A Complete Good Works Translation from Camillus 15-30

Plutarch's Life of Camillus preserves a Greek moral-historical version of the Gallic sack of Rome: the migration story, Arron and the lure of wine, Brennus at Clusium, the Fabian envoys, the Allia, the abandoned city, the Capitol, the sacred geese of Juno, the ransom scene, and Camillus' counter-story of Roman recovery.

Translation

Chapter 15

The Gauls, who belonged to the Celtic stock, are said to have become so numerous that they left their own land because it could no longer support them all and went looking for another. Many tens of thousands of young fighting men set out, with still more women and children. Some crossed the Rhipaean mountains, poured away toward the northern Ocean, and occupied the farthest parts of Europe. Others settled between the Pyrenees and the Alps, near the Senones and the Celtorians, and lived there for a long time.

At last they tasted wine, which was then first brought to them from Italy. They were so amazed by the drink and so carried away by the new pleasure that they took up their arms, brought their households, and moved toward the Alps, seeking the land that produced such fruit and judging the rest of the world barren and harsh.

The man said to have introduced the wine to them, and above all to have sharpened their desire for Italy, was Arron, an Etruscan. He was a prominent man and not evil by nature, but he had suffered this misfortune. He was guardian to an orphan named Lucumo, the heir to the greatest wealth in the city and admired for his beauty. Lucumo had lived with Arron from childhood and, when he became a man, remained in his house under the appearance of friendship. But he had corrupted Arron's wife and had been corrupted by her. For a long time the affair was hidden, but when their passion grew beyond concealment, the young man openly tried to carry the woman away and marry her. Arron brought the matter to trial, but Lucumo defeated him through his many friends and his lavish use of money. Arron left the city, learned about the Gauls, went to them, and led them on their expedition into Italy.

Chapter 16

The Gauls burst into Italy and immediately took possession of the whole region once held by the Etruscans, from the Alps down to both seas. The names of the seas themselves bear witness to this old Etruscan presence: the northern sea is called the Adriatic from the Etruscan city of Adria, while the southern sea is simply called the Tyrrhenian or Etruscan Sea.

The whole country is rich in trees, excellent for herds and flocks, and full of rivers. It also had eighteen cities, large and beautiful, well equipped for profitable trade and luxurious life. The Gauls took these cities from the Etruscans and occupied them. But this happened long before the events Plutarch is now telling.

Chapter 17

At the time of this story, the Gauls had marched against Clusium, an Etruscan city, and were besieging it. The people of Clusium asked the Romans for help and begged them to send envoys with a letter to the barbarians. Three men of the Fabian family, men of high reputation and honor at Rome, were sent.

Because of the Roman name, the Gauls received them politely, stopped their attacks on the walls, and held a conference. When the envoys asked what wrong the Clusians had done that the Gauls had come against their city, Brennus, king of the Gauls, laughed and said that the Clusians wronged them by holding a large territory when they could cultivate only a small one, refusing to share with strangers who were many and poor.

Brennus added that the Romans had suffered this same wrong from the Albans, Fidenates, Ardeates, Veientines, Capenates, Faliscans, and Volscians. When those peoples would not share what they had, the Romans marched against them, enslaved them, plundered them, and destroyed their cities. He said this was not cruelty or injustice, but obedience to the oldest law: the stronger take the goods of the weaker, from the god down to the animals. The Romans, he said, should stop pitying the Clusians, unless they wanted to teach the Gauls to pity peoples wronged by Rome.

Seeing that there was no settlement to be made with Brennus, the Roman envoys slipped into Clusium and encouraged its citizens to sally out against the Gauls, either to test the enemy's strength or to display their own. In the fighting by the walls, Quintus Ambustus, one of the Fabii, rode against a large, handsome Gaul who had advanced before the rest. At first no one recognized him, because the action happened quickly and his bright armor concealed his face. But after he defeated the man, unhorsed him, and began stripping his armor, Brennus recognized him. He called the gods to witness that the man had come as an envoy, according to the common law of humanity, but had acted as an enemy. Brennus stopped the battle at once, left the Clusians alone, and led his army against Rome. Yet, because he did not want his people to seem glad of the outrage or to be using it merely as a pretext, he sent ahead demanding that the guilty man be handed over for punishment, and meanwhile advanced slowly.

Chapter 18

When the Senate met at Rome, many denounced the Fabii. The priests called Fetiales especially urged the Senate, in the name of all the gods, to turn the curse of the act onto the single guilty man and so make expiation for the rest. These Fetiales had been established by Numa Pompilius, the gentlest and most just of kings, to guard peace and to judge the grounds on which war could rightly be made.

The Senate referred the matter to the people. Although the priests all denounced Fabius, the multitude showed such contempt for religion that they elected him military tribune along with his brothers. When the Gauls learned this, they were furious and let nothing slow their march.

Their numbers, splendid equipment, and violent rush struck terror wherever they came. People thought the fields around their cities were already lost and the cities would fall immediately afterward. But, contrary to expectation, the Gauls did not harm those places or take anything from their fields. As they passed near the cities, they shouted that they were marching on Rome, that they were at war only with the Romans, and that they regarded the rest as friends.

The Roman military tribunes led the army out against this barbarian attack. In numbers they were not inferior, with at least forty thousand armed men, but most were untrained and had never handled weapons before. They had also neglected the religious rites, neither sacrificing with favorable signs nor consulting seers as was proper before battle. Most of all, the number of commanders confused the undertaking. Even for lesser dangers the Romans had often chosen one man as dictator, knowing how useful it is in a crisis for all to obey one absolute authority.

Their unjust treatment of Camillus also damaged discipline, since command had become dangerous unless a leader flattered the people's pleasure. The Romans marched about eleven miles from the city and camped by the river Allia, near its meeting with the Tiber. There the barbarians suddenly came upon them, and after a disorderly and shameful struggle the Romans were routed. Their left wing was driven into the river and destroyed. The right wing suffered less because it withdrew from the plain to the hills before the enemy's charge; most of these men reached Rome, while the rest who escaped the enemy's slaughter fled by night to Veii, believing Rome lost and all its people dead.

Chapter 19

The battle took place just after the summer solstice, when the moon was near full, on the anniversary of an earlier disaster in which three hundred Fabii had been cut down by the Etruscans. The later defeat was so much worse that the day is still called the Allian day from the river. Plutarch says he has discussed elsewhere the question of unlucky days, and whether Heracleitus was right to rebuke Hesiod for calling some days good and others bad, as though every day did not have the same nature.

Even here, however, he adds examples. On the fifth day of Hippodromius, which the Athenians call Hecatombaeon, the Boeotians won two great victories for Greek freedom: Leuctra, and before it Ceressus, where they defeated Lattamyas and the Thessalians. On the sixth of Boedromion the Greeks defeated the Persians at Marathon; on the third they won at Plataea and Mycale together; and on the twenty-sixth they won at Arbela. Around the full moon of the same month the Athenians won the sea battle off Naxos under Chabrias, and around the twentieth they won at Salamis.

Thargelion, Plutarch says, was plainly bad for barbarians: in that month Alexander defeated the king's generals at the Granicus, and on its twenty-fourth Timoleon defeated the Carthaginians off Sicily. The same day is also said by Ephorus, Callisthenes, Damastes, and Phylarchus to have been the day Troy was taken. By contrast, Metageitnion, called Panemus by the Boeotians, was not favorable to Greeks. On its seventh day they were defeated and ruined by Antipater at Crannon; before that they had unsuccessfully fought Philip at Chaeroneia on the same day; and in the same year and on that same day Archidamus and his army, after crossing into Italy, were destroyed there by barbarians.

The Carthaginians fear the twenty-second of that month because it repeatedly brought them their greatest misfortunes. Plutarch also notes that around the time of the mysteries Thebes was destroyed a second time by Alexander, and later the Athenians were forced to accept a Macedonian garrison on the twentieth of Boedromion, the day they escort Iacchus in procession. Likewise, on the same day the Romans saw Caepio's army destroyed by the Cimbri, and later, under Lucullus, they defeated Tigranes and the Armenians. Attalus and Pompey the Great both died on their birthdays. The same seasons, he says, can bring opposite fortunes to the same people. Still, the Allian day is counted by the Romans among the most unlucky days, and its influence extends over two other days of each month, since fear and superstition overflow when calamity is present.

Chapter 20

If the Gauls had pursued the fugitives immediately after the battle, nothing would have prevented the destruction of Rome and the death of those who remained there. The fugitives filled the city with such terror, and were themselves again filled with such confusion and panic, that the city was helpless.

But the barbarians did not understand the size of their victory. In their joy they turned to feasting and dividing the goods captured in the Roman camp. This gave time for many people to flee the city and for those who remained to take heart and prepare to defend themselves. They abandoned the rest of Rome, fortified the Capitol with ramparts, and stocked it with missiles.

Their first concern was for the sacred objects. Most were carried to the Capitol. The fire of Vesta, however, was snatched up by the Vestal virgins and carried away with the other holy things entrusted to them. Some writers say the virgins guard only the ever-living fire, which King Numa consecrated as the first cause of all things. Fire gives motion more than anything else in nature, and all generation is a kind of motion or is accompanied by motion. Matter without heat lies inert and dead until the force of fire, like a soul, makes it able to act and be acted on. Numa, a man of remarkable wisdom and reputed to converse with the Muses, is said to have consecrated this fire and ordered it kept sleepless as an image of the ever-living power that orders the universe.

Others say the fire burns before the sacred objects for purification, as among the Greeks, and that other things in the temple are hidden from everyone except the women called Vestals. A common story says the Trojan Palladium is hidden there, brought to Italy by Aeneas. Others say the hidden objects are Samothracian images, brought by Dardanus to Troy and later rescued by Aeneas when Troy fell. Others, claiming still greater knowledge, say two small jars are kept there, one open and empty, the other full and sealed, both visible only to the holy virgins. But some think this explanation arose because, during the Gallic crisis, the virgins put most of their sacred treasures into two jars and hid them underground in the temple of Quirinus, from which that place still has the name Doliola, the Jars.

Chapter 21

Whatever the truth about those sacred things, the virgins took the choicest and most important objects and fled along the river. There they happened upon Lucius Albinius, a commoner among the fugitives, who was carrying his wife, small children, and the most necessary household goods on a wagon. When he saw the virgins alone, distressed, and carrying the sacred symbols of the gods in their bosoms, he quickly took down his wife, children, and goods from the wagon, allowed the virgins to mount it, and sent them on safely toward a Greek city.

Plutarch says this pious act of Albinius, and the honor he showed the gods in the greatest danger, must not be passed over. But the priests of the other gods, together with the old men who had been consuls and had celebrated triumphs, could not bear to leave the city. Following Fabius, the pontifex maximus, they dressed themselves in their robes of state and ceremony, devoted themselves to death for their country before the gods, and sat in their ivory chairs in the forum, waiting for what would come.

Chapter 22

On the third day after the battle, Brennus reached Rome with his army. Finding the gates open and the walls undefended, he first feared an ambush, since he could not believe the Romans had fallen into such despair. Once he understood the truth, he entered by the Colline gate and took the city. This was a little more than three hundred sixty years after Rome's foundation, if one can trust precise chronology in a matter where even later events became disputed because of the confusion caused by this disaster.

