A Complete Good Works Translation from De Bello Gallico 7.16-31
Caesar's Avaricum narrative follows Vercingetorix's attempt to contain the Roman army, the Roman siege under hunger and rain, Gallic counter-engineering, the famous description of the Gallic wall, the storming of the town, and Vercingetorix's successful effort to hold the confederacy together after disaster. It is Roman command prose, but it preserves a compact source-unit on Gallic military craft, public deliberation, and coalition discipline.
Translation
Section 16
Vercingetorix followed Caesar by shorter marches and chose a camp site protected by marshes and woods, sixteen miles from Avaricum. There, through fixed scouts at each part of the day, he learned what was being done at Avaricum and ordered what he wished done. He watched all our foddering and grain-gathering parties, and when they were scattered and had necessarily gone rather far, he attacked them and inflicted great damage, although our men met this as far as planning could provide by going at uncertain times and by different routes.
Section 17
Caesar placed camp against that part of the town which, as we said above, had a narrow approach between the river and the marshes. He began to prepare the mound, drive forward the vineae, and set up two towers; for the nature of the place prevented circumvallation. He did not stop urging the Boii and Aedui about the grain supply. The Aedui, because they acted with no zeal, did not help much; the Boii, because their state was small and weak, quickly used up what they had. The army was affected by the greatest difficulty in grain supply because of the poverty of the Boii, the negligence of the Aedui, and the burning of buildings, to such a point that for several days the soldiers lacked grain and sustained the last edge of hunger by cattle driven in from more distant villages. Yet no word was heard from them unworthy of the majesty of the Roman people and their earlier victories. Indeed, when Caesar spoke to the individual legions at the work and said that, if they bore the shortage too bitterly, he would abandon the attack, all begged him not to do this. They said that for many years they had served under his command in such a way that they had accepted no disgrace and had nowhere departed with the matter unfinished; they would count it as disgrace if they abandoned the attack they had begun. It was better to bear every bitterness than not to avenge the Roman citizens who had died at Cenabum by the treachery of the Gauls. They entrusted the same message to the centurions and military tribunes, so that it might be carried through them to Caesar.
Section 18
When the towers had now approached the wall, Caesar learned from captives that Vercingetorix, after the fodder had been consumed, had moved camp nearer Avaricum and had himself set out with cavalry and light-armed men, who were accustomed to fight among the horsemen, for the sake of ambushes, to the place where he thought our men would come the next day to gather fodder. When these things were learned, Caesar set out silently at midnight and reached the enemy camp in the morning. They quickly learned of Caesar's arrival through scouts, hid their wagons and baggage in denser woods, and drew up all their forces on high and open ground. When this was reported, Caesar quickly ordered the packs to be gathered and arms made ready.
Section 19
There was a hill sloping gently upward from the bottom. A difficult and obstructed marsh, no more than fifty feet wide, surrounded it on almost every side. The Gauls held themselves on this hill, the bridges having been broken, trusting in the place. Distributed by peoples, they held all the fords and passages of that marsh, prepared in spirit so that, if the Romans tried to break through it, they would press them from the higher ground while they were stuck fast. Anyone who saw the nearness of the place would think they were almost ready to fight on equal terms; anyone who perceived the unfairness of the condition would understand that they were showing themselves in an empty imitation of battle. The soldiers were indignant that the enemy could endure their sight with so small a space between them, and they demanded the signal for battle. Caesar taught them with what loss, and with the death of how many brave men, victory would necessarily have to be bought. Since he saw them so ready in spirit that they refused no danger for his honor, he said that he ought to be condemned for the greatest unfairness if he did not hold their lives dearer than his own advantage. After thus comforting the soldiers, he led them back to camp the same day and began to manage the remaining things that belonged to the attack on the town.
