A Complete Good Works Translation from Histories 2.14-35

Polybius pauses his history to explain the northern Italian world on which Hannibal would later rely: Cisalpine Gaul, the valley of the Po, Celtic settlement, the Senones, Boii, Insubres, Cenomani, Gaesatae, the terror of Rome, the battle at Telamon, and the Roman campaigns that drove the Insubres to surrender.

Translation

Chapter 14

I will handle this war briefly, so that the main course of the history is not broken; but I must first go back and tell when these peoples occupied their places in Italy. The story is worth knowing in itself, and it is necessary for understanding which peoples and districts Hannibal later counted on when he planned to overthrow Roman power. I will first describe their country, its nature, and how it lies in relation to the rest of Italy, since the geography and natural features make the later war easier to understand.

Italy as a whole is triangular. On the east it is bounded by the Ionian Sea and the Adriatic gulf; on the south and west by the Sicilian and Tyrrhenian seas. These two sides meet at the southern promontory called Cocinthus, which divides the Ionian from the Sicilian sea. The northern side, the base of the triangle, is formed by the Alps, stretching without a break from the region of Massalia and the Sardinian Sea almost to the head of the Adriatic.

South of the Alps lie the northern plains of Italy, the largest and most fertile plains I know in Europe. This is the region now in question. It too is triangular: its apex lies where the Alps and Apennines meet above Massalia, not far from the Sardinian Sea; its northern side is the Alps, about two thousand two hundred stades; its southern side is the Apennines, about three thousand six hundred stades; and its base is the Adriatic coast from Sena to the head of the gulf, more than two thousand five hundred stades. Altogether the circuit is nearly ten thousand stades.

Chapter 15

The grain yield of this region is so abundant that wheat is often sold for four obols the Sicilian medimnus, barley for two, and a measure of wine for the same measure of barley. Panic and millet are produced in extraordinary quantities. The oak woods also bear so many acorns that, although pigs are slaughtered throughout Italy for sacrifices, households, and armies, the chief supply comes from these plains.

The cheapness and abundance of food can be seen from the inns. Travelers in this country do not usually bargain for individual items, but ask the price for board per head. Most innkeepers provide all that is needed for a charge of no more than half an as a day, that is a quarter of an obol. As for the number of the inhabitants, their size and beauty of body, and especially their courage in war, these things will become clear from the history itself.

Chapter 16

On both slopes of the Alps, wherever the ground is not too rocky or sheer, different peoples live. Those on the northern side toward the Rhone are called Transalpine Gauls. Those facing the Italian plains are the Taurisci, Agones, and many other barbarian peoples. The name Transalpine is not a tribal name but a name of place, meaning those across the mountains. The highest ridges of the Alps, because of their roughness and deep everlasting snow, are uninhabited.

Both slopes of the Apennines, toward the Tuscan Sea and toward the plains, are held first by Ligurians from above Massalia and the meeting of the Alps as far as Pisa on the side of Etruria, and inland as far as Arretium. Next come the Etruscans, and after them the Umbrians. Between the Apennines and the Adriatic the distance averages about five hundred stades. When the chain leaves the northern plain, it bends to the right and runs through the middle of the rest of Italy as far as the Sicilian Sea.

The remaining part of the triangle, the plain beside the sea, stretches to Sena. The river Po, which poets call Eridanus, rises in the Alps near the apex of the triangle. It first runs southward to the plain, then turns east and pours through it into the Adriatic by two mouths, cutting off the larger part of the plain between the river and the Alps. In volume it is second to no river in Italy, because the streams from the Alps and Apennines all flow into it from both sides. It is largest and most beautiful around the rising of the Dog Star, when the mountain snows melt. Ships can sail upstream for nearly two thousand stades by the mouth called Olana. At Trigoboli the single stream divides: the northern branch is called Padoa, the southern Olana, and the latter mouth gives one of the safest harbors in the Adriatic. The local people call the whole river Bodencus. The stories told in Greece about Phaethon, the poplars, and the tears of the Heliades belong to another kind of writing; I leave them aside here.

Chapter 17

The plains were once inhabited by Etruscans, as were the Phlegraean plains near Capua and Nola. Those southern plains are more famous because many people pass through them, but when one speaks of the old Etruscan power, one should remember not only the land they hold now but these northern plains and what they did there.

The Etruscans lived next to the Celts. The Celts envied the beauty of their land, found a slight pretext, gathered a great army, drove the Etruscans out of the valley of the Po, and took the country for themselves. Near the sources of the Po came first the Laevi and Lebecii; after them the Insubres, the greatest of the tribes; and next to them along the river the Cenomani. The Adriatic coast was held by the ancient Veneti, who in customs and clothing are close to the Celts but speak another language; the tragic poets tell many marvels about them.

South of the Po, beginning in the west along the Apennines, settled the Ananes, then the Boii, then the Lingones on the Adriatic coast, and south of them the Senones. These were the chief peoples who took possession of the land.