Some vague report of the calamity and capture seems to have reached Greece quickly. Heracleides Ponticus, writing not long afterward in his work On the Soul, says a story came from the West that an army of Hyperboreans had come from far away and captured a Greek city called Rome somewhere by the Great Sea. Plutarch is not surprised that Heracleides, a writer prone to fable, dressed the true capture of Rome in Hyperboreans and the Great Sea. Aristotle, however, clearly had accurate information that the city was captured by the Gauls, though he says its savior was Lucius, while Camillus' praenomen was Marcus. Such details, Plutarch says, were conjectural.

After occupying Rome, Brennus put a guard around the Capitol. He went down through the forum and was amazed to see men sitting there in full public dignity and complete silence. They did not rise to meet the enemy, nor did their faces or color change; they sat quietly, without fear, leaning on their staffs and looking at one another. The Gauls were astonished and confused by the sight. For a long time they hesitated to approach or touch them, thinking they were more than human. Finally one Gaul took courage, came near Papirius Marcus, gently grasped his chin, and stroked his long beard. Papirius struck him a crushing blow on the head with his staff. The Gaul drew his sword and killed him.

After this the Gauls attacked the rest and killed them. They also killed everyone else they encountered, plundered the houses for many days, and finally burned and leveled them. They were angry because the defenders of the Capitol would not surrender when summoned, and, when attacked, had actually repelled them from the ramparts with loss. So the Gauls inflicted every outrage on the city and killed all they captured, men and women, old and young alike.

Chapter 23

The siege lasted a long time, and the Gauls began to lack food. They divided their forces. Some stayed with their king and watched the Capitol; others ravaged the surrounding country, attacking villages and plundering them, not all together, but in detachments scattered here and there. Success had made them confident and afraid of nothing.

The largest and best-ordered group marched against Ardea, where Camillus was living in exile. He lived privately and in retirement, but he was not thinking like someone eager only to avoid notice and danger. He was looking for an opportunity to take revenge. Seeing that the Ardeans had enough men but lacked courage because of the inexperience and softness of their generals, he first reasoned with the young men. The Roman disaster, he said, should not be credited to Gallic valor, nor should the sufferings of a maddened people be attributed to men who did not deserve their victory; fortune was responsible.

He told them it was noble, even with danger, to repel an alien and barbarous people whose only aim in mastery was, like fire, to destroy whatever it conquered. If the Ardeans were bold and eager now, he would give them a victory without danger. After winning over the young men, he approached the rulers and councillors of Ardea, persuaded them also, armed all who were of age, and kept them inside the walls so the nearby enemy would not notice.

The Gauls had scoured the country and camped carelessly in the plain, loaded with plunder. When night came, after their drinking had ended, silence filled the camp. Camillus learned this from scouts, led the Ardeans out, crossed the intervening ground quietly, and reached the camp around midnight. Then, with shouts and trumpets from every side, he threw the men into confusion. Heavy with drunkenness and sleep, they were scarcely brought to their senses by the noise. A few sobered by fear, armed themselves, resisted Camillus and his men, and died fighting. Most, still mastered by sleep and wine, were killed without arms. Only a few escaped from the camp in the dark, and when daylight came they were seen wandering through the fields, pursued by horsemen and cut down.

Chapter 24

Report of this success quickly reached neighboring cities and called many fighting-age men to arms, especially the Romans who had escaped the battle at the Allia and were at Veii. They lamented among themselves that heaven had taken from Rome such a leader as Camillus only to decorate Ardea with his victories. The city that bore and raised him, they said, was dead, and they themselves, for lack of leaders, were shut up inside foreign walls while Italy was ruined before their eyes.

They resolved either to send to Ardea and ask for their own general, or to take up arms and go to him themselves. Camillus, they said, was no longer an exile, and they were no longer citizens, since their country was mastered by the enemy. They sent and asked him to take command.

Camillus refused to do so unless the citizens on the Capitol legally chose him. In his view, they still preserved the country. If they commanded him, he would gladly obey; against their will he would not interfere at all. This noble restraint was admired, but no one could see how the matter could be referred to the Capitol. Since the enemy held the city, it seemed impossible for a messenger to escape notice and reach the citadel.

Chapter 25

A young man named Pontius Cominius, not from a distinguished family but hungry for honor, volunteered for the task. He carried no letter to the defenders of the Capitol, lest, if captured, he reveal Camillus' purpose to the enemy. Under his rough clothing he carried pieces of cork. He made most of the journey by daylight without fear, but as night came he approached the city. He could not cross the river by the bridge because barbarians were guarding it, so he wrapped his thin clothes around his head, fastened the corks to his body, swam across, came out on the other side, and moved toward the city.

He gave a wide berth to enemy posts, judging their wakefulness by fires and noise, and went to the Carmental gate, where there was the most quiet. There the Capitoline hill was steepest, surrounded by a high, jagged cliff. He climbed it unseen and, after great pain and difficulty, reached the sentries where the wall was lowest. He called out, told them who he was, was pulled up over the wall, and taken to the Roman magistrates.

The Senate was quickly assembled. Pontius appeared before it, announced Camillus' victory, which they had not yet heard, and explained the will of the soldiers outside. He urged them to confirm Camillus in command, since he was the only man whom the citizens outside would obey. After hearing and deliberating, the Senate appointed Camillus dictator and sent Pontius back by the way he had come. He repeated his earlier good fortune, escaped the enemy's notice, and brought the Senate's message to the Romans outside.

Chapter 26

The Romans outside eagerly welcomed the news. When Camillus came, he found twenty thousand men already under arms. He gathered still more from the allies and prepared to attack. Thus chosen dictator for the second time, Camillus went to Veii, took command of the soldiers there, and brought in additional allied forces for the planned attack.

In Rome, meanwhile, some of the barbarians happened to pass the place where Pontius had climbed by night to the Capitol. They noticed marks made by his hands and feet, places where plants had been torn from the rocks, and displaced earth. They told their king. Brennus came and inspected the place. At the time he said nothing, but when evening came he gathered the nimblest and best mountain-climbers among the Gauls. He told them that the enemy had shown a way up that they had not known, one that human feet could traverse. It would be shameful, after such a beginning, to fail at the end and give up the place as impossible when the enemy had shown how it could be taken. If one man could approach there easily, many could go one by one, helping and supporting one another. Each man would receive gifts and honors worthy of his courage.

The king spoke this way, and the Gauls undertook the task eagerly.

Chapter 27

Around midnight, a large band of Gauls climbed the cliff and moved upward in silence. They climbed on all fours over places that were steep and rough, but easier than expected for those who forced themselves on. The first men reached the heights, formed themselves, and were close to seizing the outwork and falling on the sleeping guard. Neither man nor dog was aware of them.

But near Juno's temple there were sacred geese. Usually they were well fed, but at that time provisions barely sufficed for the garrison, and the geese had been neglected and were in poor condition. The bird is naturally sharp of hearing and afraid of every noise. These geese, especially wakeful and restless because of hunger, perceived the approach of the Gauls, rushed at them with loud cries, and woke the whole garrison.

Once discovered, the barbarians no longer kept silent and pressed forward more violently. The defenders snatched whatever weapons came to hand and did what they could. Manlius, a former consul, strong in body and brave in spirit, faced two enemies at once. With his sword he cut off the right hand of one man as he lifted his battle-axe; with his shield he struck the other in the face and knocked him backward down the cliff. Standing on the wall with those who ran to him and formed around him, he drove back the rest. Few Gauls had reached the top, and their courage did not match their daring.

So the Romans escaped the danger. At dawn they threw the captain of the watch down the cliff among the enemy. For Manlius they voted a reward that brought more honor than benefit: each man contributed one day's ration, half a pound of native spelt by Roman weight and an eighth of a pint of wine by Greek measure.

Chapter 28

After this, the Gauls' situation became less hopeful. They lacked provisions because fear of Camillus cut them off from foraging, and disease was hidden among them. They were camped among ruins where many corpses had been thrown about at random. The air was dry and harsh from the great quantity of ashes sent flying by wind and heat, making breathing painful.

Most of all, the change in their way of life harmed them. They had come suddenly from shaded regions, where they could easily take refuge from summer heat, into a low-lying country with a strange climate as autumn approached. They had also been sitting idly before the Capitol for a long time; the siege was now in its seventh month. For all these reasons, mortality was great in the camp, and the dead became too many to bury.

None of this relieved the besieged Romans. Famine increased, and their ignorance of what Camillus was doing made them despondent. No messenger could reach him because the barbarians now guarded the city closely. With both sides in distress, a compromise was first proposed by outposts when they met one another. Then, because the authorities thought it best, Sulpicius, a Roman military tribune, met Brennus. They agreed that the Romans would give a thousand pounds of gold and the Gauls would at once leave the city and the country.

Oaths were sworn, and the gold was brought out to be weighed. But the Gauls tampered with the scales, secretly at first and then openly by pulling back the balance. The Romans were angry. Brennus laughed, took off his sword, and threw it with its belt onto the weights. When Sulpicius asked what this meant, Brennus answered: 'What else but woe to the conquered?' The saying immediately became proverbial. Some Romans were angry and thought they should take back the gold and endure the siege. Others urged acceptance of the smaller injustice. Their shame, they argued, lay not in giving more but in giving at all; this had been accepted because of necessity, not because it was honorable.

Chapter 29

While the Romans were divided both against the Gauls and among themselves, Camillus led his army up to the gates of the city. When he learned what was happening, he ordered the rest of the army to follow slowly in battle order, while he himself went ahead with the best men and came to the Romans. They all made way for him and, in reverent silence, acknowledged him as dictator. He lifted the gold from the scales, handed it to his attendants, and ordered the Gauls to take their scales and weights and go away, saying that it was the Roman custom to save the city with iron, not with gold.

Brennus angrily declared that he was wronged by the breaking of the agreement. Camillus answered that the compact was not lawful or binding, since he had already been chosen dictator and no other legal ruler existed. The Gauls had made their agreement with men who had no authority. Now, he said, they must state what they wanted, because he had come with lawful authority to grant pardon to those who asked it and to punish the guilty unless they repented.

At this Brennus raised an uproar and began a skirmish. Both sides went no farther than drawing swords and pushing one another in confusion, since the action happened in the middle of the ruined city, where no battle line could be formed. Brennus soon recovered his judgment and led the Gauls back to their camp with the loss of only a few men. During the following night he broke camp and left the city with his whole force. After a march of about eight miles, he camped along the Gabinian road.

At daybreak Camillus came upon him, his Romans in bright array and full of confidence. After a long, fierce battle, he routed the enemy with great slaughter and captured their camp. Some fugitives were pursued and killed at once; most scattered and were later attacked and killed by people from the surrounding villages and cities.

Chapter 30

So Rome was strangely taken, and even more strangely delivered, after the barbarians had held it for seven months in all. They entered a few days after the Ides of July and were driven out around the Ides of February. Camillus celebrated a triumph, as was proper for a man who had saved a lost country and brought the city back to itself.

The citizens who had been outside the city, together with their wives and children, accompanied his triumphal chariot as it entered Rome. Those who had been besieged on the Capitol and had barely escaped death by starvation came out to meet them. They embraced one another and wept with joy. The priests and ministers of the gods brought out the sacred objects, whether they had buried them in place or carried them away in flight, and showed them safe to the citizens. The people received the sight with delight, believing that the gods themselves had returned to Rome with them.