Section 20
When Vercingetorix returned to his people, he was accused of betrayal: because he had moved camp nearer the Romans, because he had departed with all the cavalry, because he had left such great forces without command, and because by his departure the Romans had come with such opportunity and speed. All these things, they said, could not have happened by chance or without plan; he preferred to hold the kingship of Gaul by Caesar's grant rather than by their favor. Accused in this way, he answered: he had moved camp because of lack of fodder, with their own urging; he had come nearer the Romans because he was persuaded by the advantage of a place that would defend itself by its own fortification. The work of the cavalry should not have been desired in a marshy place, and it had been useful where they had gone. He had deliberately handed over the highest command to no one when he left, lest that person be driven to battle by the eagerness of the multitude; he saw that all were eager for this because of softness of spirit, since they could not bear labor longer. If the Romans had come by chance, they should thank fortune; if called by someone's report, they should thank that person, because from higher ground they had been able to recognize the small number of the Romans and despise the courage of men who did not dare fight and shamefully withdrew into camp. He desired no command from Caesar by betrayal, since he could have it by victory, which was now certain for himself and for all the Gauls. Indeed, he would give it back to them if they seemed to be granting him honor rather than receiving safety from him. 'So that you may understand,' he said, 'that these things are spoken sincerely by me, listen to Roman soldiers.' He brought forward slaves whom he had caught while foddering a few days before and tortured with hunger and chains. Already taught what to say when questioned, they said they were legionary soldiers; driven by hunger and shortage, they had secretly left camp to see whether they could find any grain or cattle in the fields. The whole army, they said, was pressed by similar shortage; no one had strength enough left or could bear the labor of the work. Therefore the commander had decided that, if they made no progress in the attack on the town, he would lead the army away in three days. 'These,' said Vercingetorix, 'are the benefits you have from me, whom you accuse of betrayal: by my work you see so great a victorious army consumed by hunger without your blood; and when it shamefully receives itself in flight, I have provided that no state receive it into its borders.'
Section 21
The whole multitude shouted and clashed their arms in their custom, which they are accustomed to do when they approve someone's speech. They declared that Vercingetorix was the highest commander, that his loyalty should not be doubted, and that the war could not be managed by greater wisdom. They decided that ten thousand selected men from all the forces should be sent into the town. They judged that the common safety should not be entrusted to the Bituriges alone, because they understood that almost the whole of victory depended on it if they held that town.
Section 22
Against the singular courage of our soldiers stood plans of every kind from the Gauls, a people of the highest cleverness and most fitted for imitating and carrying out whatever is handed on by anyone. They turned aside the hooks with nooses, and when they had caught them they drew them inward with engines. They undermined the mound with tunnels, more skillfully because among them there are great ironworks and every kind of tunneling is known and practiced. They had roofed the whole wall on every side with towers and had covered these with hides. Then, by frequent sorties day and night, they either brought fire against the mound or attacked the soldiers occupied in the work. As much as the daily mound raised our towers higher, they matched that height by joining the uprights of their own towers. They delayed the open tunnels with wood burned at the end and sharpened, with boiling pitch, and with stones of very great weight, and kept our men from approaching the walls.
Section 23
All Gallic walls are generally of this form. Straight beams are laid lengthwise in continuous rows, at equal intervals, two feet apart from one another, on the ground. These are fastened together inward and covered with much earth; the spaces between the beams, which we mentioned, are filled in front with large stones. When these have been placed and joined, another row is added above, so that the same interval is preserved and the beams do not touch one another, but, separated by equal spaces, each beam is tightly held by single stones placed between them. In this way the whole work is woven together until the proper height of the wall is completed. This work is not ugly in appearance and variety, with alternating beams and stones that preserve their ranks in straight lines; and for usefulness and the defense of towns it has the greatest advantage, because stone protects it from fire and timber from the ram. The timber, bound inward by continuous beams, usually forty feet long, can neither be broken through nor pulled apart.
