A Good Works Translation from the Latin

Book VII is one of the great Roman narrative witnesses for Alexander's northeastern frontier: Bactria, Sogdiana, the Tanais or Jaxartes line, the Scythian king beyond the river, the Scythian embassy, the Sacae, and the Sogdian rock.

The book belongs on the Scythian shelf because it places Macedonian empire inside the older geography of steppe power: rivers as imperial borders, Scythian cavalry as a political fact, Sacae diplomacy after the battle, and the moral rhetoric of a people who prefer freedom, poverty, and open country to conquest.

The English below is a Good Works Translation from the Latin source text held in the Scythian source archive.

Translation

Chapter I -- Philotas After Death, Lyncestes Alexander, and Amyntas' Defense

The soldiers had judged Philotas rightly punished while the fresh tracks of his crime were before them. But when he had ceased to be a man whom they could hate, anger turned into pity. They were moved by the young man's rank, and by the old age and childlessness of his father. Parmenio had first opened Asia for the king. He had shared every danger, had always defended one wing in battle, had been Philip's friend before all others, and was so trusted by Alexander himself that Alexander would not use any other minister for the killing of Attalus.

Thoughts like these came over the army, and mutinous words were carried back to the king. Alexander was not greatly disturbed. He understood well enough that the vices of idleness are scattered by business, and ordered everyone to be present in the vestibule of the royal quarters. When he learned that they had assembled in full number, he came out before the meeting.

There, plainly by arrangement, Atharrias began to demand that Lyncestes Alexander be brought forward. This was the man who, long before Philotas, had wanted to kill the king. As I have said above, he had been accused by two informers and had now been kept in chains for three years. It was also held as certain that he had conspired with Pausanias in the murder of Philip. But because he had been the first to hail Alexander as king, he had been spared from punishment rather than cleared of guilt. Even then the prayers of his father-in-law Antipater delayed the king's just anger. Now the festering pain broke open again, for the anxiety of the present renewed the memory of an old danger.

Alexander was therefore brought out of custody and ordered to speak. Though he had spent three whole years preparing his defense, he faltered and trembled, and brought out only a few of the things he had composed. At last not only memory but even mind deserted him. No one doubted that his panic was a sign of conscience, not a failure of recollection. So those who stood nearest ran him through with spears while he was still struggling against forgetfulness.

When his body had been carried away, the king ordered Amyntas and Simmias to be brought in. Polemon, the youngest of the brothers, had fled when he learned that Philotas was being tortured. Of all Philotas' friends these men had been the dearest to him; they had been raised to great and honorable offices chiefly by his influence. The king remembered that they had been attached to him by Philotas with the greatest care, and did not doubt that they too had shared in this last design. Long before this, he said, they had been made suspect to him by letters from his mother, warning him to guard his life against them. Until now he had been reluctant to believe worse things of them; now he had been overcome by open proofs and had ordered them put in chains.

He said it could not be doubted that on the day before Philotas' crime was uncovered they had been with him in private. Their brother, by fleeing when Philotas was under inquiry, had revealed the reason for his flight. Lately, also, against the custom of their duty, they had removed the others a little farther away and had brought themselves close to the king's side without any plausible cause. The king, wondering why they were not performing such a duty in their proper turn and frightened by their very agitation, had quickly withdrawn to the guards who followed nearest.

To this was added the testimony that Antiphanes, secretary of the cavalry, had warned Amyntas on the day before Philotas' crime was discovered to give some of his horses, as usual, to those who had lost theirs; and Amyntas had answered insolently that unless Antiphanes stopped what he was doing, he would soon learn who Amyntas was. Violence of tongue and rashness of words thrown against the king himself were nothing else than the mark and witness of a criminal mind. If these charges were true, the accused had deserved the same fate as Philotas; if false, the king required them to refute them.

Antiphanes was then brought forward and gave evidence about the horses not handed over and the insolent threats added to the refusal. When Amyntas was given leave to speak, he said, "If it makes no difference to the king, I ask to be freed from chains while I speak." The king ordered both men released, and, when Amyntas also asked that the dress of a guardsman be restored to him, ordered a spear to be given him.

Taking it in his left hand and avoiding the place where the body of Alexander the Lyncestian had just lain, Amyntas said: "Whatever end awaits us, king, we confess that a favorable one will be owed to you, a harsher one charged to fortune. We plead our case without prejudgment, with free bodies and free minds. You have even restored the dress in which we are accustomed to attend you. We cannot cease to fear the case; we shall cease to fear our fortune.

"And I beg you to allow me first to defend against the charge that you placed last. We, king, know ourselves guilty of no speech held against your majesty. I would say that you had long ago conquered envy, if there were no danger that other words, more maliciously reported, might be thought to be purged by flattering speech. But even if some harsher word had been heard from one of your soldiers, failing and tired on the march, in danger in battle, or sick in his tent and caring for wounds, we had deserved by brave deeds that you should charge it to our hour rather than to our mind.

"When some sorrowful thing occurs, all are guilty. We lay hostile hands upon our own bodies, though surely we do not hate them. Parents, if they come in the way of their children at such a time, are ungrateful and hateful. By contrast, when we are honored with gifts and return loaded with rewards, who can bear us? Who can restrain that joy of spirit? Among soldiers neither anger nor gladness is moderate. We are swept by impulse into every feeling. We blame, praise, pity, and rage according as the present feeling moves us. At one moment we are glad to go to India and Ocean; at another the memory of wives, children, and fatherland comes over us. But the trumpet signal ends these thoughts and these conversations. Each man runs to his own rank, and whatever anger was conceived in the tent is poured out on the heads of the enemy. Would that Philotas too had sinned only in words.

"So I turn to the matter for which we are accused. I am so far from denying the friendship we had with Philotas that I admit we sought it and drew great benefit from it. Are you surprised that we cultivated the son of Parmenio, the man you wished to be nearest to yourself, a son who surpassed almost all your friends in dignity? By Hercules, king, if you wish to hear the truth, you are the cause of this danger to us. Who but you made those who wished to please you run to Philotas? Handed on by him, we climbed to this place in your friendship. He was the man at your court whose favor we could seek and whose anger we could fear.

"Did we not almost swear in your own words, with you leading us, that we would hold the same men as enemies and friends whom you held? Bound by this oath of loyalty, were we, of course, to avoid the man whom you preferred to all? Therefore, if this is a crime, you have few innocent men -- indeed, by Hercules, none. All wished to be friends of Philotas, but not as many as wished it could be so. If you do not distinguish friends from accomplices, you will not distinguish even from friends those who wished to be the same.

"What proof of guilty knowledge is brought forward? I suppose this: that on the previous day he spoke with us familiarly and without witnesses. But I could not clear myself if on the previous day I had changed anything from my old life and habit. Now, if on that day too, the day under suspicion, we did what we did every day, custom will dissolve the charge.

"But we did not give horses to Antiphanes, and this matter with Antiphanes occurred on the day before Philotas was discovered. If he wishes to make us suspect because we did not give horses that day, he will not be able to clear himself for asking for them. The charge is two-edged between the man who keeps and the man who demands, except that the case of a man who does not hand over his own property is better than that of one asking for another's. King, I had ten horses. Antiphanes had already distributed eight of them to men who had lost theirs. I had only two left. When that most insolent and certainly most unjust man wished to take them away, I was forced to keep them unless I wished to serve on foot.

"Nor do I deny that I spoke with the spirit of a free man to a very cowardly person, who makes use of this one right of service, to distribute other men's horses to those who are going to fight. We have come to such evils that I must excuse my words at the same time to Alexander and to Antiphanes.

"But, by Hercules, your mother wrote that we were your enemies. Would that she were more wisely anxious for her son and did not fashion empty appearances too in an anxious mind. Why does she not add the cause of her fear? Why, finally, does she not show her source? Moved by what deed or word of ours did she write you such trembling letters? O my wretched condition, since perhaps it is no less dangerous to be silent than to speak. Yet however the matter will turn out, I would rather my defense displease you than my cause.

"You will recognize what I am about to say. You remember that when you sent me to bring soldiers from Macedonia, you said that many whole and vigorous young men were being hidden in your mother's house. You instructed me to look to no one except you, but to bring to you those who were avoiding military service. I did this, and I carried out your order more freely than was useful to me. I brought from there Gorgias, Hecataeus, and Gorgatas, whose good service you use. What, then, is more unjust than that I, who would rightly have paid the penalty if I had not obeyed you, should now perish because I obeyed? Your mother has no other cause for pursuing us than that we placed your advantage before a woman's favor. I brought six thousand Macedonian infantry and six hundred cavalry. Part of them would not have followed me if I had wished to indulge those avoiding service. It follows, then, that since she is angry with us on this account, you must soften your mother, you who exposed us to her anger."

Chapter II -- Polemon, Polydamas, and the Death of Parmenio

While Amyntas was saying these things, men happened to arrive who had pursued and brought back in chains his brother Polemon, of whom I have spoken before. The hostile assembly could scarcely be held back from immediately throwing stones at him according to its custom. Yet he was unafraid. "I beg nothing for myself," he said, "provided my flight is not charged against the innocence of my brothers. If this cannot be defended, let the crime be mine. Their case is better for that very reason, because I, who fled, am suspect."

When he had said this, the whole assembly agreed. Tears began to flow from all, so suddenly had they changed into the opposite feeling that the one thing which had most injured him was now his only defense. He was a youth in the first bloom of manhood. Among the cavalry, while the tortures of Philotas threw men into confusion, another man's terror had carried him away. Deserted by his companions and wavering between returning and fleeing, he had been overtaken by those who followed him.

Then he began to weep and beat his own face, grieved not for his own fate but for the brothers who were in danger because of him. He had moved not only the assembly but already the king too. One man alone was implacable: his brother, looking at him with a terrible face. "Then, madman," he said, "you should have wept, when you were putting spurs to your horse, deserter of your brothers and companion of men deserted. Wretch, where were you fleeing, and from where? You have brought it about that, though accused of my life, I must use the words of my accuser."

Polemon admitted that he had sinned, but not more heavily against his brothers than against himself. Then indeed they could not restrain either tears or the shouts by which a crowd declares its sympathies. One voice, sent out with equal agreement, begged the king to spare innocent and brave men. The king's friends also rose, with an occasion for mercy given them, and with tears entreated him.

When silence had been made, he said, "I too, in my judgment, acquit Amyntas and his brothers. But you, young men, I would rather have you forget my kindness than remember your danger. Return to favor with me in the same faith with which I return to favor with you. If I had not investigated the things reported to me, my concealment of them could have festered deeply. But it is better that men be cleared than suspect. Remember that no one can be acquitted unless he has pleaded his cause. You, Amyntas, forgive your brother. This will be to me also a simple pledge that your mind is reconciled."

After dismissing the assembly he ordered Polydamas to be called. Polydamas was very dear to Parmenio and was accustomed to stand nearest his side in battle. Although he had come to the royal tent relying on a clear conscience, still, when he was ordered to present his brothers, very young men unknown to the king because of their age, his confidence turned into anxiety. He began to tremble, weighing more often the things that might harm him than the things by which he could escape them. The guards, who had been ordered to do it, had already brought them forward, when the king ordered Polydamas, bloodless with fear, to come nearer. All others were removed.

"By Parmenio's crime," the king said, "we have all been attacked together, and most of all I and you, whom he deceived under the appearance of friendship. To pursue and punish him -- see how much trust I place in your faith -- I have decided to use you as my minister. Your brothers will be hostages while you carry this out. Go to Media and deliver letters written by my own hand to my commanders. There is need of speed, so that you may outrun the swiftness of rumor. I want you to arrive there by night and execute the written orders the next day. You will carry letters to Parmenio too, one from me, another written in the name of Philotas. The seal of his ring is in my possession. If his father believes it was impressed by his son, he will fear nothing when he sees you."

Polydamas, released from so great a fear, promised his service even more eagerly than was demanded. He was praised, loaded with promises, stripped of the garment he had, and dressed in Arab clothing. Two Arabs were given as companions; meanwhile their wives and children were held by the king as hostages, a bond of loyalty. Through dry desert places they reached their destination on camels on the eleventh day.

Before his arrival was reported, Polydamas again put on Macedonian dress and came in the fourth watch to the tent of Cleander, who was the royal general there. After he delivered the letters, they resolved to meet Parmenio at first light, for he had also brought letters from the king to the others. They were already about to go to him when Parmenio was told that Polydamas had come. Rejoicing at the arrival of his friend and eager at the same time to learn what the king was doing, since he had received no letter from him over a long interval, he ordered Polydamas to be summoned.

The lodging-places of that region have large recesses, pleasant with groves planted by hand. This was especially the pleasure of kings and satraps. Parmenio was walking in a grove among the commanders who had been ordered by the king's letters to kill him. They had fixed the moment for the deed when Parmenio began to read the letters delivered by Polydamas.

When Parmenio saw Polydamas coming from a distance, with a face showing the appearance of joy, he ran to embrace him. After mutual greetings, Polydamas handed him the letter written by the king. Parmenio, loosening the fastening of the letter, asked what the king was doing. Polydamas answered that he would learn from the letter itself. When Parmenio had read it, he said, "The king is preparing an expedition against the Arachosi. A vigorous man, and never idle. But it is time, after so much glory has been gained, to spare his own safety." Then he read the second letter, written in Philotas' name, happy, as could be seen from his face. Then Cleander plunged a sword into his side and struck his throat; the others pierced him too, even after life had gone.

But the guards who had stood at the entrance of the grove, learning of the murder without knowing the cause, came to the camp and stirred the soldiers with a tumultuous report. Armed, they gathered at the grove in which the murder had been committed and declared that unless Polydamas and the others who shared the same guilt were surrendered, they would tear down the wall around the grove and avenge their general with the blood of all. Cleander ordered their leading men to be admitted and read aloud the king's letters to the soldiers; the letters contained Parmenio's plots against the king and a request that they should avenge him.

When the king's will was known, not indeed their indignation but their mutiny was suppressed. Most dispersed. A few remained, begging at least to be allowed to bury the body. This was long refused because Cleander feared offending the king. Then, when they pleaded more stubbornly, he thought the material of disorder should be removed. He permitted the trunk to be buried after the head had been cut off. The head was sent to the king.

This was the end of Parmenio, a famous man both in war and at home. Without the king he had done many things prosperously; without him the king had done nothing great. He had satisfied a most fortunate king, one who measured all things by the sign of fortune, beyond due measure. At seventy years of age he fulfilled the duties of a young commander and often even of a common soldier: sharp in counsel, vigorous in action, dear to the princes, more acceptable to the rank and file of the soldiers. Whether these things had driven him to desire kingship or only made him suspect may be debated, because even when the matter was fresh and could more clearly be known, men doubted whether Philotas, overcome by the last tortures, had spoken truths that could not be proved by facts, or had sought an end to torture by falsehoods.

Alexander learned that some men had freely lamented the death of Parmenio. Judging that they should be separated from the rest of the army, he set them apart in one cohort and gave them Leonidas as commander, a man once closely joined to Parmenio. For the most part these were the same men whom the king had otherwise regarded with dislike. Wanting to test the minds of the soldiers, he had advised anyone who had written letters to his people in Macedonia to hand them over faithfully to the messengers he was sending. Each man had written simply to his own household what he felt. For some the campaign was heavy; to many it was not unwelcome. Thus the letters both of those giving thanks and of those complaining were intercepted, and those who by letter had perhaps complained of weariness in toil were discovered. He ordered this cohort to pitch apart from the rest as a mark of disgrace: he would use their courage in war while removing their free speech from credulous ears. The plan was perhaps rash, for very brave young men had been angered by insult; yet, like all his other plans, the king's good fortune received it well. No men were more ready for war. The desire to wipe away disgrace stirred their courage, and deeds done among a few could not remain hidden.

Chapter III -- Euergetae, Arachosia, Parapamisus, and the Caucasus

After arranging these matters Alexander appointed Arsames satrap of the Arii and ordered the march announced toward the Arimaspi, who by a change of name were already then called Euergetae, "Benefactors," because when Cyrus' army had been afflicted by cold and lack of food they had helped it with shelter and supplies. He had been in that region five days when he learned that Satibarzanes, who had defected to Bessus, had again broken into the land of the Arii with a force of cavalry. So he sent Caranus and Erigyius there with Artabazus and Andronicus and six thousand Greek infantry, followed by six hundred cavalry. He himself spent sixty days ordering the people of the Euergetae, and gave them much money for their conspicuous loyalty to Cyrus.

Leaving Amedines, who had been Darius' secretary, to rule them, he subdued the Arachosi, whose region belongs toward the Pontic sea. There the army that had been under Parmenio met him: six thousand Macedonians, two hundred nobles, and five thousand Greeks with six hundred cavalry, without doubt the strength of all the king's forces. Menon was given to the Arachosi as commander, with four thousand infantry and six hundred cavalry left as a garrison.

The king himself entered with the army a nation not well known even to its neighbors, since it lived without exchange in mutual dealings. They are called the Parapamisadae, a rustic kind of men and the most uncultivated even among barbarians. The roughness of the places had hardened the characters of the people. They look for the most part toward the very cold northern axis. They are joined to the Bactrians on the west; the southern region slopes toward the Indian sea.

They build huts of brick from the bottom upward, and, because the land is without timber, even on the bare back of a mountain, they use the same little brick to the very top of the buildings. The structure, broader at the bottom, is gradually drawn narrower as the work rises, and at the end comes together almost like a keel. A hole left at the top admits light from above. Vines and trees, if any have been able to endure in so hard a land, they bury completely. Hidden underground through winter, when the snow has broken up and begun to open the earth, they are returned to sky and sun.

