἑκατέρωθεν ὅσοι οὐ διεφθάρησαν τραυματίαι σχεδόν τι γεγόνασι πάντες, ὀλίγοις τε λίαν ἐπ’ ἀθῴοις τοῖς σώμασι περιεῖναι ξυνέβη. Ῥωμαῖοι μὲν οὖν τὴν ἀνάβασιν ἐβιάζοντο δυνάμει τῇ πάσῃ, Πέρσαι δὲ αὐτοὺς πόνῳ πολλῷ ἀπεκρούοντο.

§ 8.11.44 ἀμφοτέρωθεν δὲ κτεινομένων πολλῶν οὐ μακράν που ἐγένοντο τοῦ ἀπεῶσθαι τὸν κίνδυνον Πέρσαι· ὠθισμοῦ γὰρ πολλοῦ ἐν τῇ τῶν κλιμάκων ὑπερβολῇ γεγενημένου ἄλλοι τε Ῥωμαίων συχνοὶ ἅτε πολεμίοις καθύπερθεν οὖσι μαχόμενοι ἔθνησκον καὶ Βέσσας ὁ στρατηγὸς ἐς τὸ ἔδαφος πεσὼν ἔκειτο.

§ 8.11.45 καὶ τότε δὴ κραυγῆς ἐξαισίας πρὸς ἀμφοτέρων γεγενημένης οἱ μὲν βάρβαροι πανταχόθεν ξυρρέοντες ἐπ’ αὐτὸν ἔβαλον, οἱ δὲ δορυφόροι ξυνέστησάν τε σπουδῇ ἀμφ’ αὐτὸν καὶ κράνη μὲν ἐν ταῖς κεφαλαῖς ἔχοντες, θώρακας δὲ ἀμπεχόμενοι πάντες, ἔτι μέντοι καθύπερθεν ταῖς ἀσπίσι φραξάμενοι καὶ ἐν χρῷ ξυνιόντες ἀλλήλοις, ὀροφῆς αὐτῷ σχῆμα ἐποίουν καὶ τόν τε στρατηγὸν ὡς ἀσφαλέστατα ἔκρυψαν καὶ τὰ βαλλόμενα παντὶ σθένει ἀπεκρούοντο.

§ 8.11.46 καὶ πάταγος μὲν τῶν ἀεὶ πεμπομένων κἀν ταῖς ἀσπίσιν τε καὶ τοῖς ἄλλοις ὅπλοις ἀποκαυλιζομένων πολὺς ἐγεγόνει, κραυγῇ δὲ καὶ ἄσθματι καὶ ταλαιπωρίᾳ ἕκαστος εἴχετο.

§ 8.11.47 Ῥωμαῖοί τε ἅπαντες τῷ στρατηγῷ ἀμύνειν ἐν σπουδῇ ἔχοντες ἔβαλλον ἐς τὸ τεῖχος, οὐδένα ἀνιέντες καιρόν, καὶ ταύτῃ τοὺς πολεμίους ἀνέστελλον.

§ 8.11.48 Τότε δὴ ὁ Βέσσας ʽοὐδὲ γὰρ ἐξανίστασθαι εἶχε, τῆς ὁπλίσεως ἀντιστατούσης, ἄλλως τε καὶ τοῦ σώματός οἱ οὐκ εὐσταλοῦς ὄντος, ἦν γὰρ οὗτος ἀνὴρ εὔσαρκός τε καί, ὅπερ ἐρρήθη, ἐσχατογέρων’ οὐκ ἐς ἀμηχανίαν ἐξέπεσε, καίπερ ἐς τοσοῦτον κινδύνου ἥκων, ἀλλὰ βουλεύεταί τι ἐκ τοῦ αἰφνιδίου ᾧπερ αὑτόν τε καὶ τὰ Ῥωμαίων πράγματα διασώσασθαι ἔσχε.

§ 8.11.49 τοῖς γὰρ δορυφόροις ἐπέστελλε σύρειν τε αὐτὸν ἐκ ποδὸς καὶ ὡς ἀπωτάτω τοῦ τείχους ἐφέλκειν.

§ 8.11.50 οἱ δὲ κατὰ ταῦτα ἐποίουν. καὶ αὐτὸν οἱ μὲν ἔσυρον, οἱ δὲ ξὺν αὐτῷ ὑπεχώρουν, τὰς μὲν ἀσπίδας ὕπερθεν ἐπ’ ἀλλήλους ἔχοντες, τοσαύτην δὲ ποιούμενοι βάδισιν ὅσον ἐκεῖνος ἐσύρετο, ὡς μὴ ἀπαρακάλυπτος γεγονὼς πρὸς τῶν πολεμίων βληθείη.

§ 8.11.51 ἐπειδὴ δὲ ὁ Βέσσας ἐν τῷ ἀσφαλεῖ ἐγεγόνει, ἐξανίστατό τε καὶ παρακελευσάμενος ἐπὶ τὸ τεῖχος ᾔει, τῆς τε κλίμακος ἐπιβατεύσας αὖθις ἐπὶ τὴν ἀνάβασιν ὥρμητο.

§ 8.11.52 ἐπισπόμενοι δὲ Ῥωμαῖοι πάντες ἔργα ἐς τοὺς πολεμίους ἐπεδείκνυντο ἀρετῆς ἄξια. περίφοβοί τε γενόμενοι Πέρσαι καιρὸν σφίσι τινὰ τοὺς ἐναντίους διδόναι ᾔτουν, ὅπως συσκευασάμενοι ἀπαλλάσσωνται τὴν πόλιν ἐνδόντες.

§ 8.11.53 Βέσσας δὲ δολώσεις αὐτοὺς ἐπιτεχνάσασθαι ὑποτοπάζων, ὅπως μεταξὺ κρατύνωνται τὸ τοῦ περιβόλου ὀχύρωμα, τὴν μὲν ξυμβολὴν καταπαύειν ἔφη οὐχ οἷός τε εἶναι, τοὺς δὲ ἀμφὶ τῇ ὁμολογίᾳ βουλομένους αὐτῷ ξυγγενέσθαι, τῶν στρατοπέδων μαχομένων, οὐδέν τι ἧσσον εἰς ἑτέραν τινὰ ξὺν αὐτῷ ἰέναι τοῦ τείχους μοῖραν, δείξας τι χωρίον αὐτοῖς.

§ 8.11.54 Τῶν δὲ οὐκ ἐνδεχομένων τὸν λόγον γίνεται μὲν αὖθις καρτερά τις μάχη καὶ ὠθισμὸς πολύς, ἔτι δὲ ἀγχωμάλου τῆς ξυμβολῆς οὔσης ξυνηνέχθη τὸ τεῖχος ἑτέρωθι, οὗπερ διορύξαντες Ῥωμαῖοι πρότερον ἔτυχον, ἐξαπιναίως καταπεσεῖν. ἐνταῦθα οὖν πολλοὶ ἐξ ἀμφοτέρων ξυνέρρεον.

§ 8.11.55 καὶ Ῥωμαῖοι μὲν πλήθει τοὺς πολεμίους παρὰ πολὺ ὑπεραίροντες, καίπερ δίχα διῃρημένοι, πολλῷ ἔτι μᾶλλον βάλλοντές τε καὶ ὠθοῦντες καρτερώτατα τοῖς ἐναντίοις ἐνέκειντο.

§ 8.11.56 Πέρσαι δὲ οὐκέτι ὁμοίως ἀντεῖχον, ἑκατέρωθι βιαζόμενοι, ἀλλὰ διαιρεθεῖσα ἡ ὀλιγανθρωπία ἐς ἄμφω τὰ μέρη διαφανὴς ἦν.

§ 8.11.57 οὕτω δὲ πονουμένων ἀμφοτέρων ἔτι τῶν στρατευμάτων καὶ οὔτε Περσῶν ἀποκρούεσθαι δυναμένων ἐγκειμένους σφίσι τοὺς πολεμίους οὔτε Ῥωμαίων βιάζεσθαι παντάπασι τὴν εἴσοδον οἵων τε ὄντων, νεανίας ἀνήρ, Ἀρμένιος γένος, Ἰωάννης ὄνομα, Θωμᾶ υἱὸς ὅνπερ ἐπίκλησιν ἐκάλουν Γούζην, τὰ μὲν καταπεπτωκότα τοῦ περιβόλου καὶ τοὺς ἐνταῦθα ὠθισμοὺς εἴασεν, Ἀρμενίων δὲ τῶν οἱ ἑπομένων ἐπαγαγόμενος ὀλίγους τινὰς διὰ τοῦ κρημνωδους, ᾗπερ ἅπαντες τὴν πόλιν ἀνάλωτον εἶναι ὑπώπτευον, βιασάμενος ἀνέβη τοὺς ταύτῃ φρουρούς.

§ 8.11.58 κατά τε τὰς ἐπάλξεις γενόμενος ἕνα Περσῶν τῶν τῇδε ἀμυνομένων, ὅσπερ μαχιμώτατος ἐδόκει εἶναι, δόρατι ἔκτεινεν. ἐσβατόν τε Ῥωμαίοις ξυνηνέχθη τρόπῳ τοιῷδε.

§ 8.11.59 Πέρσαι οἳ ἐν πύργῳ τῷ ξυλίνῳ ἑστήκεσαν μέγα τι χρῆμα τῶν πυρφόρων ἀγγείων ὑφῆψαν, ὅπως τῶν βαλλομένων τῷ περιόντι καταφλέξαι αὐτοῖς ἀνδράσι τὰς μηχανὰς οἷοί τε ὦσιν, οὐ δυναμένων τῶν ἀμυνομένων ἅπαντα τοῖς κοντοῖς διωθεῖσθαι.

§ 8.11.60 πνεῦμα δὲ νότου σκληρόν τε καὶ ὑπερφυὲς ἄγαν ἐξαπιναίως ἐξ ἐναντίας αὐτοῖς ξὺν πολλῷ πατάγῳ ἐπιπεσόν, τῶν τοῦ πύργου σανίδων ἀμηγέπη μιᾶς ἥψατο.

§ 8.11.61 οὐ ξυνιέντων δὲ αὐτίκα τῶν ἐνταῦθα Περσῶν ʽπόνῳ γὰρ καὶ θορύβῳ καὶ δέει καὶ ταραχῇ ἀμέτρῳ εἴχοντο ἅπαντες, ἥ τε ἀνάγκη αὐτοῖς παρῃρεῖτο τὴν αἴσθησιν’ ἡ φλὸξ κατὰ βραχὺ αἰρομένη τῷ τε τῆς Μηδείας ἐπωνύμῳ ἐλαίῳ καὶ οἷσπερ ἄλλοις ἐξήρτυτο τὸν πύργον ὅλον καὶ Πέρσας τοὺς ἐνταῦθα ἐνέπρησεν.

§ 8.11.62 ἐξηνθρακωμένοι τε ἅπαντες ἔπεσον, οἱ μὲν ἐντὸς τοῦ περιβόλου, οἱ δὲ τούτου ἐκτός, ἵνα δὴ αἵ τε μηχαναὶ καὶ οἱ ἀμφ’ αὐτὰς Ῥωμαῖοι ἑστήκεσαν· οὕτω δὲ καὶ οἱ ἄλλοι Ῥωμαῖοι, ὅσοι δὴ ἐς τοῦ περιβόλου τὰ καταπεπτωκότα ἐμάχοντο, ἐνδιδόντων σφίσι τῶν πολεμίων ἔς τε ὀλιγωρίαν ἐμπεπτωκότων, ἐντὸς τοῦ περιβόλου ἐγένοντο, καὶ κατ’ ἄκρας ἡ Πέτρα ἑάλω.

§ 8.11.63 Τῶν μὲν οὖν Περσῶν ἐς πεντακοσίους ἐς τὴν ἀκρόπολιν ἀναδραμόντες καὶ τὸ ἐκείνῃ καταλαβόντες ὀχύρωμα ἡσυχῆ ἔμενον, τοὺς δὲ ἄλλους Ῥωμαῖοι, ὅσους οὐκ ἔκτειναν ἐν τῇ ξυμβολῇ, ἐζώγρησαν ἅπαντας ἐς τριάκοντα καὶ ἑπτακοσίους μάλιστα ὄντας.

§ 8.11.64 καὶ αὐτῶν ὀκτὼ μὲν καὶ δέκα ἀκραιφνεῖς εὗρον, οἱ δὲ λοιποὶ ἅπαντες τραυματίαι ὄντες ἐτύγχανον. ἔπεσον δὲ καὶ Ῥωμαίων πολλοί τε καὶ ἄριστοι, καὶ Ἰωάννης ὁ Θωμᾶ υἱός, λίθῳ τὴν κεφαλὴν ἐν τῇ ἐς τὴν πόλιν εἰσόδῳ πρός του τῶν βαρβάρων βληθεὶς ἔργα τε θαυμαστὰ ἐς τοὺς πολεμίους ἐπιδειξάμενος.

Wars 8.13

§ 8.13.1 Μερμερόης δέ, δείσας μή τι Πέτρᾳ τε καὶ Πέρσαις τοῖς τῇδε ἀπολελειμμένοις φλαῦρον διὰ χρόνου μῆκος ξυμβαίη, ἄρας παντὶ τῷ στρατῷ ἐνταῦθα ᾔει, ἐπεὶ αὐτὸν ὁ καιρὸς μετὰ τὴν τοῦ χειμῶνος ὥραν ἐς τοῦτο ἐνῆγε.

§ 8.13.2 μεταξὺ δὲ τὰ ξυμπεσόντα μαθὼν ἅπαντα τῆς μὲν ὁδοῦ ταύτης τὸ παράπαν ἀπέσχετο, εὖ εἰδὼς ὅτι δὴ ἐκτὸς ποταμοῦ Φάσιδος ἄλλο τι χωρίον Λαζοῖς ὅτι μὴ τὸ ἐν Πέτρᾳ οὐκ ἦν.

§ 8.13.3 ἀναστρέψας δὲ καὶ καταλαβὼν τὰς ἐξ Ἰβηρίας ἐπὶ γῆν τὴν Κολχίδα εἰσόδους, ἵνα δὴ ὁ Φᾶσις διαβατός ἐστιν, αὐτόν τε πεζῇ διαμείψας καὶ οὐχ ἥκιστα ποταμόν, Ῥέοντα ὄνομα, οὐδὲ αὐτὸν ἐκείνῃ ναυσίπορον ὄντα, τοῦ τε Φάσιδος ἐν δεξιᾷ ταύτῃ γενόμενος ἐπὶ πόλιν, Ἀρχαιόπολιν ὄνομα, ἣ πρώτη τε καὶ μεγίστη ἐν Λαζοῖς ἐστίν, ἐπῆγε τὸ στράτευμα.

§ 8.13.4 ἦσαν δὲ ὀλίγων χωρὶς ἱππεῖς ἅπαντες, καὶ αὐτοῖς ἐλέφαντες ὀκτὼ εἵποντο. ἐφ’ ὧν δὴ ἔμελλον ἱστάμενοι Πέρσαι τοὺς πολεμίους ὥσπερ ἐκ πύργων κατὰ κορυφῆς ἐνθένδε βάλλειν.

§ 8.13.5 ὥστε εἰκότως ἄν τις Περσῶν τὴν ἐς τοὺς πολέμους ταλαιπωρίαν τε καὶ ἐπιτέχνησιν ἀγασθείη, οἵ γε τὴν ἐξ Ἰβηρίας ἐς τὴν Κολχίδα ὁδὸν φέρουσαν, κρημνώδεσί τε νάπαις καὶ δυσχωρίαις λοχμώδεσι πανταχόθι ξυνεχομένην, ὕλαις τε οὕτως ἀμφιλαφέσι καλυπτομένην, ὡς καὶ ἀνδρὶ εὐζώνῳ δοκεῖν ἀπόρευτον τὰ πρότερα εἶναι, οὕτως ὁμαλῆ κατεστήσαντο ὥστε οὐχ ὅσον τὴν ἵππον αὐτῶν ὅλην πόνῳ οὐδενὶ ἐνθένδε ἰέναι, ἀλλὰ καὶ τῶν ἐλεφάντων ὅσους βούλοιντο ἐπαγομένους ταύτῃ στρατεύειν.

§ 8.13.6 ἦλθον δὲ αὐτοῖς καὶ σύμμαχοι Οὖννοι ἐκ τῶν Σαβείρων καλουμένων δισχίλιοί τε καὶ μύριοι.

§ 8.13.7 ἀλλὰ δείσας ὁ Μερμερόης μὴ ἐς πλῆθος τοσοῦτον ὄντες οἱ βάρβαροι οὗτοι μήτε τι αὐτῷ ὑπακούειν ἐπαγγέλλοντι ἐθελήσωσιν, ἀλλὰ καί τι ἀνήκεστον ἐς τὸ Περσῶν στράτευμα δράσωσι, τετρακισχιλίους μὲν ξυστρατεύεσθαι σφίσιν εἴασε, τοὺς δὲ λοιποὺς χρήμασι πολλοῖς δωρησάμενος ἐς τὰ πάτρια ἤθη ἀφῆκεν ἰέναι.

§ 8.13.8 Ὁ δὲ Ῥωμαίων στρατὸς δισχίλιοι μὲν καὶ μύριοι ἦσαν, οὐ μὴν ἀγηγερμένοι ἐς ταὐτὸ ἅπαντες, ἀλλ’ ἐν μὲν τῷ ἐν Ἀρχαιοπόλει φυλακτηρίῳ τρισχίλιοι ἦσαν, ὧν Ὀδόναχός τε καὶ Βάβας ἦρχον, ἄμφω ἀγαθοὶ τὰ πολέμια·

§ 8.13.9 οἱ δὲ δὴ ἄλλοι ἐντὸς τῶν ἐκβολῶν ποταμοῦ Φάσιδος ἐνστρατοπεδευσάμενοι ἔμενον, ἐκεῖνο διανοούμενοι, ὥστε ἤν πη ἐπισκήψῃ ὁ τῶν πολεμίων στρατός, αὐτοὶ ἐνθένδε ἐξανιστάμενοι βοηθοῖεν δυνάμει τῇ πάσῃ.

§ 8.13.10 ἦρχον δὲ αὐτῶν Βενῖλός τε καὶ Οὐλίγαγος· ξυνῆν δὲ αὐτοῖς καὶ Οὐαράζης ὁ Περσαρμένιος, ἄρτι ἐξ Ἰταλίας ἥκων, ᾧ δὴ Τζάνοι ὀκτακόσιοι εἵποντο.

§ 8.13.11 Βέσσας γάρ, ἐπειδὴ τάχιστα τὴν Πέτραν εἷλε, πονεῖν μὲν ἔτι οὐδαμῆ ἤθελεν, ἐς δὲ Ποντικοὺς καὶ Ἀρμενίους ἀποχωρήσας ἐπεμελεῖτο ὡς ἔνι μάλιστα τῶν ἀπὸ τῆς ἀρχῆς αὐτοῦ πόρων, ταύτῃ τε τῇ σμικρολογία τὰ Ῥωμαίων αὖθις πράγματα ἔσφηλεν.

§ 8.13.12 εἰ γὰρ εὐθὺς τότε νενικηκώς, ᾗπέρ μοι εἴρηται, καὶ τὴν Πέτραν ἑλὼν ἐς τὰ Λαζῶν τε καὶ Ἰβήρων ὅρια ἦλθε καὶ τὰς ἐκείνῃ δυσχωρίας ἐφράξατο, οὐκ ἄν, μοι δοκεῖ, ἔτι Περσῶν στράτευμα ἐς Λαζικὴν ᾔει.

§ 8.13.13 νῦν δὲ ὁ στρατηγὸς οὗτος τοῦ πόνου τούτου ὀλιγωρήσας μόνον οὐχὶ τοῖς πολεμίοις Λαζικὴν αὐτοχειρὶ παραδέδωκε, τῆς ἐκ βασιλέως ὀργῆς ὀλίγα φροντίσας.

§ 8.13.14 εἰώθει γὰρ Ἰουστινιανὸς βασιλεὺς ἐπιχωρεῖν τὰ πολλὰ τοῖς ἄρχουσιν ἁμαρτάνουσι, καὶ ἀπ’ αὐτοῦ ἔς τε τὴν δίαιταν καὶ τὴν πολιτείαν ἐκ τοῦ ἐπὶ πλεῖστον παρανομοῦντες ἡλίσκοντο.

§ 8.13.15 Ἦν δὲ Λαζῶν φρούρια δύο πρὸς αὐτοῖς μάλιστα τοῖς Ἰβηρίας ὁρίοις, Σκάνδα τε καὶ Σαραπανίς. ἅπερ ἐν δυσχωρίαις κείμενα χαλεπαῖς τισὶ καὶ ὅλως δυσκόλοις δυσπρόσοδα ὑπερφυῶς ὄντα ἐτύγχανε.

§ 8.13.16 ταῦτα Λαζοὶ μὲν τὸ παλαιὸν πόνῳ πολλῷ ἐφρούρουν, ἐπεὶ ἐνταῦθα τῶν ἐδωδίμων τὸ παράπαν οὐδὲν φύεται, ἀλλὰ φέροντες ἄνθρωποι ἐπὶ τῶν ὤμων τὰ ἐπιτήδεια ἐσεκομίζοντο.

§ 8.13.17 βασιλεὺς δὲ Ἰουστινιανὸς κατ’ ἀρχὰς τοῦδε τοῦ πολέμου Λαζοὺς ἀναστήσας ἐνθένδε Ῥωμαίων φρουρὰν στρατιωτῶν κατεστήσατο.

§ 8.13.18 οἳ δὴ οὐ πολλῷ ὕστερον, πιεζόμενοι τῶν ἀναγκαίων τῇ ἀπορίᾳ, τὰ φρούρια ταῦτα ἐξέλιπον, ἐπεὶ αὐτοὶ μὲν ἐλύμοις ἀποζῆν ὥσπερ οἱ Κόλχοι ἐς πλείω χρόνον, οὐκ εἰωθὸς σφίσιν, ὡς ἥκιστα εἶχον, Λαζοὶ δὲ αὐτοῖς μακρὰν ὁδὸν πορευόμενοι φέροντές τε τὰ ἐπιτήδεια πάντα οὐκέτι ἀντεῖχον.

§ 8.13.19 Πέρσαι δὲ αὐτὰ καταλαβόντες ἔσχον, ἔν τε ταῖς σπονδαῖς αὐτὰ Ῥωμαῖοι ἀπέλαβον τὰς ἀντιδόσεις Βώλου τε τοῦ φρουρίου καὶ τοῦ Φαραγγίου πεποιημένοι, ὥσπερ μοι ταῦτα ἐν τοῖς ἔμπροσθεν λόγοις πάντα ἐρρήθη.

§ 8.13.20 Λαζοὶ μὲν οὖν ταῦτα τὰ φρούρια ἐς ἔδαφος καθεῖλον, ὡς μὴ αὐτὰ Πέρσαι ἐπιτειχίσματα κατὰ σφῶν ἔχοιεν. Πέρσαι δὲ αὐτοῖν θάτερον, ὅπερ Σκάνδα καλοῦσιν, αὖθις οἰκοδομησάμενοι ἔσχον, ὅ τε Μερμερόης ἐπίπροσθεν ἦγε τὸν Μήδων στρατόν.

§ 8.13.21 Ἦν δὲ πόλις ἐν τῷ πεδίῳ, Ῥοδόπολις ὄνομα, ἥπερ ὑπηντίαζε πρώτη τοῖς ἐς τὴν Κολχίδα ἐξ Ἰβηρίας ἐσβάλλουσιν, εὐέφοδός τε καὶ ἐπιμαχωτάτη ἐς τὰ μάλιστα.

§ 8.13.22 διὸ δὴ αὐτὴν πολλῷ πρότερον δείσαντες Λαζοὶ τὴν Περσῶν ἔφοδον ἐς ἔδαφος καθεῖλον. ὅπερ ἐπεὶ οἱ Πέρσαι ἔμαθον,

§ 8.13.23 εὐθὺ Ἀρχαιοπόλεως ᾔεσαν. γνοὺς δὲ ὁ Μερμερόης τοὺς πολεμίους ἀμφὶ τὰς ἐκβολὰς ἐνστρατοπεδεύεσθαι ποταμοῦ Φάσιδος ἐπ’ αὐτοὺς ἤλαυνεν.

§ 8.13.24 ἄμεινον γάρ οἱ ἔδοξεν εἶναι τούτους πρότερον ἐξελόντι οὕτω δὴ ἐς τῆς Ἀρχαιοπόλεως τὴν πολιορκίαν καθίστασθαι, ὡς μὴ ὄπισθεν αὐτοὶ ἰόντες κακουργήσωσι τὸ Περσῶν στράτευμα.

§ 8.13.25 ὡς ἀγχοτάτω δὲ τοῦ Ἀρχαιοπόλεως περιβόλου γενόμενος ἠσπάσατο ἐρεσχελῶν τε τοὺς ταύτῃ Ῥωμαίους, καί τι νεανιευσάμενος ὡς αὐτίκα δὴ μάλα ἐπανήξει σφίσι.