Section 24
With the attack hindered by all these things, although the soldiers were slowed the whole time by cold and constant rains, nevertheless by uninterrupted labor they overcame all this and in twenty-five days built a mound three hundred thirty feet wide and eighty feet high. When it almost touched the enemy wall, and Caesar, according to his custom, was watching at the work and urging the soldiers that no time at all be left unused, a little before the third watch it was noticed that the mound was smoking, because the enemy had set it on fire by a tunnel. At the same time, with a shout raised along the whole wall, a sortie was made from two gates on both sides of the towers. Some were throwing torches and dry material from the wall onto the mound from a distance; others were pouring pitch and the remaining things by which fire can be stirred up, so that it could scarcely be decided where first to run or to what thing help should be brought. Yet, because by Caesar's arrangement two legions were always keeping watch before the camp and several were at the work in divided times, it quickly happened that some resisted the sorties, others drew back the towers and cut apart the mound, and the whole multitude from the camp ran together to extinguish the fire.
Section 25
When the fight had gone on in every place after the rest of the night was now spent, and hope of victory was always renewed for the enemy, all the more because they saw the protective screens of the towers burned and noticed that our men could not easily approach in the open to bring help, and because fresh men were always replacing the tired, and they believed that all the safety of Gaul was placed in that moment of time, something happened before our eyes that seemed worthy of memory and that we did not think should be passed over. A certain Gaul before the gate of the town was throwing lumps of tallow and pitch, passed from hand to hand, into the fire opposite the tower. Pierced in the right side by a scorpion bolt, he fell dead. One of the nearest men stepped over him as he lay and performed the same duty. When he had been killed in the same way by a scorpion shot, a third succeeded the second, and a fourth the third. That place was not left empty by the defenders before the mound had been extinguished, the enemy had been driven away from every side, and an end had been made of the fighting.
Section 26
After trying everything, since nothing had succeeded, the Gauls decided the next day to flee from the town, with Vercingetorix urging and ordering it. Attempting this in the silence of the night, they hoped they would accomplish it without great loss to their own people, because Vercingetorix's camp was not far from the town and the continuous marsh between them slowed the Romans from pursuing. They were already preparing to do this by night when the mothers of families suddenly ran out into public; weeping and thrown at the feet of their own people, they begged with every prayer that they not hand them and their common children over to the enemy for punishment, since weakness of nature and strength prevented them from taking flight. When they saw the men persist in their decision, because in the highest danger fear usually does not receive pity, they began to shout and signal the flight to the Romans. Terrified by this fear, lest the routes be occupied first by the Roman cavalry, the Gauls gave up the plan.
Section 27
On the next day, after the tower had been moved forward and the works he had decided to make had been completed, a great rainstorm arose. Caesar judged that this weather was not useless for taking a plan, because he saw the guards posted on the wall somewhat more carelessly. He ordered his own men to move more slowly at the work and showed what he wished done. With the legions prepared under cover within the vineae, he encouraged them at last to receive the fruit of victory for such great labors, promised rewards to those who first climbed the wall, and gave the signal to the soldiers. They suddenly flew out from every side and quickly filled the wall.
Section 28
The enemy, terrified by the new situation and thrown down from the wall and towers, stood in wedges in the forum and the more open places, with this intention: if anyone came against them from any side, they would fight in battle order. When they saw that no one was coming down to level ground, but that men were pouring around the whole wall from every direction, fearing that every hope of flight would be taken away, they threw down their arms and sought the farthest parts of the town in one continuous rush. Some there, as they pressed one another in the narrow exit of the gates, were killed by the soldiers; others, already gone out through the gates, were killed by the cavalry. No one was eager for plunder. So, stirred by both the slaughter at Cenabum and the labor of the work, they spared neither those worn out by age, nor women, nor infants. Finally, from the whole number, which was about forty thousand, scarcely eight hundred, who threw themselves out of the town when the first shout was heard, reached Vercingetorix unharmed. He received them from flight late at night in silence, fearing that some disturbance might arise in the camp from their gathering and from the pity of the crowd; so, with his own close associates and the chiefs of the states placed far off along the road, he saw that they were separated and led back to their own people, to whatever part of the camp had fallen to each state from the beginning.