They lived in open villages without permanent buildings. They slept on straw or leaves, ate meat, and practiced no arts except war and farming. Their property was cattle and gold, because these alone could easily be carried with them when they moved as they pleased. They placed great value on companionship and clientship: the man with the most followers in his wanderings was counted the most formidable and powerful.

Chapter 18

In the first period after their settlement, they not only subdued the land they occupied but also brought many neighboring peoples under their power by the terror of their boldness. Later they defeated the Romans in battle, pursued the routed legions, and within three days occupied Rome itself except for the Capitol.

Then news came that the Veneti had invaded their own land. Because of this they made terms with the Romans, returned the city, and went home. Afterward they were busy with domestic wars. Some peoples living in the Alps, comparing their poor country with the richer land of the settlers in the plain, repeatedly gathered forces and raided them.

This gave the Romans time to recover their strength and to make terms with the Latins. Thirty years after the capture of Rome the Celts came as far as Alba, but the Romans, caught without warning and without time to collect allied forces, did not risk a battle. Twelve years after that, when another great invasion came, the Romans had warning, gathered their allies, marched out boldly, and were eager for a decisive fight. The Gauls, frightened by the Roman advance and weakened by internal quarrels, retreated home at night in something like a flight. After this alarm they remained quiet for thirteen years; then, seeing Roman power growing dangerous, they made a definite treaty of peace with Rome.

Chapter 19

They kept this treaty for thirty years. Then, alarmed by a threatening movement of Transalpine peoples and fearing a dangerous war, they turned the invading horde away from themselves with gifts and appeals to kinship, and urged it instead against the Romans, joining the expedition themselves. They marched through Etruria, with Etruscans also joining them, took a great amount of plunder from Roman land, and returned safely. But once home they quarreled over the division of the spoil and destroyed both most of the booty and the best part of their own force. This often happens among the Gauls when they have seized another people's goods, mostly because of savage drunkenness and excess in eating.

Four years later the Samnites and Gauls made an alliance and fought the Romans near Camerium, killing many of them. Angered by this defeat, the Romans marched out a few days later with two consular armies, met the enemy near Sentinum, killed most of them, and forced the survivors to retreat quickly to their own lands.

After another interval of ten years the Gauls besieged Arretium with a great army. The Romans went to help the town and were defeated under its walls; the praetor Lucius fell in that battle, and Manius Curius was appointed in his place. When ambassadors sent by Curius to negotiate for prisoners were treacherously killed by the Gauls, the Romans attacked in anger. They met the Senones in pitched battle, cut their army to pieces, drove the rest of the tribe from the country, and planted there the first Roman colony ever founded in Gaul: Sena, named from the Gallic people who had held the place. This is the town already mentioned on the coast at the edge of the Po plain.

Chapter 20

When the Boii saw the expulsion of the Senones and feared the same fate for themselves, they made a general levy, summoned the Etruscans, and went to war. They gathered near Lake Vadimo and fought the Romans there. More than half the Etruscans were lost, and scarcely any of the Boii escaped. Yet in the very next year both peoples joined again, armed even those who had only just reached manhood, and fought the Romans once more. Only after total defeat did they humble themselves enough to send ambassadors to Rome and make a treaty.

These things happened three years before Pyrrhus crossed into Italy and five years before the Gallic destruction at Delphi. At that time fortune seemed to lay a kind of epidemic of war on the Gauls. The Romans gained two great advantages from these events. First, repeated disasters at Gallic hands trained them to endure the worst, so that when they later fought Pyrrhus they entered the contest like practiced gladiators. Second, they had checked Gallic arrogance just in time to turn undivided attention first to Pyrrhus' war over Italy, and then to the Carthaginian war over Sicily.

Chapter 21

After these defeats the Gauls kept peace with Rome for forty-five years. But when the generation that had actually experienced the struggle passed away, and younger men succeeded them, full of thoughtless daring and without memory of suffering or defeat, they naturally began to disturb the settlement. Small causes inflamed them against Rome, and they invited the Alpine Gauls to join the conflict.

At first these intrigues were carried on by the chiefs without the knowledge of the tribes. When an armed force of Transalpine Gauls arrived at Ariminum, the Boii grew suspicious. They conspired against their own leaders and against the newcomers, killed their kings Atis and Galatus, and destroyed one another in a pitched fight. The Romans had already sent an army in fear of the threatened invasion, but when they learned that the Gauls had ruined themselves, the army returned.

Five years after this alarm, in the consulship of Marcus Aemilius Lepidus, the Romans distributed among their citizens the Picene territory from which they had expelled the Senones. This popular measure of Gaius Flaminius must be judged the first step in corrupting the people and also the cause of the next Gallic war. Many Gauls, especially the Boii whose land bordered Roman territory, entered that war because they believed Rome no longer sought command over them but their complete expulsion and destruction.