§ 8.13.26 βουλομένῳ γάρ οἱ αὐτῷ ἔφασκεν εἶναι Ῥωμαίους τοὺς ἄλλους προσειπεῖν πρότερον, οἳ δὴ ἐνστρατοπεδεύονται ἀμφὶ ποταμὸν Φᾶσιν.

§ 8.13.27 οἱ δὲ ἀποκρινάμενοι ἰέναι μὲν αὐτὸν ἐκέλευον ὅπη βούλοιτο, ἰσχυρίσαντο μέντοι ὡς, ἢν τοῖς ἐκείνῃ Ῥωμαίοις ἐντύχῃ, οὐ μή ποτε αὐτοῖς ἐπανήξει.

§ 8.13.28 ταῦτα ἐπεὶ οἱ τοῦ Ῥωμαίων στρατοῦ ἄρχοντες ἔμαθον, κατωρρώδησάν τε καὶ ἥσσους οἰόμενοι εἶναι ἢ φέρειν τῶν ἐπιόντων τὴν δύναμιν ἐς τὰς σφίσι παρεσκευασμένας ἀκάτους ἐμβάντες ποταμὸν Φᾶσιν διεπορθμεύσαντο ἅπαντες, τῶν σφίσι παρόντων ἐπιτηδείων, ὅσα μὲν διακομίζειν οἷοί τε ἦσαν, ἐν ταῖς ἀκάτοις ἐνθέμενοι, τὰ δὲ ἄλλα ἐς τὸν ποταμὸν ἐμβεβλημένοι, ὅπως μὴ αὐτοῖς οἱ πολέμιοι τρυφᾶν δύνωνται.

§ 8.13.29 γενόμενος οὖν ἐνταῦθα παντὶ τῷ στρατῷ ὁ Μερμερόης οὐ πολλῷ ὕστερον, ἔρημόν τε παντάπασιν ἰδὼν τὸ τῶν πολεμίων στρατόπεδον ἤσχαλλέ τε καὶ ἀπορούμενος ἐδυσφορεῖτο.

§ 8.13.30 καύσας τε τὸ Ῥωμαίων χαράκωμα καὶ τῷ θυμῷ ζέων ἀνέστρεφεν αὐτίκα καὶ τὸ στράτευμα ἐπὶ τὴν Ἀρχαιόπολιν ἦγε.

Wars 8.14

§ 8.14.1 Κεῖται δὲ Ἀρχαιόπολις ἐπὶ λόφου τινὸς σκληροῦ ἐσάγαν, καὶ ποταμὸς αὐτὴν παραρρεῖ ἐξ ὀρῶν κατιὼν ἅπερ τῆς πόλεως καθύπερθέν ἐστι.

§ 8.14.2 πύλαι δὲ αὐτῇ αἱ μὲν κάτω εἰσί, φέρουσαι παρὰ τοῦ λόφου τὴν ὑπώρειαν, οὐκ ἀπρόσοδοι μέντοι, ἀλλ’ ὅσον ἄνοδον ἐκ τοῦ πεδίου τινὰ ἐς αὐτὰς οὐχ ὁμαλῆ εἶναι· αἱ δὲ ἄνω ἐς τὸ κρημνῶδες ἐξάγουσαι δυσπρόσοδοι ἐσάγαν εἰσί· χῶροι γὰρ λοχμώδεις πρὸ τούτων τῶν πυλῶν εἰσίν, ἐπὶ πλεῖστον διήκοντες.

§ 8.14.3 ἐπεί τε ὕδατος ἄλλου τοῖς τῇδε ᾠκημένοις οὐδαμῆ μέτεστι, τείχη δύο ἐνθένδε οἱ τὴν πόλιν δειμάμενοι ἄχρι ἐς τὸν ποταμὸν ἐτεκτήναντο, ὅπως ἂν σφίσιν ἐν τῷ ἀσφαλεῖ τὸ τοῦ ποταμοῦ ὕδωρ ἀρύεσθαι δυνατὰ εἴη. Μερμερόης οὖν παντὶ σθένει τειχομαχεῖν ἐνταῦθα σπουδάζων τε καὶ διατεινόμενος ἐποίει τάδε.

§ 8.14.4 πρῶτα μὲν τοῖς Σαβείροις ἐπήγγειλε κριοὺς παμπληθεῖς ἐργάζεσθαι, οἵους ἂν φέρειν ἄνθρωποι ἐπὶ τῶν ὤμων δυνατοὶ εἶεν, ἐπεὶ μηχανὰς μὲν τὰς συνειθισμένας τρόπῳ οὐδενὶ ἐς Ἀρχαιοπόλεως τὸν περίβολον ἐπάγεσθαι εἶχε, κατὰ τὸν τοῦ ὄρους πρόποδα κείμενον, ἠκηκόει δὲ ὅσα τοῖς Ῥωμαίων ἐνσπόνδοις Σαβείροις ἀμφὶ τὸ Πέτρας τεῖχος ἐργασθείη οὐ πολλῷ ἔμπροσθεν, καὶ τοῖς ἐπινενοημένοις ἑπόμενος τὴν ἐκ τῆς πείρας ὠφέλειαν μετῄει. οἱ δὲ τὰ ἐπαγγελλόμενα ἐποίουν.

§ 8.14.5 κριούς τε αὐτίκα συχνοὺς ἐτεκτήναντο, ᾗπέρ μοι ἔναγχος Ῥωμαίοις εἰργάσθαι Σαβείρους ἐρρήθη. ἔπειτα δὲ τοὺς μὲν Δολομίτας καλουμένους κατὰ τῆς πόλεως τὰ κρημνώδη στέλλει ἐνοχλεῖν ἐπιστείλας τοὺς ταύτῃ πολεμίους δυνάμει τῇ πάσῃ.

§ 8.14.6 οἱ δὲ Δολομῖται οὗτοι βάρβαροι μέν εἰσιν, ᾠκημένοι ἐν Πέρσαις μέσοις, οὐ μὴν κατήκοοι γεγόνασι βασιλέως τοῦ Περσῶν πώποτε.

§ 8.14.7 ἱδρυμένοι γὰρ ἐν ὄρεσιν ἀποτόμοις τε καὶ ὅλως ἀβάτοις αὐτόνομοι ὄντες ἐκ παλαιοῦ διαγεγόνασιν ἐς τόδε τοῦ χρόνου· μισθαρνοῦντες δὲ ἀεὶ συστρατεύουσι Πέρσαις ἐπὶ πολεμίους τοὺς σφετέρους ἰοῦσι.

§ 8.14.8 καὶ πεζοὶ μέν εἰσιν ἅπαντες, ξίφος τε καὶ ἀσπίδα φέρων ἕκαστος καὶ ἀκόντια ἐν ταῖς χερσὶ τρία.

§ 8.14.9 θεῖν δὲ λίαν ἔν τε τοῖς κρημνοῖς καὶ τῶν ὀρῶν ταῖς ὑπερβολαῖς ἐξεπίστανται, ὥσπερ ἐν πεδίῳ ὑπτίῳ.

§ 8.14.10 καὶ διὰ τοῦτο Μερμερόης αὐτοὺς τῇδε τειχομαχεῖν ἔταξεν, αὐτὸς δὲ παντὶ τῷ ἄλλῳ στρατῷ ἐπὶ πύλας τὰς κάτω τούς τε κριοὺς καὶ τοὺς ἐλέφαντας ἐπαγόμενος ᾔει.

§ 8.14.11 οἱ μὲν οὖν Πέρσαι ξὺν τοῖς Σαβείροις ἐς τὸ τεῖχος συχνὰ βάλλοντες, τοῖς τε τοξεύμασι καλύψαντες τὸν ταύτῃ ἀέρα, οὐ μακράν που ἐγένοντο ἀναγκάσαι τοὺς ἐνταῦθα Ῥωμαίους ἐκλιπεῖν τὰς ἐπάλξεις.

§ 8.14.12 οἱ δὲ Δολομῖται τὰ δοράτια ἐκ τῶν κρημνῶν ἐκτὸς τοῦ περιβόλου ἐσακοντίζοντες πολλῷ ἔτι μᾶλλον τοὺς κατ’ αὐτοὺς πολεμίους ἐλύπουν.

§ 8.14.13 πανταχόθι τε Ῥωμαίοις τὰ πράγματα πονηρά τε καὶ κινδύνων ἔμπλεα ἐγεγόνει, ἔσχατα ἐσχάτων κακὰ πάσχουσι.

§ 8.14.14 Τότε δὴ Ὀδόναχός τε καὶ Βάβας, εἴτε ἀρετὴν ἐνδεικνύμενοι εἴτε τῶν στρατιωτῶν ἀποπειρᾶσθαι βουλόμενοι, ἢ καί τι αὐτοὺς θεῖον ἐκίνησεν, εἴασαν μὲν τῶν στρατιωτῶν ὀλίγους τινάς, οἷς δὴ ἐπέστελλον ἀπὸ τῶν ἐπάλξεων τοὺς τειχομαχοῦντας ἀμύνασθαι, τοὺς πλείστους δὲ ξυγκαλέσαντες βραχεῖάν τινα παρακέλευσιν ἐποιήσαντο καὶ ἔλεξαν τάδε· “Τὸν μὲν παρόντα κίνδυνον, ἄνδρες συστρατιῶται, καὶ τὴν περιλαβοῦσαν ἡμᾶς ἀνάγκην ὁρᾶτε.

§ 8.14.15 δεῖ δὲ ἡμᾶς τούτοις δὴ τοῖς κακοῖς ὡς ἥκιστα εἴκειν. τοὺς γὰρ εἰς ἀπόγνωσιν σωτηρίας ἐλθόντας τοῦτο ἂν διασώσασθαι δύναιτο μόνον, τὸ μὴ τῆς σωτηρίας ἐφίεσθαι· ἐπεὶ τῷ φιλοψύχῳ τὸ διαφθείρεσθαι ἐκ τοῦ ἐπὶ πλεῖστον ἕπεσθαι πέφυκε.

§ 8.14.16 καὶ τόδε δὲ ὑμᾶς ἐννοεῖν ἐν τοῖς παροῦσι δεινοῖς δεήσει, ὡς ἐκ τῶν ἐπάλξεων τῶνδε ἀμυνομένοις τοὺς πολεμίους οὐκ ἐν βεβαίῳ τὰ τῆς σωτηρίας ἡμῖν κείσεται, ἢν καὶ τὴν ἀγωνίαν ὡς προθυμότατα διενέγκωμεν.

§ 8.14.17 μάχη γὰρ ἐκ διεστηκότων ξυνισταμένη ἀνδραγαθίζεσθαι οὐδενὶ ξυγχωρεῖ, ἀλλ’ ἐς τὸ τῆς τύχης ὡς τὰ πολλὰ περιίσταται κράτος.

§ 8.14.18 ἢν μέντοι ἡ ξυμβολὴ ξυσταδὸν γένηται, τά τε τῆς προθυμίας ἐκ τοῦ ἐπὶ πλεῖστον κρατήσει καὶ μετὰ τῆς ἀνδρίας ἡ νίκη χωρήσει.

§ 8.14.19 ἄνευ δὲ τούτων εὐημερήσαντες μὲν ἐν τῇ ξυμβολῇ οἱ ἀπὸ τοῦ περιβόλου μαχόμενοι οὐδὲν ἄν τι τῆς εὐημερίας ἀπόναιντο μέγα, ἐπεὶ ἐν μὲν τῷ παραυτίκα τοὺς πολεμίους σφίσιν ἀπεῶσθαι ξυμβαίνει, ἐς δὲ τὴν ὑστεραίαν ὁ κίνδυνος αὖθις ἐν ἀκμῇ γίνεται, καὶ κατὰ μικρὸν δὲ σφαλέντες αὐτοῖς, ὡς τὸ εἰκός,

§ 8.14.20 συνδιαφθείρονται τοῖς ὀχυρώμασιν. ἐκ χειρὸς δὲ τοὺς ἐναντίους νενικηκότες ἐν τῷ ἀσφαλεῖ τὴν σωτηρίαν τὸ λοιπὸν ἕξουσιν. ὧν ἐνθυμηθέντες ἴωμεν ἐπὶ τοὺς πολεμίους προθυμίᾳ τῇ πάσῃ, τὴν ἄνωθεν ἐπικουρίαν ἐπαγαγόμενοι, εὐέλπιδές τε τῇ προσπεσούσῃ τανῦν ἀπογνώσει γεγενημένοι.

§ 8.14.21 τοὺς γὰρ ἐλπίδα σωτηρίας τινὸς ἐν σφίσιν αὐτοῖς οὐδαμῆ ἔχοντας τὸ θεῖον ἀεὶ διασώζεσθαι μάλιστα εἴωθε.”

§ 8.14.22 Τοσαῦτα Ὀδόναχός τε καὶ Βάβας παρακελευσάμενοι τάς τε πύλας ἀνέῳγον καὶ τὸ στράτευμα δρόμῳ ἐξῆγον, ὀλίγων ἀπολελειμμένων ἐνταῦθά τινων ἐξ αἰτίας τοιᾶσδε.

§ 8.14.23 τῶν τις Λαζῶν τῇ προτεραίᾳ, λόγιμος μὲν ὢν ἐν τούτῳ τῷ ἔθνει, ἐν Ἀρχαιοπόλει δὲ ᾠκημένος, ἔπρασσε πρὸς Μερμερόην ἐπὶ τῇ πατρίδι προδοσίας πέρι.

§ 8.14.24 ὁ δέ οἱ ἄλλο οὐδὲν ἐπήγγελλε χαρίζεσθαι Πέρσαις, πλήν γε δὴ ὅπως, ἡνίκα ἐς τειχομαχίαν καθιστῶνται, τὰ οἰκία ἐμπρήσῃ λάθρα, ἔνθα ὅ τε σῖτος καὶ τὰ λοιπὰ τῶν ἐπιτηδείων ἀπέκειτο.

§ 8.14.25 ἐπέστελλε δὲ ταῦτα, δυοῖν γενήσεσθαι τὸ ἕτερον λογισάμενος· ἢ γὰρ Ῥωμαίους περὶ τὸ πῦρ τοῦτο σπουδάζοντάς τε καὶ διατριβὴν ποιουμένους ἐνδώσειν σφίσι κατ’ ἐξουσίαν ἐπιβατεύειν τοῦ περιβόλου, ἢ τειχομαχοῦντας ἀποκρούεσθαι βουλομένους Πέρσας ταῦτα δὴ τὰ οἰκία ἐν ὀλιγωρίᾳ ποιήσεσθαι·

§ 8.14.26 καιομένων δὲ τῷ τρόπῳ τούτῳ τοῦ τε σίτου καὶ τῶν ἄλλων ἐπιτηδείων πόνῳ σφᾶς οὐδενὶ πολιορκίᾳ ἐν χρόνῳ ὀλίγῳ Ἀρχαιόπολιν ἐξαιρήσειν.

§ 8.14.27 τοιαύτῃ μὲν γνώμῃ ὁ Μερμερόης τούτῳ δὴ τῷ Λαζῷ ταῦτα ἐπέστελλεν· ὁ δέ οἱ τὴν ἐπίταξιν ὡμολόγει ἐπιτελῆ δράσειν, ἡνίκα τὴν τειχομαχίαν ἀκμάζουσαν ἴδῃ, πῦρ ὡς λαθραιότατα τοῖς δωματίοις τούτοις ἐνάψας.

§ 8.14.28 αἰρομένην δὲ τὴν φλόγα ἐξαπιναίως Ῥωμαῖοι ἰδόντες ὀλίγοι μέν τινες ἐβοήθουν ἐνταῦθα, καὶ πόνῳ πολλῷ τὸ πῦρ ἔσβεσαν ἀμηγέπη λυμηνάμενον, οἱ δὲ λοιποὶ ἅπαντες, ὥσπερ ἐρρήθη, ἐπὶ τοὺς πολεμίους ἐχώρησαν.

§ 8.14.29 Ἐμπεσόντες δὲ αὐτοῖς ἐκ τοῦ αἰφνιδίου καὶ τῷ ἀπροσδοκήτῳ ἐκπλήξαντες πολλοὺς ἔκτεινον, οὔτε ἀμυνομένους οὔτε χεῖρας αὐτοῖς ἀνταίρειν τολμῶντας.

§ 8.14.30 Πέρσαι γὰρ ὀλίγους κομιδῆ τοὺς πολεμίους ὄντας ἐπεξιέναι σφίσιν ἐν ἐλπίδι οὐδεμιᾷ ἔχοντες ἀλλήλων διεστηκότες ὡς ἐς τειχομαχίαν ἐτετάχατο ξὺν ἀκοσμίᾳ.

§ 8.14.31 καὶ οἱ μὲν ἐπὶ τῶν ὤμων τοὺς κριοὺς φέροντες ἄνοπλοί τε καὶ τὰ ἐς μάχην ἀπαράσκευοι, ὡς τὸ εἰκός, ἦσαν, οἱ δὲ δὴ ἄλλοι τὰ τόξα ἐντεταμένα ἐν χερσὶν ἔχοντες συσταδὸν ἐγκειμένους τοὺς πολεμίους ἀμύνεσθαι μηχανῇ οὐδεμιᾷ εἶχον.

§ 8.14.32 οὕτω δὴ κόπτοντες Ῥωμαῖοι ἐπιστροφάδην αὐτοὺς διεχρῶντο. ξυνέβη δὲ τότε καὶ τῶν ἐλεφάντων ἕνα πληγέντα, ὡς ἔνιοί φασιν, ἢ ἀπὸ ταὐτομάτου ξυνταραχθέντα, περιστρέφεσθαί τε οὐδενὶ κόσμῳ καὶ ἀναχαιτίζειν, καὶ τοὺς μὲν ἐπιβάτας ῥίπτειν, τῶν δὲ δὴ ἄλλων τὴν τάξιν ἐκλύειν.

§ 8.14.33 καὶ ἀπ’ αὐτοῦ οἱ μὲν βάρβαροι ἀνεπόδιζον, Ῥωμαῖοι δὲ ἀδεέστερον τοὺς ἐν ποσὶν ἀεὶ διεχρῶντο.

§ 8.14.34 θαυμάσειε δ’ ἄν τις ἐνταῦθα δικαίως, εἰ Ῥωμαῖοι μέν, ἐξεπιστάμενοι καθ’ ὅ τι χρὴ ἀποκρούσασθαι τῶν πολεμίων τὴν διὰ τῶν ἐλεφάντων ἐπίθεσιν, τῶν δεόντων οὐδὲν ἔδρασαν, τοῖς παροῦσι δηλονότι ξυνταραχθέντες, ἀπὸ ταὐτομάτου δὲ τὸ τοιοῦτον σφίσι ξυνηνέχθη γενέσθαι. ὅ τι δὲ τοῦτό ἐστιν, αὐτίκα δηλώσω.

§ 8.14.35 Ἡνίκα Χοσρόης τε καὶ ὁ Μήδων στρατὸς ἐτειχομάχουν ἀμφὶ τὸν Ἐδέσσης περίβολον, τῶν τις ἐλεφάντων, ἐπιβεβηκότος οἱ ὁμίλου πολλοῦ τῶν ἐν Πέρσαις μαχιμωτάτων, ἀγχοῦ τοῦ περιβόλου γενόμενος ἐπίδοξος ἦν ὅτι δὴ δι’ ὀλίγου βιασάμενος τοὺς ἀπὸ τοῦ ἐκείνῃ πύργου ἀμυνομένους ἅτε κατὰ κορυφὴν συχνὰ βαλλομένους τὴν πόλιν αἱρήσει.

§ 8.14.36 ἐδόκει γάρ τις μηχανὴ τὸ τοιοῦτον ἑλέπολις εἶναι. ἀλλὰ Ῥωμαῖοι χοῖρον ἐκ τοῦ πύργου ἐπικρεμάσαντες τὸν κίνδυνον τοῦτον διέφυγον.

§ 8.14.37 κραυγμὸν γάρ τινα, ὤν, ὡς τὸ εἰκός, ἠρτημένος, ὁ χοῖρος ἐνθένδε ἠφίει, ὅνπερ ὁ ἐλέφας ἀχθόμενος ἀνεχαίτιζε καὶ κατὰ βραχὺ ἀναποδίζων ὀπίσω ἐχώρει. ἐκεῖνο μὲν οὖν ταύτῃ ἐχώρησε.

§ 8.14.38 νῦν δὲ τὸ παρειμένον τῇ Ῥωμαίων ὀλιγωρίᾳ ἡ τύχη ἐπλήρου. ἀλλ’ ἐπειδὴ Ἐδέσσης ἐμνήσθην, οὐ σιωπήσομαι τὸ ἐκείνῃ τέρας πρὸ τοῦδε τοῦ πολέμου ξυνενεχθέν.

§ 8.14.39 ἡνίκα γὰρ ὁ Χοσρόης λύειν ἔμελλε τὰς ἀπεράντους καλουμένας σπονδάς, γυνή τις ἐν πόλει βρέφος ἐκύει τὰ μὲν ἄλλα ἐπιεικῶς ἀνθρωπόμορφον, δύο δέ τοι κεφαλὰς ἔχον. ὃ δὴ τοῖς ἀποβεβηκόσι φανερὸν γέγονεν.

§ 8.14.40 Ἔδεσσά τε γὰρ καὶ ἡ ἑῴα σχεδόν τι πᾶσα καὶ πρὸς βορρᾶν ἄνεμον ἡ πολλὴ Ῥωμαίων ἀρχὴ βασιλεῦσι περιμάχητος δυοῖν γέγονε. ταῦτα μὲν οὖν τῇδε ξυνέπεσεν. ἐγὼ δὲ ὅθενπερ ἐξέβην ἐπάνειμι.

§ 8.14.41 Τῆς δὲ ταραχῆς οὕτως ἐπιπεσούσης τῷ Μήδων στρατῷ, ὅσοι δὴ αὐτῶν ὄπισθεν ἐτετάχατο, τὴν μὲν ταραχὴν τῶν ἔμπροσθεν ὄντων θεώμενοι, τὸ δὲ ξυμβεβηκὸς οὐδαμῆ πεπυσμένοι, κατωρρώδησαν, ἔς τε ὑπαγωγὴν ξὺν πολλῇ ἀκοσμίᾳ ἐτράποντο.

§ 8.14.42 ταὐτὸ δὲ τοῦτο καὶ οἱ Δολομῖται παθόντες ʽἐξ ὑπερδεξίων γὰρ μαχόμενοι τὰ ποιούμενα πάντα ἑώρων’ αἰσχράν τινα φυγὴν ἔφευγον, ἥ τε τροπὴ λαμπρὰ ἐγεγόνει.

§ 8.14.43 καὶ τετρακισχίλιοι μὲν τῶν βαρβάρων αὐτοῦ ἔπεσον, ἐν τοῖς καὶ τῶν ἀρχόντων τρεῖς τετύχηκεν εἶναι, τέσσαρα δὲ τῶν Περσικῶν σημείων Ῥωμαῖοι εἷλον, ἅπερ εὐθὺς ἐς Βυζάντιον βασιλεῖ ἔπεμψαν.

§ 8.14.44 ἵππους δέ φασιν αὐτῶν οὐχ ἥσσους ἢ ἐς δισμυρίους ἀπολωλέναι, οὐ βληθέντας οὐδὲ πληγέντας πρὸς τῶν πολεμίων, ἀλλὰ μακρὰν μὲν ὁδὸν πορευθέντας, κόπῳ δὲ ὡμιληκότας ἐν ταύτῃ πολλῷ, τροφῶν δέ, ἐπεὶ ἐν Λαζικῇ ἐγένοντο, ὡς ἥκιστα ἐς κόρον ἐλθόντας, οὕτω τε λιμῷ καὶ ἀσθενείᾳ πιεζομένους πολλῇ διεφθάρθαι.

§ 8.14.45 Ταύτης δὲ τῆς πείρας ὁ Μερμερόης ἀποτυχὼν παντὶ τῷ στρατῷ ἐς Μοχήρησιν ἀπεχώρησεν, ἐπεὶ καὶ Ἀρχαιοπόλεως ἀποτυχόντες, Λαζικῆς τῆς ἄλλης τὴν ἐπικράτησιν ἐκ τοῦ ἐπὶ πλεῖστον οἱ Πέρσαι εἶχον.

§ 8.14.46 Ἀρχαιοπόλεως δὲ ἡ Μοχήρησις ἡμέρας μιᾶς ὁδῷ ἀπέχει, πολλὰς καὶ πολυανθρώπους κώμας ἔχουσα—καὶ γῆς τῆς Κολχίδος αὕτη μάλιστα ἡ ἀρίστη ἐστίν· ἐπεὶ καὶ οἶνος ἐνταῦθα καὶ οἱ ἄλλοι καρποὶ ἀγαθοὶ φύονται, καίτοι τά γε ἄλλα τῆς Λαζικῆς οὐ ταύτῃ ἔχει.

§ 8.14.47 ταύτην παραρρεῖ τὴν χώραν ποταμός, Ῥέων ὄνομα, οὗ δὴ καὶ φρούριον ᾠκοδομήσαντο ἐκ παλαιοῦ Κόλχοι, οὗπερ ὕστερον αὐτοὶ τὸ πλεῖστον ἐς ἔδαφος καθεῖλον, ἐπεὶ ἐν πεδίῳ κείμενον ἐσάγαν ὑπτίῳ εὐέφοδον σφίσιν ἔδοξεν εἶναι.