Section 29
On the next day, after calling a council, Vercingetorix comforted and encouraged them not to let their spirits fall too far, nor be disturbed by the setback. The Romans had not won by courage or in battle, he said, but by a kind of craft and knowledge of siege work, a thing in which they themselves were inexperienced. Anyone was mistaken who expected every outcome in war to be favorable. It had never pleased him that Avaricum should be defended, and he had them themselves as witnesses of this; but it had happened through the imprudence of the Bituriges and the too great compliance of the rest that this setback was received. Yet he would quickly heal it with greater advantages. For by his own diligence he would join to them the states that dissented from the rest of the Gauls, and he would make one counsel of all Gaul, whose agreement not even the whole circle of lands could resist; and he had already almost achieved this. Meanwhile it was fair that he obtain this from them for the sake of the common safety: that they begin to fortify camp, so that they might more easily withstand sudden attacks of the enemy.
Section 30
This speech was not unwelcome to the Gauls, and especially because he himself had not failed in spirit after receiving so great a setback, nor hidden himself in concealment and fled the sight of the multitude. He was thought to see ahead and sense more in spirit because, while the matter was still untouched, he had first judged that Avaricum should be burned, and afterward that it should be abandoned. Therefore, as adverse events lessen the authority of other commanders, so, on the contrary, this man's dignity increased day by day after the setback was received. At the same time they came into hope through his assurance about joining the remaining states. For the first time then the Gauls began to fortify camp, and men unaccustomed to labor were so strengthened in spirit that they thought all things commanded had to be endured by them.
Section 31
Nor did Vercingetorix labor any less in spirit than he had promised to join the remaining states; he drew them on by gifts and promises. He chose suitable men for this matter, each of whom could most easily capture people either by crafty speech or by friendship. He saw that those who had escaped after Avaricum was taken were armed and clothed. At the same time, so that the diminished forces might be restored, he ordered a fixed number of soldiers from the states, whom he wished brought into camp and by what day. He ordered all archers, of whom there was a very great number in Gaul, to be sought out and sent to him. By these things, what had been lost at Avaricum was quickly filled up. Meanwhile Teutomatus, son of Ollovico, king of the Nitiobroges, whose father had been called friend by our senate, came to him with a great number of his own horsemen and those he had hired from Aquitania.
Colophon
This page translates Caesar, De Bello Gallico 7.16-31 from Latin for the Celtic continental expansion of the Good Work Library. Caesar's account is hostile and self-justifying; the translation keeps that frame visible while preserving the full Avaricum source-unit rather than isolating only the famous wall description.
Compiled and formatted for the Good Work Library by the New Tianmu Anglican Church, 2026.
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Source Text: Caesar, De Bello Gallico 7.16-31
Latin source text from The Latin Library's text of Caesar, De Bello Gallico, Book 7. This page gives the continuous Avaricum source-unit, from Vercingetorix's shadowing of Caesar through the siege, the Gallic wall, the fall of the town, and Vercingetorix's recovery afterward.
Section 16
Vercingetorix minoribus Caesarem itineribus subsequitur et locum castris deligit paludibus silvisque munitum ab Avarico longe milia passuum XVI. Ibi per certos exploratores in singula diei tempora quae ad Avaricum agerentur cognoscebat et quid fieri vellet imperabat. Omnes nostras pabulationes frumentationesque observabat dispersosque, cum longius necessario procederent, adoriebatur magnoque incommodo adficiebat, etsi, quantum ratione provideri poterat, ab nostris occurrebatur, ut incertis temporibus diversisque itineribus iretur.