After Camillus sacrificed to the gods and purified the city according to the rites prescribed by those skilled in such matters, he restored the existing temples and built a new one to Rumor and Voice. He had carefully sought out the place where, by night, the heavenly voice announcing the coming of the barbarian host had fallen upon the ears of Marcus Caedicius.

Colophon

This page translates Plutarch, Camillus 15-30 from Greek for the Celtic continental expansion of the Good Work Library. Plutarch writes as a Greek moral biographer using Roman memory and literary tradition; his language about barbarians, omens, and Roman rescue is preserved as ancient source evidence, not adopted as modern ethnography.

Compiled and formatted for the Good Work Library by the New Tianmu Anglican Church, 2026.

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Source Text: Plutarch, Camillus 15-30

Greek source text from PerseusDL's canonical XML text of Plutarch, Camillus. This page gives the continuous Gaulish invasion, Clusium, Allia, sack of Rome, Capitol siege, geese of Juno, Brennus ransom, and Camillus recovery source-unit in chapters 15-30.

Chapter 15

[1] οἱ δὲ Γαλάται τοῦ Κελτικοῦ γένους ὄντες ὑπὸ πλήθους λέγονται τὴν αὑτῶν ἀπολιπόντες, οὐκ οὖσαν αὐτάρκη τρέφειν ἅπαντας, ἐπὶ γῆς ζήτησιν ἑτέρας ὁρμῆσαι· μυριάδες δὲ πολλαὶ γενόμενοι νέων ἀνδρῶν καὶ μαχίμων, ἔτι δὲ πλείους παίδων καὶ γυναικῶν ἄγοντες, οἱ μὲν ἐπὶ τὸν βόρειον Ὠκεανὸν ὑπερβαλόντες τὰ Ῥιπαῖα ὄρη ῥυῆναι καὶ τὰ ἔσχατα τῆς Εὐρώπης κατασχεῖν,

[2] οἱ δὲ μεταξὺ Πυρρήνης ὄρους καὶ τῶν Ἄλπεων ἱδρυθέντες ἐγγὺς Σενώνων καὶ Κελτορίων κατοικεῖν χρόνον πολύν ὀψὲ δʼ οἴνου γευσάμενοι τότε πρῶτον ἐξ Ἰταλίας διακομισθέντος οὕτως ἄρα θαυμάσαι τὸ πόμα καὶ πρὸς τὴν καινότητα τῆς ἡδονῆς ἔκφρονες γενέσθαι πάντες, ὥστε ἀράμενοι τὰ ὅπλα καὶ γενεὰς ἀναλαβόντες ἐπὶ τὰς Ἄλπεις φέρεσθαι καὶ ζητεῖν ἐκείνην τὴν γῆν, ἣ τοιοῦτον καρπὸν ἀναδίδωσι, τὴν δʼ ἄλλην ἄκαρπον ἡγεῖσθαι καὶ ἀνήμερον.

[3] ὁ δʼ εἰσαγαγὼν τὸν οἶνον πρὸς αὐτοὺς καὶ παροξύνας ἐπὶ τὴν Ἰταλίαν μάλιστα καὶ πρῶτος Ἄρρων λέγεται γενέσθαι Τυρρηνός, ἀνὴρ ἐπιφανὴς καὶ φύσει μὲν οὐ πονηρός, συμφορᾷ δὲ τοιαύτῃ χρησάμενος. ἦν ἐπίτροπος παιδὸς ὀρφανοῦ πλούτῳ τε πρώτου τῶν πολιτῶν καὶ θαυμαζομένου κατʼ εἶδος, ὄνομα Λουκούμωνος. οὗτος ἐκ νέου παρὰ τῷ Ἄρρωνι δίαιταν εἶχε, καὶ μειράκιον ὢν οὐκ ἀπέλιπε τὴν οἰκίαν, ἀλλὰ προσεποιεῖτο χαίρειν συνὼν ἐκείνῳ.

[4] καὶ πολύν χρόνον ἐλάνθανε διεφθαρκὼς αὐτοῦ τὴν γυναῖκα καὶ διεφθαρμένος ὑπʼ ἐκείνης· ἤδη δὲ πόρρω τοῦ πάθους ἀμφοτέρων γεγονότων καὶ μήτʼ ἀφεῖναι τὴν ἐπιθυμίαν μήτε κρύπτειν ἔτι δυναμένων, ὁ μὲν νεανίσκος ἐπεχείρει φανερῶς ἀποσπάσας ἔχειν τὴν ἄνθρωπον, ὁ δʼ ἀνὴρ ἐπὶ δίκην ἐλθὼν καὶ κρατούμενος πλήθει φίλων καὶ χρημάτων δαπάναις ὑπὸ τοῦ Λουκούμωνος ἐξέλιπε τὴν ἑαυτοῦ· καὶ πυθόμενος τὰ τῶν Γαλατῶν ἧκεν εἰς αὐτοὺς καὶ καθηγήσατο τῆς εἰς τὴν Ἰταλίαν στρατείας.

Chapter 16

[1] οἱ δʼ ἐμβαλόντες εὐθὺς ἐκράτουν τῆς χώρας ὅσην τὸ παλαιὸν οἱ Τυρρηνοὶ κατεῖχον, ἀπὸ τῶν Ἄλπεων ἐπʼ ἀμφοτέρας καθήκουσαν τὰς θαλάσσας, ὡς καὶ τοὔνομα μαρτυρεῖ τῷ λόγῳ, τὴν μὲν γὰρ βόρειον θάλατταν Ἀδρίαν καλοῦσιν ἀπὸ Τυρρηνικῆς πόλεως Ἀδρίας, τὴν δὲ πρὸς νότον κεκλιμένην ἄντικρυς Τυρρηνικὸν πέλαγος.

[2] πᾶσα δʼ ἐστὶ δενδρόφυτος αὕτη καὶ θρέμμασιν εὔβοτος καὶ κατάρρυτος ποταμοῖς. καὶ πόλεις εἶχεν ὀκτωκαίδεκα καλὰς καὶ μεγάλας καὶ κατεσκευασμένας πρός τε χρηματισμὸν ἐργατικῶς καὶ πρὸς δίαιταν πανηγυρικῶς, ἃς οἱ Γαλάται τοὺς Τυρρηνοὺς ἐκβαλόντες αὐτοὶ κατέσχον. ἀλλὰ ταῦτα μὲν ἐπράχθη συχνῷ τινι χρόνῳ πρότερον.

Chapter 17

[1] οἱ δὲ Γαλάται τότε πρὸς πόλιν Τυρρηνίδα Κλούσιον στρατεύσαντες ἐπολιόρκουν, οἱ δὲ Κλουσῖνοι καταφυγόντες ἐπὶ τοὺς Ῥωμαίους ᾐτήσαντο πρέσβεις παρʼ αὐτῶν καὶ γράμματα πρὸς τοὺς βαρβάρους. ἐπέμφθησαν δὲ τοῦ Φαβίων γένους τρεῖς ἄνδρες εὐδόκιμοι καὶ τιμὰς μεγάλας ἔχοντες ἐν τῇ πόλει.

[2] τούτους ἐδέξαντο μὲν οἱ Γαλάται φιλανθρώπως διὰ τὸ τῆς Ῥώμης ὄνομα, καὶ παυσάμενοι τῆς πρὸς τὰ τείχη μάχης εἰς λόγους συνῆλθον. πυνθανομένων δʼ αὐτῶν, ὅ τι παθόντες ὑπὸ Κλουσίνων ἥκοιεν ἐπὶ τὴν πόλιν, γελάσας ὁ βασιλεὺς τῶν Γαλατῶν Βρέννος, ἀδικοῦσιν ἡμᾶς, ἔφη, Κλουσῖνοι γῆν καὶ χώραν ὀλίγην μὲν γεωργεῖν δυνάμενοι, πολλὴν δὲ κατέχειν ἀξιοῦντες καὶ μὴ μεταδιδόντες ἡμῖν ξένοις οὖσι καὶ πολλοῖς καὶ πένησι.

[3] ταῦτα δʼ ἄρα καὶ ὑμᾶς ἠδίκουν, ὦ Ῥωμαῖοι , πρότερον μὲν Ἀλβανοὶ καὶ Φιδηνᾶται καὶ Ἀρδεᾶται, νῦν δὲ Οὐήϊοι καὶ Καπηνᾶται καὶ πολλοὶ Φαλίσκων καὶ Οὐολούσκων· ἐφʼ οὓς ὑμεῖς στρατεύοντες, ἐὰν μὴ μεταδιδῶσιν ὑμῖν τῶν ἀγαθῶν, ἀνδραποδίζεσθε καὶ λεηλατεῖτε καὶ κατασκάπτετε τὰς πόλεις αὐτῶν, οὐδὲν οὐδὲ ὑμεῖς γε δεινὸν οὐδὲ ἄδικον ποιοῦντες,

[4] ἀλλὰ τῷ πρεσβυτάτῳ τῶν νόμων ἀκολουθοῦντες, ὃς τῷ κρείττονι τὰ τῶν ἡττόνων δίδωσιν ἀρχόμενος ἀπὸ τοῦ θεοῦ καὶ τελευτῶν εἰς τὰ θηρία, καὶ γὰρ τούτοις ἐκ φύσεως ἔνεστι τὸ ζητεῖν πλέον ἔχειν τὰ κρείττονα τῶν ὑποδεεστέρων. Κλουσίνους δὲ παύσασθε πολιορκουμένους οἰκτείροντες, ὡς μὴ καὶ Γαλάτας διδάξητε χρηστοὺς καὶ φιλοικτίρμονας γενέσθαι τοῖς ὑπὸ Ῥωμαίων ἀδικουμένοις.

[5] ἐκ τούτων τῶν λόγων ἔγνωσαν οἱ Ῥωμαῖοι τὸν Βρέννον ἀσυμβάτως ἔχοντα, καὶ παρελθόντες εἰς τὸ Κλούσιον ἐθάρρυνον καὶ παρώρμων τοὺς ἄνδρας ἐπεξελθεῖν τοῖς βαρβάροις μετʼ αὐτῶν, εἴτε τὴν ἐκείνων ἀλκὴν καταμαθεῖν εἴτε τὴν ἑαυτῶν ἐπιδείξασθαι θέλοντες. ἐκδρομῆς δὲ τῶν Κλουσίνων καὶ μάχης παρὰ τὰ τείχη γενομένης εἷς τῶν Φαβίων, Κόιντος Ἄμβουστος, ἵππον ἔχων ἐλήλασεν ἀνατίος ἀνδρὶ μεγάλῳ καὶ καλῷ Γαλάτῃ πολὺ προϊππεύοντι τῶν ἄλλων, ἀγνοηθεὶς ἐν ἀρχῇ διὰ τὸ τὴν σύνοδον ὀξεῖαν γενέσθαι καὶ τὰ ὅπλα περιλάμποντα τὴν ὄψιν ἀποκρύπτειν.