Snow lies so deeply upon the land, gripped by frost and nearly perpetual hardness, that no track of bird or wild beast appears. A dimness of sky, more truly shadow than light, presses on the earth like night, so that things nearby can scarcely be seen. In this solitude, empty then of all human cultivation, the deserted army endured every evil that can be borne: want, cold, weariness, despair. The strange severity of the snow killed many outright. It burned the feet of many and the eyes of most. It was especially destructive to the exhausted. In the very frost their failing bodies sank down; when they had ceased to move, the power of cold so bound them fast that they could not strive to rise again. Their comrades roused the numbed men, and there was no remedy except to force them to walk. Only then, when living heat had been moved in their limbs, did some strength return.

Those who were able to reach the huts of the barbarians were quickly restored. But the darkness was so great that nothing showed the buildings except smoke. The inhabitants, who had never before seen a foreigner in their land, when they suddenly saw armed men, were lifeless with fear. They brought out whatever was in their huts and begged that their own bodies be spared. The king went around the column on foot, lifting up some who lay on the ground and supporting others with his own body when they followed with difficulty. Now at the standards in front, now in the middle, now at the rear of the column, he was present everywhere by multiplying the toil of the march. At last they reached more cultivated places, and the army was restored by abundant provisions; at the same time those who had been unable to keep up came into that camp.

From there the column advanced to Mount Caucasus, whose ridge divides Asia by a continuous chain. On one side it looks toward the sea that enters Cilicia and toward the Red Sea; on the other toward the Caspian strait, the river Araxes, and in another direction the deserts of Scythia. Taurus, the second greatest mountain, is joined to Caucasus: rising from Cappadocia, it passes Cilicia and is linked with the mountains of Armenia. Thus the ranges, holding together with a kind of chain, have one unbroken back, from which almost all the rivers of Asia fall, some into the Red Sea, some into the Caspian, some into the Hyrcanian and Pontic seas.

The army crossed Caucasus in seventeen days. On it is a rock ten stadia in circuit and more than four stadia high, where antiquity has handed down that Prometheus was bound. A site was chosen at the foot of the mountain for founding a city. Seven thousand Caucasians, and besides them Macedonian soldiers whose service the king had ceased to use, were allowed to settle in the new city. The inhabitants called this also Alexandria.

Chapter IV -- Bessus, Cobares, Bactria, and the Report of the Scythians

Bessus, terrified by Alexander's speed, had duly offered sacrifice to his native gods, as is the custom among those peoples, and was consulting about the war with his friends and commanders over the feast. Heavy with wine, they began to exalt their own strength and to despise now the rashness, now the small number of the enemy. Bessus especially, fierce in words, proud of a kingdom gained by crime and scarcely master of his mind, began to say that the reputation of the enemy had grown because of Darius' sluggishness. Darius, he said, had met them in the narrowest passes of Cilicia, though by retreating he could have drawn the unwary into places secure by their natural position, with so many rivers set in front and so many mountain hiding-places, among which the enemy, once caught, would have had no chance even to flee, much less to resist.

Bessus' own view was that they should withdraw into Sogdiana, using the river Oxus as a wall against the enemy while strong reinforcements assembled from neighboring peoples. The Chorasmians, Dahae, Sacae, Indians, and the Scythians dwelling beyond the river Tanais would come. None of these men, he said, was so lowly that his shoulders could not reach the top of a Macedonian soldier's head. The drunken men shouted that this alone was a sound plan, and Bessus ordered more wine to be passed around, intending to finish off Alexander over the table.

At that banquet was Cobares, a Mede by birth, famous more for the profession than for the knowledge of magic art -- if indeed it is an art and not the mockery of every emptiest mind -- but otherwise moderate and upright. After first saying that it is more useful for a slave to obey a command than to offer counsel, since those who obey face the same fate as the others, while those who advise draw a danger peculiar to themselves, he was ordered by Bessus to speak without fear, and Bessus even handed him the cup he held.

Taking it, Cobares said: "The nature of mortals may be called crooked and perverse in this respect too, that each man is duller in his own business than in another's. The counsels of men who advise themselves are troubled. Fear stands in the way, at other times desire, and sometimes the natural love of what one has devised. Pride, of course, has no place in you. You have found by experience that each man thinks what he himself has discovered is either the only way or the best. You carry a great burden on your head, the sign of kings. This must either be borne with moderation or, what I dread, it will fall upon you. There is need of counsel, not impulse."

He added what was commonly said among the Bactrians: that a timid dog barks more fiercely than it bites, and that the deepest rivers glide with the least sound. I have inserted these sayings so that whatever wisdom could exist among barbarians might be handed down. By now he had held the expectation of his hearers in suspense; then he disclosed advice more useful to Bessus than pleasing.

"At the threshold of your palace," he said, "the swiftest of kings is standing. He will move his column before you move that table. Now you will summon an army from the Tanais and oppose rivers with arms. No doubt the enemy cannot follow where you will flee! The road is common to both, and safer for the victor. You may think fear is energetic, but hope is still swifter. Why not seize the favor of the stronger man and surrender yourself? However the matter falls, you will have a better fortune as one surrendered than as an enemy. The kingdom you have is another's; for that reason you may lose it more easily. Perhaps you will begin to be a just king when the man who can both give and take away a kingdom has made you one. You have faithful advice, and it is needless to carry it further. A noble horse is guided even by the shadow of a switch; a lazy one cannot be stirred even by the spur."

Bessus, fierce both by nature and by much wine, grew so inflamed that his friends could scarcely restrain him from killing Cobares, for he had already drawn his scimitar. At least he burst out from the banquet, by no means master of himself. Cobares slipped away in the confusion and deserted to Alexander.

Bessus had eight thousand armed Bactrians. So long as they believed, because of the harshness of the climate, that the Macedonians would seek India rather than them, they obediently carried out orders. But after it was learned that Alexander was coming, each scattered to his own village and left Bessus. He, with a band of retainers who had not changed their loyalty, crossed the river Oxus and burned the boats by which he had crossed, so that the enemy could not use them, while gathering new forces in Sogdiana.

Alexander had crossed Caucasus, as was said above, but lack of grain had brought the army almost to famine. They rubbed their limbs with juice pressed from sesame, just as with oil. But one amphora of this juice was priced at two hundred forty denarii; one amphora of honey at three hundred ninety; one of wine at three hundred. There was no wheat, or very little. The barbarians called their pits "siri." They hide them so skillfully that no one can find them except those who dug them. Grain was stored in these. In its absence the soldiers were sustained by river fish and herbs. When even these foods failed, they were ordered to slaughter the pack animals. By the flesh of these they dragged out life until they reached the Bactrians.

The nature of Bactrian land is manifold and various. In one place many trees and vines bear rich and gentle fruits. Abundant springs water the fertile soil. The milder parts are sown with grain; the rest is given over to pasture for herds. Then a great part of the same land is held by barren sands. In its filthy dryness the region supports neither man nor crop. When winds blow from the Pontic sea, they sweep together whatever sand lies in the plains. When it has been heaped up, it has from a distance the appearance of great hills, and all traces of the former road disappear. Therefore those crossing the plains watch the stars at night like sailors, and direct their journey by their course; the shadow of night is almost clearer than day. By day the region is pathless, because they find no track to follow and the brightness of the stars is hidden by darkness. If the wind rising from the sea catches any men, the sand buries them.

But where the land is milder, it produces a great multitude of men and horses. Accordingly the Bactrians had filled out thirty thousand cavalry. Bactra itself, capital of that region, lies under Mount Parapamisus. The river Bactrus passes by the walls. It gave name to the city and the region.

While the king had a standing camp here, he was told of the revolt of the Peloponnesians and Laconians in Greece, for they had not yet been defeated when the men who were to report the beginnings of that disturbance set out. Another immediate terror was brought: the Scythians who dwell beyond the river Tanais were coming to bring help to Bessus. At the same time reports arrived of what Caranus and Erigyius had done among the Arii.

A battle had been joined between Macedonians and Arii. The deserter Satibarzanes commanded the barbarians. When he saw that the fight was sluggish and held still by equal strength on both sides, he rode into the front ranks, took off his helmet, stopped those who were throwing missiles, and challenged anyone who wished to fight man to man; he would have his head bare in the contest. Erigyius, commander of that army, did not endure the barbarian's insolence. He was advanced in age, but in strength of mind and body inferior to none of the young men. Taking off his helmet and showing his white hair, he said, "The day has come on which, either by victory or by a most honorable death, I shall show what kind of friends and soldiers Alexander has."

Saying no more, he drove his horse against the enemy. You would have thought both battle lines had been ordered to hold back their weapons. At any rate they immediately withdrew, leaving a free space, intent upon the result not only for their commanders but also for their own fate, since they would follow another man's hazard. The barbarian first cast his spear. Erigyius avoided it by a slight bending of his head, and he himself, urging on his horse with spurs, fixed his threatening sarissa in the middle of the barbarian's throat so that it stood out through the neck. The barbarian, thrown from his horse, still struggled. Erigyius drew the spear out of the wound and again directed it into his mouth. Satibarzanes, grasping it with his hand, helped the blow of his enemy so that he might die more quickly. With their leader lost, the barbarians, who had followed him more from necessity than choice, now not unmindful of Alexander's services, handed their arms to Erigyius. The king was glad for these events, though by no means free from anxiety about the Spartans, who had not dared reveal their plans until they learned that he had reached the borders of India. He had already moved his forces in pursuit of Bessus when Erigyius met him, carrying before him the barbarian's head, the rich glory of the war.

Chapter V -- The Sogdian Desert, Bessus Delivered, and the Branchidae

Having entrusted the region of the Bactrians to Artabazus, Alexander left there the baggage and impediments with a guard. He himself, with a light column, entered the desert places of the Sogdians, leading the army by night marches. The lack of water, as has been said before, first kindled thirst through despair rather than through the desire to drink. For four hundred stadia not even a moderate amount of moisture exists. The heat of the summer sun sets the sands on fire; when they begin to burn, everything is scorched as if by a continuous blaze. Then a haze raised by the excessive heat of the ground hides the light, and the plains look like nothing so much as a vast and deep sea.

The night march seemed bearable, because bodies were relieved by dew and morning cold. But with daylight heat rises, and dryness absorbs every natural moisture. Mouth and entrails are burned deep within. Therefore first spirits, then bodies, began to fail. Men were weary both of stopping and of going forward. A few, warned by men skilled in the region, had prepared water. This held back thirst for a little while; then, as the heat increased, the craving for liquid was kindled again. Whatever wine and oil there was was poured into mouths, and so sweet was drinking that thirst for the future was not feared. Then, heavy with the liquid they had greedily swallowed, they could neither bear arms nor walk, and those whose water had failed seemed happier, since these men were forced to throw up by vomiting what they had poured in without measure.

The king's friends gathered around him while he was anxious in such evils, begging him to remember that the greatness of his own spirit was the only remedy for the failing army. Then two men from those who had gone ahead to seize a place for the camp met him, carrying water in skins. They were bringing it to their sons, whom they knew were in the same column and suffering thirst. When they came upon the king, one of them opened a skin and filled a vessel he was carrying, offering it to the king. Alexander accepted it. When he asked for whom they were carrying the water and learned that it was for their sons, he returned the full cup just as it had been offered. "I cannot bear to drink alone," he said, "nor can I divide so little among all. Run and give your children what you brought for them."

At last he himself reached the river Oxus at about early evening, but a great part of the army had been unable to keep up. He ordered fires to be made on a high hill, so that those following with difficulty might know that they were not far from camp. He ordered those who were in the first part of the column, after they had been restored early with food and drink, to fill some skins and some vessels, whatever could carry water, and bring help to their comrades. But those who drank too immoderately died when their breath was cut off, and their number was far greater than he had lost in any battle. Alexander, still wearing his breastplate and refreshed by neither food nor drink, stood where the army was coming and did not withdraw to care for his body until those who closed the column had passed. He spent that whole night with great distress of mind and continual watching.

The next day brought no more gladness, because he had no boats and a bridge could not be built, the land around the river being bare and almost without timber. Necessity therefore suggested the only plan. He distributed as many skins as possible stuffed with straw. Lying upon these, the men swam the river, and those who crossed first stood on guard until the rest crossed. In this way only on the sixth day did he set the whole army on the farther bank.

He had now decided to advance in pursuit of Bessus when he learned what was happening in Sogdiana. Spitamenes was held in special honor among all the friends of Bessus, but no merits can soften treachery. Yet in his case it could already be less hateful, because nothing against Bessus, murderer of his king, seemed impious to anyone. A handsome title was set before the deed: vengeance for Darius. But Spitamenes hated the fortune of Bessus, not his crime.

When he learned that Alexander had crossed the river Oxus, he drew Dataphernes and Catenes, men in whom Bessus placed the greatest trust, into the planned deed. They came more eagerly than they were asked. Taking with them eight very brave young men, they devised this trick. Spitamenes went to Bessus and, after witnesses had been removed, said that he had discovered that Dataphernes and Catenes were plotting to hand Bessus alive to Alexander; he had forestalled them and held them bound. Bessus, obliged, as he believed, by so great a service, partly gave thanks and partly, eager to carry out punishment, ordered them brought in. They were dragged by the sharers of the plot with their hands bound of their own accord. Bessus rose, looking at them with a savage face, about to lay hands on them. Then, dropping the pretense, they surrounded him, bound him as he struggled in vain, tore the emblem of kingship from his head, and ripped the garment he had put on from the spoils of the murdered king.

He confessed that the gods were present as avengers of his crime and added that they had not been unjust to Darius, whom they were avenging in this way, but were favorable to Alexander, whose victory even his enemies had always assisted. It is uncertain whether the multitude would have avenged Bessus, if those who had bound him had not falsely claimed that they had acted by Alexander's order and frightened minds still uncertain. They put him on a horse and led him away to hand him over to Alexander.

Meanwhile the king chose about nine hundred men whose discharge was due. He gave two talents apiece to cavalrymen and three thousand denarii apiece to infantrymen, urged them to beget children, and sent them home. He thanked the rest because they promised to give their service to what remained of the war.

Then Bessus was brought in. The army had come to a small town whose inhabitants were the Branchidae. Long ago, at Xerxes' command, they had crossed over from Miletus when he was returning from Greece and had settled there, because they had violated the temple called Didymaeum for Xerxes' sake. Their ancestral customs had not yet disappeared, but they were already bilingual, gradually degenerating from their native speech into a foreign one. They received the king with great joy, surrendering themselves and their city. He ordered the Milesians serving with him to be called together. The Milesians held an old hatred against the race of the Branchidae. He therefore gave them free judgment whether they preferred to remember the injury or the common origin of the betrayed.

When their opinions differed, he said that he himself would consider what was best to do. The next day, when the Branchidae came to meet him, he ordered them to proceed with him. When they came to the city, he himself entered the gate with a light force. The phalanx was ordered to surround the walls of the town and, on a signal given, to plunder the city, refuge of traitors, and to slaughter the inhabitants to the last. Unarmed, they were butchered everywhere. Neither the shared use of language nor the bands and prayers of suppliants could hold back the cruelty. At last the Macedonians worked from the bottom to throw down the foundations of the walls, so that no trace of the city might remain. They did not merely cut down the sacred groves and woods, but tore them out by the roots, so that a vast solitude and barren ground would be left when even the roots had been shaken out. If these things had been devised against the authors of the betrayal themselves, it would have seemed just vengeance and not cruelty. Now descendants paid for the guilt of their ancestors, men who had not even seen Miletus and therefore could not have betrayed it to Xerxes.

From there he advanced to the river Tanais. There Bessus was brought to him, not only bound but stripped of every covering of the body. Spitamenes held him with a chain around his neck, a spectacle pleasing to barbarians as well as Macedonians. Then Spitamenes said, "Having avenged both you and Darius, my kings, I have brought in the murderer of his lord, captured in the manner for which he himself set the example. Let Darius open his eyes to this spectacle. Let him rise from below, he who was unworthy of that punishment and worthy of this consolation."

Alexander praised Spitamenes highly, then turned to Bessus. "What madness of a wild beast seized your mind," he said, "when you endured first to bind and then to kill a king who had deserved best of you? But you have paid yourself the reward for this parricide with the false name of king." Bessus, not daring to clear the deed, said that he had taken the title of king so that he might hand over his people to Alexander; if he had delayed, another would have seized the kingdom. Alexander ordered Oxathres, Darius' brother, whom he had among the bodyguards, to come nearer, and ordered Bessus to be handed over to him, so that the barbarians might fix him to a cross, mutilate his ears and nose, shoot him full of arrows, and guard the body so that not even birds should touch it. Oxathres promised that the rest would be his care, but added that the birds could be kept away by no one except Catenes, wishing to show his extraordinary skill; for he struck what he aimed at with such certainty that he even intercepted birds. Now perhaps, because archery is so widely practiced, this skill may seem less wonderful; then it was a great marvel to those who saw it and brought Catenes great honor. Gifts were then given to all who had brought Bessus. His punishment, however, Alexander postponed, so that he might be killed in the place where he himself had killed Darius.

Chapter VI -- Maracanda, the Abian Scythians, and Alexandria on the Tanais

Meanwhile Macedonians who had gone out in a disorderly column to seek fodder were overwhelmed by barbarians running down from the nearest mountains. More were captured than killed. The barbarians drove the captives before them and withdrew again into the mountain. There were twenty thousand raiders; they opened the fight with slings and arrows. While the king was besieging them, fighting among the most forward, he was struck by an arrow that left its point fixed in the middle of his leg. The Macedonians, sorrowful and stunned, were carrying him back to camp. Nor did his removal from the battle escape the barbarians, since from the height of the mountain they had seen everything. Therefore the next day they sent envoys to the king. He immediately ordered them admitted, and, untying the bandages and hiding the seriousness of the wound, showed his leg to the barbarians.

Ordered to sit, they declared that the Macedonians had not been sadder than they themselves when the wound became known; if they had found its author, they would have handed him over. Only sacrilegious men, they said, fight with gods. For the rest, their people surrendered themselves into his loyalty, overcome by his courage. The king gave his pledge, recovered the captives, and accepted the people in surrender.