Section 17
Castris ad eam partem oppidi positis Caesar, quae intermissa [a] flumine et a paludibus aditum, ut supra diximus, angustum habebat, aggerem apparare, vineas agere, turres duas constituere coepit: nam circumvallare loci natura prohibebat. De re frumentaria Boios atque Aeduos adhortari non destitit; quorum alteri, quod nullo studio agebant, non multum adiuvabant, alteri non magnis facultatibus, quod civitas erat exigua et infirma, celeriter quod habuerunt consumpserunt. Summa difficultate rei frumentariae adfecto exercitu tenuitate Boiorum, indiligentia Aeduorum, incendiis aedificiorum, usque eo ut complures dies frumento milites caruerint et pecore ex longinquioribus vicis adacto extremam famem sustentarent, nulla tamen vox est ab eis audita populi Romani maiestate et superioribus victoriis indigna. Quin etiam Caesar cum in opere singulas legiones appellaret et, si acerbius inopiam ferrent, se dimissurum oppugnationem diceret, universi ab eo, ne id faceret, petebant: sic se complures annos illo imperante meruisse, ut nullam ignominiam acciperent, nusquam infecta re discederent: hoc se ignominiae laturos loco, si inceptam oppugnationem reliquissent: praestare omnes perferre acerbitates, quam non civibus Romanis, qui Cenabi perfidia Gallorum interissent, parentarent. Haec eadem centurionibus tribunisque militum mandabant, ut per eos ad Caesarem deferrentur.
Section 18
Cum iam muro turres appropinquassent, ex captivis Caesar cognovit Vercingetorigem consumpto pabulo castra movisse propius Avaricum atque ipsum cum equitatu expeditisque, qui inter equites proeliari consuessent, insidiarum causa eo profectum, quo nostros postero die pabulatum venturos arbitraretur. Quibus rebus cognitis media nocte silentio profectus ad hostium castra mane pervenit. Illi celeriter per exploratores adventu Caesaris cognito carros impedimentaque sua in artiores silvas abdiderunt, copias omnes in loco edito atque aperto instruxerunt. Qua re nuntiata Caesar celeriter sarcinas conferri, arma expediri iussit.
Section 19
Collis erat leniter ab infimo acclivis. Hunc ex omnibus fere partibus palus difficilis atque impedita cingebat non latior pedibus quinquaginta. Hoc se colle interruptis pontibus Galli fiducia loci continebant generatimque distributi in civitates omnia vada ac saltus eius paludis obtinebant, sic animo parati, ut, si eam paludem Romani perrumpere conarentur, haesitantes premerent ex loco superiore; ut qui propinquitatem loci videret paratos prope aequo Marte ad dimicandum existimaret, qui iniquitatem condicionis perspiceret inani simulatione sese ostentare cognosceret. Indignantes milites Caesar, quod conspectum suum hostes perferre possent tantulo spatio interiecto, et signum proeli exposcentes edocet, quanto detrimento et quot virorum fortium morte necesse sit constare victoriam; quos cum sic animo paratos videat, ut nullum pro sua laude periculum recusent, summae se iniquitatis condemnari debere, nisi eorum vitam sua salute habeat cariorem. Sic milites consolatus eodem die reducit in castra reliquaque quae ad oppugnationem pertinebant oppidi administrare instituit.