Chapter 22

The Insubres and Boii, the two largest peoples, sent messages to the tribes near the Alps and the Rhone, to those called Gaesatae from a word meaning hirelings or men serving for pay. They offered their kings, Concolitanus and Aneroestes, a large sum of gold at once, and pointed to the greatness of Roman wealth and the riches they would possess if they captured it. They easily stirred their greed and brought them into alliance, adding pledges of their own and reminding them how their ancestors had captured Rome, ruled the city and everything in it for seven months, and then returned home freely, unconquered and unharmed, with their plunder.

These arguments made the leaders eager for the expedition. Never from that part of Gaul had a greater force come, nor one with more famous warriors. Meanwhile the Romans, learning what was coming by report and conjecture, were in constant fear and agitation. They hurried to enroll legions, collect supplies, and send forces to the frontier as if the enemy had already crossed into their land.

This Gallic movement more than anything helped the Carthaginians strengthen their power in Iberia. The Romans treated the Celtic danger as more urgent because it was nearer home, and therefore closed their eyes for the time to what was happening in Iberia. After securing matters with the Carthaginians by the treaty with Hasdrubal, they turned all attention to the Celtic war, convinced that their interest required a decisive battle.

Chapter 23

The Gaesatae gathered their forces, crossed the Alps, and descended into the valley of the Po with a formidable and variously armed army in the eighth year after the distribution of Picenum. The Insubres and Boii kept their agreement, but the Veneti and Cenomani were won over by Roman embassies. The Celtic kings therefore had to leave part of their force behind to guard against attack from those peoples. With the main army, one hundred fifty thousand foot and twenty thousand horse and chariots, they broke camp and marched through Etruria in high spirits.

When Rome learned that the Celts had crossed the Alps, Lucius Aemilius Papus, one of the consuls, was sent with an army to Ariminum to bar the enemy's passage, and one of the praetors was sent into Etruria. The other consul, Gaius Atilius Regulus, was then in Sardinia with his legions. Rome was filled with terror, and naturally so, for the old fear of the Gauls had never been rooted out of Roman minds.

Everyone was occupied with mustering legions, enrolling new forces, and summoning ready allies. The magistrates were ordered to make lists of all citizens of military age so the available total would be known. Corn, missiles, and other equipment were gathered on a scale beyond living memory. The Italians answered eagerly from every side, because in fear of a Gallic invasion they no longer thought of this as Rome's war for supremacy, but as a danger threatening their own cities and lands.

Chapter 24

To make clear from facts how great the power was which Hannibal later dared to attack, and what empire he faced when he inflicted his worst disasters on Rome, I must set out the forces available at this time. The two consuls had marched out with four legions, each with five thousand two hundred infantry and three hundred cavalry. Each consul also had allied troops numbering thirty thousand infantry and two thousand cavalry.

For the special crisis, Sabines and Etruscans came to Rome with four thousand horse and more than fifty thousand foot; these were sent ahead into Etruria under a praetor. The Umbrians and Sarsinatae, peoples of the Apennines, were gathered to the number of twenty thousand, and with them twenty thousand Veneti and Cenomani. These were posted near the Gallic border to draw the invaders' attention by attacking the land of the Boii.

In Rome itself, as a reserve against chance events, remained twenty thousand citizen infantry and three thousand cavalry, and thirty thousand allied infantry and two thousand cavalry. The lists of men liable for service gave eighty thousand Latin foot and five thousand horse; seventy thousand Samnite foot and seven thousand horse; fifty thousand Iapygian and Messapian foot and sixteen thousand horse; thirty thousand Lucanian foot and three thousand horse; and twenty thousand foot and four thousand horse from the Marsi, Marrucini, Ferentani, and Vestini. In addition, two legions were held in reserve in Sicily and Tarentum, each about four thousand two hundred foot and two hundred horse.

The roll of Romans and Campanians amounted to two hundred fifty thousand infantry and twenty-three thousand cavalry. Thus more than one hundred fifty thousand foot and six thousand horse were actually defending Rome, while Romans and allies able to bear arms numbered more than seven hundred thousand foot and seventy thousand horse. Hannibal, when he entered Italy, had fewer than twenty thousand men against this immense strength.

Chapter 25

There will be another chance to treat Roman resources more fully. For now I return to the Celts. After entering Etruria they marched through the land, ravaging as they wished and meeting no resistance, then turned toward Rome itself. When they were encamped near Clusium, three days' march from Rome, news came that the Roman force stationed in Etruria was close behind them. They turned back eagerly to meet it.

The armies came in sight of each other about sunset and camped a short distance apart. When night came, the Celts lit their watchfires, left their cavalry on the ground with orders to follow by the same route once daylight made them visible to the enemy, and secretly withdrew toward Faesulae, taking position there so their cavalry could rejoin them and the Roman attack could be thrown into confusion.