When the camp was moved from there, he was carried on a military litter, which each cavalryman and infantryman in turn competed to bear. The cavalrymen, with whom the king was accustomed to enter battles, judged this to be their own duty. The infantrymen, on the other hand, since they themselves were accustomed to carry wounded comrades, complained that their proper office was being taken from them especially at the moment when the king had to be carried. In so great a contest between both sides, the king thought any choice would be difficult for himself and hard upon those passed over. He ordered them to take turns.

From here on the fourth day they reached the city Maracanda. The city's wall encloses seventy stadia; the citadel is surrounded by another wall. Leaving a garrison in the city, he ravaged and burned the nearest villages.

Then envoys of the Abian Scythians arrived. They had been free from the time Cyrus died; now they would do what was commanded. It was agreed that they were the most just of the barbarians. They abstained from arms unless attacked, and by a moderate and equal use of liberty had made the humbler men equal to the chiefs. Alexander addressed them kindly. To the Scythians who dwell in Europe he sent one of his friends, a certain Berda, to warn them not to cross the river Tanais without the king's order. The same man was instructed to examine the position of the places and to visit also those Scythians who dwell above the Bosporus.

Alexander had chosen a site for founding a city on the bank of the Tanais, a barrier both against those already thoroughly subdued and against all whom he had later decided to approach. But he delayed the plan when the revolt of the Sogdians was reported, which also dragged in the Bactrians. There were seven thousand cavalry, and the rest followed their authority. Alexander, not doubting that those who had started disturbances could be brought under control through the agency of Spitamenes and Catenes, by whom Bessus had been handed over to him, ordered them to be summoned.

But they were the authors of the revolt which they were being called to restrain. They had spread the rumor that all the Bactrian cavalry were being summoned by the king to be killed, and that this had been ordered to them, but that they had not endured to carry it out lest they commit an inexpiable crime against their countrymen. They had been unable to bear Alexander's savagery any more than Bessus' parricide. Thus they had no difficulty stirring to arms men already moved by fear of punishment.

When Alexander learned of the deserters' revolt, he ordered Craterus to besiege Cyropolis. He himself took another city of the same region by blockade; after giving the signal that the adult males should be killed, he handed the rest over as plunder to the victor. The city was destroyed, so that others might be held in check by the example of its disaster.

The Memaceni, a strong people, had decided to endure siege not only as more honorable but also as safer. To soften their stubbornness the king sent ahead fifty cavalrymen, who were to show both his clemency toward those who surrendered and his inexorable mind toward the defeated. They answered that they did not doubt either the king's good faith or his power, and ordered the horsemen to pitch outside the city's defenses. Then, after receiving them hospitably, they attacked them late at night when they were heavy with feasting and sleep, and killed them.

Alexander, moved as was fitting, surrounded the city with a blockade. It was too well fortified to be taken by a first assault. So he left Meleager and Perdiccas in the siege, while he himself set out to Craterus, who, as said before, was besieging Cyropolis. He had resolved to spare the city founded by Cyrus, for among those nations he admired no one more than this king and Semiramis, whom he believed to have shone far above others in greatness of spirit and brilliance of deeds. But the stubbornness of the townsmen kindled his anger. He ordered the captured city to be plundered. After destroying it, hostile to the Memaceni not without cause, he returned to Meleager and Perdiccas.

No other city endured a siege more bravely. Both the readiest of the soldiers fell, and the king himself came into extreme danger. His neck was struck by a stone so violently that, with darkness poured over his eyes, he collapsed, not even in possession of his mind. The army groaned as if it had been robbed of him. But unconquered in the face of things that terrify others, before the wound had been fully healed he pressed the siege more sharply, anger spurring his natural speed. The walls, undermined by a tunnel, laid open a great space. Through this he burst in, and as victor ordered the city destroyed.

From here he sent Menedemus with three thousand infantry and eight hundred cavalry to the city Maracanda. Spitamenes the deserter had driven the Macedonian garrison from there and shut himself within the city's walls, though the townsmen did not approve the plan of revolt. They seemed to follow him because they could not prevent him.

Meanwhile Alexander returned to the river Tanais and enclosed with a wall as much ground as he had occupied for a camp. The wall of the city was sixty stadia, and he ordered this city also to be called Alexandria. The work was finished with such speed that on the seventeenth day after the defenses had been begun, the houses of the city too were completed. There had been a great competition among the soldiers themselves, each striving to show first his own task, for the work had been divided. Captives were given as inhabitants to the new city; after paying their price to their owners, Alexander freed them. Their descendants even now among those people, after so long an age, have not died out, because of the memory of Alexander.

Chapter VII -- The Scythian King, the Tanais Council, and Menedemus' Disaster

But the king of the Scythians, whose rule at that time lay beyond the Tanais, judged that the city which the Macedonians had founded on the riverbank had been set upon the necks of his people. He sent his brother, named Carthasis, with a great body of cavalry to tear it down and to move the Macedonian forces far away from the river. The Tanais divides the Bactrians from the Scythians called European. The same boundary flows between Asia and Europe.

The Scythian nation, lying not far from Thrace, turns from the east toward the north. It is not, as some have believed, a neighbor of the Sarmatians, but a part of them. It then inhabits a woodland in a straight stretch beyond the Ister, and grazes the furthest part of Asia where Bactra lies. Those who live nearer the north are followed by deep forests and vast solitudes. Those again that face both Tanais and Bactra are not unlike other peoples in human cultivation.

Alexander was about to wage his first unforeseen war with this nation. The enemy rode in his sight while he was still sick from his wound and especially failing in voice, which scanty food and pain in the neck had weakened. He ordered his friends to be called into council. It was not the enemy that frightened him, but the injustice of the time. The Bactrians had revolted; the Scythians were also provoking him; he himself could not stand on the ground, ride a horse, instruct, or exhort his men.

Entangled in a double danger, he blamed even the gods and complained that he lay inactive, he whose swiftness no one before had been able to escape. His own men could scarcely believe that his illness was not feigned. Thus the man who, after Darius was defeated, had ceased to consult diviners and seers, fell back again into superstition, the plaything of human minds, and ordered Aristander, to whom he had pledged his credulity, to investigate the outcome of affairs by sacrifices. It was the custom for soothsayers to inspect the entrails without the king present and to report what they portended.

While the hidden outcome of events was being examined in the fibers of beasts, the king ordered his friends to sit nearer him, so that by straining his voice he would not burst the wound, still weak. Hephaestion, Craterus, and Erigyius were admitted into the tent with the guards. "Danger has seized me," he said, "at a better time for the enemy than for me. But necessity comes before calculation, especially in war, where one is rarely permitted to choose one's hour.

"The Bactrians have revolted, and we stand on their necks; they are testing by another people's war how much spirit we have. The fortune is not doubtful. If we pass over the Scythians who are bringing arms against us unprovoked, we shall return despised to those who have revolted. But if we cross the Tanais and show by Scythian disaster and blood that we are unconquered everywhere, who will doubt that they must obey even the victors of Europe?

"The man who measures the boundaries of our glory by the space we are about to cross is deceived. One river flows between. If we cross it, we carry arms into Europe. And how much should it be valued, while we are subduing Asia, to set up trophies in a kind of other world, and suddenly to join by one victory the things that nature seems to have divided by so long an interval? But, by Hercules, if we delay a little, the Scythians will cling to our backs. Are we the only men who can swim rivers? Many things by which we have conquered until now will fall back upon ourselves. The fortune of war teaches art even to the defeated. We recently gave an example of crossing the river on skins; the Bactrians will teach it to the Scythians, if the Scythians do not know how to imitate it.

"Moreover, only one army of this nation has come so far; the others are expected. By avoiding war we shall nourish it, and what we can inflict we shall be forced to receive. The reason of my plan is clear. But whether the Macedonians will allow me to use my own spirit, I doubt, because since receiving this wound I have not ridden a horse or walked on foot. Yet if you are willing to follow me, I am well, friends. I have strength enough to endure these things. Or if the end of my life is already here, in what work could I better be extinguished?"

He had said these things in a still-broken voice, failing as he spoke, so that scarcely those nearest heard him, when all began to deter the king from so headlong a plan. Erigyius most of all, making little progress by authority with an obstinate mind, tried to strike into him the superstition over which the king had no mastery. He said that the gods too stood against the plan, and that great danger was shown if he crossed the river. When Erigyius entered the royal tent, Aristander had met him and indicated that the entrails were unfavorable; Erigyius announced what he had learned from the seer.

Alexander cut him off, confused not only by anger but also by shame because the superstition he had concealed was being uncovered, and ordered Aristander to be called. When he came, Alexander looked at him and said, "I ordered you to sacrifice not as a king but as a private man. Why did you tell anyone other than me what was portended? Erigyius has learned my secret and private matters through your betrayal. I am certain, by Hercules, that he is using his own fear as interpreter of the entrails. For you I give a milder warning than is deserved: now tell me yourself what you learned from the entrails, so that you cannot deny that you said what you said."

Aristander stood pale and stunned, his voice also choked by fear. At last, driven by the same fear lest he delay the king's expectation, he said, "I foretold that a crisis of great labor was at hand, not an unsuccessful one. It is not my art that troubles me so much as my goodwill. I see the weakness of your health, and I know how much rests in you alone. I fear that you may not be equal to your present fortune."

The king ordered him to trust his good fortune, saying that the gods granted different men different things, and granted him glory. Then, while he was consulting with the same men how they should cross the river, Aristander came up, declaring that he had never seen more favorable entrails and that they were altogether different from the earlier signs: then causes of anxiety had appeared; now the sacrifice had been entirely auspicious.

But the things next reported to the king had put a blemish upon the continuous happiness of his affairs. He had sent Menedemus, as was said above, to besiege Spitamenes, author of the Bactrian revolt. Spitamenes, learning of the enemy's approach and unwilling to be enclosed within the city's walls, at the same time trusting that they could be trapped where he knew they would come, lay hidden. The road through the woods was suited to covering ambushes. There he hid the Dahae. Their horses carry two armed men each; in turn one suddenly dismounts and disturbs the order of cavalry battle. The speed of the men is equal to the speed of the horses. Spitamenes ordered them to encircle the woodland and show themselves to the enemy at once from the sides, the front, and the rear.

Menedemus, surrounded on all sides and not even equal in number, nevertheless resisted for a long time, crying that nothing remained for men deceived by the treachery of the place except the consolation of an honorable death from the slaughter of enemies. He was carried by a strong horse, on which, more than once, he had ridden with loose reins into the wedges of the barbarians and routed them with great slaughter. But when all were seeking him alone, bloodless from many wounds, he urged a friend named Hypsides to mount his horse and save himself by flight. While he was saying this, life failed and his body slipped from the horse to the ground.

Hypsides could indeed have escaped, but after losing his friend he chose to die. His one care was not to fall unavenged. So, putting spurs to his horse, he threw himself into the midst of the enemy and, after a memorable fight, was buried under missiles. When those who survived the slaughter saw this, they seized a mound a little higher than the rest. Spitamenes besieged them there, intending to force them to surrender by hunger. In that battle two thousand infantry and three hundred cavalry fell. Alexander hid the disaster by a skillful plan, threatening death to those who had come from the battle if they spread the news of what had happened.

Chapter VIII -- The Scythian Embassy at the Tanais

When he could no longer bear a face so unequal to his spirit, Alexander withdrew to a tent deliberately set on the riverbank. There, with no witnesses present, he spent the night awake, weighing each plan in his mind, often lifting the tent skins so that he could look out at the enemy fires and judge from them how great the multitude of men might be. Daylight was now approaching when he put on his breastplate and came out to the soldiers, then for the first time after the wound he had lately received.

So great was their reverence for the king that his presence easily drove away the thought of the danger they dreaded. They greeted him joyfully, with tears running from gladness, and fiercely demanded the war they had earlier refused. He announced that he would transport the cavalry and phalanx on rafts, and ordered the lighter-armed men to swim on skins. The matter required no more to be said, nor could he, because of his health, say more.

Such was the eagerness of the soldiers in joining the rafts that within three days twelve thousand were made. Everything had now been fitted for crossing when twenty envoys of the Scythians, riding on horseback through the camp in the manner of their people, ordered word to be brought to the king that they wished to deliver instructions to him. Admitted into the tent and ordered to sit, they fixed their eyes on the king's face. I believe that, measuring his spirit by the size of his body, they thought his moderate stature by no means equal to his fame.

Among the Scythians, however, unlike among the other barbarians, perception is not rough and unformed. Some of them are said to take in wisdom too, as much as a nation always under arms can take. Thus the things handed down by memory as spoken by them before the king may perhaps be foreign to our manners, men to whom more cultivated times and temperaments have fallen. But though their speech may be despised, our fidelity ought not to be. Therefore, as the things have been handed down, whatever they are, we shall carry them across uncorrupted. We have received that one of them, the oldest by birth, spoke in this way:

"If the gods had wished the form of your body to be equal to the greed of your mind, the world would not contain you. With one hand you would touch the East, with the other the West; and after gaining this you would wish to know where the brightness of so great a divinity was hidden. Even as you are, you desire what you cannot contain. From Europe you seek Asia; from Asia you cross into Europe. Then, if you conquer the whole human race, you will wage war with woods and snows and rivers and wild beasts.

"What? Do you not know that great trees grow slowly and are uprooted in one hour? Foolish is the man who looks at their fruit and does not measure their height. Take care lest, while you strive to reach the top, you fall with the very branches you have grasped. Even the lion has sometimes been food for the smallest birds, and rust consumes iron. Nothing is so firm that it is not in danger even from the weak.

"What have we to do with you? We have never touched your land. Are those who live in vast woods not permitted to be ignorant of who you are and where you come from? We can neither serve anyone nor do we desire to rule. Gifts have been given to us so that you may not be ignorant of the Scythian nation: a yoke of oxen and a plough, an arrow, a spear, and a cup. These we use both with friends and against enemies. To friends we give crops won by the labor of oxen; with the same cup we pour wine to the gods. Enemies we strike from afar with the arrow, close at hand with the spear. Thus we overcame the king of Syria and afterwards the Persians and Medes, and the road lay open to us all the way into Egypt.

"But you, who boast that you come to pursue robbers, are the robber of all the nations you have reached. You seized Lydia, occupied Syria, hold Persia, have the Bactrians in your power, and sought the Indians. Now you stretch out greedy and insatiable hands even toward our herds. What need have you of riches that force you to hunger? First of all men, by satiety you have prepared famine, so that the more you have, the more fiercely you desire what you do not have.

"Does it not come to your mind how long you linger around Bactra? While you are subduing them, the Sogdians have begun to make war. War is born for you from victory. For though you may be greater and stronger than anyone, no one wishes to endure a foreign master.

"Only cross the Tanais. You will know how widely the Scythians stretch, yet you will never catch them. Our poverty will be swifter than your army, which carries the plunder of so many nations. Again, when you think we are far away, you will see us in your camp. With the same speed we follow and flee. I hear that the solitudes of the Scythians are mocked even in Greek proverbs. But we follow deserts and places empty of human cultivation more than cities and rich fields.

"Therefore hold your Fortune with tight hands. She is slippery and cannot be held against her will. The counsel that follows will show itself better than the present time: put reins upon your happiness, and you will rule it more easily. Our people say that Fortune has no feet, but only hands and wings. When she stretches out her hands, seize her wings also.

"Finally, if you are a god, you ought to give benefits to mortals, not take away what is theirs. But if you are a man, think always that you are what you are. It is foolish to remember the things because of which you forget yourself. Those on whom you have not brought war you will be able to use as good friends. Friendship is strongest among equals, and those seem equal who have not made trial of strength between themselves. Beware of believing that those you have conquered are your friends. Between master and slave there is no friendship; even in peace the rights of war remain.

"Do not think that the Scythians seal favor by swearing. They swear by keeping faith. That is the caution of Greeks, who sign agreements and call upon the gods. We place religion in faith itself. Those who do not revere human beings deceive the gods. Nor do you need a friend whose goodwill you doubt. For the rest, you will have us as guardians of both Asia and Europe. We touch Bactra, unless the Tanais divides it from us. Beyond the Tanais we dwell as far as Thrace; rumor says Macedonia is joined to Thrace. Consider whether you wish us, neighbors to both your empires, to be enemies or friends."

So spoke the barbarian.

Chapter IX -- Alexander Crosses the Tanais and Defeats the Scythians

In reply, the king said that he would use both his own fortune and their counsels: his fortune, in which he trusted; and the counsel of those advising him, that he should do nothing rashly or boldly. After dismissing the envoys he placed the army on the prepared rafts. On the prows he stationed shield-bearing men and ordered them to crouch on their knees, so that they would be safer against the blows of arrows. Behind them stood those who worked the engines, surrounded on both sides and in front by armed men. The rest, standing behind the engines, protected the rower, who did not wear a breastplate, under a tortoise of shields. The same order was kept also on those rafts that carried supplies. The greater part dragged swimming horses from the stern by straps. The men carried by skins filled with straw were protected by the rafts set before them.

The king himself, with picked men, first loosened his raft and ordered it directed toward the bank. The Scythians set their ranks of horsemen at the very edge of the opposite bank, so that the rafts could not even be brought to land. Beyond this appearance of an army holding the bank, a great terror had seized those sailing. The pilots could not control the course when they were driven by the slanting current, and the unsteady soldiers, anxious not to be thrown off, disturbed the work of the sailors. They could not even try to hurl missiles with force, since their first care was standing without danger rather than attacking the enemy.