§ 8.14.48 Κοτιάϊον δὲ τότε τὸ φρούριον ὠνομάζετο τῇ Ἑλλήνων φωνῇ, νῦν μέντοι Κόταϊς αὐτὸ καλοῦσι Λαζοὶ τῇ τῆς φωνῆς ἀγνοίᾳ τὴν τοῦ ὀνόματος διαφθείροντες ἁρμονίαν. ταῦτα μὲν Ἀριανὸς οὕτως ἱστόρησεν.

§ 8.14.49 ἕτεροι δέ φασι πόλιν τε γεγονέναι ἐν τοῖς ἄνω χρόνοις τὸ χωρίον καὶ Κοίταιον καλεῖσθαι· ἔνθεν τε τὸν Αἰήτην ὡρμῆσθαι, καὶ ἀπ’ αὐτοῦ τοὺς ποιητὰς αὐτόν τε Κοιταϊέα καὶ γῆν τὴν Κολχίδα Κοιταΐδα καλεῖν.

§ 8.14.50 Τοῦτο Μερμερόης τανῦν ἀνοικοδομήσασθαι ἐν σπουδῇ ἔχων, ἐπεὶ οὐδεμίαν παρασκευὴν τοῦ ἔργου εἶχεν, ἅμα δὲ καὶ ὁ χειμὼν ἤδη ἐνέκειτο, ξύλινα τοῦ φρουρίου ὅσα καταπεπτώκει ὡς τάχιστα ποιησάμενος αὐτοῦ ἔμενε.

§ 8.14.51 τοῦ δὲ Κόταϊς ἄγχιστα φρούριον ἐχυρώτατόν ἐστιν, Οὐθιμέρεος ὄνομα· ἐν ᾧ δὴ φυλακτήριον ἐς τὸ ἀκριβὲς οἱ Λαζοὶ εἶχον.

§ 8.14.52 μετεῖχον δὲ σφίσι τῆς τοῦ φρουρίου φυλακῆς καὶ Ῥωμαῖοι στρατιῶται ὀλίγοι τινές.

§ 8.14.53 ὁ μὲν οὖν Μερμερόης τῷ παντὶ στρατῷ ἐνταῦθα καθῆστο, γῆς τε τῆς Κολχίδος τὰ κάλλιστα ἔχων, ἐμπόδιός τε τοῖς ἐναντίοις γινόμενος ἐς τὸ Οὐθιμέρεος φρούριον τῶν ἐπιτηδείων τι ἐσκομίζεσθαι, ἢ ἐς χώραν τήν τε Σουανίαν καὶ τὴν Σκυμνίαν καλουμένην ἰέναι,

§ 8.14.54 καίπερ σφίσιν αὐτῆς κατηκόου οὔσης. πολεμίων γὰρ ἐν Μοχηρήσιδι ὄντων, Λαζοῖς τε καὶ Ῥωμαίοις ὁδοῦ ἀποκεκλεῖσθαι τῆς εἰς τὰ ταύτῃ χωρία ξυμβαίνει. τὰ μὲν οὖν στρατόπεδα ἐπὶ Λαζικῆς ἐφέρετο τῇδε.

Wars 8.16

§ 8.16.1 Ἐν ᾧ δὲ τάδε ἀμφὶ ταῖς σπονδαῖς Ῥωμαίοις τε καὶ Πέρσαις ἐν Βυζαντίῳ ἐπράσσετο, ἐν τούτῳ ἐπὶ Λαζικῆς τάδε ξυνηνέχθη γενέσθαι.

§ 8.16.2 Γουβάζης ὁ Λαζῶν βασιλεὺς Ῥωμαίοις εὐνοϊκῶς ἔσχεν, ἐπεί οἱ Χοσρόην, ὥσπερ μοι ἐν τοῖς ἔμπροσθεν λόγοις ἐρρήθη, ἐπιβουλεύειν θάνατον ᾔσθετο.

§ 8.16.3 τῶν δὲ ἄλλων Λαζῶν οἱ πλεῖστοι ἀνήκεστα πρὸς τῶν Ῥωμαίων στρατιωτῶν δεινὰ πάσχοντες καὶ διαφερόντως τοῖς ἄρχουσι τοῦ στρατοῦ ἀχθόμενοι ἐμήδιζον ἐκ τοῦ ἐπὶ πλεῖστον, οὐ τὰ Περσῶν ἀσπαζόμενοι, ἀλλ’ ἀπαλλαξείοντες τῆς Ῥωμαίων ἀρχῆς καὶ τῶν δυσχερῶν τὰ τέως μὴ παρόντα αἱρούμενοι.

§ 8.16.4 ἦν δέ τις ἐν Λαζοῖς οὐκ ἀφανὴς ἀνὴρ Θεοφόβιος ὄνομα, ὅσπερ τῷ Μερμερόῃ λαθραιότατα ἐς λόγους ξυμμίξας φρούριον ἐνδώσειν τὸ Οὐθιμέρεος ὡμολόγησεν.

§ 8.16.5 ὁ δὲ αὐτὸν ἐλπίσι μεγάλαις ἐπάρας ἐς τὴν πρᾶξιν ὥρμησε ταύτην, φίλον μὲν αὐτὸν ἐν τοῖς μάλιστα Χοσρόῃ βασιλεῖ ἐκ τοῦ ἔργου τούτου ἰσχυρισάμενος ἔσεσθαι, Πέρσαις δὲ ἀνάγραπτον ἐπ’ εὐεργεσίᾳ ἐς τὸν πάντα αἰῶνα, καὶ ἀπ’ αὐτοῦ δόξῃ τε καὶ πλούτῳ καὶ δυνάμει αὐτὸν γενήσεσθαι μέγαν. οἷς δὴ Θεοφόβιος ἐπαρθεὶς πολλῷ ἔτι μᾶλλον εἰς τὸ ἔργον ἠπείγετο.

§ 8.16.6 Καὶ ἦν γὰρ οὐδεμία ἐπιμιξία Ῥωμαίοις τε καὶ Λαζοῖς τότε, ἀλλ’ οἱ μὲν Πέρσαι πολλῇ ἐξουσίᾳ πανταχόσε περιήρχοντο τῶν ταύτῃ χωρίων, Ῥωμαίων δὲ καὶ Λαζῶν οἱ μὲν παρὰ ποταμὸν Φᾶσιν ἐλάνθανον, οἱ δὲ Ἀρχαιόπολιν ἢ ἄλλο τι τῶν ἐκείνῃ ὀχυρωμάτων καταλαβόντες ἐκρύπτοντο· καὶ Γουβάζης αὐτός, ὁ Λαζῶν βασιλεύς, ἐς τῶν ὀρῶν τὰς ὑπερβολὰς ἡσυχῆ ἔμενε.

§ 8.16.7 πόνῳ γοῦν ὁ Θεοφόβιος οὐδενὶ ἴσχυσε τὴν ὑπόσχεσιν τῷ Μερμερόῃ ἐπιτελέσαι. ἐν γὰρ τῷ φρουρίῳ γενόμενος ἔφασκε Λαζοῖς τε καὶ Ῥωμαίοις οἳ τὸ ἐνταῦθα φυλακτήριον εἶχον ὡς ἅπας μὲν ὁ Ῥωμαίων στρατὸς ἀπολώλει, Γουβάζῃ δὲ βασιλεῖ καὶ Λαζοῖς τοῖς ἀμφ’ αὐτὸν ἅπασι διαφθαρείη τὰ πράγματα, Κολχὶς δὲ ξύμπασα πρὸς Περσῶν ἔχοιτο, καὶ οὐδέ τις ἐλπὶς Ῥωμαίοις ποτὲ ἢ τῷ Γουβάζῃ ἀνασωθήσεσθαι τῆς χώρας τὸ κράτος.

§ 8.16.8 τὰ μὲν γὰρ πρότερα κατὰ μόνας ταῦτα τὸν Μερμερόην διαπεπρᾶχθαι, μυριάδας τε πλέον ἑπτὰ ἐπαγαγόμενον Περσῶν μαχίμων ἀνδρῶν καὶ βαρβάρους Σαβείρους παμπληθεῖς· νῦν δὲ καὶ βασιλέα Χοσρόην στρατῷ ἀμυθήτῳ ἐνθάδε ἥκοντα ἐξαπιναίως αὐτοῖς ἀναμεμίχθαι καὶ οὐκ ἂν τὸ λοιπὸν οὐδὲ αὐτὴν Κόλχων τῇ στρατιᾷ ταύτῃ τὴν γῆν ἐπαρκέσειν.

§ 8.16.9 ταῦτα τερατευσάμενος Θεοφόβιος ἐς δέος μέγα καὶ ἀμηχανίαν κατεστήσατο τοὺς ἐνταῦθα φρουρούς.

§ 8.16.10 καὶ αὐτὸν ἐλιπάρουν πρὸς θεοῦ τοῦ πατρῴου ἱκετεύοντες τὰ παρόντα ὅση δύναμις εὖ θέσθαι σφίσι.

§ 8.16.11 καὶ ὃς αὐτοῖς ὡμολόγει πρὸς τοῦ Χοσρόου ἀμφὶ τῇ σωτηρίᾳ τὰ πιστὰ οἴσειν, ἐφ’ ᾧ τὸ φρούριον ἐνδώσουσι Πέρσαις. Ἐπεί τε τοὺς ἀνθρώπους ταῦτα ἤρεσκεν, αὐτίκα ἐνθένδε ἀπαλλαγεὶς αὖθίς τε τῷ Μερμερόῃ ἐς ὄψιν ἥκων ἅπαντα ἔφραζεν.

§ 8.16.12 ὁ δὲ Περσῶν ἄνδρας τοὺς δοκιμωτάτους ἀπολεξάμενος ξὺν αὐτῷ ἐς τὸ Οὐθιμέρεος ἔπεμψε, τά τε πιστὰ παρεξομένους ἀμφί τε τοῖς χρήμασι καὶ τῇ σωτηρίᾳ τοῖς τῇδε φρουροῖς καὶ τὸ φρούριον τοῦτο καθέξοντας.

§ 8.16.13 οὕτω μὲν Πέρσαι τὸ Οὐθιμέρεος φρούριον ἔσχον καὶ Λαζικῆς τὴν ἐπικράτησιν ἰσχυρότατα ἐκρατύναντο.

§ 8.16.14 οὐ μόνην δὲ Λαζικὴν ταύτην οἱ Πέρσαι ὑποχειρίαν πεποίηνται, ἀλλὰ καὶ Σκυμνίαν τε καὶ Σουανίαν, ἐκ δὲ Μοχηρήσιδος ἄχρι ἐς Ἰβηρίαν ἄβατα Ῥωμαίοις τε καὶ τῷ Λαζῶν βασιλεῖ ξύμπαντα τὰ ἐκείνῃ χωρία τῷ τρόπῳ τούτῳ ἐγένετο.

§ 8.16.15 ἀμύνεσθαι δὲ τοὺς πολεμίους οὔτε Ῥωμαῖοι οὔτε Λαζοὶ εἶχον, ἐπεὶ οὐδὲ καταβαίνειν ἐκ τῶν ὀρῶν ἢ τῶν ὀχυρωμάτων ἐτόλμων οὐδέ πη τοῖς πολεμίοις ἐπεξιέναι.

§ 8.16.16 Μερμερόης δὲ τῆς τοῦ χειμῶνος ἐγκειμένης ὥρας ξύλινον μὲν τεῖχος ἐν Κόταϊς ἐτεκτήνατο, φρουράν τε Περσῶν τῶν μαχίμων οὐχ ἧσσον ἢ τρισχιλίων ἐνταῦθα καταστησάμενος, ἔν τε τῷ Οὐθιμέρεος ἄνδρας αὐτάρκεις ἀπολιπών.

§ 8.16.17 οἰκοδομησάμενος δὲ καὶ τὸ ἄλλο Λαζῶν φρούριον, ὃ δὴ καλοῦσι Σαραπανίν, πρὸς αὐτοῖς μάλιστα τοῖς ἐσχάτοις ὁρίοις Λαζικῆς κείμενον, αὐτοῦ ἔμενεν.

§ 8.16.18 ἔπειτα δὲ Ῥωμαίους τε καὶ Λαζοὺς ἀγείρεσθαί τε μαθὼν καὶ ἀμφὶ τὰς ἐκβολὰς ἐνστρατοπεδεύεσθαι ποταμοῦ Φάσιδος, παντὶ τῷ στρατῷ ἐπ’ αὐτοὺς ᾔει.

§ 8.16.19 ὅπερ ἐπεὶ Γουβάζης τε καὶ οἱ τοῦ Ῥωμαίων στρατοῦ ἄρχοντες ἔμαθον, οὐχ ὑποστάντες τῶν πολεμίων τὴν ἔφοδον διελύθησάν τε καὶ διεσώθησαν ὥς πη ἑκάστῳ δυνατὰ γέγονεν.

§ 8.16.20 ὅ τε Γουβάζης ἀναδραμὼν ἐς τῶν ὀρῶν τὰς ὑπερβολὰς διεχείμαζε ξύν τε τοῖς παισὶ καὶ τῇ γυναικὶ καὶ τοῖς ἐς τὰ μάλιστα ἐπιτηδείοις, τῇ μὲν ἀμηχανίᾳ τῶν παρόντων κακῶν διαμαχόμενος πρὸς τὴν ἀπὸ τῆς ὥρας ἀνάγκην, ἐλπίδι δὲ τοῦ Βυζαντίου ἐς τὸν μέλλοντα χρόνον θαρσῶν, ταύτῃ τε τὴν τύχην παρηγορῶν τὴν τότε παροῦσαν, οἷά γε τὰ ἀνθρώπεια,

§ 8.16.21 καὶ καραδοκῶν τὰ βελτίω. καὶ οἱ ἄλλοι δὲ Λαζοὶ τῇ πρὸς βασιλέα Γουβάζην αἰδοῖ τὴν τοῦ χειμῶνος ὥραν οὐδέν τι ἧσσον ἐν τοῖς σκοπέλοις κατέτριβον, δύσκολον μὲν ἐνταῦθα οὐδὲν πρὸς τῶν πολεμίων δειμαίνοντες, ἐπεὶ τοῖς ἐπιβουλεύουσιν, ἄλλως τε καὶ κατὰ τὸν χειμῶνα, ταῦτα τὰ ὄρη ἀμήχανά τε καὶ ὅλως ἀπρόσοδα ξυμβαίνει εἶναι, λιμῷ δὲ καὶ ψύχει καὶ τῇ ἄλλῃ κακοπαθείᾳ δυσθανατῶντες.

§ 8.16.22 Ὁ δὲ Μερμερόης οἰκία τε πολλὰ κατ’ ἐξουσίαν ᾠκοδομήσατο ἐν ταῖς κατὰ τὴν Μοχήρησιν κώμαις καὶ τὰ ἐπιτήδεια πανταχόθι καταστησάμενος τῶν τῇδε χωρίων, τῶν τε αὐτομόλων περιπέμπων τινὰς ἐς τῶν ὀρῶν τὰς ἀκρωρείας καὶ τὰ πιστὰ παρεχόμενος ἐπαγαγέσθαι πολλοὺς ἴσχυσεν· οἷς δὴ καὶ τῶν ἀναγκαίων ἀπορουμένοις ἐχορήγει συχνὰ καὶ ὡς οἰκείων ἐπεμελεῖτο, τά τε ἄλλα διῳκεῖτο ξὺν ἀδείᾳ πολλῇ ἅτε τῆς χώρας γεγονὼς κύριος.

§ 8.16.23 καὶ πρὸς Γουβάζην ἔγραψε τάδε· “Δύο ταῦτα ῥυθμίζει τοῖς ἀνθρώποις τὸν βίον, δύναμίς τε καὶ φρόνησις. οἱ μὲν γὰρ τῷ δυνατῷ περιόντες τῶν πέλας αὐτοί τε βιοτεύουσι κατ’ ἐξουσίαν καὶ ὅπη βούλονται τοὺς καταδεεστέρους ἐσαεὶ ἄγουσιν, οἱ δὲ διὰ τὴν ἀσθένειαν δεδουλωμένοι τοῖς κρείττοσι, τῷ ξυνετῷ τὴν ἀδυναμίαν ἰώμενοι, θωπείᾳ τοὺς κρατοῦντας μετίασι καὶ οὐδέν τι ἧσσον ἐν τοῖς οἰκείοις βιοῦν δύνανται, πάντων ἀπολαύοντες τῇ κολακείᾳ ὧνπερ αὐτοῖς διὰ τὴν ἀσθένειαν στερεῖσθαι ξυμβαίνει.

§ 8.16.24 καὶ ταῦτα οὐ παρὰ μὲν τῶν ἐθνῶν τισὶ σφίσι φέρεται οὕτως, παρὰ δὲ τοῖς ἄλλοις οὐ ταύτῃ πη ἔχει, ἀλλὰ ἀνθρώποις ὡς εἰπεῖν ἅπασι πανταχόθι γῆς τῆς οἰκουμένης ὥσπερ ἄλλο τι ἐμπέπηγε φύσει.

§ 8.16.25 καὶ σὺ τοίνυν, ὦ φίλε Γουβάζη, ἢν μὲν οἴει περιέσεσθαι Περσῶν τῷ πολέμῳ, μήτε μέλλε μήτε σοι ἐμπόδιον γινέσθω μηδέν.

§ 8.16.26 εὑρήσεις γὰρ ἡμᾶς τῆς Λαζικῆς ἔνθα ἂν βούλοιο ὑφισταμένους τε τὴν σὴν ἔφοδον καὶ ἀντιπαραταττομένους ὑπὲρ χώρας τῆσδε ὅση δύναμις· ὥστε παρέσται σοι διαγωνιζομένῳ ἀνδραγαθίζεσθαι πρὸς ἡμᾶς.

§ 8.16.27 εἰ μέντοι ἀδύνατος ὢν Περσῶν τῇ δυνάμει ἀντιτάσσεσθαι καὶ αὐτὸς οἶδας, σὺ δέ, ὦ ʼγαθέ, τὸ δεύτερον διαχείριζε, τὸ γνῶθι σαυτόν, καὶ προσκύνει τὸν σαυτοῦ δεσπότην Χοσρόην ἅτε βασιλέα καὶ νενικηκότα καὶ κύριον.

§ 8.16.28 αἴτει τέ σοι τῶν πεπραγμένων ἵλεων εἶναι, ὅπως ἂν τὸ λοιπὸν δυνατὸς εἴης τῶν ἐνοχλούντων ἀπηλλάχθαι κακῶν.

§ 8.16.29 ὡς ἔγωγε ἀναδέχομαι βασιλέα Χοσρόην ἵλεών τέ σοι γενήσεσθαι καὶ τὰ πιστὰ δώσειν, ὁμήρους σοι παρεχόμενον παῖδας τῶν ἐν Πέρσαις λογίμων ἀρχόντων, ὡς τά τε ἄλλα καὶ τὴν σωτηρίαν καὶ τὴν βασιλείαν τὴν σὴν τὸν πάντα αἰῶνα ἐν ἀσφαλείᾳ ἕξεις.

§ 8.16.30 εἰ δέ σοι τούτων οὐδέτερον βουλομένῳ ἐστίν, ἀλλὰ σὺ ἔς τινα ἑτέραν ἀπιὼν χώραν δὸς τοῖς διὰ τὴν σὴν ἀβουλίαν ταλαιπώροις γενομένοις Λαζοῖς ἀναπνεῦσαί ποτε καὶ ἀπὸ δυσκόλων τῶν αὐτοῖς ἐγκειμένων ἀνενεγκεῖν μηδὲ αὐτοῖς ἀπέραντον ὄλεθρον τόνδε προστρίβεσθαι βούλου ἐπὶ σφαλερᾶς τῆς ἐλπίδος ὀχούμενος· λέγω δὲ τῆς Ῥωμαίων ἐπικουρίας.

§ 8.16.31 οὐ γάρ σοι τιμωρεῖν ποτὲ δυνατοὶ ἔσονται, ὥσπερ οὐδὲ ἄχρι ἐς τὴν ἡμέραν δεδύνηνται τήνδε.” Μερμερόης μὲν ταῦτα ἔγραψε.

§ 8.16.32 Γουβάζην δὲ οὐδ’ ὣς ἔπειθεν, ἀλλ’ ἐν τοῖς τῶν ὀρῶν κολωνοῖς ἔμενε, καραδοκῶν τὴν ἐκ Ῥωμαίων ἐπικουρίαν καὶ τῷ ἐς τὸν Χοσρόην ἔχθει ὡς ἥκιστα ἐς τὴν Ῥωμαίων ἀπόγνωσιν ἐγκλίνειν ἐθέλων.

§ 8.16.33 οἱ γὰρ ἄνθρωποι τὴν διάνοιαν ἐκ τοῦ ἐπὶ πλεῖστον πρὸς τὴν τοῦ βουλήματος ἁρμόζονται χρείαν, καὶ λόγῳ μὲν τῷ ἀρέσκοντι αὐτοὺς ἀεὶ προσχωροῦσι, καὶ προσίενται τὰ ἐξ αὐτοῦ πάντα, οὐ διασκοπούμενοι μὴ ψευδὴς εἴη, τῷ δὲ λυποῦντι χαλεπῶς ἔχοντες ἀπιστοῦσιν, οὐ διερευνώμενοι μὴ ἀληθὴς εἴη.

Wars 8.17

§ 8.17.1 Ὑπὸ τοῦτον τὸν χρόνον τῶν τινὲς μοναχῶν ἐξ Ἰνδῶν ἥκοντες, γνόντες τε ὡς Ἰουστινιανῷ βασιλεῖ διὰ σπουδῆς εἴη μηκέτι πρὸς Περσῶν τὴν μέταξαν ὠνεῖσθαι Ῥωμαίους, ἐς βασιλέα γενόμενοι οὕτω δὴ τὰ ἀμφὶ τῇ μετάξῃ διοικήσεσθαι ὡμολόγουν, ὡς μηκέτι Ῥωμαῖοι ἐκ Περσῶν τῶν σφίσι πολεμίων ἢ ἄλλου του ἔθνους τὸ ἐμπόλημα τοῦτο ποιήσωνται·

§ 8.17.2 χρόνου γὰρ κατατρῖψαι μῆκος ἐν χώρᾳ ὑπὲρ Ἰνδῶν ἔθνη τὰ πολλὰ οὔσῃ, ἥπερ Σηρίνδα ὀνομάζεται, ταύτῃ τε ἐς τὸ ἀκριβὲς ἐκμεμαθηκέναι ὁποίᾳ ποτὲ μηχανῇ γίνεσθαι τὴν μέταξαν ἐν γῇ τῇ Ῥωμαίων δυνατὰ εἴη.

§ 8.17.3 ἐνδελεχέστατα δὲ διερευνωμένῳ τῷ βασιλεῖ καὶ ἀναπυνθανομένῳ εἰ ὁ λόγος ἀληθὴς εἴη ἔφασκον οἱ μοναχοὶ σκώληκάς τινας τῆς μετάξης δημιουργοὺς εἶναι, τῆς φύσεως αὐτοῖς διδασκάλου τε οὔσης καὶ διηνεκῶς ἀναγκαζούσης ἐργάζεσθαι.

§ 8.17.4 ἀλλὰ τοὺς μὲν σκώληκας ἐνθάδε ζῶντας διακομίζειν ἀμήχανα εἶναι, τὸν δὲ αὐτῶν γόνον εὔπορόν τε καὶ ῥᾴδιον ὅλως. εἶναι δὲ τῶν σκωλήκων τῶνδε τὸν γόνον ᾠὰ ἑκάστου ἀνάριθμα.

§ 8.17.5 ταῦτα δὲ τὰ ᾠὰ χρόνῳ πολλῷ τῆς γονῆς ὕστερον κόπρῳ καλύψαντες ἄνθρωποι ταύτῃ τε διαρκῆ θερμήναντες χρόνον ζῷα ποιοῦσι.

§ 8.17.6 ταῦτα εἰπόντας ὁ βασιλεὺς μεγάλοις τοὺς ἄνδρας ἀγαθοῖς δωρήσασθαι ὁμολογήσας τῷ ἔργῳ πείθει ἐπιρρῶσαι τὸν λόγον.

§ 8.17.7 οἱ δὲ γενόμενοι ἐν Σηρίνδῃ αὖθις τά τε ᾠὰ μετήνεγκαν ἐς Βυζάντιον, ἐς σκώληκάς τε αὐτὰ τρόπῳ ᾧπερ ἐρρήθη μεταπεφυκέναι διαπραξάμενοι τρέφουσί τε συκαμίνου φύλλοις, καὶ ἀπ’ αὐτοῦ γίνεσθαι μέταξαν τὸ λοιπὸν κατεστήσαντο ἐν Ῥωμαίων τῇ γῇ.

§ 8.17.8 τότε μὲν οὖν τά τε κατὰ τὸν πόλεμον πράγματα Ῥωμαίοις τε καὶ Πέρσαις καὶ τὰ ἀμφὶ μετάξῃ ταύτῃ πη ἔσχε.