At daybreak the Romans saw only the cavalry, assumed the Celts had fled, and hastened after the retreating horse. When they came near the place where the enemy was posted, the Celts suddenly came out and attacked. The fight was fierce at first on both sides, but Gallic courage and numbers prevailed. No fewer than six thousand Romans fell. Most of the rest escaped to a strong hill and remained there. The Celts first wanted to besiege them, but they were worn down by the previous night's march and the labor of the day. They left a detachment of cavalry around the hill, went to rest and refresh themselves, and planned to besiege the fugitives the next day unless they surrendered.

Chapter 26

Meanwhile Lucius Aemilius, who had been stationed at Ariminum on the Adriatic coast, heard that the Gauls had entered Etruria and were nearing Rome. He marched quickly to help and appeared at the critical moment. He camped close to the enemy. The Romans on the hill saw his watchfires, recovered courage, and sent some men unarmed through the woods to report what had happened.

When Aemilius heard the news, he thought there was no choice but to fight. He ordered the tribunes to lead out the infantry at daybreak, while he himself took command of the cavalry and moved toward the hill.

The Gallic chiefs had also seen his fires and understood that another enemy had arrived. They met in council. King Aneroestes advised that, since they had taken a vast amount of booty in captives, cattle, and other spoil, they should not risk another general battle, but return home safely; after disposing of the booty and freeing themselves from its burden, they could come back, if they wished, for a stronger attack on Rome. The chiefs accepted this advice. Before daybreak they broke camp and marched through Etruria by the road along the Ligurian coast. Lucius brought the remnant from the hill into his own army and judged it better not to force a pitched battle, but to follow the enemy, watching for places and times to damage them or recover some of the booty.

Chapter 27

At that same time the consul Gaius Atilius had crossed from Sardinia and landed at Pisa. He was marching toward Rome, so he and the enemy were moving toward each other. When the Celts reached Telamon in Etruria, their advance guard met Gaius' advance guard. Prisoners told the consul what had happened and said that both armies were near: the Celts themselves, and Lucius close behind them.

Gaius was disturbed by the news, but he also thought the situation promising because the Celts were on the road between two Roman armies. He ordered the tribunes to draw up the legions and advance at ordinary pace in line, as the breadth of the ground allowed. He himself, after seeing a hill that commanded the road along which the Celts had to pass, took his cavalry and hurried to seize it, hoping to begin the battle himself and win the chief credit.

At first the Celts did not know Gaius was present. They supposed that Aemilius' cavalry had marched ahead by night and was seizing the heights in front of them, so they sent cavalry and light infantry to contest the hill. When they soon learned from a prisoner that Gaius had arrived, they quickly drew up the infantry facing both directions: one part toward the front and one toward the rear. They knew one army was following them and now expected another ahead.

Chapter 28

Aemilius had heard that the legions from Sardinia had landed at Pisa, but he had not expected them to be so near already. The struggle for the hill showed him that the two Roman armies were close together. He sent his cavalry at once to support the fight for the height, arranged the infantry in the usual order, and advanced against the enemy blocking his way.

The Celts placed the Gaesatae from beyond the Alps to face the enemy in their rear, and behind them the Insubres. On the front facing Gaius' legions they placed the Taurisci and the Boii from south of the Po. Their wagons and chariots stood at the ends of the wings, and their booty was gathered on a hill beside the road under guard. Their army faced both ways, an arrangement effective in itself and terrifying to see.

The Insubres and Boii wore trousers and light cloaks. The Gaesatae, from vanity and boldness, stripped these off and stood naked in front of the army with only their weapons, thinking they would fight better without clothing that might catch on the brambles. At first the battle was only over the hill, and the cavalry from all three armies made the sight conspicuous. In the fighting the consul Gaius fell, recklessly brave in the thick of battle, and his head was brought to the Celtic king. But the Roman cavalry fought on, won the position, and overpowered their opponents. Then the infantry also came to close quarters.

Chapter 29

It was a strange and remarkable battle to see, and hardly less strange to hear described. Three distinct armies were engaged, so that the appearance and conditions of the battle were unusual. A spectator could have wondered whether the Gauls held the most dangerous possible position, because they were between two attacking forces, or the most favorable, because they could meet both armies at once, their two lines supporting each other, while retreat was impossible and victory was their only safety.

The Romans were encouraged because they had the enemy between two armies, but they were also shaken by the ornaments and noise of the Celtic host. Countless horns and trumpets sounded at once from every part of the army, and the shouting was so piercing that the sound seemed to come not only from instruments and human voices, but from the whole surrounding country. The naked warriors in the front line were also terrible to look at, men in the height of bodily strength and beauty, while the foremost ranks were richly adorned with golden torcs and bracelets. These sights frightened the Romans, but the hope of rich profit from victory also sharpened their eagerness.

Chapter 30

When the men armed with pila advanced before the legions according to Roman practice and threw volley after volley with effect, the inner ranks of Celts were helped by their tunics and trousers; but the naked men in front suffered terribly from this unexpected attack. Their shields were not large enough to cover the body, and the larger the naked body, the more certain it was that a pilum would hit. Since they could not strike back at the throwers, who were out of reach, and since missiles kept falling on them, some in helpless distress hurled themselves with desperate courage on the enemy and died by choice; others gave ground step by step toward their own friends, throwing them into confusion by the open sign of panic. In this way the boldness of the Gaesatae was broken before the preliminary pilum attack.