The engines saved them. Missiles discharged from them were not thrown in vain against the enemy, who were crowded together and rashly exposed. The barbarians too poured a great force of arrows into the rafts, and scarcely any shield was not pierced by several shafts at once. Now the rafts were being brought to land when the shielded line rose and threw spears from the rafts with a sure stroke, since the effort was free. When they saw the enemy frightened and drawing back their horses, they leapt eagerly to land, encouraging one another. They began to press sharply against the disordered men. Then the cavalry squadrons that had their horses bridled broke through the barbarian line; meanwhile the rest, covered by the column of those fighting, fitted themselves for battle.

The king himself supplied with firmness of spirit what vigor his still-sick body lacked. The voice of his exhortation could not be heard, since the scar of his neck was not yet well closed, but all saw him fighting. Therefore they themselves performed the duty of commanders, urging one another and beginning to rush against the enemy forgetful of their own safety.

Then the barbarians could endure neither the faces, nor the arms, nor the shouting of the enemy. All, with loose reins, took flight, for their battle line was cavalry. The king, though he could not endure the strain of his weakened body, nevertheless continued to pursue them for eighty stadia. When his strength was now leaving him, he ordered his men to cling to the backs of the fugitives as long as any daylight remained. He himself, exhausted even in spirit, withdrew to camp and stopped there.

They had already crossed the boundaries of Father Liber, whose monuments were stones placed at frequent intervals and tall trees whose trunks were covered with ivy. But anger carried the Macedonians farther. Almost at midnight they returned to camp, after killing many, capturing more, and driving off eighteen hundred horses. Sixty Macedonian cavalrymen fell, about one hundred infantrymen, and one thousand were wounded.

The fame of so timely a victory subdued Asia, which was largely falling away. Men had believed the Scythians unconquered; when they were broken, they confessed that no nation would be equal to Macedonian arms. Therefore the Sacae sent envoys promising that their people would do what was commanded. They had been moved no less by the king's clemency toward the defeated Scythians than by his courage, for he had released all the captives without ransom, to make it clear that with the fiercest nations he had contended about courage, not about anger.

After receiving the envoys of the Sacae kindly, he gave them Elpinicon as companion. He was still very young, commended to the king by the bloom of his age; though in bodily appearance he equaled Hephaestion, in charm he was by no means manly. Alexander himself ordered Craterus to follow by moderate marches with the greater part of the army and hurried to the city Maracanda, from which Spitamenes, learning of his arrival, had fled to Bactra. In four days the king covered a long stretch of road and reached the place where he had lost two thousand infantry and three hundred cavalry under Menedemus. He ordered their bones to be covered with a mound and gave funeral rites according to ancestral custom.

By now Craterus, ordered to follow with the phalanx, had reached the king. So that all who had revolted might be pressed together by the calamity of war, he divided his forces and ordered the fields burned and all adult males killed.

Chapter X -- Sogdian Captives, Bactra, the Oxus, and Margiana

The region of Sogdiana is for the greater part desert. Vast solitudes hold about eight hundred stadia in breadth. There is a great stretch of level land through which a river flows, called by the inhabitants the Polytimetus. Its banks force the torrent into a narrow channel; then a cavern receives it and carries it under the earth. The sign of its hidden course is the sound of water moving, while the very ground under which so great a river flows does not sweat with even a little moisture.

From the captives of the Sogdians thirty men of the highest rank, remarkable for bodily strength, had been brought to the king. When they learned through an interpreter that by the king's order they were being dragged to punishment, they began to sing like men rejoicing and to show a certain joy of spirit with dancing steps and a rather wanton motion of the body. The king, amazed that they were meeting death with so great a spirit, ordered them called back and asked the cause of such overflowing joy when punishment stood before their eyes. They answered that if they were being killed by another, they would die sadly; now, returned to their ancestors by so great a king, conqueror of all nations, they were celebrating with songs of their own custom and with gladness an honorable death, which brave men would seek even in prayer.

Then the king, admiring their greatness of spirit, said, "I ask whether you wish to live, not as enemies to me, by whose kindness you will live." They answered that they had never been enemies to him, but had been opponents in war because war had been brought upon them. If anyone had preferred to test them by kindness rather than injury, they would have competed not to be surpassed in duty. Asked by what pledge they would bind their faith, they said the life they were receiving would be the pledge: they would give it back whenever he asked. They did not fail in their promise. Those sent home held their people in loyalty, and the four kept among the bodyguards yielded to none of the Macedonians in affection for the king.

Leaving Peucolaus among the Sogdians with three thousand infantry, for no greater garrison was needed, Alexander came to Bactra. From there he ordered Bessus to be led to Ecbatana, where he would pay with his head the penalty for killing Darius. About the same days Ptolemy and Melamnidas brought three thousand infantry and one thousand cavalry, who were to serve for pay. Asander also came from Lycia with the same number of infantry and five hundred cavalry. Asclepiodorus was followed from Syria by the same number. Antipater had sent eight thousand Greeks, among whom were six hundred cavalry.

Thus, with the army enlarged, Alexander advanced to settle the matters disturbed by revolt. After killing the authors of the panic, on the fourth day he reached the river Oxus. Because it carries silt, it is always muddy and unhealthy to drink. The soldiers had therefore begun to dig wells, but even after earth had been thrown out from a deep depth, no moisture appeared. Then a spring was seen in the king's own tent. Because they noticed it late, they pretended that it had suddenly appeared; the king himself wished it to be believed that it was a gift from the god.

After crossing the rivers Ochus and Oxus, he came to the city Margiana. Around it sites were chosen for founding six towns: two turned toward the south, four looking toward the east, standing at moderate distances from one another so that mutual help would not have to be fetched from far away. All these are situated on high hills. At that time they were like bridles upon conquered nations; now, forgetful of their origin, they serve those over whom they once ruled.

Chapter XI -- The Sogdian Rock of Arimazes

The king had pacified the other places. One rock remained, held by the Sogdian Arimazes with thirty thousand armed men, with supplies gathered beforehand that would suffice so great a multitude for even two years. The rock rises thirty stadia in height and embraces one hundred fifty in circuit. Cut off and sheer on every side, it is approached by a very narrow path. Halfway up it has a cave whose mouth is narrow and dark; then the interior gradually opens, and the farthest parts have deep recesses. Springs flow through almost the whole cave. Their waters, gathered together, send a river down the slope of the mountain.

After examining the difficulty of the place, the king had decided to go away. Then a desire came over his mind to wear out nature too. Yet before trying the fortune of the siege, he sent Cophes, son of Artabazus, to the barbarians to urge them to surrender the rock. Arimazes, relying on the place, answered many things insolently and at last asked whether Alexander could fly. When this was reported to the king, it so inflamed his spirit that he summoned those with whom he was accustomed to consult and told them the insolence of the barbarian who mocked them because they had no wings; but he would bring it about the following night that the man would believe Macedonians could fly.

"Bring me," he said, "three hundred of the quickest young men from each of your forces, men who at home were used to driving herds through paths and almost impassable rocks." They eagerly brought men outstanding both in lightness of body and heat of spirit. Looking at them, the king said: "With you, young men and men of my own age, I have overcome before now the defenses of unconquered cities, crossed mountain ridges covered with lasting snow, entered the narrows of Cilicia, and endured without weariness the force of Indian cold. I have given you proofs of myself and I have yours.

"The rock you see has one approach, which the barbarians are holding. They neglect the rest; there are no watches except those that look toward our camp. You will find a way if you search skillfully for approaches leading to the summit. Nature has set nothing so high that courage cannot strive up to it. By attempting what others have despaired of, we hold Asia in our power. Climb to the summit. When you have seized it, you will give me a signal with white cloths; I, bringing up the forces, will turn the enemy from you toward us. The reward for the man who first occupies the top will be ten talents; the man who comes nearest after him will receive one less, and the same share will be kept down to ten men. But I am certain that you look not so much to my generosity as to my will."

They heard the king with such spirits that they seemed already to have seized the height. Dismissed, they prepared iron wedges to drive between the rocks and strong ropes. The king rode around the rock and ordered them, in the second watch, with a prayer that it might turn out well, to enter where the approach seemed least rough and sheer. Taking food for two days and armed only with swords and spears, they began to climb.

At first they went on foot. Then, when they came to the precipices, some lifted themselves by embracing projecting rocks with their hands; others climbed with loops of rope thrown over; some drove wedges between the rocks as steps on which they might stand. They spent the day between fear and labor. After they had struggled through rough places, harder ones remained, and the height of the rock seemed to grow. The sight was pitiful when those whom an unstable foothold deceived rolled down from the precipice; soon another man's fall showed an example of what each might suffer himself. Yet through these difficulties they struggled to the top of the mountain. All were affected by the exhaustion of continuous labor, some battered in parts of their bodies; night and sleep overcame them together. Their bodies lay scattered among pathless and rough rocks, and, forgetful of the danger hanging over them, they rested until light.

At last, as if awakened from a deep sleep, they searched the hidden valleys below them. Not knowing in what part of the rock so great a force of enemies was enclosed, they noticed smoke rising from a cave beneath them. From this they understood that this was the enemy's hiding place. Therefore they set upon spears the agreed signal. They learned that thirty-two of the whole number had died in the ascent.

The king, anxious not more from desire to gain the place than from concern for those whom he had sent into so obvious a danger, stood all day looking at the heights of the mountain. Only at night, when darkness had taken sight from his eyes, did he withdraw to care for his body. The next day, before the light was fully clear, he was the first to see the white cloths, the signal that the height had been taken. But lest his eyes deceive him, the varying sky forced him to doubt, now with light shining through, now hidden. When clearer light appeared in the sky, doubt was removed. Calling Cophes, through whom he had tested the minds of the barbarians, he sent him to warn them that now at least they should enter a more wholesome plan; but if they persisted in confidence in the place, he was ordered to show those who had seized the height behind them.

Admitted, Cophes began to urge Arimazes to hand over the rock and enter the king's favor, if he had not forced a man attempting such great things to stick fast in the siege of one cliff. Arimazes, speaking more fiercely and more proudly than before, ordered Cophes to go away. But Cophes took the barbarian by the hand and asked him to come out of the cave with him. When he had obtained this, he showed the young men on the summit and, mocking his arrogance not undeservedly, said that Alexander's soldiers had wings.

Already from the Macedonian camp the sound of signals and the shouting of the whole army were heard. This matter, like most empty and vain things in war, drew the barbarians to surrender, for occupied by fear they could not judge the small number of those who were behind them. Therefore they eagerly called back Cophes, for he had left them in panic, and sent with him thirty chiefs to hand over the rock and make terms that they be allowed to depart unharmed.

Although Cophes feared that, once the small number of the young men was seen, the barbarians would hurl them down, still, trusting both his own fortune and angered by the pride of Arimazes, he answered that he would accept no condition of surrender. Arimazes, his affairs desperate rather than actually ruined, came down into the camp with his relatives and the noblest men of his people. Alexander ordered them all, after being scourged, to be fastened to crosses under the very roots of the rock. The multitude of those who surrendered, together with the captured money, was given as a gift to the inhabitants of the new cities. Artabazus was left to guard the rock and the region placed beside it.

Colophon

This Good Works Translation was made from the Latin text of Quintus Curtius Rufus, Historiae Alexandri Magni, Book VII, preserved in the local Scythian source archive.

The English translation is independently derived from the Latin. No modern English translation was used as the base text.

Compiled for the New Tianmu Anglican Church, 2026.

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Source Text: Quintus Curtius Rufus, Book VII

Latin source text presented for reference, study, and verification alongside the English translation above.

Caput I

[1.1] Philotan sicut recentibus sceleris eius vestigiis iure adfectum supplicio censuerant milites, ita, postquam desierat esse, quem odissent, invidia in misericordiam vertit. [1.2] Moverat et claritas iuvenis et patris eius senectus atque orbitas. [1.3] Primus Asiam aperuerat regi: omnium periculorum eius particeps semper alterum in acie cornu defenderat, Philippo quoque ante omnes amicus et ipsi Alexandro tam fidus, ut occidendi Attalum non alio ministro uti mallet. [1.4] Horum cogitatio subibat exercitum seditiosaeque voces referebantur ad regem. Quis ille haud sane motus satisque prudens, otii vitia negotio discuti, edicit, ut omnes in vestibulo regiae praesto sint. [1.5] Quos ubi frequentes adesse cognovit, in contionem processit. Haud dubie ex conposito Atharrias postulare coepit, ut Lyncestes Alexander, qui multo ante quam Philotas regem voluisset occidere, exhiberetur. [1.6] A duobus indicibus, sicut supra diximus, delatus tertium iam annum custodiebatur in vinculis. Eundem in Philippi quoque caedem coniurasse cum Pausania pro conperto fuit, sed quia primus Alexandrum regem salutaverat, supplicio magis quam crimini fuerat exemptus: [1.7] tum quoque Antipatri soceri eius preces iustam regis iram morabantur. Ceterum recruduit suppuratus dolor: quippe veteris periculi memoriam praesentis cura renovabat. [1.8] Igitur Alexander ex custodia educitur iussusque dicere, quamquam toto triennio meditatus erat defensionem, tamen haesitans et trepidus pauca ex iis, quae conposuerat, protulit, ad ultimum non memoria solum, sed etiam mens eum destituit. [1.9] Nulli erat dubium, quin trepidatio conscientiae indicium esset, non memoriae vitium. Itaque ex his, qui proximi adstiterant, obluctantem adhuc oblivioni lanceis confoderunt. [1.10] Cuius corpore ablato rex introduci iussit Amyntam et Simmiam: nam Polemon, minimus ex fratribus, cum Philotan torqueri conperisset, profugerat. [1.11] Omnium Philotae amicorum hi carissimi fuerant, ad magna et honorata ministeria illius maxime suffragatione producti: memineratque rex, summo studio ab eo conciliatos sibi. Nec dubitabat igitur, huius quoque ultimi consilii fuisse participes: [1.12] olim sibi esse suspectos matris suae litteris, quibus esset admonitus, ut ab his salutem suam tueretur: ceterum se invitum deteriora credentem nunc manifestis indiciis victum iussisse vinciri. [1.13] Nam pridie, quam detegeretur Philotae scelus, quin in secreto cum eo fuissent, non posse dubitari. Fratrem vero, qui profugerit, cum de Philota quaereretur, aperuisse fugae causam. [1.14] Nuper praeter consuetudinem officii specie amotis longius ceteris admovisse semetipsos lateri suo nulla probabili causa: seque mirantem, quod non vice sua tali fungerentur officio, et ipsa trepidatione eorum perterritum strenue ad armigeros, qui proxime sequebantur, recessisse. [1.15] Ad haec accedere, quod, cum Antiphanes, scriba equitum, Amyntae denuntiasset, pridie quam Philotae scelus deprehensum esset, ut ex suis equis more solito daret his, qui amisissent equos, superbe respondisset, nisi incepto desisteret, brevi sciturum, quis ipse esset. [1.16] Iam linguae violentiam temeritatemque verborum, quae in semetipsum iacularentur, nihil aliud esse, quam scelesti animi indicem ac testem. Quae si vera essent, idem meruisse eos, quod Philotan, si falsa, exigere ipsum, ut refellant. [1.17] Productus deinde Antiphanes de equis non traditis et adiectis etiam superbe minis indicat. [1.18] Tum Amyntas facta dicendi potestate, 'Si nihil', inquit, 'interest regis, peto, ut, dum dico, vinculis liberer'. Rex solvi utrumque iubet, desiderantique Amyntae, ut habitus quoque redderetur armigeri, lanceam dari iussit. [1.19] Quam ut laeva conprehendit, evitato eo loco, in quo Alexandri corpus paulo ante iacuerat, 'Qualiscumque', inquit, 'exitus nos manet, rex, confitemur, prosperum tibi debituros, tristiorem fortunae inputaturos. [1.20] Sine praeiudicio dicimus causam liberis corporibus animisque. Habitum etiam, in quo te comitari solemus, reddidisti. Causam non possumus, fortunam timere desinemus. [1.21] Et, quaeso, permittas mihi id primum defendere, quod a te ultimum obiectum est. Nos, rex, sermonis adversus maiestatem tuam habiti nullius conscii sumus nobis. Dicerem iam pridem vicisse te invidiam, nisi periculum esset, ne alia malignius dicta crederes blanda oratione purgari. [1.22] Ceterum etiamsi militis tui vel in agmine deficientis et fatigati vel in acie periclitantis vel in tabernaculo aegri et vulnera curantis aliqua vox asperior esset accepta, merueramus fortibus factis, ut malles ea tempori nostro inputare quam animo. [1.23] Cum quid accidit tristius, omnes rei sunt: corporibus nostris, quae utique non odimus, infestas admovemus manus: parentes, liberis si occurrant, et ingrati et invisi sunt. Contra cum donis honoramur, cum praemiis onusti revertimur, quis ferre nos potest? quis illam animorum alacritatem continere? [1.24] Militantium nec indignatio nec laetitia moderata est. Ad omnes adfectus impetu rapimur. Vituperamus, laudamus, miseremur, irascimur, utcumque praesens movit adfectio: modo Indiam adire et Oceanum libet, modo coniugum et liberorum patriaeque memoria occurrit. [1.25] Sed has cogitationes, has inter se conloquentium voces signum tuba datum finit: in suos quisque ordines currimus et, quidquid irarum in tabernaculo conceptum est, in hostium effunditur capita. Utinam Philotas quoque intra verba peccasset! [1.26] Proinde ad id praevertar, propter quod rei sumus. Amicitiam, quae nobis cum Philota fuit, adeo non eo infitias, ut expetisse quoque nos magnosque ex ea fructus percepisse confitear. [1.27] An vero Parmenionis, quem tibi proximum esse voluisti, filium omnes paene amicos tuos dignatione vincentem cultum a nobis esse miraris? [1.28] Tu, hercules, si verum audire vis, rex, huius nobis periculi es causa. Quis enim alius effecit, ut ad Philotan decurrerent, qui placere vellent tibi? Ab illo traditi ad hunc gradum amicitiae tuae ascendimus. Is apud te fuit, cuius et gratiam expetere et iram timere possemus. [1.29] An non propemodum in tua verba tui omnes te praeeunte iuravimus, eosdem nos inimicos amicosque habituros esse, quos tu haberes? Hoc sacramento pietatis obstricti aversaremur scilicet, quem tu omnibus praeferebas! [1.30] Igitur, si hoc crimen est, paucos innocentes habes, immo, hercules, neminem. Omnes enim Philotae amici esse voluerunt, sed totidem, quot volebant esse, non poterant. Ita, si a consciis amicos non dividis, ne ab amicis quidem separabis illos, qui idem esse voluerunt. [1.31] Quod igitur conscientiae adfertur indicium? Ut opinor, quia pridie familiariter et sine arbitris locutus est nobiscum! At ego purgare non possem, si pridie quicquam ex vetere vita ac more mutassem. Nunc vero, si, ut omnibus diebus, illo quoque, qui suspectus est, fecimus, consuetudo diluet crimen. [1.32] Sed equos Antiphani non dedimus et pridie, quam Philotas detectus est, haec mihi cum Antiphane res erat! qui si nos suspectos facere vult, quod illo die equos non dederimus, semetipsum, quod eos desideravit, purgare non poterit. [1.33] Anceps enim crimen est inter retinentem et exigentem: nisi quod melior est causa suum non tradentis quam poscentis alienum. [1.34] Ceterum, rex, equos decem habui: e quibus Antiphanes octo iam distribuerat iis, qui amiserant suos, omnino duos ipse habebam: quos cum vellet abducere homo superbissimus, certe iniquissimus, nisi pedes militare vellem, retinere cogebar. [1.35] Nec infitias eo, liberi hominis animo locutum esse me cum ignavissimo et hoc unum militiae ius usurpante, ut alienos equos pugnaturis distribuat. Huc enim malorum ventum est, ut verba mea eodem tempore et Alexandro excusem et Antiphani. [1.36] At, hercule, mater de nobis inimicis tuis scripsit. Utinam prudentius esset sollicita pro filio et non inanes quoque species anxio animo figuraret! Quare enim non adscribit metus sui causam, denique non ostendit auctorem? Quo facto dictove nostro mota tam trepidas tibi litteras scripsit? [1.37] O miseram condicionem meam, quia forsitan non periculosius est tacere quam dicere! Sed utcumque cessura res est, malo tibi defensionem meam displicere quam causam. Adgnosces autem, quae dicturus sum: quippe meministi, cum me ad perducendos ex Macedonia milites mitteres, dixisse te, multos integros iuvenes in domo tuae matris abscondi. [1.38] Praecepisti igitur mihi, ne quem praeter te intuerer, sed detrectantes militiam perducerem ad te. Quod equidem feci et liberius, quam expediebat mihi, executus sum tuum imperium. Gorgiam et Hecataeum et Gorgatan, quorum bona opera uteris, inde perduxi. [1.39] Quid igitur iniquius est, quam me, qui, si tibi non paruissem, iure daturus fui poenas, nunc perire, quia parui? Neque enim ulla alia matri tuae persequendi nos causa est, quam quod utilitatem tuam muliebri praeposuimus gratiae. [1.40] VI milia Macedonum peditum et DC equites adduxi, quorum pars secutura me non erat, si militam detrectantibus indulgere voluissem. Sequitur ergo, ut, quia illa propter hanc causam irascitur nobis, tu mitiges matrem, qui irae eius nos obtulisti'.