§ 8.17.9 Μετὰ δὲ τὴν τοῦ χειμῶνος ὥραν ἀφικόμενος παρὰ Χοσρόην σὺν τοῖς χρήμασιν Ἰσδιγούσνας τὰ ξυγκείμενα σφίσιν ἐσήγγελλε. καὶ ὃς τὰ μὲν χρήματα κεκομισμένος τὴν ἐκεχειρίαν μελλήσει οὐδεμιᾷ ἐπεσφράγισε, Λαζικῆς δὲ μεθίεσθαι οὐδαμῆ ἤθελεν.

§ 8.17.10 ἀλλὰ καὶ τοῖς χρήμασι τούτοις Οὔννων τῶν Σαβείρων ἑταιρισάμενος μέγα τι χρῆμα ξὺν Πέρσαις τισὶ τῷ Μερμερόῃ εὐθὺς ἔπεμψεν. ᾧ δὴ ἐπέστελλεν ἔργου ἔχεσθαι δυνάμει τῇ πάσῃ, καὶ μὴν καὶ ἐλέφαντάς οἱ πολλοὺς ἔστειλε.

§ 8.17.11 Μερμερόης δὲ παντὶ τῷ Περσῶν τε καὶ Οὔννων στρατῷ ἐκ Μοχηρήσιδος ἀναστὰς ἐπὶ τὰ Λαζῶν ὀχυρώματα ᾔει, τοὺς ἐλέφαντας ἐπαγόμενος.

§ 8.17.12 Ῥωμαῖοι δὲ οὐδαμῆ ὑπηντίαζον, ἀλλ’ ἀμφὶ τὰς ἐκβολὰς Φάσιδος ποταμοῦ, Μαρτίνου ἡγουμένου σφίσι, χωρίου ἰσχύι σφᾶς αὐτοὺς ὡς ἀσφαλέστατα κρατυνάμενοι ἡσυχῆ ἔμενον.

§ 8.17.13 ξυνῆν δὲ αὐτοῖς καὶ Γουβάζης ὁ Λαζῶν βασιλεύς. οὗτος δὲ ὁ Μήδων στρατός, τύχης αὐτῷ ξυμβάσης τινός, οὐδὲν ἄχαρι οὔτε Ῥωμαίων οὔτε Λαζῶν τινὰ ἔδρασε.

§ 8.17.14 τὰ μὲν γὰρ πρῶτα ὁ Μερμερόης ἐν φρουρίῳ τῳ μαθὼν τὴν Γουβάζου ἀδελφὴν εἶναι ἐπ’ αὐτὸ ἐπῆγε τὸ στράτευμα ὡς ἐξαιρήσων μηχανῇ πάσῃ.

§ 8.17.15 καρτερώτατα δὲ ἀμυνομένων τῶν ταύτῃ φρουρῶν καὶ χωρίου σφίσι ξυλλαμβανούσης τῆς φύσεως ὀχυρότητι ἄπρακτοι ἐνθένδε ἀποκρουσθέντες οἱ βάρβαροι ἀνεχώρησαν· ἔπειτα ἐπὶ Ἀβασγοὺς σπουδῇ ἵεντο.

§ 8.17.16 Ῥωμαῖοι δὲ οἱ ἐν Τζιβιλῇ φρουρὰν ἔχοντες τὴν δίοδον καταλαμβάνοντες στενοτάτην τε καὶ κρημνώδη οὖσαν, ᾗπέρ μοι ἔμπροσθεν εἴρηται, τὸ παράπαν τε ἀδιέξοδον, ἐμπόδιοι σφίσιν ἐγένοντο.

§ 8.17.17 διὸ δὴ οὐκ ἔχων ὁ Μερμερόης καθ’ ὅ τι τοὺς ἀνθισταμένους βιάζηται, ὑπῆγεν ὀπίσω τὸ στράτευμα ἐπί τε Ἀρχαιόπολιν ὡς πολιορκήσων αὐτίκα ᾔει. τοῦ τε περιβόλου ἀποπειρασάμενος, ἐπεὶ οὐδὲν προὐχώρει, ἀνέστρεφεν αὖθις.

§ 8.17.18 Ῥωμαῖοι δὲ ἀναχωροῦσιν ἐπισπόμενοι τοῖς πολεμίοις ἐν δυσχωρίᾳ πολλοὺς ἔκτεινον, ἐν τοῖς καὶ τῶν Σαβείρων τὸν ἄρχοντα ξυνηνέχθη πεσεῖν.

§ 8.17.19 μάχης τε καρτερᾶς ἀμφὶ τῷ νεκρῷ γενομένης ὕστερον Πέρσαι περὶ λύχνων ἁφὰς βιασάμενοι τοὺς ἐναντίους ἐτρέψαντο, ἐπί τε Κόταϊς καὶ Μοχήρησιν ἀπεχώρησαν. ταῦτα μὲν οὖν Ῥωμαίοις τε καὶ Πέρσαις ἐπέπρακτο τῇδε.

§ 8.17.20 Τὰ μέντοι ἐπὶ Λιβύης ἅπαντα Ῥωμαίοις εὖ τε καὶ καλῶς καθειστήκει. τῷ γὰρ Ἰωάννῃ, ὅνπερ ἐνταῦθα βασιλεὺς Ἰουστινιανὸς στρατηγὸν κατεστήσατο, εὐτυχήματα λόγου τε καὶ ἀκοῆς κρείσσω ξυνηνέχθη γενέσθαι.

§ 8.17.21 ὃς δὴ ἕνα τῶν ἐν Μαυρουσίοις ἀρχόντων ἑταιρισάμενος, Κουτζίναν ὄνομα, τά τε πρότερα μάχῃ τοὺς ἄλλους ἐνίκησε καὶ οὐ πολλῷ ὕστερον Ἀντάλαν τε καὶ Ἰαύδαν, οἳ Μαυρουσίων τῶν ἐν Βυζακίῳ τε καὶ Νουμιδίᾳ τὸ κράτος εἶχον, ὑποχειρίους πεποίηται, εἵποντό τε αὐτῷ ἐν ἀνδραπόδων λόγῳ.

§ 8.17.22 καὶ ἀπ’ αὐτοῦ πολέμιον Ῥωμαίοις οὐδὲν ὑπὸ τοῦτον τὸν χρόνον ἔν γε Λιβύῃ ἐγένετο. τοῖς μέντοι φθάσασι πολέμοις τε καὶ στάσεσιν ἔρημος ἀνθρώπων ἡ χώρα ἐκ τοῦ ἐπὶ πλεῖστον οὖσα διέμεινεν.

Wars 8.18

§ 8.18.1 Ἐν ᾧ δὲ ταῦτα ἐπράσσετο τῇδε, ἐν τούτῳ τάδε ξυνηνέχθη ἐν Εὐρώπῃ γενέσθαι. Γήπαιδες μέν, ὥσπερ μοι ἐν τοῖς ἔμπροσθεν λόγοις ἐρρήθη, τὰς σπονδὰς θέμενοι πρὸς Λαγγοβάρδας τοὺς σφίσι πολεμίους ὄντας ἐτύγχανον.

§ 8.18.2 παντάπασι δὲ οὐχ οἷοί τε ὄντες τὰ διάφορα πρὸς αὐτοὺς διαλῦσαι πολεμητέα σφίσιν οὐ πολλῷ ὕστερον ᾤοντο εἶναι.

§ 8.18.3 Γήπαιδες μὲν οὖν καὶ Λαγγοβάρδαι πανδημεὶ ἐπ’ ἀλλήλους τῷ πολέμῳ ἀκμάζοντες ᾔεσαν.

§ 8.18.4 ἡγεῖτο δὲ τῶν μὲν Γηπαίδων Θορισίν, τῶν δὲ Λαγγοβαρδῶν Αὐδουὶν ὄνομα, καὶ αὐτῶν ἑκατέρῳ ἀνδρῶν μυριάδες πολλαὶ εἵποντο. ἤδη μὲν οὖν ἄγχιστά πη ἀμφότεροι ἦλθον, οὔπω δὲ τὰ στρατόπεδα πρὸς ἀλλήλων καθεωρῶντο.

§ 8.18.5 δείματα δὲ τὰ πανικὰ καλούμενα ἐξαπιναίως ἑκατέροις ἐπιπεσόντα φεύγοντας ἀπ’ αἰτίας οὐδεμιᾶς ἅπαντας ὀπίσω ἀπήνεγκε, μόνων τῶν ἀρχόντων αὐτοῦ ἀπολελειμμένων ξὺν ὀλίγοις τισίν.

§ 8.18.6 οἵπερ αὐτοὺς ἀνθέλκειν τε καὶ τῆς ὑπαγωγῆς ἀναχαιτίζειν ἀποπειρασάμενοι οὐδὲν ἤνυον οὔτε θωπείαις οἰκτραῖς οὔτε ἀπειλαῖς φοβεραῖς χρώμενοι.

§ 8.18.7 Περιδεὴς οὖν γεγονὼς Αὐδουὶν ὁρῶν διασκεδαννυμένους ἀκόσμως οὕτως ʽοὐ γὰρ ᾔδει τοὺς πολεμίους τὴν ὁμοίαν κεκληρῶσθαι τύχην’ τῶν οἱ ἑπομένων τινὰς ἐπὶ πρεσβείᾳ παρὰ τοὺς ἐναντίους εὐθὺς ἔπεμψε τὴν εἰρήνην αἰτησομένους.

§ 8.18.8 οἵπερ, ἐπεὶ παρὰ τὸν ἄρχοντα τῶν Γηπαίδων Θορισὶν ἀφικόμενοι τὰ πρασσόμενα εἶδον, ἔκ τε τῶν ἐν σφίσιν αὐτοῖς τετυχηκότων κατενόησαν τὰ τοῖς πολεμίοις ξυνενεχθέντα καὶ τῷ Θορισὶν ἐς ὄψιν ἐλθόντες ἀνεπυνθάνοντο αὐτοῦ ὅπη ποτέ οἱ γῆς τῶν ἀρχομένων τὸ πλῆθος εἴη.

§ 8.18.9 καὶ ὃς τῶν ξυμπεπτωκότων οὐδὲν ἀρνηθεὶς “Φεύγουσιν οὐδενὸς διώκοντοσ” ἔφη. οἱ δὲ ὑπολαβόντες “Ταὐτὸ τοῦτο,” φασί, “Λαγγοβάρδαι πεπόνθασιν. ἀληθιζομένῳ γάρ σοι, ὦ βασιλεῦ, οὐδέν τι τῶν ἡμετέρων ἀποκρυψόμεθα.

§ 8.18.10 οὐκοῦν ἐπειδὴ τὰ γένη ταῦτα διολωλέναι ὡς ἥκιστα βουλομένῳ τῷ θεῷ ἐστὶ καὶ ἀπ’ αὐτοῦ διέλυσε τὴν παράταξιν, σωτήριον ἀμφοτέροις ἐπιβαλὼν δέος, φέρε δὴ καὶ ἡμεῖς ἐπιχωρήσωμεν τῇ τοῦ θεοῦ γνώμῃ, τὸν πόλεμον καταλύοντες.” “Ἔστω, γινέσθω ταῦτα,” ὁ Θορισὶν ἔφη. δυοῖν τε οὕτως ἐνιαυτοῖν ἐκεχειρίαν πεποίηνται,

§ 8.18.11 ὅπως μεταξὺ ἐπικηρυκευόμενοί τε καὶ παρ’ ἀλλήλους ἀεὶ φοιτῶντες ἅπαντα ἐς τὸ ἀκριβὲς τὰ διάφορα διαλύσωσι. τότε μὲν οὖν οὕτως ἑκάτεροι ἀνεχώρησαν.

§ 8.18.12 Ἐν δὲ τῇ ἐκεχειρίᾳ ταύτῃ οὐχ οἷοί τε γεγενημένοι ἐς τῶν ἀντιλεγομένων τὴν διάλυσιν ἀλλήλοις ξυμβῆναι, αὖθις ἐπὶ τὰ πολέμια ἔργα χωρεῖν ἔμελλον.

§ 8.18.13 δειμαίνοντές τε Γήπαιδες τὴν Ῥωμαίων ἀρχὴν ʽἐπίδοξοι γὰρ ἦσαν ὡς Λαγγοβάρδαις ξυντάξονταἰ τῶν τινὰς Οὔννων ἐς τὴν ὁμαιχμίαν ἐπάγεσθαι διενοοῦντο.

§ 8.18.14 ἔπεμψαν οὖν παρὰ τῶν Κουτριγούρων τοὺς ἄρχοντας, οἳ δὴ ἐνθένδε ᾤκηνται Λίμνης τῆς Μαιώτιδος, καὶ αὐτῶνἐδέοντο πόλεμον τὸν πρὸς Λαγγοβάρδας ξυνδιενεγκεῖν σφίσιν.

§ 8.18.15 οἱ δὲ αὐτοῖς δισχιλίους τε καὶ μυρίους εὐθὺς ἔπεμψαν, ὧν ἄλλοι τε ἡγοῦντο καὶ Χινιαλών, ἀνὴρ διαφερόντως ἀγαθὸς τὰ πολέμια.

§ 8.18.16 Γήπαιδες δὲ τούτων δὴ τῶν βαρβάρων τῇ παρουσίᾳ ἐν τῷ παρόντι ἀχθόμενοι, ἐπεὶ οὔπω ὁ τῆς μάχης ἐνειστήκει καιρός, ἀλλ’ ἐνιαυτὸς ταῖς ξυνθήκαις ἔτι ἐλέλειπτο, πείθουσιν αὐτοὺς καταθεῖν μεταξὺ τὴν βασιλέως γῆν, πάρεργον τῆς σφετέρας ἀκαιρίας πεποιημένοι τὴν ἐς Ῥωμαίους ἐπιβουλήν.

§ 8.18.17 ἐπεὶ δὲ Ῥωμαῖοι τὴν διάβασιν ποταμοῦ Ἴστρου ἐς τὸ ἀκριβὲς ἔν τε Ἰλλυριοῖς καὶ τοῖς ἐπὶ Θρᾴκης χωρίοις ἐφρούρουν, αὐτοὶ τούτους δὴ τοὺς Οὔννους ἐν χώρᾳ τῇ κατ’ αὐτοὺς διαπορθμεύσαντες ποταμὸν Ἴστρον ἐς τὰ Ῥωμαίων ἤθη ἀφίεσαν.

§ 8.18.18 Καὶ οἱ μὲν πάντα σχεδόν τι ἐληΐσαντο τὰ ἐκείνῃ χωρία, βασιλεὺς δὲ Ἰουστινιανὸς ἐπενόει τάδε. πέμψας παρὰ Οὔννων τῶν Οὐτιγούρων τοὺς ἄρχοντας, οἳ δὴ ἐπέκεινα Λίμνης ᾤκηνται τῆς Μαιώτιδος, ἐμέμφετό τε καὶ ἄδικον αὐτῶν ἀπεκάλει τὴν ἐς Κουτριγούρους ἀπραγμοσύνην, εἴπερ τὸ τοὺς φίλους διαφθειρομένους περιορᾶν ἐν τοῖς τῶν ἔργων ἀδικωτάτοις καταλέγειν δεήσει. αὐτῶν γὰρ Κουτρίγουροι,

§ 8.18.19 ἔφη, πλησιοχώρων ὄντων ἀφροντιστήσαντες, καὶ ταῦτα ἐκ Βυζαντίου χρήματα μεγάλα κομιζόμενοι ἀνὰ πᾶν ἔτος, τρόπῳ οὐδενὶ τῆς ἐς Ῥωμαίους ἀδικίας οὐ θέλουσιν ἀποπαύεσθαι, ἀλλ’ ὁσημέραι καταθέουσί τε καὶ ληΐζονται αὐτοὺς οὐδενὶ λόγῳ.

§ 8.18.20 τούτων δὲ αὐτοὶ οὐδὲν τὸ μέρος κερδαίνοντες, οὐδὲ τῆς λείας Κουτριγούροις διαλαγχάνοντες, οὐ προσποιοῦνται κακουμένους Ῥωμαίους, καίπερ αὐτοῖς φίλοι ἐκ παλαιοῦ ἐς τὰ μάλιστα ὄντες.

§ 8.18.21 ταῦτα σημήνας τοῖς Οὐτιγούροις Ἰουστινιανὸς βασιλεὺς καὶ χρήμασι μὲν αὐτοὺς δωρησάμενος, ὑπομνήσας δὲ ὅσων δώρων καὶ προτερον πολλάκις πρὸς αὐτοῦ ἔτυχον, ἀναπείθει σφᾶς ἔφοδον αὐτίκα ἐς τῶν Κουτριγούρων τοὺς ὑπολελειμμένους ποιήσασθαι.

§ 8.18.22 Οἱ δὲ Γότθων τῶν σφίσι προσοίκων, οἳ δὴ Τετραξῖται καλοῦνται, δισχιλίους ἐς ξυμμαχίαν ἐπαγόμενοι διέβησαν πανδημεὶ ποταμὸν Τάναϊν.

§ 8.18.23 ἦρχε δὲ αὐτῶν Σανδίλ, ἀνὴρ ξυνετώτατος μὲν καὶ πολέμων πολλῶν ἔμπειρος, ἐς ἀλκὴν δὲ καὶ ἀνδρίαν ἱκανῶς πεφυκώς.

§ 8.18.24 ἐπεὶ δὲ τοῦ ποταμοῦ τὴν διάβασιν ἐποιήσαντο, τῶν Κουτριγούρων πολλοῖς ὑπαντιάσασιν ἐς χεῖρας ἦλθον. ὧνπερ ἰσχυρότατα τοὺς ἐπιόντας ἀμυνομένων ἐπὶ μακρότατον μὲν ἡ μάχη ἐγεγόνει, μετὰ δὲ Οὐτίγουροι τρεψάμενοι τοὺς ἐναντίους πολλοὺς ἔκτειναν. ὀλίγοι δέ τινες φεύγοντες, ὅπη αὐτῶν ἑκάστῳ δυνατὰ γέγονε, διεσώθησαν. καὶ αὐτῶν οἱ πολέμιοι παῖδάς τε καὶ γυναῖκας ἀνδραποδίσαντες ἐπ’ οἴκου ἀπεκομίσθησαν.

Wars 8.19

§ 8.19.1 Τούτων δὲ τῶν βαρβάρων τότε πρὸς ἀλλήλους διαμαχομένων ᾗπέρ μοι εἴρηται, τοῦ τε κινδύνου σφίσι κατὰ τὴν ἀγωνίαν ἀκμάζοντος, εὐτυχίᾳ χρῆσθαι Ῥωμαίοις ξυνηνέχθη πολλῇ.

§ 8.19.2 ὅσοι γὰρ αὐτῶν ὑπὸ Κουτριγούροις ἐν αἰχμαλώτων λόγῳ ὄντες ἐτύγχανον, ἐς μυριάδας, ὥς φασι, ξυνιόντες πολλάς, ἐν τῷ πόνῳ τούτῳ διαλαθόντες ἐνθένδε τε κατὰ τάχος ἐξαναστάντες οὐδενὸς σφίσιν ἐπισπομένου ἐς τὰ πάτρια ἤθη ἀφίκοντο, καὶ νίκης ἀλλοτρίας ἐν τοῖς ἀναγκαιοτάτοις ἀπώναντο.

§ 8.19.3 βασιλεὺς δὲ Ἰουστινιανὸς Ἀράτιον στρατηγὸν στείλας παρά τε Χινιαλὼν καὶ Οὔννους τοὺς ἄλλους, ἀγγεῖλαι μὲν ἐκέλευε τὰ σφίσιν ἐν γῇ τῇ σφετέρᾳ αὐτῶν ξυνενεχθέντα, χρήματα δὲ αὐτοῖς προϊέμενον πεῖσαι ἀπαλλάσσεσθαι ὅτι τάχιστα ἐκ Ῥωμαίων τῆς γῆς.

§ 8.19.4 οἱ δὲ τῶν τε Οὐτιγούρων τὴν ἔφοδον γνόντες καὶ χρήματα μεγάλα πρὸς τοῦ Ἀρατίου κεκομισμένοι ξυνέβησαν μήτε φόνον ἔτι ἐργάσεσθαι μήτε ἀνδραποδιεῖν Ῥωμαίων μηδένα μήτε τι ἄλλο ἄχαρι δράσειν, ἀλλὰ τὴν ἀναχώρησιν ἅτε διὰ φίλων ποιήσεσθαι τῶν τῇδε ἀνθρώπων.

§ 8.19.5 ξυνέκειτο δὲ καὶ τοῦτο, ὥστε, εἰ μὲν δυνατοὶ εἶεν οἱ βάρβαροι οὗτοι ἐν γῇ τῇ πατρῴᾳ ἐπανιόντες ἱδρύεσθαι, μένειν τε αὐτοῦ καὶ πίστεως τῆς ἐς Ῥωμαίους τὸ λοιπὸν ἔχεσθαι· ἢν δέ γε αὐτοῖς ἐν ταύτῃ μένειν ἀδύνατα ᾖ, ἐπανιέναι μὲν αὖθις αὐτοὺς ἐς γῆν τὴν Ῥωμαίων, βασιλέα δὲ σφᾶς δωρήσασθαί τισι τῶν ἐπὶ Θρᾴκης χωρίων, ἐφ’ ᾧ ἐνταῦθα ἐνοικησάμενοι ἔνσπονδοί τε τὸν πάντα αἰῶνα Ῥωμαίοις ἔσονται καὶ τὴν χώραν ἐς τὸ ἀκριβὲς ξυμφυλάξουσιν ἐκ πάντων βαρβάρων.

§ 8.19.6 Ἤδη δὲ καὶ Οὔννων τῶν ἡσσημένων ἐν τῇ ξυμβολῇ καὶ διαφυγόντων τοὺς Οὐτιγούρους δισχίλιοι ἦλθον ἐς Ῥωμαίων τὴν γῆν, παῖδάς τε καὶ γυναῖκας ἐπαγόμενοι·

§ 8.19.7 ἡγοῦντο δὲ αὐτῶν ἄλλοι τε καὶ Σιννίων, ὅσπερ ξὺν Βελισαρίῳ πολλῷ πρότερον ἐπί τε Γελίμερα καὶ Βανδίλους ἐστράτευσε· γίνονταί τε Ἰουστινιανοῦ βασιλέως ἱκέται. καὶ ὃς αὐτοὺς ὑπεδέξατο προθυμίᾳ τῇ πάσῃ, ἔν τε χωρίοις ἱδρύσασθαι τοῖς ἐπὶ Θρᾴκης ἐκέλευσεν.

§ 8.19.8 ἅπερ ἐπεὶ Σανδίλ, ὁ τῶν Οὐτιγούρων βασιλεύς, ἔμαθε, παρωξυσμένος τε καὶ περιωργισμένος, εἰ αὐτὸς μὲν Κουτριγούρους ὁμογενεῖς ὄντας ἀδικίας τῆς ἐς Ῥωμαίους τιννύμενος ἐξ ἠθῶν ἀναστήσειεν αὐτοὺς τῶν πατρίων, οἱ δὲ βασιλέως σφᾶς ἐνδεξαμένου ἐνοικησάμενοι ἐν Ῥωμαίων τῇ γῇ πολλῷ ἄμεινον βιοτεύσουσιν, ἔπεμψε πρέσβεις ἐς βασιλέα τὰ πεπραγμένα ὀνειδιοῦντας, οὐκ ἐπιστολὴν αὐτοῖς τινὰ ἐγχειρίσας ʽἐπεὶ γραμμάτων παντάπασιν Οὖννοι ἀνήκοοί τε καὶ ἀμελέτητοι ἐς τόδε εἰσὶ καὶ οὔτε γραμματιστήν τινα ἔχουσιν οὔτε τῳ περὶ τὰ γράμματα πόνῳ συναύξεται αὐτοῖς τὰ παιδίἀ, βαρβαρικώτερον δὲ ἅπαντα ἀποστοματιοῦντας ὅσα δὴ αὐτὸς ἐπιστείλειε σφίσιν.

§ 8.19.9 Ἀφικόμενοι οὖν οἱ πρέσβεις ἐς ὄψιν Ἰουστινιανῷ βασιλεῖ λέγειν οἱ ἔφασαν δι’ αὐτῶν ὡς ἐν ἐπιστολῇ τάδε βασιλέα Σανδίλ· “Παροιμίαν τινὰ ἐκ παιδὸς ἀκηκοὼς οἶδα, καὶ εἴ τι μὴ αὐτῆς ἐπιλέλησμαι,

§ 8.19.10 τοιαύτη τις ἡ παροιμία τυγχάνει οὖσα. τὸ θηρίον ὁ λύκος τῆς μὲν τριχός, φασίν, ἴσως ἄν τι καὶ παραλλάξαι οὐκ ἀδύνατος εἴη, τὴν μέντοι γνώμην οὐ μεταστρέφει, οὐκ ἀφιείσης αὐτῷ μεθαρμοσαμένῳ ταύτην τῆς φύσεως.