[6] ὡς δʼ ἐπικρατήσας τῇ μάχῃ καὶ καταβαλὼν ἐσκύλευε τὸν ἄνθρωπον, γνωρίσας ὁ Βρέννος αὐτὸν ἐπεμαρτύρατο θεούς, ὡς παρὰ τὰ κοινὰ καὶ νενομισμένα πᾶσιν ἀνθρώποις ὅσια καὶ δίκαια πρεσβευτοῦ μὲν ἥκοντος, πολέμια δὲ εἰργασμένου. καταπαύσας δὲ τὴν μάχην αὐτίκα Κλουσίνους μὲν εἴα χαίρειν, ἐπὶ δὲ τὴν Ῥώμην τὸν στρατὸν ἦγεν. οὐ βουλόμενος δὲ δόξαι τὴν ἀδικίαν αὐτοῖς ὥσπερ ἀσμένοις γεγονέναι καὶ δεομένοις προφάσεως, ἔπεμψεν ἐξαιτῶν ἐπὶ τιμωρίᾳ τὸν ἄνδρα καὶ προῆγεν ἅμα σχολαίως.

Chapter 18

[1] ἐν δὲ Ῥώμῃ τῆς βουλῆς συναχθείσης ἄλλοι τε πολλοὶ τοῦ Φαβίου κατηγόρουν, καὶ τῶν ἱερέων οἱ καλούμενοι Φητιαλεῖς ἐνῆγον ἐπιθειάζοντες καὶ κελεύοντες τὸ τῶν πεπραγμένων ἄγος τήν σύγκλητον εἰς ἕνα τὸν αἴτιον τρέψασαν ὑπὲρ τῶν ἄλλων ἀφοσιώσασθαι. τούτους τοὺς Φητιαλεῖς Πομπίλιος Νομᾶς, βασιλέων ἡμερώτατος γενόμενος καὶ δικαιότατος, κατέστησε φύλακας μὲν εἰρήνης, ἐπιγνώμονας δὲ καὶ βεβαιωτὰς αἰτιῶν, αἳ σὺν δίκῃ πόλεμον συνάπτουσι.

[2] τῆς δὲ βουλῆς ἐπὶ τὸν δῆμον ἀνενεγκαμένης τὸ πρᾶγμα καὶ τῶν ἱερέων ὅμοια τοῦ Φαβίου κατηγορούντων, οὕτω περιύβρισαν οἱ πολλοὶ τὰ θεῖα καὶ κατεγέλασαν, ὥστε καὶ χιλίαρχον ἀποδεῖξαι τὸν Φάβιον μετὰ τῶν ἀδελφῶν, οἱ δὲ Κελτοὶ πυθόμενοι ταῦτα καὶ χαλεπῶς φέροντες οὐδὲν ἐμποδὼν ἐποιοῦντο τῆς σπουδῆς, ἀλλʼ

[3] ἐχώρουν παντὶ τάχει· καὶ πρὸς τὸ πλῆθος αὐτῶν καὶ τήν λαμπρότητα τῆς παρασκευῆς καὶ βίαν καὶ θυμὸν ἐκπεπληγμένων τῶν διὰ μέσου, καὶ τήν τε χώραν ἀπολωλέναι πᾶσαν ἤδη καὶ τὰς πόλεις εὐθὺς ἀπολεῖσθαι δοκούντων, παρʼ ἐλπίδας οὐδὲν ἠδίκουν οὐδʼ ἐλάμβανον ἐκ τῶν ἀγρῶν, ἀλλὰ καὶ παρὰ τὰς πόλεις ἐγγὺς παρεξιόντες ἐβόων ἐπὶ τήν Ῥώμην πορεύεσθαι καὶ μόνοις πολεμεῖν Ῥωμαίοις, τοὺς δʼ ἄλλους φίλους ἐπίστασθαι.

[4] τοιαύτῃ δὲ χρωμένων ὁρμῇ τῶν βαρβάρων ἐξῆγον οἱ χιλίαρχοι τοὺς Ῥωμαίους ἐπὶ τὸν ἀγῶνα, πλήθει μὲν οὐκ ἐνδεεῖς ἐγένοντο γὰρ ὁπλῖται τετρακισμυρίων οὐκ ἐλάσσους, ἀνασκήτους δὲ τοὺς πολλοὺς καὶ τότε πρῶτον ἁπτομένους ὅπλων. ἔτι δʼ ἐξημέλητο τὰ τῶν θεῶν αὐτοῖς οὔτε καλλιερήσασιν οὔτε μάντεις ἃ πρὸ κινδύνου καὶ μάχης εἰκὸς ἦν ἐρομένοις.

[5] οὐδενὸς δὲ ἧττον ἐπετάραττεν ἡ πολυαρχία τὰ πραττόμενα. καίτοι πρότερόν γε καὶ πρὸς ἐλάττονας ἀγῶνας εἵλοντο πολλάκις μονάρχους, οὓς δικτάτορας καλοῦσιν, οὐκ ἀγνοοῦντες, ὅσον ἐστὶν εἰς ἐπισφαλῆ καιρὸν ὄφελος μιᾷ χρωμένους γνώμῃ πρὸς ἀνυπεύθυνον ἀρχὴν ἐν χερσὶ τήν δίκην ἔχουσαν εὐτακτεῖν.

[6] οὐχ ἥκιστα δὲ καὶ Κάμιλλος ἀγνωμονηθεὶς ἔβλαψε τὰ πράγματα, τοῦ μὴ πρὸς χάριν μηδὲ κολακεύοντας ἄρχειν φοβεροῦ γενομένου. προελθόντες οὖν ἀπὸ τῆς πόλεως σταδίους ἐνενήκοντα παρὰ τὸν Ἀλίαν ποταμὸν ηὐλίσθησαν, οὐ πόρρω τοῦ στρατοπέδου τῷ Θύμβριδι συμφερόμενον. ἐνταῦθα δὲ τῶν βαρβάρων ἐπιφανέντων αἰσχρῶς ἀγωνισάμενοι διʼ ἀταξίαν ἐτράποντο.

[7] καὶ τὸ μὲν ἀριστερὸν κέρας εὐθὺς ἐμβαλόντες εἰς τὸν ποταμὸν οἱ Κελτοὶ διέφθειραν τὸ δὲ δεξιὸν ὑπεκκλῖναν τήν ἐπιφορὰν ἐκ τοῦ πεδίου πρὸς τοὺς λόφους ἧττον ἐξεκόπη καὶ διεξέπεσον ἀπὸ τούτων εἰς τήν πόλιν οἱ πολλοί, τοῖς δʼ ἄλλοις, ὅσοι τῶν πολεμίων ἀπειπόντων πρὸς τὸν φόνον ἐσώθησαν, εἰς Οὐηΐους αἱ φυγαὶ διὰ νυκτὸς ἦσαν, ὡς τῆς Ῥώμης οἰχομένης καὶ τῶν ἐκεῖ πάντων ἀπολωλότων.

Chapter 19

[1] ἐγένετο δʼ ἡ μάχη μετὰ τροπὰς θερινὰς περὶ τήν πανσέληνον, ᾗ καὶ πρότερον ἡμέρᾳ μέγα πάθος συνέβη τὸ περὶ τοὺς Φαβίους· τριακόσιοι γὰρ ἐκ τοῦ γένους ἄνδρες ὑπὸ Τυρρηνῶν ἀνῃρέθησαν. ἐκράτησε δὲ τήν ἡμέραν ἀπὸ τῆς δευτέρας ἥττης Ἀλιάδα μέχρι νῦν καλεῖσθαι διὰ τὸν ποταμόν. περὶ δʼ ἡμερῶν ἀποφράδων εἴτε χρὴ τίθεσθαί τινας, εἴτε ὀρθῶς Ἡράκλειτος ἐπέπληξεν Ἡσιόδῳ τὰς μὲν ἀγαθὰς ποιουμένῳ, τὰς δὲ φαύλας, ὡς ἀγνοοῦντι φύσιν ἡμέρας ἁπάσης μίαν οὖσαν, ἑτέρωθι διηπόρηται.

[2] τῇ δʼ ὑποκειμένῃ γραφῇ τὸ μνημονεῦσαι παραδειγμάτων ὀλίγων ἴσως ἂν ἁρμόσειε. τοῦτο μὲν τοίνυν Βοιωτοῖς Ἱπποδρομίου μηνός, ὡς δʼ Ἀθηναῖοι καλοῦσιν Ἑκατομβαιῶνος, ἱσταμένου πέμπτῃ δύο λαβεῖν συνέβη νίκας ἐπιφανεστάτας, αἷς τοὺς Ἕλληνας ἠλευθέρωσαν, τήν τε περὶ Λεῦκτρα καὶ τήν ἐπὶ Κερησσῷ ταύτης πρότερον ἔτεσι πλείοσιν ἢ διακοσίοις, ὅτε Λατταμύαν καὶ Θεσσαλοὺς ἐνίκησαν.

[3] τοῦτο δʼ αὖ πάλιν Πέρσαι μηνὸς Βοηδρομιῶνος ἕκτῃ μὲν ἐν Μαραθῶνι, τρίτῃ δʼ ἐν Πλαταιαῖς ἅμα καὶ περὶ Μυκάλην ἡττήθησαν ὑπὸ τῶν Ἑλλήνων, πέμπτῃ δὲ φθίνοντος ἐν Ἀρβήλοις. οἱ δʼ Ἀθηναῖοι καὶ τήν περὶ Νάξον ἐνίκων ναυμαχίαν, ἧς Χαβρίας ἐστρατήγει, τοῦ Βοηδρομιῶνος περὶ τήν πανσέληνον, ἐν δὲ Σαλαμῖνι περὶ τὰς εἰκάδας, ὡς ἡμῖν ἐν τῷ Περὶ ἡμερῶν ἀποδέδεικται.

[4] ἐνήνοχε δὲ καὶ ὁ Θαργηλιὼν μὴν τοῖς βαρβάροις ἐπιδήλως ἀτυχίας· καὶ γὰρ Ἀλέξανδρος ἐπὶ Γρανικῷ τοὺς βασιλέως στρατηγοὺς Θαργηλιῶνος ἐνίκησε, καὶ Καρχηδόνιοι περὶ Σικελίαν ὑπὸ Τιμολέοντος ἡττῶντο τῇ ἑβδόμῃ φθίνοντος, περὶ ἣν δοκεῖ καὶ τὸ Ἴλιον ἁλῶναι, Θαργηλιῶνος, ὡς Ἔφορος καὶ Καλλισθένης καὶ Δαμάστης καὶ Φύλαρχος ἱστορήκασιν.

[5] ἀνάπαλιν δʼ ὁ Μεταγειτνιών, ὃν Βοιωτοὶ Πάνεμον καλοῦσιν, τοῖς Ἕλλησιν οὐκ εὐμενὴς γέγονε. τούτου γὰρ τοῦ μηνὸς ἑβδόμῃ καὶ τήν ἐν Κρανῶνι μάχην ἡττηθέντες ὑπʼ Ἀντιπάτρου τελέως ἀπώλοντο, καὶ πρότερον ἐν Χαιρωνείᾳ μαχόμενοι πρὸς Φίλιππον ἠτύχησαν. τῆς δʼ αὐτῆς ἡμέρας ταύτης ἐν τῷ Μεταγειτνιῶνι κατὰ τὸν αὐτὸν ἐνιαυτὸν οἱ μετʼ Ἀρχιδάμου διαβάντες εἰς Ἰταλίαν ὑπὸ τῶν ἐκεῖ βαρβάρων διεφθάρησαν.