Caput II

[2.1] Dum haec Amyntas agit, forte supervenerunt, qui fratrem eius Polemonem, de quo ante est dictum, fugientem consecuti vinctum reducebant. Infesta contio vix inhiberi potuit, quin protinus suo more saxa in eum iaceret. [2.2] Atque ille sane interritus, 'Nihil', inquit, 'pro me deprecor, modo ne fratrum innocentiae fuga imputetur mea. Haec si defendi non potest, meum crimen sit. Horum ob id ipsum melior est causa, quod ego, qui profugi, suspectus sum'. [2.3] At haec elocuto universa contio adsensa est: lacrimae deinde omnibus manare coeperunt adeo in contrarium repente mutatis, ut hoc solum pro eo esset, quod maxime laeserat. [2.4] Iuvenis erat primo aetatis flore pubescens, quem inter equites tormentis Philotae conturbatos alienus terror abstulerat: desertum eum a comitibus et haesitantem inter revertendi fugiendique consilium, qui secuti erant, occupaverunt. [2.5] Is tum flere coepit et os suum converberare, maestus non suam vicem, sed propter ipsum periclitantium fratrum. [2.6] Moveratque iam regem quoque, non contionem modo, sed unus erat inplacabilis frater, qui terribili vultu intuens eum, 'Tum', ait, 'demens, lacrimare debueras, cum equo calcaria subderes, fratrum desertor et desertorum comes. Miser, quo et unde fugiebas! Effecisti, ut reus capitis accusatoris uterer verbis'. [2.7] Ille peccasse se, sed haud gravius in fratres quam in semetipsum fatebatur. Tum vero neque lacrimis neque adclamationibus, quibus studia sua multitudo profitetur, temperaverunt. Una vox erat pari emissa consensu, ut insontibus et fortibus viris parceret. Amici quoque data misericordiae occasione consurgunt flentesque regem deprecantur. [2.8] Ille silentio facto, 'Et ipse', inquit, 'Amyntan mea sententia fratresque eius absolvo. Vos autem, iuvenes, malo beneficii mei oblivisci, quam periculi vestri meminisse. Eadem fide redite in gratiam mecum, qua ipse vobiscum revertor. [2.9] Nisi, quae delata essent, excussissem, alte dissimulatio mea suppurare potuisset. Sed satius est purgatos esse quam suspectos. Cogitate neminem absolvi posse, nisi qui dixerit causam. Tu, Amynta, ignosce fratri tuo. [2.10] Erit hoc simpliciter etiam mihi reconciliati animi tui pignus'. Contione deinde dimissa Polydamanta vocari iubet. [2.11] Longe acceptissimus Parmenioni erat, proximus lateri in acie stare solitus: et quamquam conscientia fretus in regiam venerat, tamen, [2.12] ut iussus est fratres suos exhibere admodum iuvenes et regi ignotos ob aetatem, fiducia in sollicitudinem versa trepidare coepit, saepius, quae nocere possent, quam quibus ea eluderet, reputans. [2.13] Iam armigeri, quibus imperatum erat, produxerant eos, cum exanguem metu Polydamanta propius accedere rex iubet summotisque omnibus, [2.14] 'Scelere,' inquit, 'Parmenionis omnes pariter adpetiti sumus, maxime ego ac tu, quos amicitiae specie fefellit. Ad quem persequendum puniendumque — vide, quantum fidei tuae credam, — te ministro uti statui. [2.15] Obsides, dum hoc peragis, erunt fratres tui. Proficiscere in Mediam et ad praefectos meos litteras scriptas manu mea perfer. Velocitate opus est, qua celeritatem famae antecedas. Noctu pervenire illuc te volo, postero die, quae scripta erunt, exequi. [2.16] Ad Parmeniona quoque epistolas feres, unam a me, alteram Philotae nomine scriptam. Signum anuli eius in mea potestate est. Si pater credet a filio inpressum, cum te viderit, nihil metuet'. [2.17] Polydamas tanto liberatus metu inpensius etiam, quam exigebatur, promittit operam conlaudatusque et promissis oneratus deposita veste, quam habebat, Arabica induitur. [2.18] Duo Arabes, quorum interim coniuges ac liberi vinculum fidei obsides apud regem erant, dati comites. Per deserta etiam ob siccitatem loca camelis undecimo die, quo destinaverant, perveniunt. [2.19] Et priusquam ipsius nuntiaretur adventus, rursus Polydamas vestem Macedonicam sumit et in tabernaculum Cleandri — praetor hic regius erat — quarta vigilia pervenit. [2.20] Redditis deinde litteris constituerunt prima luce ad Parmenionem coire: namque ceteris quoque litteras regis attulerat. Iam ad eum venturi erant, cum Parmenioni Polydamanta venisse nuntiaverunt. [2.21] Qui dum laetatur adventu amici, simulque noscendi, quae rex ageret, avidus — quippe longo intervallo nullam ab eo epistolam acceperat — Polydamanta requiri iubet. [2.22] Deversoria regionis illius magnos recessus habent amoenosque nemoribus manu consitis: ea praecipue regum satraparumque voluptas erat. [2.23] Spatiabatur in nemore Parmenion medius inter duces, quibus erat imperatum litteris regis, ut occiderent. Agendae autem rei constituerant tempus, cum Parmenion a Polydamante litteras traditas legere coepisset. [2.24] Polydamas procul veniens, ut a Parmenione conspectus est, vultu laetitiae speciem praeferente ad conplectendum eum cucurrit mutuaque gratulatione functi, Polydamas epistolam a rege scriptam ei tradidit, [2.25] Parmenion vinculum epistolae solvens, quidnam rex ageret, requirebat. Ille ex ipsis litteris cogniturum esse respondit. [2.26] Quibus Parmenion lectis, 'Rex', inquit, 'expeditionem parat in Arachosios. Strenuum hominem et numquam cessantem! Sed tempus saluti suae tanta iam parta gloria parcere. [2.27] Alteram deinde epistolam Philotae nomine scriptam laetus, quod ex vultu notari poterat, legebat. Tum eius latus gladio haurit Cleander, deinde iugulum ferit: ceteri exanimum quoque confodiunt. [2.28] At armigeri, qui ad aditum nemoris adstiterant, cognita caede, cuius causa ignorabatur, in castra perveniunt et tumultuoso nuntio milites concitant. [2.29] Illi armati ad nemus, in quo perpetrata caedes erat, coeunt et, ni Polydamas ceterique eiusdem noxae participes dedantur, murum circumdatum nemori eversuros denuntiant omniumque sanguine duci parentaturos. [2.30] Cleander primores eorum intromitti iubet litterasque regis scriptas ad milites recitat, quibus insidiae Parmenionis in regem precesque, ut ipsum vindicarent, continebantur. [2.31] Igitur cognita regis voluntate non quidem indignatio, sed tamen seditio conpressa est. Dilapsis pluribus pauci remanserunt, qui, saltem ut corpus ipsi[u]s sepelire permitterent, precabantur. [2.32] Diu id negatum est Cleandri metu, ne offenderet regem. Pertinacius deinde precantibus materiem consternationis subtrahendam ratus capite deciso truncum humare permisit: [2.33] ad regem caput missum est. Hic exitus Parmenionis fuit, militiae domique clari viri. Multa sine rege prospere, rex sine illo nihil magnae rei gesserat. Felicissimo regi et omnia ad fortunae signum exigenti modum satisfecit. LXX natus annos ut iuvenis ducis et saepe etiam gregarii militis munia explevit: acer consilio, manu strenuus, carus principibus, vulgo militum acceptior. [2.34] Haec inpulerint illum ad regni cupiditatem an tantum suspectum fecerint ambigi potest, quia Philotas ultimis cruciatibus victus verane dixerit, quae facta probari non poterant, an falsis tormentorum petierit finem, re quoque recenti, cum magis posset liquere, dubitatum est.

[2.35] Alexander, quos libere mortem Parmenionis conquestos esse conpererat, separandos a cetero exercitu ratus in unam cohortem secrevit ducemque his Leonidam dedit, et ipsum Parmenioni quondam intima familiaritate coniunctum. [2.36] Fere iidem erant, quos alioquin rex habuerat invisos. Nam cum experiri vellet militum animos, admonuit, qui litteras in Macedoniam ad suos scripsisset, iis, quos ipse mittebat, perlaturis cum fide traderet. Simpliciter ad necessarios suos quisque scripserat, quae sentiebat: aliis gravis erat, plerisque non ingrata militia. [2.37] Ita et agentium gratias [et querentium] litterae exceptae sunt et qui forte taedium laboris per litteras erant questi. Hanc seorsus cohortem a ceteris tendere ignominiae causa iubet, fortitudine usurus in bello, libertatem linguae ab auribus credulis remoturus. Et consilium, temerarium forsitan — quippe fortissimi iuvenes contumelia inritati erant — sicut omnia alia felicitas regis excepit: nihil illis ad bella promptius fuit. [2.38] Incitabat virtutem et ignominiae demendae cupido et quia facta in paucis latere non poterant.

Caput III

[3.1] His ita conpositis Alexander Arsame Ariorum satrape constituto iter pronuntiari iubet in Arimaspos, quos iam tunc mutato nomine Euergetas appellabant, ex quo frigore victusque penuria Cyri exercitum adfectum tectis et commeatibus iuverant. [3.2] Quintus dies erat, ut in eam regionem pervenerat. Cognoscit Satibarzanem, qui ad Bessum defecerat, cum equitum manu inrupisse rursus in Arios. Itaque Caranum et Erigyium cum Artabazo et Andronico et VI milibus Graecorum peditum eo misit, quos DC equites sequebantur. [3.3] Ipse LX diebus gentem Euergetarum ordinavit magna pecunia ob egregiam in Cyrum fidem donata.

[3.4] Relicto deinde, qui iis praeesset, Amedine — scriba is Darei fuerat — Arachosios, quorum regio ad Ponticum mare pertinet, subegit. Ibi exercitus, qui sub Parmenione fuerat, occurrit. Sex milia Macedonum erant et CC nobiles et V milia Graecorum cum equitibus DC, haud dubie robur omnium virium regis. [3.5] Arachosiis datus Menon praetor IIII milibus peditum et DC equitibus in praesidium relictis. Ipse rex nationem ne finitimis quidem satis notam, quippe nullo commercio colentem mutuos usus, cum exercitu intravit. [3.6] Parapamisadae appellantur, agreste hominum genus et inter barbaros maxime inconditum. Locorum asperitas hominum quoque ingenia duraverat. [3.7] Gelidissimum septentrionis axem ex magna parte spectant, Bactrianis ab occidente coniuncti sunt, meridiana regio ad mare Indicum vergit. [3.8] Tuguria latere ab imo struunt et, quia sterilis est terra materia in nudo etiam montis dorso, ad summum aedificiorum fastigium eodem laterculo utuntur. [3.9] Ceterum structura latior ab imo paulatim incremento operis in artius cogitur, ad ultimum in carinae maxime modum coit. Ibi foramine relicto superne lumen admittunt. [3.10] Vites et arbores, si quae in tanto terrae rigore durare potuerunt, obruunt penitus. Hieme defossae latent: cum nix discussa aperire humum coepit, caelo solique redduntur. [3.11] Ceterum adeo altae nives premunt terram gelu et perpetuo paene rigore constrictae, ut ne avium quidem feraeve ullius vestigium extet. Obscura caeli verius umbra quam lux nocti similis premit terram, vix ut, quae prope sunt, conspici possint. [3.12] In hac tum omnis humani cultus solitudine destitutus exercitus, quidquid malorum tolerari potest, pertulit, inopiam, frigus, lassitudinem, desperationem. [3.13] Multos exanimavit rigor insolitus nivis: multorum adussit pedes, plurimorum oculos. Praecipue perniciabilis fuit fatigatis: quippe in ipso gelu deficientia corpora sternebant, quae cum moveri desissent, vis frigoris ita adstringebat, ut rursus ad surgendum coniti non possent. [3.14] A commilitonibus torpentes excitabantur neque aliud remedium erat, quam ut ingredi cogerentur. [3.15] Tum demum vitali calore moto membris aliquis redibat vigor. Si qui tuguria barbarorum adire potuerunt, celeriter refecti sunt. Sed tanta caligo erat, ut aedificia nulla alia res quam fumus ostenderet. [3.16] Illi numquam ante in terris suis advena viso cum armatos repente conspicerent, exanimati metu, quidquid in tuguriis erat, adferebant, ut corporibus ipsorum parceretur orantes. [3.17] Rex agmen circumibat pedes, iacentes quosdam erigens et alios, cum aegre sequerentur, adminiculo corporis sui excipiens. Nunc ad prima signa, nunc in medio, nunc in ultimo agmine itineris multiplicato labore aderat. [3.18] Tandem ad loca cultiora perventum est commeatuque largo recreatus exercitus: simul et, qui consequi non potuerant, in illa castra venerunt.

[3.19] Inde agmen processit ad Caucasum montem, cuius dorsum Asiam perpetuo iugo dividit: hinc simul mare, quod Ciliciam subit et Rubrum mare, illinc Caspium fretum et amnem Araxen aliaque regione Scythiae deserta spectat. [3.20] Taurus, secundae magnitudinis mons, committitur Caucaso: a Cappadocia se attollens Ciliciam praeterit Armeniaeque montibus iungitur. [3.21] Sic inter se iuga velut serie cohaerentia perpetuum habent dorsum, ex quo Asiae omnia fere flumina alia in Rubrum, alia in Caspium mare, alia in Hyrcanium et Ponticum decidunt. [3.22] XVII dierum spatio Caucasum superavit exercitus. Rupes in eo X in circuitu stadia conplectitur, IIII in altitudinem excedit, in qua vinctum Promethea fuisse antiquitas tradidit. [3.23] Condendae in radicibus montis urbi sedes electa est. VII milibus Caucasiorum et Macedonum praeterea militibus, quorum opera uti desisset, permissum in novam urbem considere. Hanc quoque Alexandream incolae appellaverunt.