When the throwers returned into the ranks and the whole Roman line charged, the Insubres, Boii, and Taurisci received the attack and fought desperately hand to hand. Though nearly cut to pieces, they held their ground with steady courage. But individually and collectively they were inferior in arms. The Roman shields and swords were plainly better for defense and attack, since the Gallic sword could only cut and could not thrust securely. When the Roman cavalry also charged down from the hill against their flank, the Celtic infantry were cut down where they stood, while their cavalry turned and fled.

Chapter 31

Forty thousand Celts were killed, and about ten thousand were captured, including one of the kings, Concolitanus. The other king, Aneroestes, escaped with a few followers, gathered some of his people in a secure place, and there killed himself and his friends. Lucius Aemilius, the surviving consul, collected the spoils from the dead and sent them to Rome, and restored the property taken by the Gauls to its owners. Then he took command of the legions, marched along the Ligurian frontier, raided the land of the Boii, satisfied the soldiers' desire for plunder, and returned to Rome within a few days' march.

At Rome he decorated the Capitol with captured standards and golden necklaces, the torcs worn by Gauls around the neck. The rest of the spoils and the prisoners he used for his own profit and the adornment of his triumph. Thus the most formidable Celtic invasion, one that all Italy and especially Rome had regarded as a grave danger, was repelled.

The victory gave the Romans hope that they could expel the Celts entirely from the valley of the Po. The next year's consuls, Quintus Fulvius Flaccus and Titus Manlius Torquatus, were both sent with legions and large preparations against them. By a rapid attack they frightened the Boii into submission, but the campaign accomplished little else because heavy rains and disease afflicted the army.

Chapter 32

In the following year the consuls Publius Furius Philus and Gaius Flaminius again invaded Celtic land, marching through the territory of the Anamares near Placentia. After gaining that people's friendship, they crossed into the land of the Insubres near the meeting of the Adda and the Po. The enemy harassed them while they crossed the river and while they made camp. After a short stay they made terms with the Insubres and left.

After marching by a roundabout route for several days, they crossed the river Clusius and came into the land of the Cenomani. Since the Cenomani were allies of Rome, some of them reinforced the army. The Romans then came down again from the Alpine region into the Insubrian plain, laid waste the country, and plundered the houses.

The Insubrian chiefs, seeing that nothing would alter the Roman resolve to destroy them, decided to risk fortune in a decisive battle. They gathered all their forces, took down from the temple of Minerva the golden standards called the Immovables, made the other necessary preparations, and camped against the enemy with fifty thousand men. The Romans, outnumbered, first thought of using their allied Celtic troops. But reflecting on Gallic instability, and on the danger of fighting an enemy of the same race as their auxiliaries, they hesitated to bring such men into so important a battle. Finally they resolved on another arrangement. They stayed on the side of the river nearest the enemy, sent the Celtic contingent to the other side, and then broke up the bridges. This removed fear of danger from the auxiliaries and left the Romans no hope of safety except victory, with the impassable river behind them.

Chapter 33

The Romans are thought to have shown unusual skill in this battle. The tribunes instructed the soldiers how to fight, both together and individually. From earlier engagements they had learned that Gallic peoples are most formidable in the first charge, before their courage has been checked, and that the swords they use can make only one effective downward cut. After that the edge turns and the blade bends, so that unless the warrior has time to straighten it with his foot on the ground, he cannot strike a second useful blow.

The tribunes therefore gave the spears of the triarii, the last rank, to the hastati in front, and ordered the men to use their swords only after the spears had done their work. The Romans charged the Celts from the front. When the Celts had spoiled their swords by the first blows on the spears, the Romans closed with them and made them helpless by preventing them from lifting their hands for the one downward stroke their swords allowed. The Romans, by contrast, had excellent points on their swords and used them not to cut but to thrust, striking again and again at breasts and faces until most of the enemy were killed.

This success belonged to the foresight of the tribunes. Flaminius, however, is thought to have made a strategic error by drawing up the army along the very bank of the river and leaving no room for the Roman line to make its usual measured retirement. Had the soldiers been pressed back even a little, the consul's arrangement would have forced them into the river. The valor of the soldiers nevertheless secured a brilliant victory, and they returned to Rome with much booty and many trophies stripped from the enemy.

Chapter 34

The next year Celtic embassies came seeking peace and offering unlimited submission. The new consuls, Marcus Claudius Marcellus and Gnaeus Cornelius Scipio Calvus, pressed for refusing peace. Frustrated, the Celts tried one last chance and hired thirty thousand Gaesatae from the people on the Rhone. With these forces they waited for the Roman attack.

At the beginning of spring the consuls took command, marched into Insubrian territory, camped beneath the walls of Acerrae between the Po and the Alps, and laid siege to it. The Insubres could not help the city directly because the Romans had already seized the strong positions, but wanting to break the siege they sent part of their force across the Po to besiege Clastidium.