[6] Καρχηδόνιοι δὲ τὴν ἐνάτην φθίνοντος ὡς τὰ πλεῖστα καὶ μέγιστα τῶν ἀτυχημάτων αὐτοῖς ἀεὶ φέρουσαν παραφυλάττουσιν. οὐκ ἀγνοῶ δʼ ὅτι περὶ τὸν τῶν μυστηρίων καιρὸν αὖθις Θῆβαί τε κατεσκάφησαν ὑπὸ Ἀλεξάνδρου, καὶ μετὰ ταῦτα φρουρὰν Ἀθηναῖοι Μακεδόνων ἐδέξαντο περὶ αὐτὴν τήν εἰκάδα τοῦ Βοηδρομιῶνος, ᾗ τὸν μυστικὸν Ἴακχον ἐξάγουσιν.

[7] ὁμοίως δὲ Ῥωμαῖοι τῆς αὐτῆς ἡμέρας πρότερον μὲν ὑπὸ Κίμβρων τὸ μετὰ Καιπίωνος ἀπέβαλον στρατόπεδον, ὕστερον δὲ Λουκούλλου στρατηγοῦντος Ἀρμενίους καὶ Τιγράνην ἐνίκησαν. Ἄτταλος δʼ ὁ βασιλεὺς καὶ Πομπήιος Μᾶγνος ἐν τοῖς ἑαυτῶν γενεθλίοις ἀπέθανον. καὶ ὅλως ἐστὶ πολλοὺς ἐπʼ ἀμφότερα ταῖς αὐταῖς χρησαμένους ἀποδεῖξαι περιόδοις.

[8] ἀλλὰ Ῥωμαίοις αὕτη μία τῶν μάλιστα ἀποφράδων ἐστί, καὶ διʼ αὐτὴν ἑκάστου μηνὸς ἕτεραι δύο, τῆς πρὸς τὸ συμβὰν εὐλαβείας καὶ δεισιδαιμονίας ἐπὶ πλεῖον, ὥσπερ εἴωθε, ῥυείσης. ταῦτα μὲν οὖν ἐν τῷ Περὶ αἰτίων Ῥωμαϊκῶν ἐπιμελέστερον διῄρηται.

Chapter 20

[1] μετὰ δὲ τὴν μάχην ἐκείνην εἰ μὲν εὐθὺς ἐπηκολούθησαν οἱ Γαλάται τοῖς φεύγουσιν, οὐδὲν ἂν ἐκώλυσε τὴν Ῥώμην ἄρδην ἀναιρεθῆναι καὶ πάντας ἀπολέσθαι τοὺς ἐν αὐτῇ καταλειφθέντας· τοσοῦτον οἱ φεύγοντες ἐνειργάζοντο δεῖμα τοῖς ὑποδεχομένοις, καὶ τοσαύτης πάλιν ἐνεπίμπλαντο ταραχῆς καὶ παραφροσύνης.

[2] νυνὶ δʼ ἀπιστίᾳ τοῦ μεγέθους οἱ βάρβαροι τῆς νίκης καὶ πρὸς εὐπάθειαν ἐκ τοῦ περιχαροῦς ἅμα καὶ νεμήσεις τῶν ἑαλωκότων ἐν τῷ στρατοπέδῳ χρημάτων τραπόμενοι, τῷ μὲν ἐκπίπτοντι τῆς πόλεως ὄχλῳ ῥᾳστώνην φυγῆς παρέσχον, ἐλπίσαι δʼ ἔτι καὶ παρασκευάσασθαι τοῖς ὑπομένουσι τὴν γὰρ ἄλλην πόλιν προέμενοι τὸ Καπιτώλιον ἐφράξαντο βέλεσι καὶ διατειχίσμασιν.

[3] ἐν πρώτοις δὲ τῶν ἱερῶν ἃ μὲν εἰς τὸ Καπιτώλιον ἀνεσκευάσαντο, τὸ δὲ πῦρ τῆς Ἑστίας αἱ παρθένοι μετὰ τῶν ἱερῶν ἔφευγον ἁρπασάμεναι. καίτοι τινὲς οὐδὲν εἶναι τὸ φρουρούμενον ὑπʼ αὐτῶν ἕτερον ἢ πῦρ ἄφθιτον ἱστοροῦσι, Νομᾶ τοῦ βασιλέως καταστήσαντος ὡς ἀρχὴν ἁπάντων σέβεσθαι. κινητικώτατον γὰρ ἐν τῇ φύσει τοῦτο·

[4] κίνησις δέ τις ἢ σύν τινι κινήσει πάντως ἡ γένεσις· τὰ δʼ ἄλλα τῆς ὕλης μόρια θερμότητος ἐπιλιπούσης ἀργὰ κείμενα καὶ νεκροῖς ἐοικότα ποθεῖ τὴν τοῦ πυρὸς δύναμιν, ὡς ψυχήν, καὶ προσελθούσης ἁμῶς γέ πως ἐπὶ τὸ δρᾶν τι καὶ πάσχειν τρέπεται, τοῦτʼ οὖν ἅτε δὴ περιττὸν ἄνδρα τὸν Νομᾶν καὶ λόγον ἔχοντα ταῖς Μούσαις συνεῖναι διὰ σοφίαν ἐξοσιῶσαι καὶ φρουρεῖν ἀκοίμητον ἐν εἰκόνι τῆς τὰ πάντα κοσμούσης ἀιδίου δυνάμεως.

[5] οἱ δὲ τὸ μὲν πῦρ, ὥσπερ παρʼ Ἕλλησι, πρὸ ἱερῶν αἴθεσθαι καθάρσιον, ἄλλα δὲ τὰ ἐντὸς ἀθέατα κρύπτεσθαι πᾶσι, πλὴν ταύταις ταῖς παρθένοις, ἃς Ἑστιάδας ἐπονομάζουσι· καὶ πλεῖστος μὲν λόγος κατεῖχε τὸ Τρωικὸν ἐκεῖνο Παλλάδιον ἀποκεῖσθαι διʼ Αἰνείου κομισθὲν εἰς Ἰταλίαν. εἰσὶ δʼ οἱ τὰ Σαμοθρᾴκια μυθολογοῦντες Δάρδανον μὲν εἰς Τροίαν ἐξενεγκάμενον ὀργιάσαι καὶ καθιερῶσαι κτίσαντα τὴν πόλιν, Αἰνείαν δὲ περὶ τὴν ἅλωσιν ἐκκλέψαντα διασῶσαι μέχρι τῆς ἐν Ἰταλίᾳ κατοικήσεως.

[6] οἱ δὲ προσποιούμενοί πλέον ἐπίστασθαι τι περὶ τούτων δύο φασὶν οὐ μεγάλους ἀποκεῖσθαι πίθους, ὧν τὸν μὲν ἀνεῳγότα καὶ κενὸν, τὸν δὲ πλήρη καὶ κατασεσημασμένον, ἀμφοτέρους δὲ ταῖς παναγέσι μόναις παρθένοις ὁρατούς εἶναι. ἄλλοι δὲ τούτους διεψεῦσθαι νομίζουσι τῷ τὰ πλεῖστα τῶν ἱερῶν τότε τὰς κόρας ἐμβαλούσας εἰς πίθους δύο κρύψαι κατὰ γῆς ὑπὸ τὸν νεὼν τοῦ Κυρίνου, καὶ τὸν τόπον ἐκεῖνον ἔτι καὶ νῦν τῶν Πιθίσκων φέρεσθαι τὴν ἐπωνυμίαν.

Chapter 21

[1] τὰ δὲ κυριώτατα καὶ μέγιστα τῶν ἱερῶν αὗται λαβοῦσαι φυγῇ παρὰ τὸν ποταμὸν ἐποιοῦντο τὴν ἀποχώρησιν. ἐνταῦθα Λεύκιος Ἀλβίνιος ἀνὴρ δημοτικὸς ἐν τοῖς φεύγουσιν ἔτυχε τέκνα νήπια καὶ γυναῖκα μετὰ χρημάτων ἀναγκαίων ἐφʼ ἁμάξης ὑπεκκομίζων. ὡς δʼ εἶδε τὰς παρθένους ἐν τοῖς κόλποις φερούσας τὰ τῶν θεῶν ἱερά θεραπείας ἐρήμους παραπορευομένας καὶ κακοπαθούσας, ταχὺ τὴν γυναῖκα μετὰ τῶν παίδων καὶ τῶν χρημάτων καθελὼν ἀπὸ τῆς ἁμάξης ἐκείναις παρέδωκεν ἐπιβῆναι καὶ διαφυγεῖν εἴς τινα τῶν Ἑλληνίδων πόλεων.

[2] τὴν μὲν οὖν Ἀλβινίου πρὸς τὸ θεῖον εὐλάβειαν καὶ τιμὴν ἐν τοῖς ἐπισφαλεστάτοις καιροῖς ἐκφανῆ γενομένην οὐκ ἄξιον ἦν ἀμνημόνευτον παρελθεῖν. οἱ δὲ τῶν ἄλλων θεῶν ἱερεῖς οἵ τε γηραιοὶ τῶν ὑπατικῶν καὶ θριαμβικῶν ἀνδρῶν τὴν μὲν πόλιν ἐκλιπεῖν οὐχ ὑπέμειναν, ἱερὰς δὲ καὶ λαμπρὰς ἀναλαβόντες ἐσθῆτας, ἐξηγουμένου Φαβίου τοῦ ἀρχιερέως, ἐπευξάμενοι τοῖς θεοῖς, ὡς ἑαυτοὺς ὑπὲρ τῆς πατρίδος τῷ δαίμονι καθιεροῦντες, ἐπὶ τῶν ἐλεφαντίνων δίφρων ἐν ἀγορᾷ ἐκάθηντο κεκοσμημένοι, τὴν ἐπιοῦσαν τύχην ὑπομένοντες.

Chapter 22

[1] τρίτῃ δʼ ἀπὸ τῆς μάχης ἡμέρᾳ παρῆν ὁ Βρέννος ἄγων ἐπὶ τὴν πόλιν τὸ στράτευμα· καὶ τάς τε πύλας εὑρὼν ἀνεῳγμένας καὶ τὰ τείχη φυλάκων ἔρημα, πρῶτον μὲν ἔδεισεν ἐνέδραν καὶ δόλον, ἀπιστῶν οὕτω παντάπασιν ἀπειρηκέναι τοὺς Ῥωμαίους, ἐπεὶ δʼ ἔγνω τὸ ἀληθές, εἰσελάσας διὰ τῆς Κολλίνης πύλης εἷλε τὴν Ῥώμην ἑξήκοντα καὶ τριακοσίων ἐτῶν πλείονα βραχὺ χρόνον ἀπὸ τῆς κτίσεως ἔχουσαν, εἴ τῳ πιστόν ἀποσῴζεσθαί τινα τῶν χρόνων ἀκρίβειαν, οἷς καὶ περὶ νεωτέρων ἄλλων ἀμφισβήτησιν ἡ σύγχυσις ἐκείνη παρέσχε.

[2] τοῦ μέντοι πάθους αὐτοῦ καὶ τῆς ἁλώσεως ἔοικεν ἀμυδρά τις εὐθὺς εἰς τὴν Ἑλλάδα φήμη διελθεῖν. Ἡρακλείδης γὰρ ὁ Ποντικὸς οὐ πολὺ τῶν χρόνων ἐκείνων ἀπολειπόμενος ἐν τῷ Περὶ ψυχῆς συγγράμματί φησιν ἀπὸ τῆς ἑσπέρας λόγον κατασχεῖν, ὡς στρατὸς ἐξ Ὑπερβορέων ἐλθὼν ἔξωθεν ᾑρήκοι πόλιν Ἑλληνίδα Ῥώμην, ἐκεῖ που κατῳκημένην περὶ τὴν μεγάλην θάλασσαν.