Section 20
Vercingetorix, cum ad suos redisset, proditionis insimulatus, quod castra propius Romanos movisset, quod cum omni equitatu discessisset, quod sine imperio tantas copias reliquisset, quod eius discessu Romani tanta opportunitate et celeritate venissent: non haec omnia fortuito aut sine consilio accidere potuisse; regnum illum Galliae malle Caesaris concessu quam ipsorum habere beneficio – tali modo accusatus ad haec respondit: Quod castra movisset, factum inopia pabuli etiam ipsis hortantibus; quod propius Romanos accessisset, persuasum loci opportunitate, qui se ipsum munitione defenderet: equitum vero operam neque in loco palustri desiderari debuisse et illic fuisse utilem, quo sint profecti. Summam imperi se consulto nulli discedentem tradidisse, ne is multitudinis studio ad dimicandum impelleretur; cui rei propter animi mollitiem studere omnes videret, quod diutius laborem ferre non possent. Romani si casu intervenerint, fortunae, si alicuius indicio vocati, huic habendam gratiam, quod et paucitatem eorum ex loco superiore cognoscere et virtutem despicere potuerint, qui dimicare non ausi turpiter se in castra receperint. Imperium se ab Caesare per proditionem nullum desiderare, quod habere victoria posset, quae iam esset sibi atque omnibus Gallis explorata: quin etiam ipsis remittere, si sibi magis honorem tribuere, quam ab se salutem accipere videantur. "Haec ut intellegatis," inquit, "a me sincere pronuntiari, audite Romanos milites." Producit servos, quos in pabulatione paucis ante diebus exceperat et fame vinculisque excruciaverat. Hi iam ante edocti quae interrogati pronuntiarent, milites se esse legionarios dicunt; fame et inopia adductos clam ex castris exisse, si quid frumenti aut pecoris in agris reperire possent: simili omnem exercitum inopia premi, nec iam vires sufficere cuiusquam nec ferre operis laborem posse: itaque statuisse imperatorem, si nihil in oppugnatione oppidi profecissent, triduo exercitum deducere. "Haec," inquit, "a me," Vercingetorix, "beneficia habetis, quem proditionis insimulatis; cuius opera sine vestro sanguine tantum exercitum victorem fame consumptum videtis; quem turpiter se ex fuga recipientem ne qua civitas suis finibus recipiat a me provisum est."
Section 21
Conclamat omnis multitudo et suo more armis concrepat, quod facere in eo consuerunt cuius orationem approbant: summum esse Vercingetorigem ducem, nec de eius fide dubitandum, nec maiore ratione bellum administrari posse. Statuunt, ut X milia hominum delecta ex omnibus copiis in oppidum mittantur, nec solis Biturigibus communem salutem committendam censent, quod paene in eo, si id oppidum retinuissent, summam victoriae constare intellegebant.
Section 22
Singulari militum nostrorum virtuti consilia cuiusque modi Gallorum occurrebant, ut est summae genus sollertiae atque ad omnia imitanda et efficienda, quae ab quoque traduntur, aptissimum. Nam et laqueis falces avertebant, quas, cum destinaverant, tormentis introrsus reducebant, et aggerem cuniculis subtrahebant, eo scientius quod apud eos magnae sunt ferrariae atque omne genus cuniculorum notum atque usitatum est. Totum autem murum ex omni parte turribus contabulaverant atque has coriis intexerant. Tum crebris diurnis nocturnisque eruptionibus aut aggeri ignem inferebant aut milites occupatos in opere adoriebantur, et nostrarum turrium altitudinem, quantum has cotidianus agger expresserat, commissis suarum turrium malis adaequabant, et apertos cuniculos praeusta et praeacuta materia et pice fervefacta et maximi ponderis saxis morabantur moenibusque appropinquare prohibebant.
Section 23
Muri autem omnes Gallici hac fere forma sunt. Trabes derectae perpetuae in longitudinem paribus intervallis, distantes inter se binos pedes, in solo collocantur. Hae revinciuntur introrsus et multo aggere vestiuntur: ea autem, quae diximus, inter valla grandibus in fronte saxis effarciuntur. His collocatis et coagmentatis alius insuper ordo additur, ut idem illud intervallum servetur neque inter se contingant trabes, sed paribus intermissae spatiis singulae singulis saxis interiectis arte contineantur. Sic deinceps omne opus contexitur, dum iusta muri altitudo expleatur. Hoc cum in speciem varietatemque opus deforme non est alternis trabibus ac saxis, quae rectis lineis suos ordines servant, tum ad utilitatem et defensionem urbium summam habet opportunitatem, quod et ab incendio lapis et ab ariete materia defendit, quae perpetuis trabibus pedes quadragenos plerumque introrsus revincta neque perrumpi neque distrahi potest.