When the consuls heard this, Marcus Claudius took his cavalry and some light infantry and made a forced march to help the besieged inhabitants. The Celts, hearing of his approach, raised the siege, marched out, and offered battle. At first they held against the furious cavalry charge of the Roman consul; but when they found themselves surrounded on rear and flank, they could not maintain the fight. They fled before the cavalry. Many were driven into the river and swept away, and more were cut down by the enemy.

Acerrae, rich in grain, fell to the Romans. The Gauls withdrew to Mediolanum, the strongest position in Insubrian territory. Gnaeus followed closely and suddenly appeared before Mediolanum. At first the Gauls did not move; but when he began marching back toward Acerrae, they sallied out, boldly attacked his rear, killed many, and even drove part of it into flight. Gnaeus called back some of the vanguard and ordered them to stand and fight. The Roman soldiers obeyed and resisted vigorously. The Celts, encouraged by success, held their ground for a while with courage, but soon turned and fled to the neighboring mountains. Gnaeus followed, ravaging the country, and took Mediolanum by assault. Then the Insubrian chiefs, despairing of safety, surrendered absolutely to Rome.

Chapter 35

So ended the Celtic war. In desperate resolve, enemy boldness, stubborn battles, and the number of people engaged and killed, it is second to no war in history. But as an example of scientific strategy it is contemptible. The Gauls showed no power to plan or carry out a campaign; in everything they were governed by impulse rather than sober calculation.

Since I have seen these peoples, after a short struggle, almost wholly driven out of the valley of the Po except for a few places near the Alps, I thought I should not leave unrecorded their first attack on Italy, their later attempts, or their final expulsion. It is the historian's task to record and hand down such episodes in Fortune's drama, so that later generations, knowing the past, will not be unreasonably frightened by sudden and unexpected invasions of barbarians. They should reflect how brief and easily checked the spirit of this race is, and should stand to their defense and try every possible measure before yielding anything.

Those who recorded the Persian invasion of Greece and the Gallic attack on Delphi have, I think, contributed greatly to the struggles made for common Greek freedom. If people have before their eyes how many tens of thousands, how much daring confidence, and what great armaments were defeated by opponents acting with skill and reason, then superiority in supplies, arms, or numbers will scarcely keep them from testing their last hope for the integrity and safety of their cities and lands. Because a Gallic invasion has frightened Greece in our own day as well as in the past, I thought it worthwhile to give this summary of their actions from the beginning.

Colophon

This page translates Polybius, Histories 2.14-35 from Greek for the Celtic continental expansion of the Good Work Library. Polybius writes as a Greek historian explaining Rome's rise; his judgments about Celtic planning, courage, and instability are preserved as ancient source evidence, not adopted as modern ethnography.

Compiled and formatted for the Good Work Library by the New Tianmu Anglican Church, 2026.

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Source Text: Polybius, Histories 2.14-35

Greek source text from Perseus Hopper's text of Polybius, Histories, Book 2. This page gives the continuous Cisalpine Gaul, Po valley, Gallic war, Telamon, and Insubrian campaign source-unit in chapters 14-35.