Caput IV

[4.1] At Bessus Alexandri celeritate perterritus dis patriis sacrificio rite facto, sicut illis gentibus mos est, cum amicis ducibusque copiarum inter epulas de bello consultabat. [4.2] Graves mero suas vires extollere, hostium nunc temeritatem, nunc paucitatem spernere incipiunt. [4.3] Praecipue Bessus, ferox verbis et parto per scelus regno superbus ac vix potens mentis, dicere orditur: 'Socordia Darei crevisse hostium famam. [4.4] Occurrisse enim in Ciliciae angustissimis faucibus, cum retrocedendo posset perducere incautos in loca naturae situ tuta, tot fluminibus obiectis, tot montium latebris, inter quas deprehensus hostis ne fugae quidem, nedum resistendi occasionem fuerit habiturus. [4.5] Sibi placere in Sogdianos recedere, Oxum amnem velut murum obiecturum hosti, dum ex finitimis gentibus valida auxilia concurrerent. [4.6] Venturos autem Chorasmios et Dahas Sacasque et Indos et ultra Tanain amnem colentes Scythas: quorum neminem adeo humilem esse, ut humeri eius non possent Macedonis militis verticem aequare'. [4.7] Conclamant temulenti, unam hanc sententiam salubrem esse, et Bessus circumferri merum largius iubet, debellaturus super mensam Alexandrum. [4.8] Erat in eo convivio Cobares, natione Medus, sed magicae artis — si modo ars est, non vanissimi cuiusque ludibrium — magis professione quam scientia celeber, alioqui moderatus et probus. [4.9] Is cum praefatus esset, scire servo utilius esse parere dicto quam adferre consilium, cum illos, qui pareant, idem quod ceteros maneat, qui vero suadeant, proprium sibi periculum contrahant: Bessus eum intrepidum dicere iussit, poculum etiam, quod habebat in manu, tradidit. [4.10] Quo accepto Cobares, 'Natura', inquit, 'mortalium hoc quoque nomine prava et sinistra dici potest, quod in suo quisque negotio hebetior est quam in alieno. [4.11] Turbida sunt consilia eorum, qui sibi suadent. Obstat metus, alias cupiditas, nonnumquam naturalis eorum, quae excogitaveris, amor: nam in te superbia non cadit. Expertus es, unumquemque, quod ipse reppererit, aut solum aut optimum ducere. Magnum onus sustines capite, regum insigne: [4.12] hoc aut moderate perferendum est aut, quod abominor, in te ruet. [4.13] Consilio, non impetu opus est'. Adicit deinde, quod apud Bactrianos vulgo usurpabant, canem timidum vehementius latrare quam mordere, altissima quaeque flumina minimo sono labi. Quae inserui, ut, qualiscumque inter barbaros potuit esse, prudentia traderetur. [4.14] Iam his audientium expectationem suspenderat: tum consilium aperit utilius Besso quam gratius. 'In vestibulo', inquit, 'regiae tuae velocissimus consistit rex. Ante ille agmen, quam tu mensam istam movebis. [4.15] Nunc ab Tanai exercitum accerses et armis flumina oppones. Scilicet qua tu fugiturus es, hostis sequi non potest! Iter utrique commune est, victori tutius. Licet strenuum metum putes esse, velocior tamen spes est. [4.16] Quin validioris occupas gratiam dedisque te, utcumque cesserit, meliorem fortunam deditus quam hostis habiturus? [4.17] Alienum habes regnum, quo facilius eo careas. Incipies forsitan iustus esse rex, cum ipse fecerit, qui tibi et dare potest regnum et eripere. [4.18] Consilium habes fidele: quod diutius exequi supervacuum est. Nobilis equus umbra quoque virgae regitur, ignavus ne calcari quidem concitari potest'. [4.19] Bessus et ingenio et multo mero ferox adeo exarsit, ut vix ab amicis, quo minus occideret eum, — nam strinxerat quoque acinacem — contineretur. Certe convivio prosiluit haudquaquam potens mentis. Cobares inter tumultum elapsus ad Alexandrum transfugit.

[4.20] VIII milia Bactrianorum habebat armata Bessus: quae, quamdiu propter caeli intemperiem Indiam potius Macedonas petituros crediderant, oboedienter imperata fecerunt: postquam adventare Alexandrum conpertum est, in suos quisque vicos dilapsi Bessum reliquerunt. [4.21] Ille cum clientium manu, qui non mutaverant fidem, Oxo amne superato exustisque navigiis, quibus transierat, ne iisdem hostis uteretur, novas copias in Sogdianis contrahebat.

[4.22] Alexander Caucasum quidem, ut supra dictum est, transierat, sed inopia frumenti quoque prope ad famem ventum erat. [4.23] Suco ex sesama expresso haud secus quam oleo artus perunguebant. Sed huius suci ducenis quadragenis denariis amphorae singulae, mellis denariis trecenis nonagenis, trecenis vini aestimabantur: tritici nihil aut admodum exiguum reperiebatur. [4.24] Siros vocabant barbari scrobes, quos ita sollerter abscondunt, ut, nisi qui defoderunt, invenire non possint: in his conditae fruges erant. In quarum penuria milites fluviatili pisce et herbis sustinebantur. [4.25] Iamque haec ipsa alimenta defecerant, cum iumenta, quibus onera portabant, caedere iussi sunt: horum carne, dum in Bactrianos perventum est, traxere vitam. [4.26] Bactrianae terrae multiplex et varia natura est. Alibi multa arbor et vitis largos mitesque fructus alit. Solum pingue crebri fontes rigant: quae mitiora sunt, frumento conseruntur, cetera armentorum pabulo cedunt. [4.27] Magnam deinde partem eiusdem terrae steriles harenae tenent: squalida siccitate regio non hominem, non frugem alit. Cum vero venti a Pontico mari spirant, quidquid sabuli in campis iacet, converrunt: quod ubi cumulatum est, magnorum collium procul species est omniaque pristini itineris vestigia intereunt. [4.28] Itaque qui transeunt campos, navigantium modo noctu sidera observant, ad quorum cursum iter dirigunt: et propemodum clarior est noctis umbra quam lux: [4.29] [ergo interdiu invia est regio, quia nec vestigium, quod sequantur, inveniunt et nitor siderum caligine absconditur.] Ceterum si quos ille ventus, qui a mari exoritur, deprehendit, harena obruit. [4.30] Sed qua mitior terra est, ingens hominum equorumque multitudo gignitur. [4.31] Itaque Bactriani equites XXX milia expleverant. Ipsa Bactra, regionis eius caput, sita sunt sub monte Parapamiso. Bactrus amnis praeterit moenia. Is urbi et regioni dedit nomen.

[4.32] Hic regi stativa habenti nuntiatur ex Graecia Peloponnesiorum Laconumque defectio — nondum enim victi erant, cum proficiscerentur tumultus eius principia nuntiaturi — et alius praesens terror adfertur, Scythas, qui ultra Tanaim amnem colunt, adventare Besso ferentes opem. Eodem tempore, quae in gente Ariorum Caranus et Erigyius gesserant, perferuntur. [4.33] Commissum erat proelium inter Macedonas Ariosque. Transfuga Satibarzanes barbaris praeerat: qui cum pugnam segnem utrimque aequis viribus stare vidisset, in primos ordines adequitavit demptaque galea inhibitis, qui tela iaciebant, si quis viritim dimicare vellet, provocavit ad pugnam: nudum se caput in certamine habiturum. [4.34] Non tulit ferociam barbari dux illius exercitus Erigyius, gravis quidem aetate, sed et animi et corporis robore nulli iuvenum postferendus. Is galea dempta canitiem ostentans, 'Venit', inquit, 'dies, quo aut victoria aut morte honestissima, quales amicos et milites Alexander habeat, ostendam'. [4.35] Nec plura elocutus equum in hostem egit. Crederes imperatum, ut acies utraeque tela cohiberent. Protinus certe recesserunt dato libero spatio, intenti in eventum non ducum modo, sed etiam suae sortis, quippe alienum discrimen secuturi. [4.36] Prior barbarus emisit hastam: quam Erigyius modica capitis declinatione vitavit atque ipse infestam sarisam equo calcaribus concitato in medio barbari gutture ita fixit, ut per cervicem emineret. Praecipitatus ex equo barbarus adhuc tamen repugnabat. [4.37] Sed ille extractam e vulnere hastam rursus in os dirigit. Satibarzanes manu conplexus, quo maturius interiret, ictum hostis adiuvit: [4.38] et barbari duce amisso, quem magis necessitate quam sponte secuti erant, tunc, haud immemores meritorum Alexandri, arma Erigyio tradunt. [4.39] Rex his quidem laetus, de Spartanis haudquaquam securus, non ante ausos consilia nudare, quam ipsum ad fines Indiae pervenisse cognossent. [4.40] Iamque Bessum persequens copias movit, cum ei Erigyius barbari caput, opimum belli decus, praeferens occurrit.

Caput V

[5.1] Igitur Bactrianorum regione Artabazo tradita sarcinas et inpedimenta ibi cum praesidio relinquit. Ipse cum expedito agmine loca deserta Sogdianorum intrat, nocturno itinere exercitum ducens. [5.2] Aquarum, ut ante dictum est, penuria prius desperatione quam desiderio bibendi sitim accendit. Per CCCC stadia ne modicus quidem humor existit. [5.3] Harenas vapor aestivi solis accendit: quae ubi flagrare coeperunt, haud secus quam continenti incendio cuncta torrentur. [5.4] Caligo deinde inmodico terrae fervore excitata lucem tegit camporumque non alia quam vasti et profundi aequoris species est. [5.5] Nocturnum iter tolerabile videbatur, quia rore et matutino frigore corpora levabantur. Ceterum cum ipsa luce aestus oritur omnemque naturalem absorbet humorem siccitas: ora visceraque penitus uruntur. [5.6] Itaque primum animi, deinde corpora deficere coeperunt. Pigebat et consistere et progredi. Pauci a peritis regionis admoniti praeparaverant aquam. [5.7] Haec paulisper repressit sitim: deinde crescente aestu rursus desiderium humoris accensum est. Ergo, quidquid vini oleique erat, oribus ingerebatur tantaque dulcedo bibendi fuit, ut in posterum sitis non timeretur. [5.8] Graves deinde avide hausto humore non sustinere arma, non ingredi poterant et feliciores videbantur, quos aqua defecerat, cum ipsi sine modo infusam vomitu cogerentur egerere. [5.9] Anxium regem tantis malis circumfusi amici, ut meminisset orabant, animi sui magnitudinem unicum remedium deficientis exercitus esse: [5.10] cum ex his, qui praecesserant ad capiendum locum castris, duo occurrunt utribus aquam gestantes, ut filiis suis, quos in eodem agmine esse et aegre pati sitim non ignorabant, occurrerent. [5.11] Qui cum in regem incidissent, alter ex his utre resoluto vas, quod simul ferebat, inplet porrigens regi. Ille accipit. Percontatus, quibus aquam portarent, filiis ferre cognoscit. [5.12] Tunc poculo pleno, sicut oblatum est, redito, 'Nec solus', inquit, 'bibere sustineo nec tam exiguum dividere omnibus possum. Vos currite et liberis vestris, quod propter illos attulistis, date'.

[5.13] Tandem ad flumen Oxum ipse pervenit prima fere vespera, sed exercitus magna pars non potuerat consequi. In edito monte ignes iubet fieri, ut ii, qui aegre sequebantur, haud procul castris ipsos abesse cognoscerent. [5.14] Eos autem, qui primi agminis erant, mature cibo ac potione firmatos, inplere alios utres, alios vasa, quibuscumque aqua portari posset, iussit ac suis opem ferre. [5.15] Sed qui intemperantius hauserant, intercluso spiritu extincti sunt multoque maior horum numerus fuit, quam ullo amiserat proelio. [5.16] At ille thoracem adhuc indutus nec aut cibo refectus aut potu, qua veniebat exercitus, constitit nec ante ad curandum corpus recessit, quam praeterierant, qui agmen claudebant, totamque eam noctem cum magno animi motu perpetuis vigiliis egit. [5.17] Nec postero die laetior erat, quia nec navigia habebat nec pons erigi poterat, circum amnem nudo solo et materia maxime sterili. Consilium igitur, quod unum necessitas subiecerat, init. Utres quam plurimos stramentis refertos dividit. [5.18] His incubantes transnavere amnem, quique primi transierant, in statione erant, dum traicerent ceteri. Hoc modo sexto demum die in ulteriore ripa totum exercitum exposuit.

[5.19] Iamque ad persequendum Bessum statuerat progredi, cum ea, quae in Sogdianis erant, cognoscit. Spitamenes erat inter omnes amicos praecipuo honore cultus a Besso, sed nullius meritis perfidia mitigari potest: [5.20] quae tamen iam minus in eo invisa esse poterat, quia nihil ulli nefastum in Bessum, interfectorem regis sui, videbatur. Titulus facinori speciosus praeferebatur, vindicta Darei: sed fortunam, non scelus oderat Bessi. [5.21] Namque ut Alexandrum flumen Oxum superasse cognovit, Dataphernem et Catenem, quibus a Besso maxima fides habebatur, in societatem cogitatae rei adsciscit. Illi promptius adsunt quam rogabantur, adsumptisque VIII fortissimis iuvenibus talem dolum intendunt. [5.22] Spitamenes pergit ad Bessum et remotis arbitris conperisse ait se, insidiari ei Dataphernen et Catenen, ut vivum Alexandro traderent, agitantes: a semet occupatos esse et vinctos teneri. [5.23] Bessus tanto merito, ut credebat, obligatus partim gratias agit, partim avidus explendi supplicii adduci eos iubet. [5.24] Illi manibus sua sponte religatis a participibus consilii trahebantur. Quos Bessus truci vultu intuens consurgit manibus non temperaturus. Atque illi simulatione omissa circumsistunt eum et frustra repugnantem vinciunt derepto ex capite regni insigni lacerataque veste, quam e spoliis occisi regis induerat. [5.25] Ille deos sui sceleris ultores adesse confessus adiecit, non Dareo iniquos fuisse, quem sic ulciscerentur, sed Alexandro propitios esse, cuius victoriam semper etiam hostes adiuvissent. [5.26] Multitudo an vindicatura Bessum fuerit, incertum est, nisi illi, qui vinxerant, iussu Alexandri fecisse ipsos ementiti dubios adhuc animi terruissent. In equum inpositum Alexandro tradituri ducunt.

[5.27] Inter haec rex, quibus matura erat missio, electis DCCCC fere bina talenta equiti dedit, pediti terna denarium milia, monitosque, ut liberos generarent, remisit domum. Ceteris gratiae actae, quod ad reliqua belli navaturos operam pollicebantur. [5.28] [Tum Bessus perducitur.] Perventum erat in parvulum oppidum: Branchidae eius incolae erant. Mileto quondam iussu Xerxis, cum e Graecia rediret, transierant et in ea sede constiterant, quia templum, quod Didymeon appellatur, in gratiam Xerxis violaverant. [5.29] Mores patrii nondum exoleverant: sed iam bilingues erant, paulatim a domestico externo sermone degeneres. Magno igitur gaudio regem excipiunt urbem seque dedentes. Ille Milesios, qui apud ipsum militarent, convocari iubet. [5.30] Vetus odium Milesii gerebant in Branchidarum gentem. Proditis ergo, sive iniuriae, sive originis meminisse mallent, liberum de Branchidis permittit arbitrium. [5.31] Variantibus deinde sententiis se ipsum consideraturum, quid optimum factu esset, ostendit. Postero die occurrentibus Branchidis secum procedere iubet. Cumque ad urbem ventum esset, ipse cum expedita manu portam intrat: [5.32] phalanx moenia oppidi circumire iussa et dato signo diripere urbem, proditorum receptaculum, ipsosque ad unum caedere. [5.33] Illi inermes passim trucidantur nec aut commercio linguae aut supplicum velamentis precibusque inhiberi crudelitas potest. Tandem, ut deicerent, fundamenta murorum ab imo moliuntur, ne quod urbis vestigium extaret. [5.34] Nemora quoque lucosque sacros non caedunt modo, sed etiam extirpant, ut vasta solitudo et sterilis humus excussis • etiam radicibus linqueretur. [5.35] Quae si in ipsos proditionis auctores excogitata essent, iusta ultio esse, non crudelitas videretur: nunc culpam maiorum posteri luere, qui ne viderant quidem Miletum, ideo et Xerxi non potuerant prodere.

[5.36] Inde processit ad Tanaim amnem. Quo perductus est Bessus non vinctus modo, sed etiam omni velamento corporis spoliatus. Spitamenes eum tenebat collo inserta catena, tam barbaris quam Macedonibus gratum spectaculum. [5.37] Tum Spitamenes, 'Et te', inquit, 'et Dareum, reges meos, ultus interfectorem domini sui adduxi, eo modo captum, cuius ipse fecit exemplum. Aperiat ad hoc spectaculum oculos Dareus! Existat ab inferis, qui illo supplicio indignus fuit et hoc solacio dignus est!' [5.38] Alexander multum conlaudato Spitamene conversus ad Bessum, 'Cuius', inquit, 'ferae rabies occupavit animum tuum, cum regem de te optime meritum prius vincire, deinde occidere sustinuisti? Sed huius parricidii mercedem falso regis nomine persolvisti tibi'. [5.39] Ille facinus purgare non ausus regis titulum se usurpare dixit, ut gentem suam tradere ipsi posset: qui si cessasset, alium fuisse regnum occupaturum. [5.40] Et Alexander Oxathren, fratrem Darei, quem inter corporis custodes habebat, propius iussit accedere tradique Bessum ei, ut cruci adfixum mutilatis auribus naribusque sagittis configerent barbari adservarentque corpus, ut ne aves quidem contingerent. [5.41] Oxathres cetera sibi curae fore pollicetur: aves non ab alio quam a Catene posse prohiberi adicit, eximiam eius artem cupiens ostendere: namque adeo certo ictu destinata feriebat, ut aves quoque exciperet. [5.42] Nunc forsitan, sagittandi tam celebri usu, minus admirabilis videri ars haec possit: tum ingens visentibus miraculum magnoque honori Cateni fuit. [5.43] Dona deinde omnibus, qui Bessum adduxerant, data sunt. Ceterum supplicium eius distulit, ut eo loco, in quo Dareum ipse occiderat, necaretur.