§ 8.19.11 ταῦτα μέν,” παροιμιαζόμενός φησιν ὁ Σανδίλ, “τῶν πρεσβυτέρων ἀκήκοα, πλαγίῳ τινὶ παραδηλούντων τὰ ἀνθρώπινα λόγῳ. οἶδα δέ τι καὶ ἀπὸ τῆς πείρας μαθών, οἷα εἰκὸς ἦν ἀγροικιζόμενον βάρβαρον ἐκμαθεῖν·

§ 8.19.12 τοὺς κύνας οἱ ποιμένες ἐπιτιτθίους ὄντας ἀναιρούμενοι οὐκ ἀπημελημένως οἴκοι ἐκτρέφουσιν, εὔγνωμον δὲ τοῖς σιτίζουσι ζῷον ὁ κύων καὶ τὰ ἐς χάριν μνημονικώτατον. πράσσεται οὖν ταῦτα τοῖς ποιμέσι τούτου δὴ ἕνεκα, τοῦ τῶν λύκων ἐπιόντων ποτὲ διακρούεσθαι τὰς ἐκείνων ἐφόδους τοὺς κύνας παραστάτας τε καὶ σωτῆρας τοῖς προβατίοις καθισταμένους. καὶ ταῦτα ἐν γῇ τῇ πάσῃ γίνεσθαι οἴομαι.

§ 8.19.13 τεθέαται γὰρ τῶν πάντων οὐδεὶς οὔτε ποίμνῃ κύνας ἐπιβουλεύσαντας οὔτε λύκους ἀμυνομένους αὐτῆς πώποτε, ἀλλ’ ὥσπερ τινὰ τοῦτον ἡ φύσις θεσμὸν κυσί τε καὶ προβάτοις καὶ λύκοις νομοθετήσασα ἔθετο.

§ 8.19.14 οἶμαι δὲ κἀν τῇ βασιλείᾳ τῇ σῇ, οὗ δὴ πραγμάτων ἐκ τοῦ ἐπὶ πλεῖστον ἁπάντων, τάχα δέ που καὶ τῶν ἀμηχάνων, περιουσίαν ξυμβαίνει εἶναι, παράλλαξιν τούτων τινὰ οὐδαμῆ γίγνεσθαι.

§ 8.19.15 ἢ γοῦν τοῖς πρέσβεσι τοῖς ἐμοῖς δείξατε ὅπως ἄν τι καὶ τῶν οὐκ εἰωθότων ἐπὶ γήραος οὐδῷ μάθοιμεν· εἰ δὲ ἀραρότως ταῦτα πανταχῆ πέφυκεν, οὐ καλόν σοί ἐστι Κουτριγούρων τὸ γένος ξεναγεῖσθαι, οἶμαι, τεθολωμένον ἐπαγαγομένῳ γειτόνημα, καὶ οὓς ὄντας ὑπερορίους οὐκ ἤνεγκας, τανῦν ἐνδήμους πεποιημένῳ.

§ 8.19.16 αὐτοί τε γὰρ τρόπον ἐς Ῥωμαίους τὸν οἰκεῖον ἐνδείξονται οὐ πολλῷ ὕστερον, καὶ τούτου χωρὶς οὔτε πολέμιος ἐπιλείψει διαφθείρων τὴν Ῥωμαίων ἀρχήν, ἐλπίδι τοῦ ἡσσηθεὶς ἀμείνων ἔσεσθαι παρὰ σοί, οὔτε φίλος περιέσται Ῥωμαίοις, ἐμπόδιός ποτε τοῖς καταθέουσι γῆν τὴν ὑμετέραν ἐσόμενος, δέει τοῦ μή, ἐπειδὰν φέρηται παρὰ τῆς τύχης τὰ κράτιστα, τοὺς ἡσσημένους ἐπιδεῖν ἐπιφανέστερον αὑτοῦ παρ’ ὑμῖν πράσσοντας, εἴ γε ἡμεῖς μὲν ἐν χώρᾳ ἐρήμῳ τε καὶ ἄλλως ἀγόνῳ τὰ διαιτητήρια ἔχομεν, τοῖς δὲ Κουτριγούροις σιτωνεῖν τε καὶ τοῖς οἰνῶσι κατακραιπαλᾶν ἐν ἐξουσίᾳ ἐστὶ καὶ παροψίδας αἱρεῖσθαι πάσας.

§ 8.19.17 πάντως δέ πη καὶ βαλανείων αὐτοῖς μέτεστι, καὶ χρυσοφοροῦσιν οἱ πλανῆται καὶ ἱματίων οὐκ ἀμοιροῦσι λεπτῶν τε καὶ πεποικιλμένων καὶ καταληλειμμένων χρυσῷ. καίτοι Κουτρίγουροι μὲν Ῥωμαίων

§ 8.19.18 ἀνάριθμα πλήθη ἐξηνδραποδικότες τὰ πρότερα μετήνεγκαν ἐς γῆν τὴν σφετέραν.

§ 8.19.19 οἷς δὴ τὰ ἀνδραποδώδη πάντα ἐπέχειν οὐ πάρεργον τοῖς καταράτοις ἐγίνετο, ἀλλὰ καὶ μάστιγας οὐχ ἡμαρτηκόσιν ἐντεῖναι καὶ θανατοῦν ἴσως πρόχειρον ἦν, καὶ ὅσα ἄλλα δεσπότῃ βαρβάρῳ ὅ τε τρόπος καὶ ἡ ἐξουσία ἐφίησιν.

§ 8.19.20 ἡμεῖς δὲ πόνοις τε ἡμετέροις καὶ κινδύνοις ἐς ψυχὴν φέρουσι τύχης αὐτοὺς ἀπαλλάξαντες τῆς τότε κρατούσης τοῖς γειναμένοις ἀπέδομεν, διαπονήματα ἡμῖν τοῦ πολέμου γεγενημένους.

§ 8.19.21 ὧν δὴ τὰς ἀμοιβὰς πρὸς ὑμῶν ἀπ’ ἐναντίας ἑκάτεροι κεκομίσμεθα, εἴ γε ἡμεῖς μὲν ἀπολαύομεν ἔτι τῶν πατρίων κακῶν, οἱ δὲ τοῖς δι’ ἀρετὴν ἡμετέραν ἀποφυγοῦσι τὴν αὐτῶν δούλωσιν χώρας τῆς ἐκείνων ἰσομοιροῦντες

§ 8.19.22 διαλαγχάνουσι.” τοσαῦτα μὲν Οὐτιγούρων οἱ πρέσβεις εἶπον. βασιλεὺς δὲ αὐτοὺς πολλὰ τιθασσεύσας καὶ δώρων πλήθει παρηγορήσας οὐκ ἐς μακρὰν ἀπεπέμψατο. ταῦτα μὲν οὖν τῇδε ξυνηνέχθη γενέσθαι.

Wars 8.21

§ 8.21.1 Οὕτω μὲν οὖν τὰ κατὰ τοὺς πολέμους ἐν χώρᾳ ἑκάστῃ ξυνηνέχθη γενέσθαι. ὁ δὲ Γοτθικὸς πόλεμος ἐφέρετο ὧδε. Βελισάριον μὲν ἐς Βυζάντιον μεταπεμψάμενος βασιλεύς, ᾗπέρ μοι ἐν τοῖς ἔμπροσθεν λόγοις ἐρρήθη, διὰ τιμῆς ἦγε, καὶ οὐδὲ Γερμανοῦ τετελευτηκότος πέμπειν αὐτὸν ἐς τὴν Ἰταλίαν διενοεῖτο, ἀλλὰ καὶ στρατηγὸν τῆς ἑῴας ὄντα, τῶν βασιλικῶν σωματοφυλάκων ἄρχοντα καταστησάμενος, αὐτοῦ κατεῖχεν.

§ 8.21.2 ἦν τε τῷ ἀξιώματι πρῶτος ὁ Βελισάριος Ῥωμαίων ἁπάντων, καίτοι τινὲς αὐτῶν πρότεροι ἀνάγραπτοί τε ἐς πατρικίους γενόνασι καὶ ἐς αὐτὸν ἀναβεβήκεσαν τῶν ὑπάτων τὸν δίφρον.

§ 8.21.3 ἀλλὰ καὶ ὣς αὐτῷ τῶν πρωτείων ἐξίσταντο πάντες, αἰσχυνόμενοι κατὰ τῆς ἀρετῆς τῷ νόμῳ χρῆσθαι καὶ τὸ ἀπ’ αὐτοῦ δικαίωμα περιβάλλεσθαι.

§ 8.21.4 ταῦτά τε βασιλέα κομιδῆ ἤρεσκεν. Ἰωάννης δὲ ὁ Βιταλιανοῦ διεχείμαζεν ἐν Σάλωσι. προσδεχόμενοί τε αὐτὸν ἐν Ἰταλίᾳ τοῦτον δὴ τὸν χρόνον οἱ τοῦ Ῥωμαίων στρατοῦ ἄπρακτοι ἔμενον. καὶ ὁ χειμὼν ἔληγε, καὶ τὸ ἑκκαιδέκατον ἔτος ἐτελεύτα τῷ Γοτθικῷ πολέμῳ τῷδε, ὃν Προκόπιος ξυνέγραψε.

§ 8.21.5 Τῷ δὲ ἐπιγενομένῳ ἐνιαυτῷ Ἰωάννης μὲν διενοεῖτο ἐκ Σαλώνων τε ἐξανίστασθαι καὶ τῷ στρατῷ ἐξηγεῖσθαι ὅτι τάχιστα ἐπὶ Τουτίλαν τε καὶ Γότθους.

§ 8.21.6 βασιλεὺς δὲ αὐτὸν διεκώλυεν, αὐτοῦ τε μένειν ἐπέστελλεν, ἕως Ναρσῆς ὁ εὐνοῦχος ἀφίκηται. αὐτὸν γὰρ τοῦδε αὐτοκράτορα καταστήσασθαι τοῦ πολέμου ἐβούλευσεν.

§ 8.21.7 ὅτου δὲ δὴ ἕνεκα ταῦτα βουλομένῳ βασιλεῖ εἴη διαρρήδην μὲν τῶν πάντων οὐδενὶ φανερὸν γέγονε· βασιλέως γὰρ βούλευμα ἔκπυστον ὅτι μὴ αὐτοῦ ἐθελουσίου ἀμήχανά ἐστιν· ἃ δὲ ὑποπτεύοντες ἄνθρωποι ἔλεγον, ἐγὼ δηλώσω.

§ 8.21.8 ἔννοια Ἰουστινιανῷ βασιλεῖ γέγονεν ὡς οἱ ἄλλοι τοῦ Ῥωμαίων στρατοῦ ἄρχοντες Ἰωάννου ἐπακούειν ὡς ἥκιστα ἐθελήσουσιν, οὐκ ἀξιοῦντες καταδεέστεροί τι αὐτοῦ τὸ ἀξίωμα εἶναι.

§ 8.21.9 καὶ ἀπ’ αὐτοῦ ἔδεισε μὴ διχοστατοῦντες τῇ γνώμῃ ἢ ἐθελοκακοῦντες τῷ φθόνῳ ξυγχέωσι τὰ πρασσόμενα.

§ 8.21.10 Ἤκουσα δὲ καὶ τόνδε τὸν λόγον ἀπαγγέλλοντος Ῥωμαίου ἀνδρός, ἡνίκα ἐπὶ Ῥώμης διατριβὴν εἶχον· ἦν δὲ οὗτος ἀνὴρ τῶν ἀπὸ τῆς συγκλήτου βουλῆς.

§ 8.21.11 ἔλεγεν οὖν ὁ Ῥωμαῖος οὗτος ὡς ἄρχοι μὲν Ἰταλίας ποτὲ Ἀταλάριχος ὁ Θευδερίχου θυγατριδοῦς, βοῶν δέ τις ἀγέλη ἐς Ῥώμην ὑπὸ τοῦτον τὸν χρόνον ἀμφὶ δείλην ὀψίαν ἐξ ἀγροῦ ἥκει διὰ τῆς ἀγορᾶς ἣν Φόρον Εἰρήνης καλοῦσι Ῥωμαῖοι·

§ 8.21.12 ἐνταῦθα γάρ πη ὁ τῆς Εἰρήνης νεὼς κεραυνόβλητος γενόμενος ἐκ παλαιοῦ κεῖται. ἔστι δέ τις ἀρχαία πρὸ ταύτης δὴ τῆς ἀγορᾶς κρήνη, καὶ βοῦς ἐπὶ ταύτης χαλκοῦς ἕστηκε, Φειδίου, οἶμαι, τοῦ Ἀθηναίου ἢ Λυσίππου ἔργον.

§ 8.21.13 ἀγάλματα γὰρ ἐν χώρῳ τούτῳ πολλὰ τούτοιν δὴ τοῖν ἀνδροῖν ποιήματά ἐστιν. οὗ δὴ καὶ Φειδίου ἔργον ἕτερον· τοῦτο γὰρ λέγει τὰ ἐν τῷ ἀγάλματι γράμματα.

§ 8.21.14 ἐνταῦθα καὶ τὸ τοῦ Μύρωνος βοΐδιον. ἐπιμελὲς γὰρ ἐγεγόνει τοῖς πάλαι Ῥωμαίοις τῆς Ἑλλάδος τὰ κάλλιστα πάντα ἐγκαλλωπίσματα Ῥώμης ποιήσασθαι.

§ 8.21.15 ἕνα δὲ ταῦρον ἔφη τῶν τηνικάδε παριόντων εὐνοῦχον τῆς τε ἀγέλης ἀπολειπόμενον καὶ ταύτης δὴ τῆς κρήνης ἐπιβατεύσαντα καθύπερθεν βοὸς τοῦ χαλκοῦ στῆναι.

§ 8.21.16 τύχῃ δέ τινι παριόντα τινά, Τοῦσκον γένος, κομιδῆ ἄγροικον δόξαντα εἶναι, ξυμβάλλοντα τὸ ποιούμενον φάναι ʽεἰσὶ γὰρ μαντικοὶ καὶ ἐς ἐμὲ Τοῦσκοἰ ὡς εὐνοῦχός ποτε καταλύσει τὸν ἄρχοντα Ῥώμης.

§ 8.21.17 καὶ τηνικάδε μὲν ὅ τε Τοῦσκος ἐκεῖνος καὶ ὁ παρ’ αὐτοῦ λόγος γέλωτα ὦφλε. πρὸ γὰρ τῆς πείρας ἀεὶ ἄνθρωποι τὰς προρρήσεις φιλοῦσι χλευάζειν, οὐκ ἀναχαιτίζοντος αὐτοὺς τοῦ ἐλέγχου, τῷ μήτε ἀποβεβηκέναι τὰ πράγματα μήτε τὸν περὶ αὐτῶν λόγον εἶναι πιστόν, ἀλλὰ μύθῳ τινὶ γελοιώδει ἐμφερῆ φαίνεσθαι.

§ 8.21.18 Νῦν δὲ δὴ ἅπαντες τὸ ξύμβολον τοῦτο ʽτοῖς ἀποβεβηκόσιν ὑποχωροῦντεσ̓ θαυμάζουσι.

§ 8.21.19 καὶ διὰ τοῦτο ἴσως ἐπὶ Τουτίλαν ἐστρατήγει Ναρσῆς, ἢ στοχαζομένης τοῦ ἐσομένου τῆς βασιλέως γνώμης, ἢ πρυτανευούσης τὸ δέον τῆς τύχης.

§ 8.21.20 ὁ μὲν οὖν Ναρσῆς στράτευμά τε λόγου ἄξιον καὶ χρήματα μεγάλα πρὸς βασιλέως κεκομισμένος ἐστέλλετο.

§ 8.21.21 ἐπειδὴ δὲ ξὺν τοῖς ἑπομένοις ἐν μέσῃ Θρᾴκῃ ἐγένετο, χρόνον τινὰ ἐν Φιλιππουπόλει ἀποκεκλεισμένος τῆς ὁδοῦ ἔμεινε.

§ 8.21.22 στράτευμα γὰρ Οὐννικὸν ἐπισκῆψαν τῇ Ῥωμαίων ἀρχῇ ἅπαντα ἦγόν τε καὶ ἔφερον, οὐδενὸς σφίσιν ἀντιστατοῦντος. ἐπειδὴ δὲ αὐτῶν οἱ μέν τινες ἐπὶ Θεσσαλονίκην, οἱ δὲ τὴν ἐπὶ τὸ Βυζάντιον ᾔεσαν, μόλις ἐνθένδε ἀπαλλαγεὶς ἐπίπροσθεν ᾔει.

Wars 8.22

§ 8.22.1 Ἐν ᾧ δὲ ὁ μὲν Ἰωάννης ἐπὶ Σαλώνων Ναρσῆν ἔμενε, Ναρσῆς δὲ Οὔννων τῇ ἐφόδῳ συμποδιζόμενος σχολαίτερον ᾔει, ἐν τούτῳ ὁ Τουτίλας προσδεχόμενος τὴν Ναρσοῦ στρατιὰν ἐποίει τάδε.

§ 8.22.2 ἄλλους τε Ῥωμαίους καί τινας τῶν ἀπὸ τῆς συγκλήτου βουλῆς ἐν Ῥώμῃ καθίστη, τοὺς λοιποὺς ἐπὶ Καμπανίας ἐάσας.

§ 8.22.3 καὶ αὐτοὺς ἐκέλευεν ὅση δύναμις ἐπιμελεῖσθαι τῆς πόλεως, ἐνδεικνύμενος ὅτι δὴ αὐτῷ μεταμέλει τῶν οἱ ἐς Ῥώμην εἰργασμένων τὰ πρότερα, ἐπεὶ ἐμπρήσας αὐτῆς πολλὰ ἔτυχεν, ἄλλως τε καὶ ὑπὲρ Τίβεριν ποταμόν.

§ 8.22.4 οἱ δὲ καθεστῶτες ἐν αἰχμαλώτων λόγῳ καὶ περιῃρημένοι χρήματα πάντα, μὴ ὅτι τῶν κοινῶν, ἀλλ’ οὐδὲ τῶν ἰδίᾳ σφίσι προσηκόντων δυνατοὶ ἦσαν μεταποιεῖσθαι.

§ 8.22.5 Καίτοι ἀνθρώπων μάλιστα πάντων ὧν ἡμεῖς ἴσμεν φιλοπόλιδες Ῥωμαῖοι τυγχάνουσιν ὄντες, περιστέλλειν τε τὰ πάτρια πάντα καὶ διασώζεσθαι ἐν σπουδῇ ἔχουσιν, ὅπως δὴ μηδὲν ἀφανίζηται Ῥώμῃ τοῦ παλαιοῦ κόσμου.

§ 8.22.6 οἵ γε καὶ πολύν τινα βεβαρβαρωμένοι αἰῶνα τάς τε πόλεως διεσώσαντο οἰκοδομίας καὶ τῶν ἐγκαλλωπισμάτων τὰ πλεῖστα, ὅσα οἷόν τε ἦν χρόνῳ τε τοσούτῳ τὸ μῆκος καὶ τῷ ἀπαμελεῖσθαι δι’ ἀρετὴν τῶν πεποιημένων ἀντέχειν.

§ 8.22.7 ἔτι μέντοι καὶ ὅσα μνημεῖα τοῦ γένους ἐλέλειπτο ἔτι, ἐν τοῖς καὶ ἡ ναῦς Αἰνείου, τοῦ τῆς πόλεως οἰκιστοῦ, καὶ εἰς τόδε κεῖται, θέαμα παντελῶς ἄπιστον.

§ 8.22.8 νεώσοικον γὰρ ποιησάμενοι ἐν μέσῃ τῇ πόλει, παρὰ τὴν τοῦ Τιβέριδος ὄχθην, ἐνταῦθά τε αὐτὴν καταθέμενοι, ἐξ ἐκείνου τηροῦσιν. ἥπερ ὁποία ποτέ ἐστιν αὐτὸς θεασάμενος ἐρῶν ἔρχομαι.

§ 8.22.9 Μονήρης τε ἡ ναῦς ἥδε καὶ περιμήκης ἄγαν τυγχάνει οὖσα, μῆκος μὲν ποδῶν εἴκοσι καὶ ἑκατόν, εὖρος δὲ πέντε καὶ εἴκοσι, τὸ δέ γε ὕψος τοσαύτη ἐστὶν ὅσον αὐτὴν ἐρέσσεσθαι μὴ ἀδύνατα εἶναι.

§ 8.22.10 ξύλων δὲ κόλλημα οὐδὲ ἓν τὸ παράπαν ἐνταῦθά ἐστιν οὐδὲ σιδήρων ἄλλῃ τινὶ μηχανῇ τὰ ξύλα τοῦ πλοίου εἰς ἄλληλά πη ἐρήρεισται, ἀλλὰ μονοειδῆ ξύμπαντά ἐστι λόγου τε καὶ ἀκοῆς κρείσσω καὶ μόνῳ γεγονότα, ὅσα γε ἡμᾶς εἰδέναι, ἐν τῷδε τῷ πλοίῳ.

§ 8.22.11 ἥ τε γὰρ τρόπις μονοφυὴς οὖσα ἐκ πρύμνης ἄκρας ἄχρι ἐς τὴν πρῷραν διήκει, κατὰ βραχὺ μὲν θαυμασίως ἐπὶ τὸ κοῖλον ὑποχωροῦσα, καὶ αὖ πάλιν ἐνθένδε κατὰ λόγον εὖ μάλα ἐπὶ τὸ ὀρθόν τε καὶ διατεταμένον ἐπανιοῦσα.

§ 8.22.12 τά τε παχέα ξύμπαντα ξύλα ἐς τὴν τρόπιν ἐναρμοσθέντα ʽἅπερ οἱ μὲν ποιηταὶ δρυόχους καλοῦσιν, ἕτεροι δὲ νομέασ̓ ἐκ τοίχου μὲν ἕκαστον θατέρου ἄχρι ἐς τῆς νεὼς διήκει τὸν ἕτερον τοῖχον.

§ 8.22.13 ὑφιζάνοντα δὲ καὶ αὐτὰ ἐξ ἑκατέρας ἄκρας καμπὴν ποιεῖται διαφερόντως εὐπρόσωπον, ὅπως ἂν τὴν νῆα μάλιστα κοίλην ἀποτετορνεῦσθαι ξυμβαίη, εἴτε τῆς φύσεως κατὰ τὴν τῆς χρείας ἀνάγκην τά τε ξύλα διακοψάσης καὶ ξυναρμοσαμένης τὰ πρότερα τὸ κύρτωμα τοῦτο εἴτε χειροποιήτῳ τέχνῃ τε καὶ μηχανῇ ἄλλῃ τῆς τῶν νομέων ἀνωμαλίας ἐν ἐπιτηδείῳ γεγενημένης.

§ 8.22.14 σανίς τε πρὸς ἐπὶ τούτοις ἑκάστη ἐκ πρύμνης ἄκρας ἐς τῆς νηὸς ἐξικνεῖται τὴν ἑτέραν ἀρχήν, μονοειδὴς οὖσα καὶ κέντρα σιδηρᾶ τούτου ἕνεκα προσλαβοῦσα μόνον, ὅπως δὴ ταῖς δοκοῖς ἐναρμοσθεῖσα τὸν τοῖχον ποιῇ.

§ 8.22.15 οὕτω μὲν ἡ ναῦς ἥδε πεποιημένη κρείσσω παρέχεται τοῦ λόγου τὴν ὄψιν, ἐπεὶ τῶν ἔργων τὰ πλείστῳ παραλόγῳ ξυμβαίνοντα οὐκ εὐδιήγητα τίθεται τοῖς ἀνθρώποις ἀεὶ τῶν πραγμάτων ἡ φύσις, ἀλλὰ ταῖς ἐπινοίαις τὰ ξυνειθισμένα νικῶσα καὶ τοῦ λόγου κρατεῖ.

§ 8.22.16 τούτων δὲ δὴ τῶν ξύλων οὐδὲν οὔτε σέσηπεν οὔτε τι ὑποφαίνει ὡς σαπρὸν εἴη, ἀλλ’ ἀκραιφνὴς πανταχόθι οὖσα ἡ ναῦς, ὥσπερ ὑπόγυον τῷ τεχνίτῃ τῷ αὐτῆς, ὅστις ποτ’ ἦν, νεναυπηγημένη, ἔρρωται καὶ ἐς ἐμὲ θαυμαστὸν ὅσον. τὰ μὲν οὖν ἀμφὶ τῇ τοῦ Αἰνείου νηὶ ταύτῃ ἔχει.

§ 8.22.17 Τουτίλας δὲ πλοῖα μακρὰ ἐς τριακόσια Γότθων πληρώσας ἐς τὴν Ἑλλάδα ἐκέλευεν ἰέναι, ληΐζεσθαι τοὺς παραπίπτοντας ἐπιστείλας δυνάμει τῇ πάσῃ.

§ 8.22.18 οὗτος δὲ ὁ στόλος ἄχρι ἐς τὴν Φαιάκων χώραν, ἣ νῦν Κέρκυρα ἐπικαλεῖται, οὐδὲν ἄχαρι ἐργάζεσθαι ἔσχε.