Section 24
His tot rebus impedita oppugnatione milites, cum toto tempore frigore et assiduis imbribus tardarentur, tamen continenti labore omnia haec superaverunt et diebus XXV aggerem latum pedes CCCXXX, altum pedes LXXX exstruxerunt. Cum is murum hostium paene contingeret, et Caesar ad opus consuetudine excubaret militesque hortaretur, ne quod omnino tempus ab opere intermitteretur, paulo ante tertiam vigiliam est animadversum fumare aggerem, quem cuniculo hostes succenderant, eodemque tempore toto muro clamore sublato duabus portis ab utroque latere turrium eruptio fiebat, alii faces atque aridam materiem de muro in aggerem eminus iaciebant, picem reliquasque res, quibus ignis excitari potest, fundebant, ut quo primum curreretur aut cui rei ferretur auxilium vix ratio iniri posset. Tamen, quod instituto Caesaris semper duae legiones pro castris excubabant pluresque partitis temporibus erant in opere, celeriter factum est, ut alii eruptionibus resisterent, alii turres reducerent aggeremque inter scinderent, omnis vero ex castris multitudo ad restinguendum concurreret.
Section 25
Cum in omnibus locis consumpta iam reliqua parte noctis pugnaretur, semperque hostibus spes victoriae redintegraretur, eo magis, quod deustos pluteos turrium videbant nec facile adire apertos ad auxiliandum animadvertebant, semperque ipsi recentes defessis succederent omnemque Galliae salutem in illo vestigio temporis positam arbitrarentur, accidit inspectantibus nobis quod dignum memoria visum praetereundum non existimavimus. Quidam ante portam oppidi Gallus per manus sebi ac picis traditas glebas in ignem e regione turris proiciebat: scorpione ab latere dextro traiectus exanimatusque concidit. Hunc ex proximis unus iacentem transgressus eodem illo munere fungebatur; eadem ratione ictu scorpionis exanimato alteri successit tertius et tertio quartus, nec prius ille est a propugnatoribus vacuus relictus locus quam restincto aggere atque omni ex parte summotis hostibus finis est pugnandi factus.
Section 26
Omnia experti Galli, quod res nulla successerat, postero die consilium ceperunt ex oppido profugere hortante et iubente Vercingetorige. Id silentio noctis conati non magna iactura suorum sese effecturos sperabant, propterea quod neque longe ab oppido castra Vercingetorigis aberant, et palus, quae perpetua intercedebat, Romanos ad insequendum tardabat. Iamque hoc facere noctu apparabant, cum matres familiae repente in publicum procurrerunt flentesque proiectae ad pedes suorum omnibus precibus petierunt, ne se et communes liberos hostibus ad supplicium dederent, quos ad capiendam fugam naturae et virium infirmitas impediret. Ubi eos in sententia perstare viderunt, quod plerumque in summo periculo timor misericordiam non recipit, conclamare et significare de fuga Romanis coeperunt. Quo timore perterriti Galli, ne ab equitatu Romanorum viae praeoccuparentur, consilio destiterunt.
Section 27
Postero die Caesar promota turri perfectisque operibus quae facere instituerat, magno coorto imbre non inutilem hanc ad capiendum consilium tempestatem arbitratus est, quod paulo incautius custodias in muro dispositas videbat, suosque languidius in opere versari iussit et quid fieri vellet ostendit. Legionibusque intra vineas in occulto expeditis, cohortatus ut aliquando pro tantis laboribus fructum victoriae perciperent, eis qui primi murum ascendissent praemia proposuit militibusque signum dedit. Illi subito ex omnibus partibus evolaverunt murumque celeriter compleverunt.