Caput VI

[6.1] Interea Macedones ad petendum pabulum inconposito agmine egressi a barbaris, qui de proximis montibus decurrerunt, opprimuntur pluresque capti sunt quam occisi: [6.2] barbari autem captivos prae se agentes rursus in montem recesserunt. XX milia latronum erant: fundis sagittisque pugnam invadunt. [6.3] Quos dum obsidet rex, inter promptissimos dimicans sagitta ictus est, quae in medio crure fixa reliquerat spiculum. [6.4] Illum quidem maesti et attoniti Macedones in castra referebant: sed nec barbaros fefellit subductus ex acie quippe ex edito monte cuncta prospexerant. [6.5] Itaque postero die misere legatos ad regem. Quos ille protinus iussit admitti solutisque fasciis magnitudinem vulneris dissimulans crus barbaris ostendit. [6.6] Illi iussi considere adfirmant, non Macedones quam ipsos tristiores fuisse cognito vulnere ipsius, cuius si auctorem repperissent, dedituros fuisse: [6.7] cum dis enim pugnare sacrilegos tantum. Ceterum se gentem in fidem dedere superatos virtute illius. [6.8] Rex fide data et captivis receptis gentem in deditionem accepit. Castris inde motis lectica militari ferebatur, quam pro se quisque eques pedesque subire certabant. Equites, cum quibus rex proelia inire solitus erat, sui muneris id esse censebant: pedites contra, cum saucios commilitones ipsi gestare adsuevissent, eripi sibi proprium officium tum potissimum, cum rex gestandus esset, querebantur. [6.9] Rex in tanto utriusque partis certamine et sibi difficilem et praeteritis gravem electionem futuram ratus invicem subire eos iussit.

[6.10] Hinc quarto die ad urbem Maracanda perventum est — LXX stadia murus urbis amplectitur, arx alio cingitur muro — ac praesidio urbis relicto proximos vicos depopulatur atque urit.

[6.11] Legati deinde Abiorum Scytharum superveniunt, liberi, ex quo decesserat Cyrus, tum imperata facturi. Iustissimos barbarorum constabat: armis abstinebant, nisi lacessiti: libertatis modico et aequali usu principibus humiliores pares fecerant. [6.12] Hos benigne adlocutus ad eos Scythas, qui Europam incolunt, Berdam quendam misit ex amicis, qui denuntiaret his, ne Tanain amnem iniussu regis transirent. Eidem mandatum, ut contemplaretur locorum situm et illos quoque Scythas, qui super Bosporum colunt, viseret. [6.13] Condendae urbi sedem super ripam Tanais elegerat, claustrum et iam perdomitorum et quot deinde adire decreverat. Sed consilium distulit Sogdianorum nuntiata defectio, quae Bactrianos quoque traxit. [6.14] VII milia equitum erant, quorum auctoritatem ceteri sequebantur. Alexander Spitamenen et Catenen, a quibus ei traditus erat Bessus, haud dubius quin eorum opera redigi possent in potestatem qui novaverant res, iussit accersi. [6.15] At illi, defectionis, ad quam coercendam evocabantur, auctores, vulgaverant fama, Bactrianos equites a rege omnes, ut occiderentur, accersi idque imperatum ipsis: non sustinuisse tamen exequi, ne inexpiabile in populares facinus admitterent. Non magis Alexandri saevitiam, quam Bessi parricidium ferre potuisse. Itaque sua sponte iam motos metu poenae haud difficulter ad arma concitaverunt. [6.16] Alexander transfugarum defectione conperta Craterum obsidere Cyropolim iubet. Ipse aliam urbem regionis eiusdem corona capit: signoque, ut puberes interficerentur, dato reliqui in praedam cessere victoris. Urbs diruta est, ut ceteri cladis eius exemplo continerentur. [6.17] Memaceni, valida gens, obsidionem non ut honestiorem modo, sed etiam ut tutiorem ferre decreverant. Ad quorum pertinaciam mitigandam rex L equites praemisit, qui clementiam ipsius in deditos simulque inexorabilem animum in devictos ostenderent. [6.18] Illi nec de fide nec de potentia regis ipsos dubitare respondent equitesque tendere extra munimenta urbis iubent: hospitaliter deinde exceptos gravesque epulis et somno intempesta nocte adorti interfecerunt. [6.19] Alexander haud secus, quam par erat, motus urbem corona circumdedit munitiorem, quam ut primo impetu capi posset. Itaque Meleagrum et Perdiccam in obsidione relinquit. Ipse proficiscitur ad Craterum Cyropolim, ut ante dictum est, obsidentem. [6.20] Statuerat autem parcere urbi conditae a Cyro: quippe non alium gentium illarum magis admiratus est, quam hunc regem et Samiramin, quos et magnitudine animi et claritate rerum longe emicuisse credebat. [6.21] Ceterum pertinacia oppidanorum iram eius accendit. Itaque captam urbem diripi iussit. Deleta ea Memacenis haud iniuria infestus ad Meleagrum et Perdiccam redit. [6.22] Sed non alia urbs fortius obsidionem tulit: quippe et militum promptissimi cecidere et ipse rex ad ultimum periculum venit. Namque cervix eius saxo ita icta est, ut oculis caligine offusa conlaberetur, ne mentis quidem compos: exercitus certe velut erepto in eo ingemuit. [6.23] Sed invictus adversus ea, quae ceteros terrent, nondum percurato vulnere acrius obsidioni institit naturalem celeritatem ira concitante. Cuniculo ergo suffossa moenia ingens nudavere spatium, per quod inrupit, victorque urbem dirui iussit.

[6.24] Hinc Menedemum cum tribus milibus peditum et DCCC equitibus ad urbem Maracanda misit. Spitamenes transfuga praesidio Macedonum inde deiecto muris urbis eius incluserat se haud oppidanis consilium defectionis adprobantibus. Sequi tamen videbantur, quia prohibere non poterant. [6.25] Interim Alexander ad Tanaim amnem redit et, quantum soli occupaverat castris, muro circumdedit. LX stadiorum urbis murus fuit: hanc quoque urbem Alexandriam appellari iussit. [6.26] Opus tanta celeritate perfectum est, ut XVII die, quam munimenta excitata erant, tecta quoque urbis absolverentur. Ingens militum certamen inter ipsos fuerat, ut suum quisque munus — nam divisum erat — primus ostenderet. [6.27] Incolae novae urbi dati captivi, quos reddito pretio dominis liberavit, quorum posteri nunc quoque apud eos tam longa aetate propter memoriam Alexandri non exoleverunt.

Caput VII

[7.1] At rex Scytharum, cuius tum ultra Tanaim imperium erat, ratus eam urbem, quam in ripa amnis Macedones condiderant, suis inpositam esse cervicibus, fratrem, Carthasim nomine, cum magna equitum manu misit ad diruendam eam proculque amne submovendas Macedonum copias. [7.2] Bactrianos Tanais ab Scythis, quos Europaeos vocant, dividit. Idem Asiam et Europam finis interfluit. [7.3] Ceterum Scytharum gens haud procul Thracia sita ab oriente ad septentrionem se vertit Sarmatarumque, ut quidam credidere, non finitima, sed pars est. [7.4] Recta deinde regione saltum ultra Istrum iacentem colit: ultima Asiae, qua Bactra sunt, stringit. Habitant, quae septentrioni propiora sunt: profundae inde silvae vastaeque solitudines excipiunt: rursus quae et Tanain et Bactra spectant, humano cultu haud disparia sunt. [7.5] Primus cum hac gente non provisum bellum Alexander gesturus, cum in conspectu eius obequitaret hostis, adhuc aeger ex vulnere, praecipue voce deficiens, quam et modicus cibus et cervicis extenuabat dolor, amicos in consilium advocari iubet. [7.6] Terrebat eum non hostis, sed iniquitas temporis. Bactriani defecerant, Scythae etiam lacessebant: ipse non insistere in terra, non equo vehi, non docere, non hortari suos poterat. [7.7] Ancipiti periculo inplicitus deos quoque incusans querebatur, se iacere segnem, cuius velocitatem nemo antea valuisset effugere: vix suos credere non simulari valitudinem. [7.8] Ita, qui post Dareum victum hariolos et vates consulere desierat, rursus ad superstitionem, humanarum mentium ludibria, revolutus Aristandrum, cui credulitatem suam addixerat, explorare eventum rerum sacrificiis iubet. Mos erat haruspicibus exta sine rege spectare et, quae portenderentur, referre. [7.9] Inter haec rex, dum fibris pecudum explorantur eventus latentium rerum, propius ipsum considere [deinde] amicos iubet, ne contentione vocis cicatricem infirmam adhuc rumperet. Hephaestio, Craterus et Erigyius erant cum custodibus in tabernaculum admissi. [7.10] 'Discrimen', inquit, 'me occupavit meliore hostium, quam meo tempore. Sed necessitas ante rationem est, maxime in bello, quo raro permittitur tempora legere. [7.11] Defecere Bactriani, in quorum cervicibus stamus, et, quantum in nobis animi sit, alieno Marte experiuntur. Haud dubia fortuna. Si omiserimus Scythas ultro arma inferentes, contempti ad illos, qui defecerunt, revertemur: [7.12] si vero Tanaim transierimus et ubique invictos esse nos Scytharum pernicie ac sanguine ostenderimus, quis dubitabit parere etiam Europae victoribus? [7.13] Fallitur, qui terminos gloriae nostrae metitur spatio, quod transituri sumus. Unus amnis interfluit: quem si traicimus, in Europam arma proferimus. [7.14] Et quanti aestimandum est, dum Asiam subigimus, in alio quodammodo orbe tropaea statuere et, quae tam longo intervallo natura videtur diremisse, una victoria subito committere? [7.15] At hercule, si paulum cessaverimus, in tergis nostris Scythae haerebunt. An soli sumus, qui flumina transnare possumus? Multa in nosmetipsos recident, quibus adhuc vicimus. [7.16] Fortuna belli artem victos quoque docet. Utribus amnem traiciendi exemplum fecimus nuper: hoc, ut Scythae imitare nesciant, Bactriani docebunt. [7.17] Praeterea unus gentis huius exercitus adhuc venit, ceteri expectantur. Ita bellum vitando alemus et, quod inferre possumus, accipere cogemur. [7.18] Manifesta est consilii mei ratio. Sed an permissuri sint mihi Macedones animo uti meo, dubito, quia, ex quo hoc vulnus accepi, non equo vectus sum, non pedibus ingressus. Sed si me sequi vultis, valeo, amici. [7.19] Satis virium est ad toleranda ista: aut, si iam adest vitae meae finis, in quo tandem opere melius extinguar?' [7.20] Haec quassa adhuc voce subdeficiens vix proximis exaudientibus dixerat, cum omnes a tam praecipiti consilio regem deterrere coeperunt, [7.21] Erigyius maxime, qui, haud sane auctoritate proficiens apud obstinatum animum, superstitionem, cuius potens non erat rex, incutere temptavit dicendo, deos quoque obstare consilio magnumque periculum, [7.22] si flumen transisset, ostendi. Intranti Erigyio tabernaculum regis Aristander occurrerat, tristia exta fuisse significans: haec ex vate conperta Erigyius nuntiabat. [7.23] Quo inhibito Alexander non ira solum, sed etiam pudore confusus, quod superstitio, quam celaverat, detegebatur, Aristandrum vocari iubet. [7.24] Qui ut venit, intuens eum, 'Non rex', inquit, 'sed privatus sacrificium ut faceres mandavi: quid eo portenderetur, cur apud alium quam apud me professus es? Erigyius arcana mea et secreta te prodente cognovit: quem certum mehercule habeo extorum interprete uti metu suo. [7.25] Tibi autem quietius quam par est denuntio: ipsi mihi iam indices, quid extis cognoveris, ne possis infitiari dixisse, quae dixeris.' [7.26] Ille exanguis attonitoque similis stabat per metum etiam voce suppressa tandemque eodem metu stimulante, ne regis expectationem moraretur, 'Magni', inquit, 'laboris, non inriti discrimen instare praedixi: nec me ars mea quam benivolentia perturbat. [7.27] Infirmitatem valitudinis tuae video et, quantum in uno te sit, scio. Vereor, ne praesenti fortunae tuae sufficere non possis.' [7.28] Rex iussit eum confidere felicitati suae: ad alia aliis, sibi ad gloriam concedere deos. [7.29] Consultanti inde cum iisdem, quonam modo flumen transirent, supervenit Aristander, non alias laetiora exta vidisse se adfirmans, utique prioribus longe diversa: tum sollicitudinis causas adparuisse, nunc prorsus egregie litatum esse.

[7.30] Ceterum, quae subinde nuntiata sunt regi, continuae felicitati rerum eius inposuerant labem. [7.31] Menedemum, ut supra dictum est, miserat ad obsidendum Spitamenen, Bactrianae defectionis auctorem. Qui conperto hostis adventu, ne muris urbis includeretur, simul fretus excipi posse, qua venturum sciebat, consedit occultus. [7.32] Silvestre iter aptum insidiis tegendis erat: ibi Dahas condidit. Equi binos armatos vehunt: quorum invicem singuli repente desiliunt, equestris pugnae ordinem turbant. [7.33] Equorum velocitati par est hominum pernicitas. Hos Spitamenes saltum circumire iussos pariter et a lateribus et a fronte et a tergo hosti ostendit. [7.34] Menedemus undique inclusus, ne numero quidem par, diu tamen resistit, clamitans nihil aliud superesse locorum fraude deceptis, quam honestae mortis solacium ex hostium caede. [7.35] Ipsum praevalens equus vehebat, quo saepius in cuneos barbarorum effusis habenis evectus magna strage eos fuderat. [7.36] Sed cum unum omnes peterent, multis vulneribus exanguis Hypsidem quendam ex amicis hortatus est, ut in equum suum ascenderet et se fuga eriperet. Haec agentem anima defecit corpusque ex equo defluxit in terram. [7.37] Hypsides poterat quidem effugere, sed amisso amico mori statuit. Una erat cura, ne inultus occideret. Itaque subditis calcaribus equo in medio hostis se inmisit et memorabili edita pugna obrutus telis est. [7.38] Quod ubi videre, qui caede supererant, tumulum paulo quam cetera editiorem capiunt: quos Spitamenes fame in deditionem subacturus obsedit. Cecidere eo proelio peditum II milia, CCC equites. [7.39] Quam cladem Alexander sollerti consilio texit, morte denuntiata iis, qui ex proelio advenerant, si acta vulgassent.

Caput VIII

[8.1] Ceterum cum animo disparem vultum diutius ferre non posset, in tabernaculum super ripam fluminis de industria locatum secessit. [8.2] Ibi sine arbitris singula animi consulta pensando noctem vigiliis extraxit saepe pellibus tabernaculi adlevatis, ut conspiceret hostium ignes, e quibus coniectare poterat, quanta hominum multitudo esset. [8.3] Iamque lux adpetebat, cum thoracem indutus procedit ad milites, tum primum post vulnus proxime acceptum. [8.4] Tanta erat apud eos veneratio regis, ut facile periculi, quod horrebant, cogitationem praesentia eius excuteret. [8.5] Laeti ergo et manantibus gaudio lacrimis consalutant eum et, quod ante recusaverant bellum, feroces deposcunt. [8.6] Ille se ratibus equitem phalangemque transportaturum esse pronuntiat, super utres iubet nare levius armatos. [8.7] Plura nec dici res desideravit nec dicere per valitudinem potuit. [8.8] Ceterum tanta alacritate militum rates iunctae sunt, ut intra triduum ad XII milia effectae sint. Iamque ad transeundum omnia aptaverant, cum legati Scytharum XX, more gentis per castra equis vecti, nuntiare iubent regi, velle ipsos ad eum mandata perferre. [8.9] Admissi in tabernaculum iussique considere in vultu regis defixerant oculos: credo, quis magnitudine corporis animum aestimantibus modicus habitus haudquaquam famae par videbatur. [8.10] Scythis autem non ut ceteris barbaris rudis et inconditus sensus est: quidam eorum sapientiam quoque capere dicuntur, quantamcumque gens capit semper armata. [8.11] Sic, quae locutos esse apud regem memoriae proditum est, abhorrent forsitan moribus hominibus que nostris et tempora et ingenia cultiora sortitis. Sed ut possit oratio eorum sperni, tamen fides nostra non debet: quare, utcumque sunt tradita, incorrupta perferemus. [8.12] Igitur unum ex his maximum natu locutum accepimus: 'Si di habitum corporis tui aviditati animi parem esse voluissent, orbis te non caperet: altera manu Orientem, altera Occidentem contingeres et hoc adsecutus scire velles, ubi tanti numinis fulgor conderetur. Sic quoque concupiscis, quae non capis. [8.13] Ab Europa petis Asiam, ex Asia transis in Europam: deinde, si humanum genus omne superaveris, cum silvis et nivibus et fluminibus ferisque bestiis gesturus es bellum. [8.14] Quid? tu ignoras arbores magnas diu crescere, una hora extirpari? Stultus est, qui fructus earum spectat, altitudinem non metitur. Vide, ne, dum ad cacumen pervenire contendis, cum ipsis ramis, quos conprehenderis, decidas. [8.15] Leo quoque aliquando minimarum avium pabulum fuit et ferrum rubigo consumit. Nihil tam firmum est, cui periculum non sit etiam ab invalido. [8.17] Quid nobis tecum est? Numquam terram tuam attigimus. Qui sis, unde venias, licetne ignorare in vastis silvis viventibus? Nec servire ulli possumus nec imperare desideramus. [8.18] Dona nobis data sunt, ne Scytharum gentem ignores, iugum boum et aratrum, sagitta, hasta, patera. His utimur et cum amicis et adversus inimicos. Fruges amicis damus boum labore quesitas, patera cum isdem vinum dis libamus, inimicos sagitta eminus, hasta comminus petimus. Sic Syriae regem et postea Persarum Medorumque superavimus, patuitque nobis iter usque in Aegyptum. [8.19] At tu, qui te gloriaris ad latrones persequendos venire, omnium gentium, quas adisti, latro es. Lydiam cepisti, Syriam occupasti, Persidem tenes, Bactrianos habes in potestate, Indos petisti: iam etiam ad pecora nostra avaras et insatiabiles manus porrigis. [8.20] Quid tibi divitiis opus est, quae esurire te cogunt? Primus omnium satietate parasti famem, ut, quo plura haberes, acrius, quae non habes, cuperes. [8.21] Non succurrit tibi, quamdiu circum Bactra haereas? dum illos subigis, Sogdiani bellare coeperunt. Bellum tibi ex victoria nascitur. Nam ut maior fortiorque sis quam quisquam, tamen alienigenam dominum pati nemo vult. [8.22] Transi modo Tanain: scies, quam late pateant, numquam tamen consequeris Scythas. Paupertas nostra velocior erit quam exercitus tuus, qui praedam tot nationum vehit. [8.23] Rursus, cum procul abesse nos credes, videbis in tuis castris. Eadem enim velocitate et sequimur et fugimus. Scytharum solitudines Graecis etiam proverbiis audio eludi. [8.24] At nos deserta et humano cultu vacua magis quam urbes et opulentos agros sequimur. Proinde Fortunam tuam pressis manibus tene: lubrica est nec invita teneri potest. Salubre consilium sequens quam praesens tempus ostendet melius: inpone felicitati tuae frenos, facilius illam reges. [8.25] Nostri sine pedibus dicunt esse Fortunam [quae manus et pinnas tantum habet]: cum manus porrigit, pinnas quoque conprehende. [8.26] Denique si deus es, tribuere mortalibus beneficia debes, non sua eripere: sin autem homo es, id quod es, semper esse te cogita. Stultum est eorum meminisse, propter quae tui obliviscaris. [8.27] Quibus bellum non intuleris, bonis amicis poteris uti. Nam et firmissima est inter pares amicitia et videntur pares, qui non fecerunt inter se periculum virium. [8.28] Quos viceris, amicos tibi esse cave credas: inter dominum et servum nulla amicitia est, etiam in pace belli tamen iura servantur. [8.29] Iurando gratiam Scythas sancire ne credideris: colendo fidem iurant. Graecorum ista cautio est, qui pacta consignant et deos invocant: nos religionem in ipsa fide ponimus. Qui non reverentur homines, fallunt deos. Nec tibi amico opus est, de cuius benivolentia dubites. [8.30] Ceterum nos et Asiae et Europae custodes habebis: Bactra, nisi dividat Tanais, contingimus: ultra Tanain ad Thraciam colimus: Thraciae Macedoniam coniunctam esse fama fert. Utrique imperio tuo finitimos hostes an amicos velis esse, considera'. Haec barbarus.