[3] οὐκ ἂν οὖν θαυμάσαιμι μυθώδη καὶ πλασματίαν ὄντα τὸν Ἡρακλείδην ἀληθεῖ λόγῳ τῷ περὶ τῆς ἁλώσεως ἐπικομπάσαι τοὺς Ὑπερβορέους καὶ τὴν μεγάλην θάλατταν. Ἀριστοτέλης δὲ ὁ φιλόσοφος τὸ μὲν ἁλῶναι τὴν πόλιν ὑπὸ Κελτῶν ἀκριβῶς δῆλός ἐστιν ἀκηκοώς, τὸν δὲ σώσαντα Λεύκιον εἶναί φησιν ἦν δὲ Μᾶρκος, οὐ Λεύκιος, ὁ Κάμιλλος. ἀλλὰ ταῦτα μὲν εἰκασμῷ λέλεκται.

[4] κατασχὼν δὲ τὴν Ῥώμην ὁ Βρέννος τῷ μὲν Καπιτωλίῳ φρουρὰν περιέστησεν, αὐτὸς δὲ καταβαίνων διʼ ἀγορᾶς ἐθαύμαζε τοὺς προκαθημένους ἄνδρας ἐν κόσμῳ καὶ σιωπῇ θεώμενος, ὡς οὔθʼ ὑπεξανέστησαν ἐπιόντων πολεμίων οὔτʼ ὄψιν ἢ χρόαν ἔτρεψαν, ἀλλὰ ῥᾳθύμως καὶ ἀδεῶς ἐγκεκλιμένοι τοῖς σκίπωσιν, οὓς ἐφόρουν, καὶ προσβλέποντες ἀλλήλοις ἡσύχαζον.

[5] ἦν οὖν θαῦμα τοῖς Γαλάταις πρὸς τὴν ἀτοπίαν, καὶ πολὺν χρόνον ὀκνοῦντες ἅψασθαι καὶ προσελθεῖν ὡς κρείττοσι διηπόρουν. ἐπεὶ δὲ τολμήσας τις ἐξ αὐτῶν ἐγγὺς παρέστη Παπειρίῳ Μάρκῳ καὶ προσαγαγὼν τὴν χεῖρα πρᾴως ἥψατο τοῦ γενείου καὶ κατῆγε τὴν ὑπήνην βαθεῖαν οὖσαν, ὁ μὲν Παπείριος τῇ βακτηρίᾳ τὴν κεφαλὴν αὐτοῦ πατάξας συνέτριψεν, ὁ δὲ βάρβαρος σπασάμενος τὴν μάχαιραν ἀπέκτεινεν ἐκεῖνον.

[6] ἐκ δὲ τούτου καὶ τοὺς λοιποὺς ἀνῄρουν προσπεσόντες, καὶ τῶν ἄλλων ὅσοις ἐπιτύχοιεν διεχρῶντο, καὶ τάς οἰκίας ἐπόρθουν ἐφʼ ἡμέρας πολλὰς ἄγοντες καὶ φέροντες, εἶτα κατεπίμπρασαν καὶ κατέσκαπτον ὀργιζόμενοι τοῖς ἔχουσι τὸ Καπιτώλιον, ὅτι καλούντων αὐτῶν οὐχ ὑπήκουον, ἀλλὰ καὶ προσβάλλουσι πληγὰς ἔδοσαν ἀπὸ τοῦ διατειχίσματος ἀμυνόμενοι, διὰ ταῦτα μὲν οὖν ἐλυμήναντο τὴν πόλιν καὶ προσδιέφθειραν τοὺς ἁλισκομένους, ὁμοίως μὲν ἄνδρας καὶ γυναῖκας, ὁμοίως δὲ πρεσβύτας καὶ παῖδας.

Chapter 23

[1] τῆς δὲ πολιορκίας μῆκος λαμβανούσης ἐπισιτισμοῦ τοῖς Γαλάταις ἔδει· καὶ διελόντες ἑαυτοὺς οἱ μὲν τῷ βασιλεῖ παραμένοντες ἐφρούρουν τὸ Καπιτώλιον, οἱ δὲ τὴν χώραν περιιόντες ἐλεηλάτουν καὶ τὰς κώμας ἐπόρθουν προσπίπτοντες, οὐχ ὁμοῦ πάντες, ἄλλοι δʼ ἄλλῃ καθʼ ἡγεμονίας καὶ συντάγματα, τῷ μέγα φρονεῖν ὑπὸ τῶν εὐτυχημάτων καὶ δεδιέναι μηδὲν ἀποσκιδνάμενοι.

[2] τὸ δὲ πλεῖστον αὐτῶν καὶ μάλιστα συντεταγμένον ἐχώρει πρὸς τὴν Ἀρδεατῶν πόλιν, ἐν ᾗ διέτριβε Κάμιλλος ἀργῶν ταῖς πράξεσι μετὰ τὴν φυγὴν καὶ ἰδιωτεύων, ἐλπίδας δὲ λαμβάνων καὶ διαλογισμοὺς οὐχὶ τὸ λαθεῖν καὶ διαφυγεῖν τοὺς πολεμίους ἀγαπῶντος ἀνδρός, ἀλλʼ ὅπως, εἰ παραγένοιτο καιρὸς, ἀμυνεῖται σκοποῦντος.

[3] διὸ καὶ τοὺς Ἀρδεάτας ὁρῶν πλήθει μὲν ἱκανοὺς ὄντας, ἐνδεεῖς δὲ τόλμης διʼ ἀπειρίαν καὶ μαλακίαν τῶν στρατηγῶν, ἐνέβαλε λόγον εἰς τοὺς νέους πρῶτον, ὡς οὐ χρὴ τὴν Ῥωμαίων ἀτυχίαν ἀνδρείαν Κελτῶν νομίζειν, οὐδʼ ἃ κακῶς φρονήσασι συνέβη παθεῖν ἐκείνοις ἔργα τῶν οὐδὲν εἰς τὸ νικῆσαι παρασχόντων, ἀλλὰ τύχης ἐπίδειξιν ἡγεῖσθαι.

[4] καλὸν μὲν οὖν εἶναι καὶ διὰ κινδύνων ἀπώσασθαι πόλεμον ἀλλόφυλον καὶ βαρβαρικόν, ᾧ τοῦ κρατεῖν πέρας, ὥσπερ τῷ πυρὶ, διαφθαρῆναι τὸ νικώμενον οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ καὶ θαρροῦσι καὶ προθυμουμένοις αὐτοῖς ἀκίνδυνον ἐν καιρῷ τὴν νίκην παρέξειν. τούτους τοὺς λόγους τῶν νέων δεξαμένων ἐπὶ τοὺς ἄρχοντας ᾔει καὶ τοὺς προβούλους τῶν Ἀρδεατῶν ὁ Κάμιλλος. ὡς δὲ κἀκείνους συνέπεισεν, ὥπλισε τοὺς ἐν ἡλικίᾳ πάντας καὶ συνεῖχε τοῦ τείχους ἐντός, ἀγνοεῖσθαι βουλόμενος ὑπὸ τῶν πολεμίων ἐγγὺς ὄντων.

[5] ἐπεὶ δὲ τὴν χώραν ἱππασάμενοι καὶ βαρεῖς ὄντες ὑπὸ πλήθους τῶν ἀγομένων καὶ φερομένων ἀμελῶς καὶ ὀλιγώρως ἐν τῷ πεδίῳ κατεστρατοπέδευσαν, ἐκ δὲ τούτου νὺξ ἐπῆλθε μεθύουσιν αὐτοῖς καὶ σιωπὴ κατέσχε τὸ στρατόπεδον, πυθόμενος ταῦτα παρὰ τῶν κατασκόπων ὁ Κάμιλλος ἐξῆγε τοὺς Ἀρδεάτας· καὶ διελθὼν καθʼ ἡσυχίαν τὸν μεταξὺ τόπον περὶ μέσας νύκτας προσέμιξε τῷ χάρακι κραυγῇ τε χρώμενος πολλῇ καὶ ταῖς σάλπιγξι πανταχόθεν ἐκταράττων ἀνθρώπους κακῶς ὑπὸ μέθης καὶ μόλις ἐκ τῶν ὕπνων ἀναφέροντας πρὸς τὸν θόρυβον.

[6] ὀλίγοι μὲν οὖν ἀνανήψαντες ἐν τῷ φόβῳ καὶ διασκευασάμενοι τοὺς περὶ τὸν Κάμιλλον ὑπέστησαν, ὥστʼ ἀμυνόμενοι πεσεῖν τοὺς δὲ πλείστους ἔτι κρατουμένους ὕπνῳ καὶ οἴνῳ καταλαμβάνοντες ἀνόπλους ἔκτεινον. ὅσοι δὲ νυκτὸς ἀπέδρασαν ἐκ τοῦ χάρακος οὐ πολλοί, τούτους μεθʼ ἡμέραν σποράδας ἐν τῇ χώρᾳ διαφερομένους ἐπελαύνοντες ἱππεῖς διέφθειρον.

Chapter 24

[1] ἡ δὲ φήμη ταχὺ διαγγέλλουσα τὴν πρᾶξιν ἐπὶ τὰς πόλεις ἐξεκαλεῖτο πολλοὺς τῶν ἐν ἡλικίᾳ συνισταμένους, μάλιστα δὲ Ῥωμαίων ὅσοι διαφυγόντες ἐκ τῆς ἐπʼ Ἀλίᾳ μάχης ἐν Οὐηΐοις ἦσαν καὶ ὠδύροντο κατὰ σφᾶς αὐτούς, οἷον ἡγεμόνα τῆς Ῥώμης ὁ δαίμων ἀφελόμενος Ἀρδεάτας ἐκόσμησε τοῖς Καμίλλου κατορθώμασιν, ἡ δὲ γειναμένη καὶ θρέψασα τοιοῦτον ἄνδρα πόλις οἴχεται καὶ ἀπόλωλεν.

[2] ἡμεῖς δʼ ἀπορίᾳ στρατηγῶν ἀλλότρια τείχη περιβαλόμενοι καθήμεθα προέμενοι τὴν Ἰταλίαν. φέρε, πέμψαντες Ἀρδεάτας ἀπαιτῶμεν τὸν ἑαυτῶν στρατηγόν, ἢ λαβόντες αὐτοὶ τὰ ὅπλα πρὸς ἐκεῖνον βαδίζωμεν οὐκέτι γάρ ἐστι φυγὰς οὐδʼ ἡμεῖς πολῖται πατρίδος οὐκ οὔσης, ἀλλὰ κρατουμένης ὑπὸ τῶν πολεμίων. ταῦτʼ ἔδοξε καὶ πέμψαντες ἐδέοντο τοῦ Καμίλλου δέχεσθαι τὴν ἀρχήν.