Section 28
Hostes re nova perterriti muro turribusque deiecti in foro ac locis patentioribus cuneatim constiterunt, hoc animo ut si qua ex parte obviam contra veniretur acie instructa depugnarent. Ubi neminem in aequum locum sese demittere, sed toto undique muro circumfundi viderunt, veriti ne omnino spes fugae tolleretur, abiectis armis ultimas oppidi partes continenti impetu petiverunt , parsque ibi, cum angusto exitu portarum se ipsi premerent, a militibus, pars iam egressa portis ab equitibus est interfecta; nec fuit quisquam, qui praedae studeret. Sic et Cenabi caede et labore operis incitati non aetate confectis, non mulieribus, non infantibus pepercerunt. Denique ex omni numero, qui fuit circiter milium XL, vix DCCC, qui primo clamore audito se ex oppido eiecerunt, incolumes ad Vercingetorigem pervenerunt. Quos ille multa iam nocte silentio ex fuga excepit, veritus ne qua in castris ex eorum concursu et misericordia vulgi seditio oreretur, ut procul in via dispositis familiaribus suis principibusque civitatum disparandos deducendosque ad suos curaret, quae cuique civitati pars castrorum ab initio obvenerat.
Section 29
Postero die concilio convocato consolatus cohortatusque est ne se admodum animo demitterent, ne perturbarentur incommodo. Non virtute neque in acie vicisse Romanos, sed artificio quodam et scientia oppugnationis, cuius rei fuerint ipsi imperiti. Errare, si qui in bello omnes secundos rerum proventus exspectent. Sibi numquam placuisse Avaricum defendi, cuius rei testes ipsos haberet; sed factum imprudentia Biturigum et nimia obsequentia reliquorum uti hoc incommodum acciperetur. Id tamen se celeriter maioribus commodis sanaturum. Nam quae ab reliquis Gallis civitates dissentirent, has sua diligentia adiuncturum atque unum consilium totius Galliae effecturum, cuius consensui ne orbis quidem terrarum possit obsistere; idque se prope iam effectum habere. Interea aequum esse ab eis communis salutis causa impetrari ut castra munire instituerent, quo facilius repentinos hostium impetus sustinerent.
Section 30
Fuit haec oratio non ingrata Gallis, et maxime, quod ipse animo non defecerat tanto accepto incommodo neque se in occultum abdiderat et conspectum multitudinis fugerat; plusque animo providere et praesentire existimabatur, quod re integra primo incendendum Avaricum, post deserendum censuerat. Itaque ut reliquorum imperatorum res adversae auctoritatem minuunt, sic huius ex contrario dignitas incommodo accepto in dies augebatur. Simul in spem veniebant eius adfirmatione de reliquis adiungendis civitatibus; primumque eo tempore Galli castra munire instituerunt et sic sunt animo confirmati, homines insueti laboris, ut omnia quae imperarentur sibi patienda existimarent.
Section 31
Nec minus quam est pollicitus Vercingetorix animo laborabat ut reliquas civitates adiungeret, atque eas donis pollicitationibusque alliciebat. Huic rei idoneos homines deligebat, quorum quisque aut oratione subdola aut amicitia facillime capere posset. Qui Avarico expugnato refugerant, armandos vestiendosque curat; simul, ut deminutae copiae redintegrarentur, imperat certum numerum militum civitatibus, quem et quam ante diem in castra adduci velit, sagittariosque omnes, quorum erat permagnus numerus in Gallia, conquiri et ad se mitti iubet. His rebus celeriter id quod Avarici deperierat expletur. Interim Teutomatus, Olloviconis filius, rex Nitiobrigum, cuius pater ab senatu nostro amicus erat appellatus, cum magno equitum suorum numero et quos ex Aquitania conduxerat ad eum pervenit.
Source Colophon
The Latin source was captured from The Latin Library on 2026-05-13 and inspected on disk at Tulku/Tools/celtic/sources/continental_batch_2026-05-13/caesar_gallic_war_7_latin_library.html. The English translation is a New Tianmu Anglican Church Good Works Translation made from the Latin source.
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