Caput IX

[9.1] Contra rex fortuna sua et consiliis eorum se usurum esse respondet: nam et fortunam, cui confidat, et consilium suadentium, ne quid temere et audacter faciat, secuturum. [9.2] Dimissisque legatis in praeparatas rates exercitum inposuit. In proris clipeatos locaverat iussos in genua subsidere, quo tutiores essent adversus ictus sagittarum. [9.3] Post hos, qui tormenta intenderent, stabant et ab utroque latere et a fronte circumdati armatis. Reliqui, qui post tormenta constiterant, remigem lorica non indutum scutorum testudine armati protegebant. [9.4] Idem ordo in illis quoque ratibus, quae etiam vehebant, servatus est. Maior pars a puppe nantes equos loris trahebat. At illos, quos utres stramento repleti vehebant, obiectae rates tuebantur. [9.5] Ipse rex cum delectis primus ratem solvit et in ripam dirigi iussit. Cui Scythae admotos ordines equitum in primo ripae margine opponunt, ut ne adplicari quidem terrae rates possent. [9.6] Ceterum praeter hanc speciem ripis praesidentis exercitus, ingens navigantes terror invaserat: namque cursum gubernatores, cum obliquo flumine inpellerentur, regere non poterant vacillantesque milites et, ne excuterentur, solliciti nautarum ministeria turbaverant. [9.7] Ne tela quidem conati nisu vibrare poterant, cum prior standi sine periculo quam hostem incessendi cura esset. Tormenta saluti fuerunt, quibus in confertos ac temere se offerentes haud frustra excussa sunt tela. [9.8] Barbari quoque ingentem vim sagittarum infudere ratibus vixque ullum fuit scutum, quod non pluribus simul spiculis perforaretur. [9.9] Iamque terrae rates adplicabantur, cum acies clipeata consurgit et hastas certo ictu, utpote libero nisu, mittit e ratibus. Et ut territos recipientesque equos videre, alacres mutua adhortatione in terram desiliere. [9.10] Turbatis acriter pedem inferre coeperunt. Equitum deinde turmae, quae frenatos habebant equos, perfregere barbarorum aciem: interim ceteri agmine dimicantium tecti aptavere se pugnae. [9.11] Ipse rex, quod vigoris aegro adhuc corpori deerat, animi firmitate supplebat. Vox adhortantis non poterat audiri nondum bene obducta cicatrice cervicis, sed dimicantem cuncti videbant. [9.12] Itaque ipsi quidem ducum fungebantur officio aliusque alium adhortati in hostem salutis immemores ruere coeperunt. [9.13] Tum vero non ora, non arma, non clamorem hostium barbari tolerare potuerunt omnesque effusis habenis — namque equestris acies erat — capessunt fugam. Quos rex, quamquam vexationem invalidi corporis pati non poterat, per LXXX tamen stadia insequi perseveravit. [9.14] Iamque linquente animo suis praecepit, ut, donec lucis aliquid superesset, fugientium tergis inhaererent; ipse exhaustis etiam animi viribus in castra se recepit ibique substitit. [9.15] Transierant iam Liberi Patris terminos, quorum monumenta lapides erant crebri intervallis dispositi arboresque procerae, quarum stipites hedera contexerat. [9.16] Sed Macedonas ira longius provexit: quippe media fere nocte in castra redierunt, multis interfectis, pluribus captis: equosque M et DCCC abegere. Ceciderunt autem Macedonum equites LX, pedites C fere, mille saucii fuerunt.

[9.17] Haec expeditio deficientem magna ex parte Asiam fama tam opportunae victoriae domuit. Invictos Scythas esse crediderant: quibus fractis nullam gentem Macedonum armis parem fore confitebantur. Itaque Sacae misere legatos, qui pollicerentur gentem imperata facturam. [9.18] Moverat eos regis non virtus magis, quam clementia in devictos Scythas: quippe captivos omnes sine pretio remiserat, ut fidem faceret sibi cum ferocissimis gentium de fortitudine, non de ira fuisse certamen. [9.19] Benigne igitur exceptis Sacarum legatis comitem Elpinicon dedit, adhuc admodum iuvenem, aetatis flore conciliatum sibi, qui cum specie corporis aequaret Hephaestionem, ei lepore haud sane virili par non erat. [9.20] Ipse Cratero cum maiore parte exercitus modicis itineribus sequi iusso ad Maracanda urbem contendit, ex qua Spitamenes conperto eius adventu Bactra perfugerat. [9.21] Itaque quadriduo rex longum itineris spatium emensus pervenerat in eum locum, in quo Menedemo duce duo milia peditum et CCC equites amiserat. Horum ossa tumulo contegi iussit et inferias more patrio dedit. [9.22] Iam Craterus cum phalange subsequi iussus ad regem pervenerat. Itaque ut omnes, qui defecerant, pariter belli clade premerentur, copias dividit urique agros et interfici puberes iubet.

Caput X

[10.1] Sogdiana regio maiore ex parte deserta est: octingenta fere stadia in latitudinem vastae solitudines tenent. [10.2] Ingens spatium rectae regionis est, per quam amnis — Polytimetum vocant incolae — fertur. Torrentem eum ripae in tenuem alveum cogunt, deinde caverna accipit et sub terram rapit. [10.3] Cursus absconditi indicium est aquae meantis sonus, cum ipsum solum, sub quo tantus amnis fluit, ne modico quidem resudet humore. [10.4] Ex captivis Sogdianorum ad regem XXX nobilissimi corporum robore eximio perducti erant: qui ut per interpretem cognoverunt iussu regis ipsos ad supplicium trahi, carmen laetantium modo canere tripudiisque et lasciviori corporis motu gaudium quoddam animi ostentare coeperunt. [10.5] Admiratus est rex, tanta magnitudine animi oppetere mortem revocari eos iussit, causam tam effusae laetitiae, cum supplicium ante oculos haberent, requirens. [10.6] Illi, si ab alio occiderentur, tristes morituros fuisse respondent: nunc a tanto rege, victore omnium gentium, maioribus suis redditos honestam mortem, quam fortes viri voto quoque expeterent, carminibus sui moris laetitiaque celebrare. [10.7] Tum rex admiratus magnitudinem animi, 'Quaero, inquit, an vivere velitis non inimici mihi, cuius beneficio victuri estis?' [10.8] Illi numquam se inimicos ei, sed bello lacessitos hostes fuisse respondent: si quis ipsos beneficio quam iniuria experiri maluisset, certaturos fuisse, ne vincerentur officio. [10.9] Interrogatique, quo pignore fidem obligaturi essent, vitam, quam acciperent, pignori futuram esse dixerunt: reddituros, quandoque repetisset. Nec promissum fefellerunt. Nam qui remissi domos erant, fide continuere populares: quattuor inter custodes corporis retenti nulli Macedonum in regem caritate cesserunt.

[10.10] In Sogdianis Peucolao cum III milibus peditum — neque enim maiore praesidio indigebat — relicto Bactra pervenit. Inde Bessum Ecbatana duci iussit, interfecto Dareo poenas capite persoluturum. [10.11] Isdem fere diebus Ptolemaeus et Melamnidas peditum III milia et equites mille adduxerunt mercede militaturos. [10.12] Asander quoque ex Lycia cum pari numero peditum et D equitibus venit. Totidem ex Syria Asclepiodorum sequebantur: Antipater Graecorum VIII milia, in quis DC equites erant, miserat. [10.13] Itaque exercitu aucto ad ea, quae defectione turbata erant, conponenda processit interfectisque consternationis auctoribus quarto die ad flumen Oxum perventum est. Hic, quia limum vehit, turbidus semper, insalubris est potui. [10.14] Itaque puteos miles coeperat fodere nec tamen humo alte egesta existebat humor. Tum in ipso tabernaculo regis conspectus est fons, quem quia tarde notaverunt, subito extitisse finxerunt: rexque ipse credi voluit, deum donum id fuisse. [10.15] Superatis deinde amnibus Ocho et Oxo ad urbem Margianam pervenit. Circa eam VI oppidis condendis electa sedes est: duo ad meridiem versa, IIII spectantia orientem modicis inter se spatiis distabant, ne procul repetendum esset mutuum auxilium. [10.16] Haec omnia sita sunt in editis collibus: tum velut freni domitarum gentium, nunc originis suae oblita serviunt, quibus imperaverunt.

Caput XI

[11.1] Et cetera quidem pacaverat rex. Una erat petra, quam Arimazes Sogdianus XXX milibus armatorum obtinebat alimentis ante congestis, quae tantae multitudini vel per biennium suppeterent. [11.2] Petra in altitudinem XXX eminet stadia, circuitu C et L conplectitur: undique abscisa et abrupta semita perangusta aditur. [11.3] In medio altitudinis spatio habet specum, cuius os artum et obscurum est, paulatim deinde ulteriora panduntur, ultima etiam altos recessus habent. Fontes per totum fere specum manant, e quibus collatae aquae per prona montis flumen emittunt. [11.4] Rex loci difficultate spectata statuerat inde abire, cupido deinde incessit animo naturam quoque fatigandi. [11.5] Prius tamen quam fortunam obsidionis experiretur, Cophen — Artabazi hic filius erat — misit ad barbaros, qui suaderet, ut dederent rupem. Arimazes loco fretus superbe multa respondit, ad ultimum, an Alexander volare posset, interrogat. [11.6] Quae nuntiata regi sic accendere animum, ut adhibitis, cum quibus consultare erat solitus, indicaret insolentiam barbari eludentis ipsos, quia pinnas non haberent: se autem proxima nocte effecturum, ut crederet Macedones etiam volare. [11.7] ' CCC ', inquit, 'pernicissimos iuvenes ex suis quisque copiis perducite ad me, qui per calles et paene invias rupes domi pecora agere consueverant.' [11.8] Illi praestantes et levitate corporum et ardore animorum strenue adducunt. Quos intuens rex, 'Vobiscum', inquit, 'o iuvenes et mei aequales, urbium invictarum ante me munimenta superavi, montium iuga perenni nive obruta emensus sum, angustias Ciliciae intravi, Indiae sine lassitudine vim frigoris sum perpessus. [11.9] Et mei documenta vobis dedi et vestra habeo. Petra, quam videtis, unum aditum habet, quem barbari obsident: cetera neglegunt, nullae vigiliae sunt, nisi quae castra nostra spectant. [11.10] Invenietis viam, si sollerter rimati fueritis aditus ferentes ad cacumen. Nihil tam alte natura constitit, quo virtus non possit eniti. Experiendo, quae ceteri desperaverint, Asiam habemus in potestate. [11.11] Evadite in cacumen: quod cum ceperitis, candidis velis signum mihi dabitis, ego copiis admotis hostem in nos a vobis convertam. [11.12] Praemium erit ei, qui primus occupaverit verticem, talenta X, uno minus accipiet, qui proximus ei venerit, eademque ad decem homines servabitur portio. Certum autem habeo vos non tam liberalitatem intueri meam, quam voluntatem.' [11.13] His animis regem audierunt, ut iam cepisse verticem viderentur: dimissique ferreos cuneos, quos inter saxa defigerent, validosque funes parabant. [11.14] Rex circumvectus petram, qua minime asper ac praeruptus aditus videbatur, secunda vigilia, quod bene verteret, ingredi iubet. Illi alimentis in biduum sumptis gladiis modo atque hastis armati subire coeperunt. [11.15] Ac primo pedibus ingressi sunt: deinde ut in praerupta perventum est, alii manibus eminentia saxa conplexi levavere semet, alii adiectis funium laqueis evasere, quidam, cum cuneos inter saxa defigerent ut gradus, subinde quis insisterent. Diem inter metum laboremque consumpserunt. [11.16] Per aspera nisis duriora restabant et crescere altitudo petrae videbatur. Illa vero miserabilis erat facies, cum ii, quos instabilis gradus fefellerat, ex praecipiti devolverentur: mox eadem in se patienda alieni casus ostendebat exemplum. [11.17] Per has tamen difficultates enituntur in verticem montis, omnes fatigatione continuati laboris adfecti, quidam mulcati parte membrorum, pariterque eos et nox et somnus oppressit. [11.18] Stratis passim corporibus in inviis et asperis saxorum periculi instantis obliti in lucem quieverunt: tandemque, velut ex alto sopore excitati, occultas subiectasque ipsis valles rimantes, ignari, in qua parte petrae tanta vis hostium condita esset, fumum specu infra se ipsos evolutum notaverunt. [11.19] Ex quo intellectum, illam hostium latebram esse. Itaque hastis inposuere, quod convenerat, signum. [11.20] Totoque e numero II et XXX in ascensu interisse adgnoscunt. Rex non cupidine magis potiundi loci, quam vice eorum, quos ad tam manifestum periculum miserat, sollicitus toto die cacumina montis intuens restitit. Noctu demum, cum obscuritas conspectum oculorum ademisset, ad curandum corpus recessit. [11.21] Postero die nondum satis clara luce primus vela, signum capti verticis, conspexit. Sed ne falleretur acies, dubitare cogebat varietas caeli nunc internitente lucis fulgore, nunc condito. [11.22] Verum ut liquidior lux adparuit caelo, dubitatio exempta est: vocatumque Cophen, per quem barbarorum animos temptaverat, mittit ad eos, qui moneret, nunc saltem salubrius consilium inirent: sin autem fiducia loci perseverarent, ostendi a tergo iussit, qui ceperant verticem. [11.23] Cophes admissus suadere coepit Arimazi petram tradere gratiam regis inituro, si tantas res molientem in unius rupis obsidione haerere non coegisset. Ille ferocius superbiusque quam antea locutus abire Cophen iubet. [11.24] At is prensum manu barbarum rogat, ut secum extra specum prodeat. Quo inpetrato iuvenes in cacumine ostendit et eius superbiae haud immerito inludens pinnas habere ait milites Alexandri. [11.25] Iamque e Macedonum castris signorum concentus et totius exercitus clamor audiebatur. Ea res, sicut pleraque belli vana et inania, barbaros ad deditionem traxit: quippe occupati metu paucitatem eorum, qui a tergo erant, aestimare non poterant. [11.26] Itaque Cophen — nam trepidantes reliquerat — strenue revocant et cum eo XXX principes mittunt, qui petram tradant et, ut incolumibus abire liceat, paciscantur. [11.27] Ille quamquam verebatur, ne conspecta iuvenum paucitate deturbarent eos barbari, tamen et fortunae suae confisus et Arimazi superbiae infensus, nullam se condicionem deditionis accipere respondit. [11.28] Arimazes desperatis magis quam perditis rebus cum propinquis nobilissimisque gentis suae descendit in castra: quos omnis verberibus adfectos sub ipsis radicibus petrae crucibus iussit adfigi. [11.29] Multitudo dediticiorum incolis novarum urbium cum pecunia capta dono data est: Artabazus in petrae regionisque, quae adposita esset ei, tutelam relictus.

Source Colophon

The Latin source body was extracted from the local Curtius Book VII source file and copied for this translation pass at Tulku/Tools/scythian/sources/expansion_bench_2026-05-11/curtius_book7_latin_source_manual70.txt.

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