[3] ὁ δὲ οὐκ ἔφη πρότερον ἢ τοὺς ἐν τῷ Καπιτωλίῳ πολίτας ἐπιψηφίσασθαι κατὰ τὸν νόμον. ἐκείνους γὰρ ἡγεῖσθαι πατρίδα σῳζομένους, καὶ κελεύουσι μὲν ὑπακούειν προθύμως, ἀκόντων δὲ μηδὲν πολυπραγμονήσειν. τῆς μὲν οὖν εὐλαβείας καὶ καλοκαγαθίας τὸν Κάμιλλον ἐθαύμασαν. ἦν δʼ ἀπορία τοῦ ταῦτα διαγγελοῦντος εἰς τὸ Καπιτώλιον μᾶλλον δʼ ὅλως ἀδύνατον ἐδόκει τῶν πολεμίων ἐχόντων τὴν πόλιν ἄγγελον εἰς τὴν ἀκρόπολιν παρελθεῖν.

Chapter 25

[1] ἦν δέ τις ἐν τοῖς νέοις Πόντιος Κομίνιος, τῶν μέσων κατὰ γένος πολιτῶν, δόξης δὲ καὶ τιμῆς ἐραστής· οὗτος ὑπέστη τόν ἆθλον ἑκούσιος. καὶ γράμματα μὲν οὐκ ἔλαβε πρὸς τοὺς ἐν τῷ Καπιτωλίῳ, μὴ ληφθέντος αὐτοῦ φωράσωσιν οἱ πολέμιοι διʼ αὐτῶν τοῦ Καμίλλου τήν διάνοιαν, ἐσθῆτα δὲ φαύλην ἔχων καὶ φελλοὺς ὑπʼ αὐτῇ κομίζων τήν μὲν ἄλλην ὁδὸν ἡμέρας ἀδεῶς διῆλθεν, ἐγγὺς δὲ τῆς πόλεως γενόμενος ἤδη σκοταῖος, ἐπεὶ κατὰ γέφυραν οὐκ ἦν τόν ποταμὸν περᾶσαι τῶν βαρβάρων παραφυλαττόντων,

[2] τήν μὲν ἐσθῆτα τῇ κεφαλῇ περισπειράσας οὐ πολλὴν οὐδὲ βαρεῖαν, τοῖς δὲ φελλοῖς ἐφεὶς τὸ σῶμα καὶ συνεπικουφίζων τῷ περαιοῦσθαι πρὸς τήν πόλιν ἐξέβη. καὶ παραλλάττων ἀεὶ τοὺς ἐγρηγορότας, τοῖς φέγγεσι καὶ τῷ θορύβῳ τεκμαιρόμενος, ἐβάδιζε πρὸς τὴν Καρμεντίδα πύλην, ἣ πλείστην εἶχεν ἡσυχίαν, καὶ μάλιστα κατʼ αὐτὴν ὄρθιος ὁ τοῦ Καπιτωλίου λόφος ἀνέστηκε καὶ πέτρα κύκλῳ πολλὴ καὶ τραχεῖα περιπέφυκε· διʼ ἧς ἀνέβη λαθὼν καὶ προσέμιξε τοῖς φυλάττουσι τὸ διατείχισμα χαλεπῶς καὶ μόλις κατὰ τὸ λαγαρώτατον.

[3] ἀσπασάμενος δὲ τοὺς ἄνδρας καὶ φράσας ἑαυτὸν ἐξ ὀνόματος, ἀναληφθεὶς ἐχώρει πρὸς τοὺς ἐν τέλει τῶν Ῥωμαίων. ταχὺ δὲ συγκλήτου γενομένης παρελθὼν τήν τε νίκην ἀπήγγειλε τοῦ Καμίλλου πρότερον οὐ πυθομένοις, καὶ τὰ δοκοῦντα τοῖς στρατιώταις διηγεῖτο· καὶ παρεκάλει τῷ Καμίλλῳ βεβαιῶσαι τὴν ἀρχήν, ὡς μόνῳ πεισομένων ἐκείνῳ τῶν ἔξω πολιτῶν.

[4] οἱ δʼ ἀκούσαντες καὶ βουλευσάμενοι τόν τε Κάμιλλον ἀποδεικνύουσι δικτάτορα, καὶ τόν Πόντιον αὖθις ἀποπέμπουσι τήν αὐτὴν ὁδὸν ὁμοίως ἀγαθῇ τύχῃ χρησάμενον. ἔλαθε γὰρ τοὺς πολεμίους καὶ τὰ παρὰ τῆς βουλῆς ἀπήγγειλε τοῖς ἔξω Ῥωμαίοις.

Chapter 26

[1] ἐκείνων δὲ δεξαμένων προθύμως ἀφικόμενος ὁ Κάμιλλος ἤδη μὲν ἐν ὅπλοις δισμυρίους κατέλαβε, πλείονας δὲ συνῆγεν ἀπὸ τῶν συμμάχων καὶ παρεσκευάζετο πρὸς τὴν ἐπίθεσιν. οὕτω μὲν ᾑρέθη δικτάτωρ ὁ Κάμιλλος τὸ δεύτερον καὶ πορευθεὶς εἰς Οὐηΐους ἐνέτυχε τοῖς στρατιώταις καὶ συνῆγε πλείους ἀπὸ τῶν συμμάχων ὡς ἐπιθησόμενος τοῖς πολεμίοις. ἐν δὲ τῇ Ῥώμῃ τῶν βαρβάρων τινὲς ἐκείνῃ κατὰ τύχην παρεξιόντες, ᾗ διὰ νυκτὸς ὁ Πόντιος προσέβη τῷ Καπιτωλίῳ, καταμαθόντες πολλαχῇ μὲν ἴχνη ποδῶν καὶ χειρῶν, ὡς ἀντελαμβάνετο καὶ περιεδράττετο, πολλαχῇ δὲ τῶν ἐπιπεφυκότων τοῖς κρημνοῖς ἀποτριβὰς καὶ περιολισθήσεις τῶν γεωδῶν, φράζουσι τῷ βασιλεῖ.

[2] κἀκεῖνος ἐπελθὼν καὶ θεασάμενος τότε μὲν ἡσύχαζεν, ἑσπέρας δὲ τοὺς ἐλαφροτάτους τοῖς σώμασι καὶ πεφυκότας ὀρειβατεῖν μάλιστα τῶν Κελτῶν συναγαγών, Τὴν μὲν ὁδόν, εἶπεν, ἡμῖν ἐφʼ ἑαυτοὺς ἀγνοουμένην οἱ πολέμιοι δεικνύουσιν ὡς οὔτʼ ἀπόρευτος οὔτε ἄβατος ἀνθρώποις ἐστίν, αἰσχύνη δὲ πολλὴ τὴν ἀρχὴν ἔχοντας ἐλλείπειν πρὸς τὸ τέλος καὶ προέσθαι τὸν τόπον ὡς ἀνάλωτον, αὐτῶν τῶν πολεμίων ᾗ ληπτός ἐστι διδασκόντων, ᾗ γὰρ ἑνὶ προσβῆναι ῥᾴδιον, οὐδὲ πολλοῖς καθʼ ἕνα δύσκολον, ἀλλὰ καὶ ῥώμη καὶ βοήθεια πολλὴ μετʼ ἀλλήλων ἐπιχειροῦσι. δωρεαὶ δὲ καὶ τιμαὶ πρέπουσαι τῆς ἀνδραγαθίας ἑκάστῳ δοθήσονται.

Chapter 27

[1] τοιαῦτα τοῦ βασιλέως διαλεχθέντος ὑπέστησαν οἱ Γαλάται προθύμως, καὶ περὶ μέσας νύκτας ἐπιβάντες ἅμα πολλοὶ τῆς πέτρας ἐχώρουν ἄνω μετὰ σιωπῆς, ἐμφυόμενοι τοῖς χωρίοις ἀποτόμοις οὖσι καὶ χαλεποῖς, οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ μᾶλλον ἢ προσεδοκήθη πειρωμένων αὐτῶν προσιεμένοις καὶ παρείκουσιν,

[2] ὥστε τοὺς πρώτους ἁψαμένους τῶν ἄκρων καὶ διασκευασαμένους ὅσον οὐκ ἤδη τοῦ προτειχίσματος ἅπτεσθαι καὶ τοῖς φύλαξιν ἐπιχειρεῖν κοιμωμένοις· ᾔσθετο γὰρ οὔτʼ ἄνθρωπος οὔτε κύων. ἀλλὰ χῆνες ἦσαν ἱεροὶ περὶ τὸν νεὼν τῆς Ἥρας τρεφόμενοι τὸν ἄλλον χρόνον ἀφθόνως, τότε δὲ τῶν σιτίων ἤδη γλίσχρως καὶ μόλις αὐτοῖς διαρκούντων ἀμελούμενοι κακῶς ἔπραττον.

[3] ἔστι μὲν οὖν καὶ φύσει πρὸς αἴσθησιν ὀξὺ καὶ ψοφοδεὲς τὸ ζῷον ἐκεῖνοι δὲ καὶ διὰ λιμὸν ἀγρυπνητικοὶ καὶ θορυβώδεις γεγονότες ταχὺ τὴν ἔφοδον ᾔσθοντο τῶν Γαλατῶν, καὶ μετὰ δρόμου καὶ κλαγγῆς φερόμενοι πρὸς αὐτούς ἐπήγειραν ἅπαντας, ἤδη καὶ τῶν βαρβάρων διὰ τὸ μὴ λανθάνειν ἀφειδούντων θορύβου καὶ βιαιότερον ἐπιτιθεμένων.

[4] ἁρπάσαντες οὖν ὑπὸ σπουδῆς ᾧ τις ἕκαστος ὅπλῳ προσετύγχανεν, ἐκ τοῦ παρόντος ἐβοήθουν. πάντων δὲ πρῶτος Μάλλιος, ἀνὴρ ὑπατικὸς, τό τε σῶμα ῥωμαλέος καὶ φρονήματι ψυχῆς ἐπιφανής, ἀπαντήσας δυσὶν ὁμοῦ τῶν πολεμίων τοῦ μὲν ἔφθασε διῃρμένου κοπίδα τῷ ξίφει τὴν δεξιὰν ἀποκόψας, τὸν δὲ τῷ θυρεῷ πατάξας εἰς τὸ πρόσωπον ἔωσεν ὀπίσω κατὰ τῆς πέτρας.

[5] ἐπιστὰς δὲ τῷ τείχει μετὰ τῶν συνδραμόντων καὶ γενομένων περὶ αὐτὸν ἀπέστρεψε τοὺς ἄλλους, οὔτε πολλοὺς ἄνω γενομένους οὔτε πράξαντάς τι τῆς τόλμης ἄξιον, οὕτω δὲ τὸν κίνδυνον ἐκφυγόντες ἅμʼ ἡμέρᾳ τὸν μὲν ἄρχοντα τῶν φυλάκων ἔρριψαν εἰς τοὺς πολεμίους κατὰ τῆς πέτρας, τῷ δὲ Μαλλίῳ τῆς νίκης ἀριστεῖα πρὸς τιμὴν μεγάλην μᾶλλον ἢ χρείαν ψηφισάμενοι συνήνεγκαν ὅσον ἡμέρας ἕκαστος ἐλάμβανεν εἰς τροφήν, σίτου μὲν ἡμίλιτρον ἐπιχωρίου οὕτω γὰρ καλοῦσιν αὐτό, οἴνου δὲ κοτύλης Ἑλληνικῆς τέταρτον.