§ 8.22.19 νῆσον γὰρ οὐδεμίαν ἐν τῷδε τῷ διάπλῳ οἰκουμένην ξυμβαίνει εἶναι ἐκ τοῦ κατὰ τὴν Χάρυβδιν πορθμοῦ μέχρι ἐς τὴν Κέρκυραν, ὥστε πολλάκις ἐγὼ ἐνταῦθα γενόμενος διηπορούμην ὅπη ποτὲ ἄρα τῆς Καλυψοῦς ἡ νῆσος εἴη.

§ 8.22.20 ταύτης γὰρ τῆς θαλάσσης οὐδαμῆ νῆσον τεθέαμαι, ὅτι μὴ τρεῖς, οὐ πολλῷ ἄποθεν τῆς Φαιακίδος, ἀλλ’ ὅσον ἀπὸ σταδίων τριακοσίων, ἄγχιστά πη ἀλλήλων οὔσας, βραχείας κομιδῆ καὶ οὐδὲ ἀνθρώπων οἰκία ἐχούσας οὔτε ζῴων οὔτε ἄλλων τὸ παράπαν οὐδέν. Ὀθονοὶ δὲ καλοῦνται τανῦν αἱ νῆσοι αὗται.

§ 8.22.21 καὶ φαίη ἄν τις τὴν Καλυψὼ ἐνταῦθα γενέσθαι, καὶ ἀπ’ αὐτοῦ τὸν Ὀδυσσέα γῆς τῆς Φαιακίδος ὄντα οὐ πολλῷ ἄποθεν ἢ σχεδίᾳ, ὥς φησιν Ὅμηρος, ἢ ἄλλῳ τῳ τρόπῳ νεώς τινος χωρὶς ἐνθένδε διαπορθμεύσασθαι. ἀλλὰ ταῦτα ἡμῖν ὅσον τεκμηριοῦσθαι εἰρήσθω.

§ 8.22.22 τοῖς γὰρ παλαιοτάτοις ἐς τὸ ἀκριβὲς ἐναρμόσασθαι τὸν ἀληθῆ λόγον οὐ ῥᾴδιον, ἐπεὶ ὁ πολὺς χρόνος τά τε τῶν χωρίων ὀνόματα καὶ τὴν ἀμφ’ αὐτοῖς δόξαν ἐκ τοῦ ἐπὶ πλεῖστον μεταβάλλειν φιλεῖ.

§ 8.22.23 Τὸ πλοῖον ἀμέλει ὅπερ ἐν γῇ τῇ Φαιάκων ἐκ λίθου λευκοῦ πεποιημένον παρὰ τὴν ταύτης ἀκτὴν ἕστηκεν, ἐκεῖνό τινες οἴονται εἶναι ὃ τὸν Ὀδυσσέα ἐς τὴν Ἰθάκην ἐκόμισεν, ἡνίκα ξεναγεῖσθαι αὐτὸν ἐνταῦθα ξυνέβη.

§ 8.22.24 καίτοι οὐ μονοειδὲς τὸ πλοῖον τοῦτό ἐστιν, ἀλλὰ ἐκ λίθων ὅτι μάλιστα πολλῶν ξύγκειται.

§ 8.22.25 καὶ γράμματα ἐν αὐτῷ ἐγκεκόλαπται καὶ διαρρήδην βοᾷ τῶν τινὰ ἐμπόρων ἐν τοῖς ἄνω χρόνοις ἱδρύσασθαι τὸ ἀνάθημα τοῦτο Διὶ τῷ Κασίῳ.

§ 8.22.26 Δία γὰρ Κάσιον ἐτίμων ποτὲ οἱ τῇδε ἄνθρωποι, ἐπεὶ καὶ ἡ πόλις ἐν ᾗ τὸ πλοῖον τοῦτο ἕστηκεν ἐς τόνδε τὸν χρόνον Κασώπη ἐπικαλεῖται.

§ 8.22.27 τοῦτον δὲ τὸν τρόπον ἐκ λίθων πολλῶν καὶ ἡ ναῦς ἐκείνη πεποίηται ἣν Ἀγαμέμνων ὁ τοῦ Ἀτρέως τῆς Εὐβοίας ἐν Γεραιστῷ ἀνέθηκε τῇ Ἀρτέμιδι, ἀφοσιούμενος κἀν τούτῳ τὴν ἐς αὐτὴν ὕβριν, ἡνίκα διὰ τὸ τῆς Ἰφιγενείας πάθος τὸν ἀπόπλουν ἡ Ἄρτεμις ξυνεχώρει τοῖς Ἕλλησιν.

§ 8.22.28 ἃ δὴ γράμματα ἐν πλοίῳ τούτῳ ἢ τηνικάδε ἢ ὕστερον ξυσθέντα δηλοῖ ἐν ἑξαμέτρῳ. ὧν τὰ μὲν πλεῖστα ἐξίτηλα χρόνῳ τῷ μακρῷ γέγονε, τὰ δὲ πρῶτα καὶ ἐς τόδε διαφαίνεται λέγοντα ὧδε· Νῆά με λαϊνέην ἱδρύσατο τῇδ’ Ἀγαμέμνων, Ἑλλήνων στρατιῆς σῆμα πλοϊζομένης.

§ 8.22.29 καὶ ἐν ἀρχῇ ἔχει· “Τύννιχος ἐποίει Ἀρτέμιδι Βολοσίᾳ.” οὕτω γὰρ τὴν Εἰλείθυιαν ἐν τοῖς ἄνω χρόνοις ἐκάλουν, ἐπεὶ καὶ βολὰς τὰς ὠδῖνας ὠνόμαζον. ἐμοὶ δὲ αὖθις ὅθενπερ ἐξέβην ἰτέον.

§ 8.22.30 Ἐπειδὴ ἐς τὴν Κέρκυραν οὗτος ὁ Γότθων στόλος ἀφίκετο, αὐτήν τε ἦγον καὶ ἔφερον ἐξ ἐπιδρομῆς καὶ ὅσαι ἄλλαι αὐτῇ νῆσοι ἐπίκεινται,

§ 8.22.31 αἳ Συβόται καλοῦνται· διαβάντες δὲ καὶ εἰς τὴν ἤπειρον ἐξαπιναίως ἅπαντα ἐληΐζοντο τὰ ἀμφὶ Δωδώνην χωρία καὶ διαφερόντως Νικόπολίν τε καὶ Ἀγχίαλον, οὗ δὴ Ἀγχίσην, τὸν Αἰνείου πατέρα, ἐξ Ἰλίου ἁλούσης ξὺν τῷ παιδὶ πλέοντά φασιν οἱ ἐπιχώριοι ἐξ ἀνθρώπων ἀφανισθῆναι καὶ τὴν ἐπωνυμίαν τῷ χωρίῳ δοῦναι.

§ 8.22.32 περιιόντες δὲ τὴν παραλίαν ὅλην καὶ ναυσὶ Ῥωμαίων ἐντυχόντες πολλαῖς αὐτοῖς φορτίοις ἁπάσας εἷλον. ἐν ταῖς εἶναι ξυνέβη καὶ τῶν νηῶν τινὰς αἳ τῇ Ναρσοῦ στρατιᾷ ἐκ τῆς Ἑλλάδος τὰ ἐπιτήδεια ἔφερον. ταῦτα μὲν οὖν τῇδε ξυνηνέχθη γενέσθαι.

Wars 8.25

§ 8.25.1 Σκλαβηνῶν δὲ πολὺς ὅμιλος Ἰλλυριοῖς ἐπισκήψαντες πάθη ἐνταῦθα οὐκ εὐδιήγητα εἰργάσαντο. βασιλεὺς δὲ Ἰουστινιανὸς στράτευμα ἐπ’ αὐτοὺς ἔπεμψεν, οὗ δὴ ἄλλοι τε καὶ οἱ Γερμανοῦ παῖδες ἡγοῦντο. οἵπερ τῷ πλήθει τῶν

§ 8.25.2 πολεμίων παρὰ πολὺ ἐλασσούμενοι χωρῆσαι μὲν αὐτοῖς ὁμόσε οὐδαμῆ ἴσχυσαν, ὄπισθεν δὲ ἀεὶ μένοντες τῶν βαρβάρων τοὺς ἀπολειπομένους ἐσίνοντο,

§ 8.25.3 καὶ πολλοὺς μὲν αὐτῶν ἔκτεινον, τινὰς δὲ καὶ ζωγρήσαντες βασιλεῖ ἔπεμψαν. οὐδὲν μέντοι ἧσσον οἱ βάρβαροι οὗτοι τὰ δεινὰ ἔδρασαν.

§ 8.25.4 ἐν ταύτῃ τε τῇ λεηλασίᾳ χρόνου τι μέγα κατατρίψαντες μῆκος τὰς μὲν ὁδοὺς νεκρῶν ἀνέπλησαν ἁπάσας, ἐξανδραποδίσαντες δὲ ἀνάριθμα πλήθη καὶ ληϊσάμενοι ξύμπαντα, οὐδενὸς σφίσιν ἀντιστατοῦντος, ἐπ’ οἴκου ἀπεκομίσθησαν σὺν πάσῃ τῇ λείᾳ.

§ 8.25.5 οὐδὲ γὰρ διαπορθμευομένους ποταμὸν Ἴστρον ἴσχυσαν σφᾶς ἐνεδρεῦσαι Ῥωμαῖοι ἢ ἄλλῳ τῳ βιάσασθαι τρόπῳ, ἐπεὶ Γήπαιδες αὐτοὺς μισθαρνήσαντες ὑπεδέξαντο καὶ διεπόρθμευσαν μακρόμισθοι γεγενημένοι. ἐπὶ κεφαλῇ γὰρ ἑκάστῃ κατὰ στατῆρα χρυσοῦν ἡ μίσθωσις ἦν.

§ 8.25.6 διόπερ βασιλεὺς ἐδυσφορεῖτο, οὐκ ἔχων τὸ λοιπὸν ὅπη ποτὲ αὐτοὺς ἀναστέλλοι διαβαίνοντας ποταμὸν Ἴστρον ἐφ’ ᾧ ληΐσονται τὴν Ῥωμαίων ἀρχήν, ἢ ξὺν ταῖς ὠφελίαις τὴν ἀποπορείαν ποιουμένους ἐνθένδε, ἤθελέ τε τούτων δὴ ἕνεκα Γηπαίδων τῷ ἔθνει ἐς συνθήκας καταστῆναί τινας.

§ 8.25.7 Ἐν τούτῳ δὲ Γήπαιδές τε καὶ Λαγγοβάρδαι αὖθις πολεμησείοντες ἐπ’ ἀλλήλους ᾔεσαν. Γήπαιδές τε τὴν Ῥωμαίων δειμαίνοντες δύναμιν ʽἀνήκοοι γὰρ οὐδαμῆ ἦσαν ὡς Ἰουστινιανὸς βασιλεὺς ὁμαιχμίαν διωμότως πρὸς Λαγγοβάρδας πεποίηταἰ φίλοι καὶ ξύμμαχοι Ῥωμαίοις γενέσθαι ἐν σπουδῇ ἔσχον.

§ 8.25.8 πρέσβεις οὖν ἐς Βυζάντιον εὐθὺς πέμπουσι, βασιλέα καὶ αὐτοὶ ἐς τὴν ὁμαιχμίαν παρακαλοῦντες. καὶ ὃς αὐτοῖς μελλήσει οὐδεμιᾷ ἐπὶ τῇ ξυμμαχίᾳ τὰ πιστὰ ἔδωκε.

§ 8.25.9 δεηθέντων δὲ τῶν πρέσβεων τῶνδε καὶ τῶν ἀπὸ τῆς συγκλήτου βουλῆς ἄνδρες δυοκαίδεκα ὅρκια δόντες, ταύτας αὐτοῖς τὰς συνθήκας ἐπέρρωσαν.

§ 8.25.10 οὐ πολλῷ δὲ ὕστερον Λαγγοβάρδαις κατὰ τὸ ξυμμαχικὸν δεομένοις στρατιὰν ἐς ξυμμαχίαν ἐπὶ Γήπαιδας Ἰουστινιανὸς βασιλεὺς ἔπεμψεν, ἐπενεγκὼν Γήπαισι Σκλαβηνῶν τινας ἐπὶ πονηρῷ τῶν Ῥωμαίων μετὰ τὰς ξυνθήκας διαβιβάσαι ποταμὸν Ἴστρον.

§ 8.25.11 Ἡγοῦντο δὲ τῆς στρατιᾶς ταύτης Ἰουστῖνός τε καὶ Ἰουστινιανὸς οἱ Γερμανοῦ παῖδες Ἀράτιός τε καὶ Σουαρτούας, ὃς πρὸς Ἰουστινιανοῦ μὲν ἄρχων Ἐρούλοις κατέστη πρότερον, ἐπαναστάντων δέ οἱ τῶν ἀπὸ Θούλης τῆς νήσου ἡκόντων, ὥσπερ μοι ἐν τοῖς ἔμπροσθεν λόγοις ἐρρήθη, ἐς βασιλέα τε ἀφίκετο φεύγων καὶ Ῥωμαίοις στρατηγὸς τῶν ἐν Βυζαντίῳ καταλόγων εὐθὺς γέγονε, καὶ Ἀμαλαφρίδας, Γότθος ἀνήρ, Ἀμαλαφρίδης μὲν θυγατριδοῦς, τῆς Θευδερίχου τοῦ Γότθων βασιλέως ἀδελφῆς, Ἑρμενεφρίδου δὲ υἱὸς τοῦ Θορίγγων ἡγησαμένου.

§ 8.25.12 ὅνπερ Βελισάριος μὲν σὺν Οὐιττίγιδι ἐς Βυζάντιον ἤγαγε, βασιλεὺς δὲ Ῥωμαίων ἄρχοντα κατεστήσατο, καὶ τὴν αὐτοῦ ἀδελφὴν Αὐδουὶν τῷ Λαγγοβαρδῶν ἄρχοντι κατηγγύησε.

§ 8.25.13 τοῦ δὲ στρατοῦ τούτου οὐδεὶς παρὰ Λαγγοβάρδας ἀφίκετο, ὅτι μὴ οὗτος Ἀμαλαφρίδας σὺν τοῖς ἑπομένοις. οἱ γὰρ ἄλλοι ἐν Ἰλλυριοῖς ἀμφὶ πόλιν Οὐλπίαναν βασιλέως ἐπαγγείλαντος διατριβὴν ἔσχον, στάσεως ἐνταῦθα πρὸς τῶν οἰκητόρων γεγενημένης, ὧνπερ ἕνεκα σφίσιν αὐτοῖς οἱ Χριστιανοὶ διαμάχονται, ᾗπέρ μοι ἐν λόγοις τοῖς ὑπὲρ τούτων γεγράψεται.

§ 8.25.14 Οἱ μὲν οὖν Λαγγοβάρδαι πανδημεὶ σὺν τῷ Ἀμαλαφρίδᾳ ἐς τὰ Γηπαίδων ἤθη ἀφίκοντο, ὑπαντιασάντων δὲ τῶν Γηπαίδων σφίσι καὶ μάχης καρτερᾶς γενομένης ἡσσῶνται Γήπαιδες, καὶ αὐτῶν παμπληθεῖς φασὶν ἐν τῷ πόνῳ τούτῳ ἀποθανεῖν.

§ 8.25.15 Αὐδουίν τε, ὁ τῶν Λαγγοβαρδῶν βασιλεύς, τῶν οἱ ἑπομένων τινὰς ἐς Βυζάντιον πέμψας εὐαγγέλια μὲν Ἰουστινιανῷ βασιλεῖ ἐδήλου, νενικημένων τῶν πολεμίων, ἐμέμφετο δὲ οὐ παραγενέσθαι οἱ κατὰ τὸ ξυμμαχικὸν τὸν τοῦ βασιλέως στρατόν, καίπερ Λαγγοβαρδῶν τοσούτων τὸ πλῆθος ἔναγχος ἐσταλμένων ἐφ’ ᾧ Ναρσῇ ξυστρατεύσωσιν ἐπὶ Τουτίλαν τε καὶ Γότθους. ταῦτα μὲν οὖν ἐφέρετο τῇδε.

§ 8.25.16 Ἐν τούτῳ δὲ τῷ χρόνῳ σεισμοὶ κατὰ τὴν Ἑλλάδα ἐπιπεσόντες ἐξαίσιοι τήν τε Βοιωτίαν καὶ Ἀχαίαν καὶ τὰ περὶ κόλπον τὸν Κρισαῖον κατέσεισαν.

§ 8.25.17 καὶ χωρία μὲν ἀνάριθμα, πόλεις δὲ ὀκτὼ ἐς ἔδαφος καθεῖλον, ἐν ταῖς Χαιρώνειά τε καὶ Κορώνεια ἦν καὶ Πάτραι καὶ Ναύπακτος ὅλη, ἔνθα δὴ καὶ φόνος γέγονεν ἀνθρώπων πολύς.

§ 8.25.18 καὶ χάος δὲ ʽτῆς γῆς πολλαχῆ ἀποσχισθείσησ̓ γεγένηται. τὰ δὲ διαιρεθέντα ἔνια μὲν αὖθις ἐς ταὐτὸ ξυνιόντα τὸ πρότερον τῇ γῇ σχῆμά τε καὶ εἶδος ἀπέδωκεν, ἔστι δὲ οὗ καὶ διεστηκότα μεμένηκεν· ὥστε οὐδὲ ἀλλήλοις ἐπιμίγνυσθαι οἱ τῇδε ἄνθρωποί εἰσι δυνατοὶ ὅτι μὴ περιόδοις πολλαῖς χρώμενοι.

§ 8.25.19 ἐν δέ γε τῷ πορθμῷ ὅνπερ μεταξὺ Θεσσαλίας τε καὶ Βοιωτίας ξυμβαίνει εἶναι, γέγονέ τις ἐκ τοῦ αἰφνιδίου τῆς θαλάσσης ἐπιρροὴ ἀμφί τε πόλιν τὴν Ἐχιναίων καλουμένην καὶ τὴν ἐν Βοιωτοῖς Σκάρφειαν.

§ 8.25.20 πόρρω τε τῆς ἠπείρου ἀναβᾶσα καὶ κατακλύσασα τὰ ἐκείνῃ χωρία ἐς ἔδαφος καθεῖλεν εὐθύς. χρόνος τε τῇ θαλάσσῃ πολὺς ἐπιχωριαζούσῃ τῇ ἠπείρῳ ἐτρίβη, ὥστε τοῖς ἀνθρώποις πεζῇ ἰοῦσι βατὰς ἐπὶ πλεῖστον γενέσθαι τὰς νήσους αἵπερ ἔντοσθεν τοῦ πορθμοῦ τούτου τυγχάνουσιν οὖσαι, τοῦ τῆς θαλάσσης δηλονότι ῥοθίου ἐκλιπόντος μὲν τὴν αὑτοῦ χώραν, ἐπιπολάζοντος δὲ παρὰ δόξαν τὴν γῆν ἄχρι ἐς τὰ ὄρη ἃ ταύτῃ ἀνέχει.

§ 8.25.21 ἡνίκα δὲ τῇ θαλάσσῃ ἐς τὰ οἰκεῖα ἐπανιέναι ξυνέπεσεν, ἰχθύες ἐν τῇ γῇ ἀπελείποντο, ὧνπερ ἡ ὄψις ἀήθης παντάπασιν οὖσα τοῖς τῇδε ἀνθρώποις τερατώδης τις ἔδοξεν εἶναι.

§ 8.25.22 οὓς δὴ ἐδωδίμους εἶναι οἰόμενοι ἀνείλοντο μὲν ὡς ἑψήσοντες, θέρμης δὲ αὐτῶν τῆς ἐκ τοῦ πυρὸς ἁψαμένης ἐς ἰχῶράς τε καὶ σηπεδόνας οὐ φορητὰς τὸ σῶμα ὅλον ἀποκεκρίσθαι ξυνέπεσεν.

§ 8.25.23 ἀμφὶ δὲ τὰ ἐκείνῃ χωρία, οὗ δὴ τὸ Σχίσμα ὠνόμασται, καὶ σεισμὸς ὑπερμεγέθης γενόμενος πλείω φόνον ἀνθρώπων ἢ ἐν πάσῃ τῇ ἄλλῃ Ἑλλάδι εἰργάσατο, μάλιστα ἐπεί τινα ἑορτὴν πανηγυρίζοντες ἔτυχον ἐκ πάσης τε τῆς Ἑλλάδος ἐνταῦθα τότε τούτου δὴ ἕνεκα ξυνειλεγμένοι πολλοί.

§ 8.25.24 Ἐν δὲ Ἰταλίᾳ τάδε ξυνέπεσε. Κροτωνιᾶται καὶ στρατιῶται οἱ τὸ φυλακτήριον ταύτῃ ἔχοντες, ὧν Παλλάδιος ἦρχε, πικρότατα πρὸς Γότθων πολιορκούμενοι καὶ πιεζόμενοι τῶν ἀναγκαίων τῇ ἀπορίᾳ, πολλάκις μὲν λαθόντες τοὺς πολεμίους ἔπεμψαν ἐν Σικελίᾳ, μαρτυρόμενοι τοὺς ἐνταῦθα τοῦ Ῥωμαίων στρατοῦ ἄρχοντας καὶ διαφερόντως τὸν Ἀρταβάνην, ὡς εἰ μὴ βοηθοῖεν ὅτι τάχιστα σφίσιν,

§ 8.25.25 οὔτι ἐθελουσίως σφᾶς τε αὐτοὺς καὶ τὴν πόλιν οὐ πολλῷ ὕστερον τοῖς πολεμίοις ἐνδώσουσιν. οὐδεὶς δὲ ἐνθένθε αὐτοῖς ἐπικουρήσων ἦλθε. καὶ ὁ χειμὼν ἔληγε, καὶ τὸ ἑπτακαιδέκατον ἔτος ἐτελεύτα τῷ πολέμῳ τῷδε ὃν Προκόπιος ξυνέγραψε.

Wars 8.26

§ 8.26.1 Βασιλεὺς δὲ μαθὼν τὰ ἐν Κρότωνι πρασσόμενα πέμψας ἐς τὴν Ἑλλάδα ἐκέλευε τοὺς ἐν Θερμοπύλαις φρουροὺς ἔς τε τὴν Ἰταλίαν πλεῖν κατὰ τάχος καὶ τοῖς ἐν Κρότωνι πολιορκουμένοις βοηθεῖν δυνάμει τῇ πάσῃ.

§ 8.26.2 οἱ δὲ κατὰ ταῦτα ἐποίουν· ἄραντές τε σπουδῇ πολλῇ καὶ πνεύματος ἐπιφόρου ἐπιτυχόντες ἀπροσδόκητοι τῷ Κροτωνιατῶν λιμένι προσέσχον. οἵ τε βάρβαροι ἐξαπιναίως τὸν στόλον ἰδόντες αὐτίκα δὴ μάλα ἐς δέος μέγα ἐμπεπτωκότες θορύβῳ πολλῷ τὴν πολιορκίαν διέλυσαν.

§ 8.26.3 καὶ αὐτῶν οἱ μέν τινες ναυσὶν ἐς τὸν Ταραντηνῶν λιμένα διέφυγον, οἱ δὲ πεζῇ ἰόντες ἐς ὄρος τὸ Σκύλαιον ἀνεχώρησαν. ἃ δὴ ξυνενεχθέντα πολλῷ ἔτι μᾶλλον ἐδούλωσε Γότθων τὸ φρόνημα.

§ 8.26.4 καὶ ἀπ’ αὐτοῦ Ῥάγναρίς τε, Γότθος ἀνὴρ δόκιμος μάλιστα, ὃς τοῦ ἐν Ταραντηνοῖς φυλακτηρίου ἦρχε, καὶ Μόρας, ὅσπερ ἐφειστήκει τοῖς ἐν Ἀχεροντίᾳ φρουροῖς, Πακουρίῳ τῷ Περανίου τῶν ἐν Δρυοῦντι Ῥωμαίων ἄρχοντι, γνώμῃ τῶν σφίσιν ἑπομένων, ἐς λόγους ἦλθον, ἐφ’ ᾧ δὴ ἀμφὶ τῇ σωτηρίᾳ τὰ πιστὰ πρὸς Ἰουστινιανοῦ βασιλέως λαβόντες Ῥωμαίοις σφᾶς αὐτοὺς ἐγχειρίσουσι ξὺν τοῖς ἑπομένοις καὶ τὰ ὀχυρώματα ὧνπερ ἐπὶ τῇ φυλακῇ καταστάντες ἐτύγχανον. ἐπὶ ταύτῃ μὲν οὖν τῇ ὁμολογίᾳ Πακούριος ἐπὶ Βυζαντίου κομίζεται.

§ 8.26.5 Ναρσῆς δὲ ἐκ Σαλώνων ἄρας ἐπὶ Τουτίλαν τε καὶ Γότθους ᾔει παντὶ τῷ Ῥωμαίων στρατῷ, μεγάλῳ ὑπερφυῶς ὄντι· χρήματα γὰρ κεκομισμένος ἐπιεικῶς μεγάλα πρὸς βασιλέως ἐτύγχανεν.