Chapter 14

Ἰταλίαν Κελτοὺς πόλεμον. ὑπὲρ ὧν δοκεῖ μοι χρήσιμον εἶναι κεφαλαιώδη μὲν ποιήσασθαι τὴν ἐξήγησιν, ἵνα τὸ τῆς προκατασκευῆς οἰκεῖον συσσώσωμεν κατὰ τὴν ἐξ ἀρχῆς πρόθεσιν, ἀναδραμεῖν δὲ τοῖς χρόνοις ἐπὶ τὴν ἀρχήν, ἐξ ὅτου κατέσχον οἱ προειρημένοι τὴν χώραν: [2] ἡγοῦμαι γὰρ τὴν περὶ αὐτῶν ἱστορίαν οὐ μόνον ἀξίαν εἶναι γνώσεως καὶ μνήμης, ἀλλὰ καὶ τελέως ἀναγκαίαν χάριν τοῦ μαθεῖν τίσι μετὰ ταῦτα πιστεύσας ἀνδράσι καὶ τόποις Ἀννίβας ἐπεβάλετο καταλύειν τὴν Ῥωμαίων δυναστείαν. [3] πρῶτον δὲ περὶ τῆς χώρας ῥητέον ποία τίς ἐστιν καὶ πῶς κεῖται πρὸς τὴν ἄλλην Ἰταλίαν. οὕτως γὰρ ἔσται καὶ τὰ περὶ τὰς πράξεις διαφέροντα κατανοεῖν βέλτιον, ὑπογραφέντων τῶν περί τε τοὺς τόπους καὶ τὴν χώραν ἰδιωμάτων. [4] τῆς δὴ συμπάσης Ἰταλίας τῷ σχήματι τριγωνοειδοῦς ὑπαρχούσης, τὴν μὲν μίαν ὁρίζει πλευρὰν αὐτῆς τὴν πρὸς τὰς ἀνατολὰς κεκλιμένην ὅ τ᾽ Ἰόνιος πόρος καὶ κατὰ τὸ συνεχὲς ὁ κατὰ τὸν Ἀδρίαν κόλπος, τὴν δὲ πρὸς μεσημβρίαν καὶ δυσμὰς τετραμμένην τὸ Σικελικὸν καὶ Τυρρηνικὸν πέλαγος. [5] αὗται δ᾽ αἱ πλευραὶ συμπίπτουσαι πρὸς ἀλλήλας κορυφὴν ποιοῦσι τοῦ τριγώνου τὸ προκείμενον ἀκρωτήριον τῆς Ἰταλίας εἰς τὴν μεσημβρίαν, ὃ προσαγορεύεται μὲν Κόκυνθος, διαιρεῖ δὲ τὸν Ἰόνιον πόρον καὶ τὸ Σικελικὸν πέλαγος. [6] τὴν δὲ λοιπὴν τὴν παρά τε τὰς ἄρκτους καὶ τὴν μεσόγαιαν παρατείνουσαν ὁρίζει κατὰ τὸ συνεχὲς ἡ τῶν Ἄλπεων παρώρεια, λαμβάνουσα τὴν μὲν ἀρχὴν ἀπὸ Μασσαλίας καὶ τῶν ὑπὲρ τὸ Σαρδῷον πέλαγος τόπων, παρήκουσα δὲ συνεχῶς μέχρι πρὸς τὸν τοῦ παντὸς Ἀδρίου μυχόν, πλὴν βραχέος, ὃ προκαταλήγουσα λείπει τοῦ μὴ συνάπτειν αὐτῷ. [7] παρὰ δὲ τὴν προειρημένην παρώρειαν, ἣν δεῖ νοεῖν ὡσανεὶ βάσιν τοῦ τριγώνου, παρὰ ταύτην ἀπὸ μεσημβρίας ὑπόκειται πεδία τῆς συμπάσης Ἰταλίας τελευταῖα πρὸς τὰς ἄρκτους, ὑπὲρ ὧν ὁ νῦν δὴ λόγος, ἀρετῇ καὶ μεγέθει διαφέροντα τῶν κατὰ τὴν Εὐρώπην, ὅσα πέπτωκεν ὑπὸ τὴν ἡμετέραν ἱστορίαν. [8] ἔστι δὲ τὸ μὲν ὅλον εἶδος καὶ τῆς ταῦτα τὰ πεδία περιγραφούσης γραμμῆς τριγωνοειδές. τούτου δὲ τοῦ σχήματος τὴν μὲν κορυφὴν ἥ τε τῶν Ἀπεννίνων καλουμένων ὀρῶν καὶ τῶν Ἀλπεινῶν σύμπτωσις οὐ μακρὰν ἀπὸ τοῦ Σαρδῴου πελάγους ὑπὲρ Μασσαλίας ἀποτελεῖ. [9] τῶν δὲ πλευρῶν παρὰ μὲν τὴν ἀπὸ τῶν ἄρκτων, ὡς ἐπάνω προεῖπον, τὰς Ἄλπεις αὐτὰς ἐπὶ δισχιλίους καὶ διακοσίους σταδίους παρήκειν συμβαίνει, [10] παρὰ δὲ τὴν ἀπὸ μεσημβρίας τὸν Ἀπεννῖνον ἐπὶ τρισχιλίους ἑξακοσίους. [11] βάσεώς γε μὴν τάξιν λαμβάνει τοῦ παντὸς σχήματος ἡ παραλία τοῦ κατὰ τὸν Ἀδρίαν κόλπου: τὸ δὲ μέγεθος τῆς βάσεώς ἐστιν ἀπὸ πόλεως Σήνης ἕως ἐπὶ τὸν μυχὸν ὑπὲρ τοὺς δισχιλίους σταδίους καὶ πεντακοσίους, [12] ὥστε τὴν πᾶσαν περίμετρον τῶν προειρημένων πεδίων μὴ πολὺ λείπειν τῶν μυρίων σταδίων.