Chapter 28

[1] ἐκ τούτου τὰ τῶν Κελτῶν ἦν ἀθυμότερα. καὶ γὰρ ἐπιτηδείων ἐσπάνιζον εἰργόμενοι προνομῆς φόβῳ τοῦ Καμίλλου, καὶ νόσος ὑποικούρησεν αὐτοὺς ἐν νεκρῶν πλήθει χύδην καταβεβλημένων σκηνοῦντας ἐν ἐρειπίοις, τό τε βάθος τῆς τέφρας ἀέρα ξηρότητι καὶ δριμύτητι φαῦλον ὑπὸ πνευμάτων καὶ καυμάτων ἀναθυμιώσης ἐλυμαίνετο τὰ σώματα διὰ τῆς ἀναπνοῆς.

[2] μάλιστα δʼ ἡ μεταβολὴ τῆς συντρόφου διαίτης ἐκ τόπων σκιερῶν καὶ θέρους καταφυγὰς ἀλύπους ἐχόντων ἐμβαλόντας εἰς χώραν ταπεινὴν καὶ κεκραμένην ἀφυῶς πρὸς τὸ μετόπωρον ἐκίνησεν αὐτούς, ἥ τε πρὸς τῷ Καπιτωλίῳ καθέδρα καὶ σχολὴ γενομένη χρόνιος, ἕβδομον γὰρ ἐκεῖνον οἱκούρουν μῆνα πολιορκοῦντες. ὥστε φθορὰν εἶναι πολλὴν ἐν τῷ στρατοπέδῳ καὶ μηδὲ θάπτεσθαι διὰ πλῆθος ἔτι τοὺς ἀποθνῄσκοντας.

[3] οὐ μὴν παρὰ τοῦτο τὰ πράγματα βελτίω τοῖς πολιορκουμένοις ἦν. ἐπέτεινε γὰρ ὁ λιμός, ἥ τε τῶν περὶ Κάμιλλον ἄγνοια παρεῖχε δυσθυμίαν οὐδεὶς γὰρ ἐφοίτα παρʼ αὐτῶν διὰ τὸ φρουρεῖσθαι τὴν πόλιν ἀκριβῶς ὑπὸ τῶν βαρβάρων, ὅθεν οὕτω πράττουσιν ἀμφοτέροις ἐγίνοντο συμβατικοὶ λόγοι διὰ τῶν προφυλάκων τὸ πρῶτον ἀλλήλοις ἐντυγχανόντων·

[4] εἶτα, ὡς ἔδοξε τοῖς κρατίστοις, συνελθόντος εἰς λόγους Βρέννῳ Σουλπικίου τοῦ χιλιάρχου τῶν Ῥωμαίων, ὡμολογήθη τοὺς μὲν χιλίας λίτρας χρυσίου καταβαλεῖν, τοὺς δὲ λαβόντας ἐκ τῆς πόλεως αὐτίκα καὶ τῆς χώρας ἀναχωρεῖν. ἐπὶ τούτοις γενομένων ὅρκων καὶ τοῦ χρυσίου κομισθέντος, τῶν δὲ Κελτῶν περὶ τὸν σταθμὸν ἀγνωμονούντων κρύφα τὸ πρῶτον, εἶτα καὶ φανερῶς ἀφελκόντων καὶ διαστρεφόντων τὴν ῥοπήν, ἠγανάκτουν οἱ Ῥωμαῖοι πρὸς αὐτούς.

[5] ὁ δὲ Βρέννος οἷον ἐφυβρίζων καὶ καταγελῶν ἀποδυσάμενος τὴν μάχαιραν ἅμα καὶ τὸν ζωστῆρα προσέθηκε τοῖς σταθμοῖς. πυνθανομένου δὲ τοῦ Σουλπικίου, τί τοῦτο ; τί γὰρ ἄλλο, εἶπεν, ἢ τοῖς νενικημένοις ὀδύνη ; τοῦτο μὲν οὖν ἤδη παροιμιώδης λόγος γέγονε. τῶν δὲ Ῥωμαίων οἱ μὲν ἠγανάκτουν καὶ τὸ χρυσίον ᾤοντο δεῖν λαβόντας αὖθις ἀπιέναι καὶ τὴν πολιορκίαν ὑπομένειν οἱ δὲ συγχωρεῖν ἐκέλευον ἀδικουμένους μέτρια, καὶ μὴ τῷ πλέον διδόναι προσλογίζεσθαι τὸ αἰσχρόν, αὐτό γε τὸ δοῦναι διὰ τὸν καιρὸν οὐ καλῶς ἀλλʼ ἀναγκαίως ὑπομένοντας.

Chapter 29

[1] οὔσης δὲ περὶ τούτων πρός τε τοὺς Κελτοὺς καὶ πρὸς αὑτοὺς διαφορᾶς ἄγων τὸν στρατὸν ὁ Κάμιλλος ἐν ταῖς πύλαις ἦν· καὶ πυθόμενος τὰ γινόμενα τοὺς ἄλλους ἐκέλευσεν ἐν τάξει καὶ σχέδην ἐπακολουθεῖν, αὐτὸς δὲ μετὰ τῶν ἀρίστων ἐπειγόμενος εὐθὺς ἐπορεύετο πρὸς τοὺς Ῥωμαίους.

[2] διαστάντων δὲ πάντων καὶ δεξαμένων αὐτόν ὡς αὐτοκράτορα κόσμῳ καὶ σιωπῇ, τὸ μὲν χρυσίον ἄρας ἀπὸ τοῦ ζυγοῦ τοῖς ὑπηρέταις ἔδωκε, τὸν δὲ ζυγὸν καὶ τὰ σταθμὰ τοὺς Κελτοὺς λαβόντας ἀποχωρεῖν ἐκέλευσεν εἰπὼν, ὡς σιδήρῳ πάτριόν ἐστι Ῥωμαίοις, οὐ χρυσῷ τὴν πατρίδα σῴζειν. ἀγανακτοῦντος δὲ τοῦ Βρέννου καὶ φάσκοντος ἀδικεῖσθαι λυομένης τῆς ὁμολογίας, ἀντεῖπε μὴ νομίμως γεγονέναι μηδὲ κυρίας εἶναι τὰς συνθήκας·

[3] ἤδη γὰρ αὐτοῦ δικτάτορος ᾑρημένου καὶ μηδενὸς ἄρχοντος ἑτέρου νόμῳ πρὸς οὐκ ἔχοντας ἐξουσίαν ὁμολογηθῆναι. νυνὶ δὲ χρῆναι λέγειν εἴ τι βούλονται· νόμῳ γὰρ ἥκειν κύριος γεγονὼς συγγνώμην τε δεομένοις δοῦναι καὶ δίκην, εἰ μὴ μετανοοῦσιν, ἐπιθεῖναι τοῖς αἰτίοις.

[4] πρὸς ταῦτα θορυβηθεὶς ὁ Βρέννος ἥψατο μὲν ἁψιμαχίας, καὶ προῆλθον ἄχρι ξιφουλκίας ἑκάτεροι καὶ διωθισμῶν ἀναμεμιγμένοι πρὸς ἀλλήλους, ὥσπερ εἰκός, ἐν οἰκίαις καὶ στενωποῖς ἀναστρεφόμενοι καὶ χωρίοις δέξασθαι παράταξιν οὐ δυναμένοις. ταχὺ δὲ συμφρονήσας ὁ Βρέννος ἀπήγαγε τοὺς Κελτοὺς εἰς τὸ στρατόπεδον οὐ πολλῶν πεσόντων, καὶ νυκτὸς ἀναστήσας ἅπαντας ἐξέλιπε τὴν πόλιν, καὶ προελθὼν ἑξήκοντα σταδίους κατεστρατοπέδευσε παρὰ τὴν Γαβινίαν ὁδόν.

[5] ἅμα δʼ ἡμέρᾳ παρῆν ὁ Κάμιλλος ἐπʼ αὐτόν ὡπλισμένος λαμπρῶς καὶ τεθαρρηκότας ἔχων τότε τοὺς Ῥωμαίους· καὶ γενομένης ἰσχυρᾶς μάχης ἐπὶ πολὺν χρόνον αὐτούς τε τρέπεται πολλῷ φόνῳ καὶ λαμβάνει τὸ στρατόπεδον. τῶν δὲ φευγόντων οἱ μὲν εὐθὺς ἀνῃρέθησαν καταδιωχθέντες, τοὺς δὲ πλείστους διασπαρέντας ἐπεκθέοντες ἐκ τῶν πέριξ κωμῶν καὶ πόλεων ἔκτεινον.

Chapter 30

[1] οὕτω μὲν ἡ Ῥώμη παραλόγως ἥλω καὶ παραλογώτερον ἐσώθη, μῆνας ἑπτὰ τοὺς πάντας ὑπὸ τοῖς βαρβάροις γενομένη, παρελθόντες γὰρ εἰς αὐτὴν ὀλίγαις ἡμέραις ὕστερον τῶν Κυϊντιλίων εἰδῶν περὶ τὰς Φεβρουαρίας εἰδοὺς ἐξέπεσον. ὁ δὲ Κάμιλλος ἐθριάμβευσε μέν, ὡς εἰκὸς ἦν, τὸν ἀπολωλυίας σωτῆρα πατρίδος γενόμενον καὶ κατάγοντα τὴν πόλιν αὐτὴν εἰς ἑαυτήν·

[2] οἵ τε γὰρ ἔξωθεν ἅμα παισὶ καὶ γυναιξὶν εἰσελαύνοντος αὐτοῦ συγκατῄεσαν, οἵ τε πολιορκηθέντες ἐν τῷ Καπιτωλίῳ, μικροῦ δεήσαντες ἀπολέσθαι διὰ λιμόν, ἀπήντων περιβάλλοντες ἀλλήλους καὶ δακρύοντες ὑπὸ τῆς παρούσης ἡδονῆς, ἱερεῖς τε καὶ ζάκοροι θεῶν, ὅσα φεύγοντες αὐτόθι τῶν ἀβεβήλων ἔκρυψαν ἢ σὺν αὑτοῖς ἐξέκλεψαν, ἀνασωζόμενα κομίζοντες ἐπεδείκνυντο ποθουμένας ὄψεις τοῖς πολίταις δεχομένοις μετὰ χαρᾶς, ὥσπερ αὐτῶν τῶν θεῶν αὖθις εἰς τὴν Ῥώμην συγκατερχομένων·

[3] θύσας δὲ τοῖς θεοῖς καὶ καθάρας τὴν πόλιν ἐξηγουμένων τῶν περὶ ταῦτα δεινῶν, τὰ μὲν ὄντα τῶν ἱερῶν κατέστησεν, αὐτὸς δὲ ἱδρύσατο νεὼν Φήμης καὶ Κληδόνος, ἀνευρὼν ἐκεῖνον τὸν τόπον, ἐν ᾧ νύκτωρ ἡ καταγγέλλουσα τὴν τῶν βαρβάρων στρατιὰν ἐκ θεοῦ τῷ Καιδικίῳ Μάρκῳ φωνὴ προσέπεσε.

Source Colophon

The Greek source was captured from PerseusDL canonical Greek XML on 2026-05-13 and inspected on disk at Tulku/Tools/celtic/sources/continental_batch_2026-05-13/plutarch_camillus_15_30/tlg0007.tlg011.perseus-grc2.xml. The matching public-domain English control XML was captured at tlg0007.tlg011.perseus-eng2.xml. The English translation is a New Tianmu Anglican Church Good Works Translation made from the Greek source.

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