§ 8.26.6 ἀφ’ ὧν δὴ ἔμελλε στρατιάν τε ἀξιολογωτάτην ἀγεῖραι καὶ ταῖς ἄλλαις ἐπαρκέσειν τοῦ πολέμου ἀνάγκαις, τοῖς δὲ δὴ ἐπὶ τῆς Ἰταλίας στρατιώταις ἐκλῦσαι τὰ πρόσθεν ὀφλήματα πάντα, ἐφ’ οἷσπερ αὐτοῖς ὑπερήμερος χρόνου πολλοῦ βασιλεὺς ἐγεγόνει, οὐ κομιζομένοις ἐκ τοῦ δημοσίου, ᾗπερ εἴθισται, τὰς σφίσι τεταγμένας συντάξεις· ἔτι μέντοι καὶ αὐτῶν βιάσασθαι τῶν παρὰ Τουτίλαν ἀπηυτομοληκότων τὰς γνώμας, ὥστε δὴ αὐτοὺς τοῖς χρήμασι τούτοις χειροήθεις γεγενημένους τὴν ἐπὶ τῇ πολιτείᾳ μεταγνῶναι προαίρεσιν.

§ 8.26.7 Λίαν γὰρ τὰ πρότερα πόλεμον τόνδε ἀπημελημένως διαφέρων Ἰουστινιανὸς βασιλεὺς ἀξιολογωτάτην αὐτοῦ πεποίηται τὴν παρασκευὴν ἐν ὑστάτῳ.

§ 8.26.8 ἐπειδὴ γὰρ αὐτόν οἱ ὁ Ναρσῆς ἐγκείμενον εἶδεν, ἐφ’ ᾧ ἐς Ἰταλίαν στρατεύοι, φιλοτιμίαν ἐνδέδεικται στρατηγῷ πρέπουσαν, οὐκ ἄλλως βασιλεῖ ἐπαγγέλλοντι ὑπηρετήσειν ὁμολογήσας, ἢν μὴ τὰς δυνάμεις ἀξιομάχους ἐπάγεσθαι μέλλῃ.

§ 8.26.9 χρήματά τε οὖν καὶ σώματα καὶ ὅπλα τῷ τρόπῳ τούτῳ ἐπαξίως πρὸς τοῦ βασιλέως κεκόμισται τῆς Ῥωμαίων ἀρχῆς, καὶ προθυμίαν αὐτὸς ἀοκνοτάτην ἐπιδειξάμενος ἀξιόχρεων στρατιὰν ἐξήγειρεν.

§ 8.26.10 ἔκ τε γὰρ Βυζαντίου ἐπηγάγετο Ῥωμαίων στρατιωτῶν μέγα τι χρῆμα κἀκ τῶν ἐπὶ Θρᾴκης χωρίων ἔκ τε Ἰλλυριῶν πολλοὺς ἤθροισε.

§ 8.26.11 καὶ Ἰωάννης δὲ ξύν τε τῷ οἰκείῳ στρατεύματι καὶ τῷ πρὸς Γερμανοῦ τοῦ κηδεστοῦ ἀπολελειμμένῳ ξὺν αὐτῷ ᾔει.

§ 8.26.12 καὶ Αὐδουίν, ὁ Λαγγοβαρδῶν ἡγούμενος, χρήμασι πολλοῖς ἀναπεισθεὶς Ἰουστινιανῷ βασιλεῖ καὶ τῇ τῆς ὁμαιχμίας ξυνθήκῃ, πεντακοσίους τε καὶ δισχιλίους τῶν οἱ ἑπομένων ἀπολεξάμενος ἄνδρας ἀγαθοὺς τὰ πολέμια ἐς ξυμμαχίαν αὐτῷ ἔπεμψεν, οἷς δὴ καὶ θεραπεία εἵπετο μαχίμων ἀνδρῶν πλέον ἢ τρισχιλίων.

§ 8.26.13 εἵποντο δὲ αὐτῷ καὶ τοῦ Ἐρούλων ἔθνους πλέον ἢ τρισχίλιοι, ἱππεῖς ἅπαντες, ὧν ἄλλοι τε καὶ Φιλημοὺθ ἦρχον, καὶ Οὖννοί τε παμπληθεῖς καὶ Δαγισθαῖος ξὺν τοῖς ἑπομένοις ἐκ τοῦ δεσμωτηρίου διὰ τοῦτο ἀπαλλαγείς, καὶ Καβάδης, Πέρσας ἔχων αὐτομόλους πολλούς, ὁ Ζάμου μὲν υἱός, Καβάδου δὲ τοῦ Περσῶν βασιλέως υἱωνός, οὗπερ ἐν τοῖς ἔμπροσθεν λόγοις ἐμνήσθην ἅτε τοῦ χαναράγγου σπουδῇ διαφυγόντος τε Χοσρόην τὸν θεῖον καὶ πολλῷ πρότερον ἀφικομένου ἐς τὰ Ῥωμαίων ἤθη· καὶ Ἄσβαδος, νεανίας τις, Γήπαις γένος, διαφερόντως δραστήριος, ὁμογενεῖς τετρακοσίους ξὺν αὑτῷ ἔχων, ἄνδρας ἀγαθοὺς τὰ πολέμια· καὶ Ἀρούθ, Ἔρουλος μὲν τὸ γένος, ἐκ παιδὸς δὲ Ῥωμαίων τὴν δίαιταν στέρξας καὶ τὴν Μαυρικίου τοῦ Μούνδου γυναῖκα γαμετὴν ποιησάμενος, αὐτός τε μαχιμώτατος ὢν καὶ πολλοὺς τοῦ Ἐρούλων ἔθνους ἑπομένους ἔχων ἐν πολέμου κινδύνοις ὡς μάλιστα δοκιμωτάτους· Ἰωάννης τε, ὁ Φαγᾶς τὴν ἐπίκλησιν, οὗπερ ἐν τοῖς ἔμπροσθεν λόγοις ἐμνήσθην, Ῥωμαίων ἐπαγαγόμενος ὅμιλον ἀνδρῶν μαχίμων.

§ 8.26.14 Ἦν οὖν μεγαλοδωρότατος ὁ Ναρσῆς καὶ πρὸς τὸ εὖ ποιεῖν τοὺς δεομένους ὀξὺς ἐσάγαν, δύναμίν τε πολλὴν περιβεβλημένος ἐκ βασιλέως ἀδεέστερον ἐς τὰ σπουδαζόμενα ἐχρῆτο τῇ γνώμῃ.

§ 8.26.15 καὶ ἀπ’ αὐτοῦ πολλοὶ ἐν τοῖς ἔμπροσθεν χρόνοις ἄρχοντές τε καὶ στρατιῶται εὐεργέτου αὐτοῦ ἔτυχον.

§ 8.26.16 ἐπεὶ οὖν ἀποδέδεικτο στρατηγὸς ἐπὶ Τουτίλαν τε καὶ Γότθους, ὡς ἀσμενέστατα ἕκαστοι στρατεύεσθαι ὑπ’ αὐτῷ ἤθελον, οἱ μὲν ἐκτίνειν οἱ ἐθέλοντες παλαιὰς χάριτας, οἱ δὲ καραδοκοῦντες, ὡς τὸ εἰκός, μεγάλων ἀγαθῶν παρ’ αὐτοῦ τεύξεσθαι.

§ 8.26.17 μάλιστα δὲ αὐτῷ Ἔρουλοί τε καὶ οἱ ἄλλοι βάρβαροι εὐνοϊκῶς εἶχον, διαφερόντως πρὸς τοῦ ἀνθρώπου εὖ πεπονθότες.

§ 8.26.18 Ἐπειδὴ δὲ Βενετίων ὡς ἀγχοτάτω ἐγένοντο, παρὰ τῶν Φράγγων τοὺς ἡγεμόνας, οἳ τῶν ἐκείνῃ φυλακτηρίων ἦρχον, ἄγγελον στείλας ᾐτεῖτο τὴν δίοδον σφίσιν ἅτε φίλοις οὖσι παρέχεσθαι.

§ 8.26.19 οἱ δὲ τοῦτο Ναρσῇ ἐπιτρέψειν οὐδεμιᾷ μηχανῇ ἔφασαν, ἐς μὲν τὸ ἐμφανὲς τὴν αἰτίαν οὐκ ἐξενεγκόντες, ἀλλ’ ὡς ἔνι μάλιστα κατακρυψάμενοι, τοῦ Φράγγων ἕνεκα ξυμφόρου ἢ τῆς ἐς τοὺς Γότθους εὐνοίας τὴν κωλύμην ποιεῖσθαι, σκῆψιν δέ τινα οὐ λίαν εὐπρόσωπον δόξασαν εἶναι προβεβλημένοι, ὅτι δὴ Λαγγοβάρδας τοὺς σφίσι πολεμιωτάτους οὗτος ἐπαγόμενος ᾕκει.

§ 8.26.20 ἐπὶ τούτοις διαπορουμένῳ τὴν ἀρχὴν τῷ Ναρσῇ καὶ Ἰταλῶν τῶν οἱ παρόντων ἀμφὶ τῷ πρακτέῳ πυνθανομένῳ ἐσήγγλόν τινες ὡς εἰ καὶ Φράγγοι παρήσουσι σφᾶς τήνδε τὴν δίοδον ποιεῖσθαι, ἀλλ’ ἐς Ῥάβενναν ἐνθένδε κομίζεσθαι οὐδαμῆ ἕξουσιν, οὐδὲ τὴν πορείαν ταύτην ποιεῖσθαι ὅτι μὴ ἄχρι ἐς πόλιν Βερώνην.

§ 8.26.21 Τουτίλαν γὰρ ἀπολεξάμενον εἴ τι δόκιμον ἦν ἐν τῷ Γότθων στρατῷ, στρατηγόν τε αὐτοῖς καταστησάμενον Τεΐαν τὸν Γότθον, ἄνδρα διαφερόντως ἀγαθὸν τὰ πολέμια, στεῖλαι ἐς πόλιν Βερώνην Γότθων κατήκοον οὖσαν, ἐφ’ ᾧ τῷ Ῥωμαίων στρατῷ διακωλύοι τὴν πάροδον, ὅσα γε δυνατά. καὶ ἦν δὲ οὕτως.

§ 8.26.22 Ἐπειδή τε ὁ Τεΐας ἐγένετο ἐν πόλει Βερώνῃ, τὴν ἐκείνῃ δίοδον τοῖς πολεμίοις ἀπέφραξε πᾶσαν, ἀδιέξοδά τε καὶ ὅλως ἄπορα πανταχόσε ἀμφὶ ποταμὸν Πάδον τὰ χωρία εἶναι ἀνάγκῃ χειροποιήτῳ σκευωρησάμενος, καὶ πὴ μὲν λόχμας τε καὶ τάφρους καὶ φάραγγας τεκτηνάμενος, πὴ δὲ τέλμινάς τε ὡς βαθυτάτας καὶ χώρους τεναγώδεις τινὰς αὐτὸς τῷ Γότθων στρατῷ ἐφύλασσεν ἐς τὸ ἀκριβές, ὡς ὁμόσε χωρῆσαι Ῥωμαίοις, ἤν τι ἀποπειρῶνται τῆς ἐνθένδε ὁδοῦ.

§ 8.26.23 ταῦτα δὲ Τουτίλας ἐμηχανᾶτο, οἰόμενος διὰ μὲν τῆς παραλίας κόλπου τοῦ Ἰονίου Ῥωμαίοις μήποτε δυνατὰ ἔσεσθαι τὴν πορείαν ποιεῖσθαι, ἐπεὶ ναυσίποροι ποταμοὶ παμπληθεῖς ἐνταῦθα ἐκβολὰς ἔχοντες ἀπόρευτα παντάπασι παρέχονται εἶναι τὰ ἐκείνῃ χωρία· ναῦς δὲ αὐτοὺς τοσαύτας τὸ πλῆθος ὡς ἥκιστα ἔχειν, ὥστε δὴ ἀθρόους παντὶ τῷ στρατῷ διαπορθμεύεσθαι τὸν Ἰόνιον κόλπον, ἢν δέ γε κατ’ ὀλίγους ναυτίλλωνται, αὐτὸς ἂν τῷ καταλοίπῳ στρατῷ τῶν Γότθων τοὺς ἑκάστοτε ἀποβαίνοντας πόνῳ οὐδενὶ ἀναστείλειε.

§ 8.26.24 τοιαύτῃ μὲν οὖν γνώμῃ ὅ τε Τουτίλας ἐπήγγελλε ταῦτα καὶ ὁ Τεΐας ἐποίει. Ναρσῇ δὲ λίαν ἀμηχανοῦντι Ἰωαννης ὁ Βιταλιανοῦ, τῶν τῇδε χωρίων ἐμπείρως ἔχων, παρῄνει παντὶ τῷ στρατῷ μὲν κατὰ τὴν παραλίαν ἰέναι, κατηκόων σφίσιν ὄντων, ὡς προδεδήλωται, τῶν τῇδε ἀνθρώπων, παρακολουθεῖν δὲ τῶν νηῶν τινὰς καὶ ἀκάτους πολλάς.

§ 8.26.25 ἐπειδὰν γὰρ ὁ στρατὸς ἐπὶ ταῖς τῶν ποταμῶν ἐκβολαῖς γένωνται, γέφυραν ἐκ τῶν ἀκάτων τούτων τῷ τοῦ ποταμοῦ ῥοθίῳ ἐναρμοσάμενοι, ῥᾷον ἂν καὶ ἀπονώτερον ποιήσαιντο τὴν διάβασιν. ὁ μὲν Ἰωάννης ταῦτα παρῄνει, πείθεται δὲ Ναρσῆς, καὶ τῷ τρόπῳ τούτω παντὶ τῷ στρατῷ ἐπὶ Ῥαβέννης κομίζεται.

Wars 8.27

§ 8.27.1 Ἐν ᾧ δὲ ταῦτα ἐπράσσετο τῇδε, ἐν τούτῳ τάδε ξυνηνέχθη γενέσθαι. Ἰλδιγισὰλ Λαγγοβάρδας ἀνήρ, οὗπερ ἐν τοῖς ἔμπροσθεν λόγοις ἐμνήσθην ἅτε τοῦ Αὐδουὶν ὄντος ἐχθροῦ, ὃς τούτων δὴ τῶν βαρβάρων ἡγεῖτο ʽαὐτῷ γὰρ τὴν ἀρχὴν κατὰ γένος προσήκουσαν Αὐδουὶν βιασάμενος ἔσχεν’ ἐξ ἠθῶν ἀποδρὰς τῶν πατρίων ἐπὶ Βυζαντίου κομίζεται.

§ 8.27.2 οὗ δὴ αὐτὸν ἀφικόμενον Ἰουστινιανὸς βασιλεὺς ἐν τοῖς μάλιστα φιλοφροσύνης ἠξίωσεν, ἄρχοντά τε κατεστήσατο ἑνὸς τῶν ἐπὶ τοῦ Παλατίου φυλακῆς τεταγμένων λόχων, οὕσπερ σχολὰς ὀνομάζουσιν.

§ 8.27.3 εἵποντο δὲ αὐτῷ τοῦ Λαγγοβαρδῶν ἔθνους ἄνδρες ἀγαθοὶ τὰ πολέμια οὐχ ἥσσους ἢ τριακόσιοι, οἳ δὴ μίαν πρῶτον ἐπὶ Θρᾴκης δίαιταν εἶχον.

§ 8.27.4 τὸν Ἰλδιγισὰλ οὖν Αὐδουὶν μὲν πρὸς βασιλέως Ἰουστινιανοῦ ἐξῃτεῖτο ἅτε φίλος τε Ῥωμαίοις καὶ ξύμμαχος ὤν, μισθὸν τῆς φιλίας τὴν προδοσίαν αὐτῷ τοῦ ἱκέτου εἰσπραττόμενος, ὁ δὲ τρόπῳ οὐδενὶ ἐδίδου.

§ 8.27.5 Χρόνῳ δὲ ὕστερον Ἰλδιγισάλ, ἐνδεέστερον ἢ κατὰ τὴν ἀξίαν αὐτοῦ καὶ τὴν Ῥωμαίων δόξαν ἐπικαλῶν οἱ αὐτῷ τήν τε τιμὴν καὶ τὰ ἐπιτήδεια εἶναι, δυσφορουμένῳ ἐπὶ πλεῖστον ἐῴκει. ὃ δὴ Γόαρ κατενόησε, Γότθος ἀνήρ, πάλαι τε δορυάλωτος ἐν τῷδε τῷ πολέμῳ ἐκ Δαλματίας ἐνταῦθα ἥκων, ἡνίκα τὸν πόλεμον Οὐίττιγις ὁ Γότθων βασιλεὺς πρὸς Ῥωμαίους διέφερε·

§ 8.27.6 θυμοειδὴς δὲ ὢν καὶ δραστήριος ἄγαν πρὸς τύχην τὴν παροῦσαν ζυγομαχῶν διαγέγονεν. ἐπειδὴ δὲ Γότθοι μετὰ τὴν Οὐιττίγιδος ἐπικράτησιν ἐς ἀπόστασιν εἶδον, βασιλεῖ ὅπλα ἀντάραντες, κακουργῶν ἐπὶ τῇ πολιτείᾳ διαφανῶς ἥλω. φυγῇ δὲ ζημιωθεὶς τῆς Αἰγύπτου ἐς τὴν Ἀντινόου κομίζεται, καὶ χρόνος αὐτῷ πολὺς ἐν τῇ ποινῇ ταύτῃ ἐτρίβη.

§ 8.27.7 ἀλλ’ ὕστερον οἰκτισάμενος βασιλεὺς κατήγαγεν ἐς Βυζάντιον. οὗτος ὁ Γόαρ τὸν Ἰλδιγισὰλ ἰδὼν ἀσχάλλοντα, ᾗπέρ μοι εἴρηται, ἐνδελεχέστατα νουθετῶν ἀναπείθει δρασμῷ χρήσασθαι, ξὺν αὐτῷ ὁμολογήσας ἐκ Βυζαντίου ἀπαλλαγήσεσθαι.

§ 8.27.8 ἐπειδὴ δὲ αὐτοῖς ἡ βουλὴ ἤρεσκε, φεύγουσι μὲν ἐξαπιναίως ξὺν ὀλίγοις τισίν, ἐς δὲ Ἄπρων ἀφικόμενοι τὴν Θρᾳκῶν πόλιν ἀναμίγνυνται Λαγγοβάρδαις τοῖς τῇδε οὖσι. τοῖς τε βασιλικοῖς ἱπποφορβίοις κατατυχόντες μέγα τι χρῆμα ἵππων ἐνθένδε ἐπαγόμενοι πρόσω ἐχώρουν.

§ 8.27.9 Ὧνπερ ἐπειδὴ βασιλεὺς ᾔσθετο, ἔς τε Θρᾴκην ὅλην καὶ Ἰλλυριοὺς στείλας ἄρχουσί τε πᾶσι καὶ στρατιώταις ἐπέστελλε τοῖς δραπέταις τούτοις σθένει παντὶ ὑπαντιάσαι.

§ 8.27.10 καὶ πρῶτα μὲν Οὔννων τῶν Κουτριγούρων καλουμένων ὀλίγοι τινὲς ʽοἳ δὴ ἐξ ἠθῶν τῶν πατρίων ἐξαναστάντες, ᾗπέρ μοι οὐ πολλῷ ἔμπροσθεν δεδιήγηται, δόντος βασιλέως ἐπὶ τῆς Θρᾴκης ἱδρύσαντὀ τοῖς φεύγουσι τούτοις ἐς χεῖρας ἦλθον.

§ 8.27.11 ἡσσηθέντες δὲ μάχῃ τινὲς μὲν πίπτουσιν, οἱ δὲ λοιποὶ τραπόμενοι οὐκέτι ἐδίωκον, ἀλλ’ αὐτοῦ ἔμενον. οὕτω τε Θρᾴκην ὅλην διεληλύθασιν Ἰλδιγισάλ τε καὶ Γόαρ ξὺν τοῖς ἑπομένοις, οὐδενὸς ἐνοχλοῦντος.

§ 8.27.12 ἐν Ἰλλυριοῖς δὲ γενόμενοι Ῥωμαίων στρατὸν εὗρον ἐπὶ τῷ σφῶν πονηρῷ ξὺν ἐπιμελείᾳ ξυνειλεγμένον.

§ 8.27.13 τοῦ δὲ στρατοῦ τούτου ἄλλοι τέ τινες καὶ Ἀράτιός τε καὶ Ῥεκίθαγγος καὶ Λεωνιανὸς καὶ Ἀριμοὺθ ἦρχον, οἳ δὴ ἐτύγχανον τὴν ἡμέραν ἱππεύσαντες ὅλην.

§ 8.27.14 ἔς τε χῶρον ὑλώδη ἀφικόμενοι περὶ λύχνων ἁφὰς ἔστησαν, ὡς αὐλισόμενοί τε καὶ διανυκτερεύσοντες ἐνταῦθα τὴν νύκτα ἐκείνην.

§ 8.27.15 τοῖς μὲν οὖν στρατιώταις ἐπέστελλον οἱ ἄρχοντες οὗτοι τά τε ἄλλα καὶ ἵππων τῶν σφετέρων ἐπιμελεῖσθαι καὶ παρὰ τὸν ταύτῃ ῥέοντα ποταμὸν αὑτοὺς ἀναψύχειν, παρηγοροῦντας τὸν τῆς ὁδοῦ κόπον.

§ 8.27.16 αὐτοί τε κατὰ τρεῖς ἢ τέτταρας ἕκαστος δορυφόρους ἐπαγόμενοι ἀποκεκρυμμένως τοῦ ποταμοῦ ἔπινον· δίψει γάρ, ὡς τὸ εἰκός, χαλεπῇ εἴχοντο.

§ 8.27.17 οἱ δὲ ἀμφὶ Γόαρ καὶ Ἰλδιγισὰλ ἀγχοῦ που ὄντες καὶ σκοποὺς πέμψαντες ταῦτα ἔγνωσαν. ἀπροσδόκητοί τε πίνουσιν αὐτοῖς ἐπιστάντες ἅπαντας ἔκτειναν, καὶ τὸ λοιπὸν ἀδεέστερον σφίσιν αὐτοῖς τὰ ἐς τὴν πορείαν ᾗπερ ἐβούλοντο διῳκήσαντο.

§ 8.27.18 ἄναρχοι γὰρ οἱ στρατιῶται γενόμενοι διηποροῦντό τε καὶ παντάπασιν ἀμηχανοῦντες ὀπίσω ἀπήλαυνον. Γόαρ μὲν οὖν καὶ Ἰλδιγισὰλ οὕτω διαφυγόντες ἐς Γήπαιδας ἦλθον.

§ 8.27.19 Ἐτύγχανε δὲ καί τις ἐκ Γηπαίδων, Οὐστρίγοτθος ὄνομα, ἐς Λαγγοβάρδας φυγὼν τρόπῳ τοιῷδε. Ἐλεμοῦνδος μὲν ὁ Γηπαίδων γεγονὼς βασιλεὺς οὐ πολλῷ ἔμπροσθεν ἐξ ἀνθρώπων ἠφάνιστο νόσῳ, τούτου δή οἱ μόνου τοῦ Οὐστριγότθου ἀπολελειμμένου παιδός, ὅνπερ ὁ Θορισὶν βιασάμενος ʽμειράκιον γὰρ ἦν ἔτἰ τὴν ἀρχὴν ἔσχε.

§ 8.27.20 διὸ δὴ ὁ παῖς οὐκ ἔχων τὸν ἠδικηκότα καθ’ ὅ τι ἀμύνηται, ἐξ ἠθῶν ἀναστὰς τῶν πατρίων ἐς Λαγγοβάρδας Γήπαισι πολεμίους ὄντας ἀπιὼν ᾤχετο.

§ 8.27.21 ἐγένοντο δὲ Γήπαισιν ὀλίγῳ ὕστερον πρός τε βασιλέα Ἰουστινιανὸν καὶ τὸ Λαγγοβαρδῶν ἔθνος διαλλαγαί, ὁρκίοις τε ἀλλήλους δεινοτάτοις κατέλαβον ἦ μὴν τὸ λοιπὸν φιλίαν τὴν ἐς ἀλλήλους ἀπέραντον διασώσασθαι.

§ 8.27.22 ἐπειδή τε αὐτοῖς τὰ ἐς τὰς διαλλαγὰς βεβαιότατα ξυνετελέσθη, βασιλεύς τε Ἰουστινιανὸς καὶ Αὐδουὶν ὁ τῶν Λαγγοβαρδῶν ἡγούμενος παρὰ Θορισὶν τὸν Γηπαίδων ἄρχοντα πέμψαντες τὸν Ἰλδιγισὰλ ἅτε κοινὸν ἐχθρὸν ἐξῃτοῦντο, τὴν ἐς τὸν ἱκέτην τὸν αὐτοῦ προδοσίαν δεόμενοι δήλωσιν τῆς ἐς αὐτοὺς φιλίας ποιήσασθαι πρώτην.

§ 8.27.23 Καὶ ὃς τοῖς Γηπαίδων λογίοις κοινολογησάμενος τὰ παρόντα σπουδῇ ἀνεπυνθάνετο εἰ ποιητέα οἱ τὰ πρὸς τοῖν βασιλέοιν αἰτούμενα εἴη.

§ 8.27.24 οἱ δὲ ἄντικρυς μὴ ποιήσειν ἀπεῖπον, κρεῖσσον ἀπισχυρισάμενοι εἶναι Γηπαίδων τῷ ἔθνει αὐταῖς τε γυναιξὶ καὶ γόνῳ παντὶ διολωλέναι αὐτίκα δὴ μάλα ἢ ἀνοσίοις ἐπ’ ἀσεβήματι γενέσθαι τοιούτῳ.

§ 8.27.25 ταῦτα ἀκούσας ὁ Θορισὶν ἐς ἀμηχανίαν ἐξέπιπτεν. οὔτε γὰρ ἀκουσίων τῶν ἀρχομένων ἐπιτελέσαι τὸ ἔργον εἶχεν οὔτε ἀνακυκλεῖν πόλεμον, πόνῳ τε καὶ χρόνῳ πεπαυμένον πολλῷ, πρός τε Ῥωμαίους καὶ Λαγγοβάρδας ἔτι ἤθελεν. ὕστερον μέντοι ἐπενόει τάδε.

§ 8.27.26 πέμψας παρὰ τὸν Αὐδουὶν ἐξῃτεῖτο τὸν Ἐλεμούνδου υἱὸν Οὐστρίγοτθον, ἐπὶ τὴν ὁμοίαν αὐτῷ ἁμαρτάδα ὁρμῶν, τῶν τε ἱκετῶν ἀνταλλάσσεσθαι τὴν προδοσίαν παρακαλῶν.

§ 8.27.27 τῇ γὰρ τῆς ἐμφεροῦς ἀτοπίας ὀκνήσει τὴν ἐπίταξιν αὐτῶν ἀναχαιτίσειν ἐλπίδα εἶχεν, ἀλλ Ἄὐδουὶν αὐτὸν μηδεμιᾷ μελλήσει τῇ παρανομίᾳ καὶ ὁμολογίᾳ λήψεσθαι.

§ 8.27.28 τούτων τε αὐτοῖς δεδογμένων ἐξεπιστάμενοι ὡς οὔτε Λαγγοβάρδαι οὔτε Γήπαιδες ἐθέλουσι τοῦ μιάσματος μεταλαχεῖν σφίσιν, ἐς μὲν τὸ ἐμφανὲς οὐδὲν ἔδρασαν, ἑκάτερος δὲ δόλῳ τὸν θατέρου ἐχθρὸν ἔκτεινεν.

§ 8.27.29 ὅντινα μέντοι τρόπον, ἀφίημι λέγειν· οὐ γὰρ ὁμολογοῦσιν ἀλλήλοις οἱ ἀμφ’ αὐτοῖν λόγοι, ἀλλὰ κατὰ πολὺ διαλλάσσουσιν οἷά γε τῶν πραγμάτων τὰ λαθραιότατα. τὰ μὲν οὖν κατὰ Ἰλδιγισὰλ καὶ Οὐστρίγοτθον ἐς τοῦτο ἐτελεύτα.

Wars 8.30

§ 8.30.1 Ταῦτα μὲν οὖν τῇδε κεχώρηκεν. ἑκάτεροι δὲ παρεσκευάζοντο εἰς παράταξιν. καὶ Ναρσῆς τὸ στράτευμα ἐν χώρῳ ὀλίγῳ ξυναγαγὼν τοιάδε παρεκελεύσατο· “Τοῖς μὲν ἐξ ἀντιπάλου τῆς δυνάμεως ἐς ἀγωνίαν τοῖς πολεμίοις καθισταμένοις παρακελεύσεώς τε ἂν ἴσως δεήσειε πολλῆς καὶ παραινέσεως ἐς τὴν προθυμίαν ὁρμώσης, ὅπως δὴ ταύτῃ τῶν ἐναντίων πλεονεκτοῦντες κατὰ νοῦν μάλιστα τῆς παρατάξεως ἀπαλλάξωσιν· ὑμῖν δέ, ὦ ἄνδρες, οἷς καὶ τῇ ἀρετῇ καὶ τῷ πλήθει καὶ τῇ ἄλλῃ παρασκευῇ πάσῃ πολλῷ τῷ διαλλάσσοντι πρὸς καταδεεστέρους ἡ μάχη ἐστίν, οὐδὲν ἄλλο προσδεῖν οἴομαι ἢ τῷ θεῷ ἵλεῳ ἐς ξυμβολὴν τήνδε καθίστασθαι.

§ 8.30.2 εὐχῇ τοίνυν αὐτὸν ἐνδελεχέστατα ἐς ξυμμαχίαν ἐπαγόμενοι πολλῷ τῷ καταφρονήματι ἐπὶ τούτων δὴ τῶν λῃστῶν τὴν ἐπικράτησιν ἵεσθε, οἵ γε δοῦλοι βασιλέως τοῦ μεγάλου τὸ ἐξ ἀρχῆς ὄντες καὶ δραπέται γεγενημένοι τύραννόν τε αὑτοῖς ἀγελαῖόν τινα ἐκ τοῦ συρφετοῦ προστησάμενοι ἐπικλοπώτερον συνταράξαι τὴν Ῥωμαίων ἀρχὴν ἐπὶ καιροῦ τινὸς ἴσχυσαν.

§ 8.30.3 καίτοι τούτους γε ἡμῖν οὐδὲ ἀντιπαρατάσσεσθαι νῦν τὰ εἰκότα λογιζομένους ὑπώπτευσεν ἄν τις.

§ 8.30.4 οἱ δὲ θράσει θανατῶντες ἀλογίστῳ τινὶ καὶ μανιώδη προπέτειαν ἐνδεικνύμενοι προὖπτον αὐτοῖς θάνατον ἀναιρεῖσθαι τολμῶσιν, οὐ προβεβλημένοι τὴν ἀγαθὴν ἐλπίδα, οὐδὲ τί ἐπιγενήσεται σφίσιν αὐτοῖς ἐκ τοῦ παραλόγου καὶ τοῦ παραδόξου καραδοκοῦντες, ἀλλὰ πρὸς τοῦ θεοῦ διαρρήδην ἐπὶ τὰς ποινὰς τῶν πεπολιτευμένων ἀγόμενοι. ὧν γὰρ ἄνωθέν τι κατεγνώσθη παθεῖν, χωροῦσιν ἐπὶ τὰς τιμωρίας αὐτόματοι.

§ 8.30.5 χωρὶς δὲ τούτων ὑμεῖς μὲν πολιτείας εὐνόμου προκινδυνεύοντες καθίστασθε εἰς ξυμβολὴν τήνδε, οἱ δὲ νεωτερίζουσιν ἐπὶ τοῖς νόμοις ζυγομαχοῦντες, οὐ παραπέμψειν τι τῶν ὑπαρχόντων ἐς διαδόχους προσδοκῶντές τινας, ἀλλ’ εὖ εἰδότες ὡς συναπολεῖται αὐτοῖς ἅπαντα καὶ μετ’ ἐφημέρου βιοτεύουσι τῆς ἐλπίδος.

§ 8.30.6 ὥστε καταφρονεῖσθαι τὰ μάλιστά εἰσιν ἄξιοι. τῶν γὰρ οὐ νόμῳ καὶ ἀγαθῇ πολιτείᾳ ξυνισταμένων ἀπολέλειπται μὲν ἀρετὴ πᾶσα, διακέκριται δέ, ὡς τὸ εἰκός, ἡ νίκη, οὐκ εἰωθυῖα

§ 8.30.7 ταῖς ἀρεταῖς ἀντιτάσσεσθαι.” τοιαύτην μὲν ὁ Ναρσῆς τὴν παρακέλευσιν ἐποιήσατο. Καὶ Τουτίλας δὲ τεθηπότας. τὴν Ῥωμαίων στρατιὰν τούς οἱ ἑπομένους ὁρῶν ξυγκαλέσας καὶ αὐτὸς ἅπαντας ἔλεξε τάδε. “Ὑστάτην ὑμῖν παραίνεσιν ποιησόμενος ἐνταῦθα ὑμᾶς, ἄνδρες ξυστρατιῶται, ξυνήγαγον.

§ 8.30.8 ἄλλης γάρ, οἶμαι, παρακελεύσεως μετὰ τήνδε τὴν ξυμβολὴν οὐκέτι δεήσει, ἀλλὰ τὸν πόλεμον ἐς ἡμέραν μίαν ἀποκεκρίσθαι ξυμβήσεται πάντως.

§ 8.30.9 οὕτω γὰρ ἡμᾶς τε καὶ βασιλέα Ἰουστινιανὸν ἐκνενευρίσθαι τετύχηκε καὶ περιῃρῆσθαι δυνάμεις ἁπάσας, πόνοις τε καὶ μάχαις καὶ ταλαιπωρίαις ὡμιληκότας ἐπὶ χρόνου παμμέγεθες μῆκος, ἀπειρηκέναι τε πρὸς τὰς τοῦ πολέμου ἀνάγκας, ὥστε, ἢν τῇ ξυμβολῇ τῇ νῦν τῶν ἐναντίων περιεσόμεθα, οὐδαμῶς ἀναποδιεῖν τὸ λοιπὸν ἕξουσιν, ἢν δὲ ἡμεῖς τι προσπταίσωμεν ἐν ταύτῃ τῇ μάχῃ, ἐλπὶς οὐδεμία εἰς τὸ ἀναμαχήσεσθαι λελείψεται Γότθοις, ἀλλὰ τὴν ἧσσαν ἑκατέροις σκῆψιν ἐς τὴν ἡσυχίαν εὐπρόσωπον διαρκῶς ἕξομεν.

§ 8.30.10 ἀπολέγοντες γὰρ ἄνθρωποι πρὸς τῶν πραγμάτων τὰ πονηρότατα ἐς αὐτὰ ἐπανιέναι οὐκέτι τολμῶσιν, ἀλλὰ καὶ σφόδρα ἴσως διωθουμένης αὐτοὺς ἐπὶ ταῦτα τῆς χρείας ταῖς γνώμαις ἀναχαιτίζονται, δεδισσομένης αὐτοῖς τὰς ψυχὰς τῆς τῶν κακῶν μνήμης.

§ 8.30.11 τοσαῦτα, ὦ ἄνδρες, ἀκηκοότες ἀνδραγαθίζεσθε μὲν τῷ παντὶ σθένει, μηδεμίαν ἐς ἄλλον τινὰ χρόνον ἀποτιθέμενοι τῆς ψυχῆς ἀρετήν, ταλαιπωρεῖσθε δὲ ἀλκῇ τῇ πάσῃ, μηδὲ τὸ σῶμα ταμιευόμενοι ἐς κίνδυνον ἄλλον.

§ 8.30.12 ὅπλων δὲ ὑμῖν γινέσθω καὶ ἵππων μηδεμία φειδώ, ὡς οὐκέτι χρησίμων ἐσομένων ὑμῖν. ἅπαντα γὰρ προκατατρίψασα τὰ ἄλλα ἡ τύχη, μόνην τῆς ἐλπίδος τὴν κεφαλὴν εἰς τὴν ἡμέραν ἐφύλαξε ταύτην.

§ 8.30.13 τὴν εὐψυχίαν τοίνυν ἀσκεῖτε καὶ πρὸς εὐτολμίαν παρασκευάζεσθε. οἷς γὰρ ἐπὶ τριχὸς ἡ ἐλπίς, ὥσπερ τανῦν ὑμῖν, ἕστηκεν, οὐδὲ χρόνου τινὰ βραχυτάτην ῥοπὴν ἀναπεπτωκέναι ξυνοίσει.

§ 8.30.14 παρεληλυθυίας γὰρ τῆς ἀκμῆς τοῦ καιροῦ ἀνόνητος ἡ σπουδὴ τὸ λοιπὸν γίνεται, κἂν διαφερόντως ὑπέρογκος ᾖ, οὐκ ἐνδεχομένης τῶν πραγμάτων τῆς φύσεως ἀρετὴν ἕωλον, ἐπεὶ παρελθούσης τῆς χρείας ἔξωρα καὶ τὰ ἐπιγινόμενα ἐπάναγκες εἶναι.

§ 8.30.15 οἶμαι τοίνυν προσήκειν ὑμᾶς ἐπικαιριώτατα ἐν ἔργῳ λαβεῖν τὴν ἀγώνισιν, ὡς ἂν δυνήσεσθε καὶ τοῖς αὐτῆς ἀγαθοῖς χρῆσθαι. ἐξεπίστασθέ τε ὡς ἐν τῷ παρόντι ἀξιώλεθρος μάλιστα ἡ φυγὴ γίνεται.

§ 8.30.16 φεύγουσι γὰρ ἄνθρωποι λιπόντες τὴν τάξιν οὐκ ἄλλου του ἕνεκα ἢ ὅπως βιώσονται· ἢν δὲ θάνατον ἡ φυγὴ προὖπτον ἐπάγεσθαι μέλλῃ, ὁ τὸν κίνδυνον ὑποστὰς τοῦ φυγόντος πολλῷ ἔτι μᾶλλον ἐν ἀσφαλεῖ ἔσται.

§ 8.30.17 τοῦ δὲ τῶν πολεμίων ὁμίλου ὑπερφρονεῖν ἄξιον, ἐξ ἐθνῶν ξυνειλεγμένων ὅτι μάλιστα πλείστων. ξυμμαχία γὰρ πολλαχόθεν ἐρανισθεῖσα οὔτε τὴν πίστιν οὔτε τὴν δύναμιν ἀσφαλῆ φέρεται, ἀλλὰ σχοζομένη τοῖς γένεσι μερίζεται καὶ ταῖς γνώμαις εἰκότως.

§ 8.30.18 μηδὲ γὰρ οἴεσθε Οὔννους τε καὶ Λαγγοβάρδας καὶ Ἐρούλους ποτέ, χρημάτων αὐτοῖς μεμισθωμένους οὐκ οἶδα ὁπόσων, προκινδυνεύσειν αὐτῶν ἄχρι ἐς θάνατον.

§ 8.30.19 οὐ γὰρ οὕτως αὐτοῖς ἡ ψυχὴ ἄτιμος ὥστε καὶ ἀργυρίου τὰ δευτερεῖα παρ’ αὐτοῖς φέρεσθαι, ἀλλ’ εὖ οἶδα ὡς μάχεσθαι τὰ ἐς τὴν ὄψιν ποιούμενοι ἐθελοκακήσουσιν αὐτίκα δὴ μάλα, ἢ κεκομισμένοι τὴν μίσθωσιν, ἢ τὴν ἐπίταξιν ὑποτετελεκότες τῶν ἐν σφίσιν ἀρχόντων.

§ 8.30.20 τοῖς γὰρ ἀνθρώποις καὶ τὰ τῶν πραγμάτων τερπνότατα δοκοῦντα εἶναι μὴ ὅτι πολέμια, ἢν μὴ κατὰ γνώμην αὐτοῖς πράσσηται, ἀλλὰ βιασθεῖσιν ἢ μισθαρνήσασιν ἢ ἄλλῳ τῳ ἀναγκασθεῖσιν, οὐκέτι αὐτοῖς ἐπὶ τὸ καταθύμιον ἀποκεκρίσθαι ξυμβήσεται, ἀλλὰ τῷ ἀναγκαίῳ μοχθηρὰ φαίνεται. ὧν ἐνθυμηθέντες προθυμίᾳ τῇ πάσῃ ὁμόσε τοῖς πολεμίοις χωρήσωμεν.”

Wars 8.31

§ 8.31.1 Τοσαῦτα μὲν οὖν καὶ ὁ Τουτίλας εἶπε. τὰ δὲ στρατεύματα ἐς μάχην ξυνῄει καὶ ἐτάξαντο ὧδε. μετωπηδὸν μὲν ἀμφοτέρωθεν ἅπαντες ἔστησαν, ὡς βαθύτατόν τε καὶ περίμηκες τῆς φάλαγγος τὸ μέτωπον ποιησόμενοι.

§ 8.31.2 τῶν δὲ Ῥωμαίων κέρας μὲν τὸ ἀριστερὸν Ναρσῆς τε καὶ Ἰωάννης ἀμφὶ τὸ γεώλοφον εἶχον καὶ ξὺν αὐτοῖς εἴ τι ἄριστον ἐν τῷ Ῥωμαίων στρατῷ ἐτύγχανεν ὄν·

§ 8.31.3 ἑκατέρῳ γὰρ τῶν ἄλλων χωρὶς στρατιωτῶν, δορυφόρων τε καὶ ὑπασπιστῶν καὶ βαρβάρων Οὔννων εἵπετο πλῆθος ἀριστίνδην συνειλεγμένων·

§ 8.31.4 κατὰ δὲ δεξιὸν Βαλεριανός τε καὶ Ἰωάννης ὁ Φαγᾶς σὺν τῷ Δαγισθαίῳ καὶ οἱ κατάλοιποι Ῥωμαῖοι ἐτάξαντο πάντες.

§ 8.31.5 πεζοὺς μέντοι τοξότας ἐκ τῶν καταλόγου στρατιωτῶν ὀκτακισχιλίους μάλιστα ἔστησαν ἐς ἄμφω τὰ κέρα. κατὰ δὲ τὰ μέσα τῆς φάλαγγος τούς τε Λαγγοβάρδας καὶ τὸ Ἐρούλων ἔθνος καὶ πάντας τοὺς ἄλλους βαρβάρους ὁ Ναρσῆς ἔταξεν, ἔκ τε τῶν ἵππων ἀποβιβάσας καὶ πεζοὺς εἶναι καταστησάμενος, ὅπως ἂν μὴ κακοὶ ἐν τῷ ἔργῳ γενόμενοι ἢ ἐθελοκακοῦντες, ἂν οὕτω τύχῃ, ἐς ὑπαγωγὴν ὀξύτεροι εἶεν.

§ 8.31.6 τὸ μέντοι πέρας κέρως τοῦ εὐωνύμου τῶν Ῥωμαίων μετώπου Ναρσῆς ἐγγώνιον κατεστήσατο, πεντακοσίους τε καὶ χιλίους ἱππεῖς ἐνταῦθα στήσας.

§ 8.31.7 προείρητο δὲ τοῖς μὲν πεντακοσίοις, ἐπειδὰν τάχιστα τῶν Ῥωμαίων τισὶ τραπῆναι ξυμβαίη, ἐπιβοηθεῖν αὐτοῖς ἐν σπουδῇ, τοῖς δὲ χιλίοις, ὁπηνίκα οἱ τῶν πολεμίων πεζοὶ ἔργου ἄρχωνται, κατόπισθέν τε αὐτῶν αὐτίκα γενέσθαι καὶ ἀμφιβόλους ποιήσασθαι.

§ 8.31.8 καὶ ὁ Τουτίλας δὲ τρόπῳ τῷ αὐτῷ τοῖς πολεμίοις ἀντίαν τὴν στρατιὰν ξύμπασαν ἔστησε. καὶ περιιὼν τὴν οἰκείαν παράταξιν τοὺς στρατιώτας παρεθράσυνέ τε καὶ παρεκάλει ἐς εὐτολμίαν προσώπῳ καὶ λόγῳ.

§ 8.31.9 καὶ ὁ Ναρσῆς δὲ ταὐτὸ τοῦτο ἐποίει, ψέλλιά τε καὶ στρεπτοὺς καὶ χαλινοὺς χρυσοῦς ἐπὶ κοντῶν μετεωρίσας καὶ ἄλλα ἄττα τῆς ἐς τὸν κίνδυνον προθυμίας ὑπεκκαύματα ἐνδεικνύμενος.

§ 8.31.10 χρόνον δέ τινα μάχης οὐδέτεροι ἦρχον, ἀλλ’ ἡσυχῆ ἀμφότεροι ἔμενον, προσδεχόμενοι τὴν τῶν ἐναντίων ἐπίθεσιν.

§ 8.31.11 Μετὰ δὲ εἷς ἐκ τοῦ Γότθων στρατοῦ, Κόκκας ὄνομα, δόξαν ἐπὶ τῷ δραστηρίῳ διαρκῶς ἔχων, τὸν ἵππον ἐξελάσας, ἄγχιστα ἦλθε τοῦ Ῥωμαίων στρατοῦ, προὐκαλεῖτό τε, εἴ τίς οἱ βούλοιτο πρὸς μονομαχίαν ἐπεξιέναι.

§ 8.31.12 ὁ δὲ Κόκκας οὗτος εἷς τῶν Ῥωμαίων στρατιωτῶν ἐτύγχανεν ὢν τῶν παρὰ Τουτίλαν ἀπηυτομοληκότων τὰ πρότερα.

§ 8.31.13 καί οἱ αὐτίκα τῶν τις Ναρσοῦ δορυφόρων ἀντίος ἔστη, Ἀρμένιος γένος, Ἀνζαλᾶς ὄνομα, καὶ αὐτὸς ἵππῳ ὀχούμενος.

§ 8.31.14 ὁ μὲν οὖν Κόκκας ὁρμήσας πρῶτος ὡς τῷ δόρατι παίσων ἐπὶ τὸν πολέμιον ἵετο, καταστοχαζόμενος τῆς ἐκείνου γαστρός.

§ 8.31.15 ὁ δ’ Ἀνζαλᾶς ἐξαπιναίως τὸν ἵππον ἐκκλίνας ἀνόνητον αὐτὸν κατεστήσατο γενέσθαι τῆς οἰκείας ὁρμῆς. ταύτῃ τε αὐτὸς ἐκ πλαγίου τοῦ πολεμίου γενόμενος ἐς πλευρὰν αὐτοῦ τὴν ἀριστερὰν τὸ δόρυ ὦσε.

§ 8.31.16 καὶ ὁ μὲν ἐκ τοῦ ἵππου πεσὼν ἐς τὸ ἔδαφος νεκρὸς ἔκειτο· κραυγὴ δὲ ἀπὸ τοῦ Ῥωμαίων στρατοῦ ὑπερφυὴς ἤρθη, οὐδ’ ὣς μέντοι μάχης τινὸς οὐδέτεροι ἦρξαν.

§ 8.31.17 Τουτίλας δὲ μόνος ἐν μεταιχμίῳ ἐγένετο, οὐ μονομαχήσων, ἀλλὰ τὸν καιρὸν τοῖς ἐναντίοις τοῦτον ἐκκρούσων. Γότθων γὰρ τοὺς ἀπολειπομένους δισχιλίους ἄγχιστά πη προσιέναι μαθὼν ἀπετίθετο ἐς τὴν αὐτῶν παρουσίαν τὴν ξυμβολήν, ἐποίει δὲ τάδε.

§ 8.31.18 πρῶτα μὲν οὐκ ἀπηξίου τοῖς πολεμίοις ἐνδείκνυσθαι ὅστις ποτὲ εἴη. τήν τε γὰρ τῶν ὅπλων σκευὴν κατακόρως τῷ χρυσῷ κατειλημμένην ἠμπίσχετο καὶ τῶν οἱ φαλάρων ὁ κόσμος ἔκ τε τοῦ πίλου καὶ τοῦ δόρατος ἁλουργός τε καὶ ἄλλως βασιλικὸς ἀπεκρέματο θαυμαστος ὅσος.

§ 8.31.19 καὶ αὐτὸς ὑπερφυεῖ ὀχούμενος ἵππῳ παιδιὰν ἐν μεταιχμίῳ ἔπαιζε τὴν ἐνόπλιον ἐπισταμένως. τόν τε γὰρ ἵππον ἐν κύκλῳ περιελίσσων, ἐπὶ θάτερά τε ἀναστρέφων αὖθις κυκλοτερεῖς πεποίητο δρόμους.

§ 8.31.20 καὶ ἱππευόμενος μεθίει ταῖς αὔραις τὸ δόρυ, ἀπ’ αὐτῶν τε κραδαινόμενον ἁρπασάμενος εἶτα ἐκ χειρὸς ἐς χεῖρα παραπέμπων συχνὰ ἐφ’ ἑκάτερα, καὶ μεταβιβάζων ἐμπείρως, ἐφιλοτιμεῖτο τῇ ἐς τὰ τοιαῦτα μελέτῃ, ὑπτιάζων καὶ ἰσχιάζων καὶ πρὸς ἑκάτερα ἐγκλινόμενος, ὥσπερ ἐκ παιδὸς ἀκριβῶς τὰ ἐς τὴν ὀρχήστραν δεδιδαγμένος.

§ 8.31.21 ταῦτά τε ποιῶν πᾶσαν κατέτριψε τὴν δείλην πρωΐαν. ἐπὶ πλεῖστον δὲ τὴν τῆς μάχης ἀναβολὴν μηκύνειν ἐθέλων ἔπεμψεν ἐς τὸ Ῥωμαίων στρατόπεδον, φάσκων ἐθέλειν αὐτοῖς ἐς λόγους ξυμμῖξαι. Ναρσῆς δὲ φενακίζειν αὐτὸν ἰσχυρίζετο, εἴ γε πολεμησείων τὰ πρότερα, ἡνίκα τοῦ προτείνεσθαι λόγους ἐξουσία εἴη, νῦν ἐν μεταιχμίῳ γενόμενος ἐς τοὺς διαλόγους χωροίη.

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