Chapter 15

περί γε μὴν τῆς ἀρετῆς οὐδ᾽ εἰπεῖν ῥᾴδιον. σίτου τε γὰρ τοσαύτην ἀφθονίαν ὑπάρχειν συμβαίνει κατὰ τοὺς τόπους ὥστ᾽ ἐν τοῖς καθ᾽ ἡμᾶς καιροῖς πολλάκις τεττάρων ὀβολῶν εἶναι τῶν πυρῶν τὸν Σικελικὸν μέδιμνον, τῶν δὲ κριθῶν δυεῖν, τοῦ δ᾽ οἴνου τὸν μετρητὴν ἰσόκριθον. [2] ἐλύμου γε μὴν καὶ κέγχρου τελέως ὑπερβάλλουσα δαψίλεια γίνεται παρ᾽ αὐτοῖς. τὸ δὲ τῶν βαλάνων πλῆθος τὸ γινόμενον ἐκ τῶν κατὰ διάστημα δρυμῶν ἐν τοῖς πεδίοις ἐκ τούτων ἄν τις μάλιστα τεκμήραιτο: [3] πλείστων γὰρ ὑϊκῶν ἱερείων κοπτομένων ἐν Ἰταλίᾳ διά τε τὰς εἰς τοὺς ἰδίους βίους καὶ τὰς εἰς τὰ στρατόπεδα παραθέσεις, τὴν ὁλοσχερεστάτην χορηγίαν ἐκ τούτων συμβαίνει τῶν πεδίων αὐτοῖς ὑπάρχειν. [4] περὶ δὲ τῆς κατὰ μέρος εὐωνίας καὶ δαψιλείας τῶν πρὸς τὴν τροφὴν ἀνηκόντων οὕτως ἄν τις ἀκριβέστατα κατανοήσειεν: [5] ποιοῦνται γὰρ τὰς καταλύσεις οἱ διοδεύοντες τὴν χώραν ἐν τοῖς πανδοκείοις, οὐ συμφωνοῦντες περὶ τῶν κατὰ μέρος ἐπιτηδείων, ἀλλ᾽ ἐρωτῶντες πόσου τὸν ἄνδρα δέχεται. [6] ὡς μὲν οὖν ἐπὶ τὸ πολὺ παρίενται τοὺς καταλύτας οἱ πανδοκεῖς, ὡς ἱκανὰ πάντ᾽ ἔχειν τὰ πρὸς τὴν χρείαν, ἡμιασσαρίου: τοῦτο δ᾽ ἔστι τέταρτον μέρος ὀβολοῦ: σπανίως δὲ τοῦθ᾽ ὑπερβαίνουσι. [7] τό γε μὴν πλῆθος τῶν ἀνδρῶν καὶ τὸ μέγεθος καὶ κάλλος τῶν σωμάτων, ἔτι δὲ τὴν ἐν τοῖς πολέμοις τόλμαν ἐξ αὐτῶν τῶν πράξεων σαφῶς ἔσται καταμαθεῖν. τῶν δ᾽ Ἄλπεων ἑκατέρας τῆς πλευρᾶς, [8] τῆς ἐπὶ τὸν Ῥοδανὸν ποταμὸν καὶ τῆς ἐπὶ τὰ προειρημένα πεδία νευούσης, τοὺς βουνώδεις καὶ γεώδεις τόπους κατοικοῦσι τοὺς μὲν ἐπὶ τὸν Ῥοδανὸν καὶ τὰς ἄρκτους ἐστραμμένους Γαλάται Τρανσαλπῖνοι προσαγορευόμενοι, τοὺς δ᾽ ἐπὶ τὰ πεδία Ταυρίσκοι καὶ Ἄγωνες καὶ πλείω γένη βαρβάρων ἕτερα. [9] Τρανσαλπῖνοί γε μὴν οὐ διὰ τὴν τοῦ γένους, ἀλλὰ διὰ τὴν τοῦ τόπου διαφορὰν προσαγορεύονται: τὸ γὰρ τρὰνς ἐξερμηνευόμενόν ἐστι πέραν, διὸ τοὺς ἐπέκεινα τῶν Ἄλπεων Τρανσαλπίνους καλοῦσι. [10] τὰ δ᾽ ἄκρα διά τε τὴν τραχύτητα καὶ τὸ πλῆθος τῆς ἐπιμενούσης ἀεὶ χιόνος ἀοίκητα τελέως ἐστίν.

Chapter 16

τὸν δ᾽ Ἀπεννῖνον ἀπὸ μὲν τῆς ἀρχῆς τῆς ὑπὲρ Μασσαλίαν καὶ τῆς πρὸς τὰς Ἄλπεις συμπτώσεως Λιγυστῖνοι κατοικοῦσιν, καὶ τὴν ἐπὶ τὸ Τυρρηνικὸν πέλαγος αὐτοῦ πλευρὰν κεκλιμένην καὶ τὴν ἐπὶ τὰ πεδία, [2] παρὰ θάλατταν μὲν μέχρι πόλεως Πίσης, ἣ πρώτη κεῖται τῆς Τυρρηνίας ὡς πρὸς τὰς δυσμάς, κατὰ δὲ τὴν μεσόγαιον ἕως τῆς Ἀρρητίνων χώρας. [3] ἑξῆς δὲ Τυρρηνοί: τούτοις δὲ συνεχεῖς ἑκάτερον τὸ κλίμα νέμονται τῶν προειρημένων ὀρῶν Ὄμβροι. [4] λοιπὸν ὁ μὲν Ἀπεννῖνος ἀπέχων τῆς κατὰ τὸν Ἀδρίαν θαλάττης σταδίους ὡσανεὶ πεντακοσίους ἀπολείπει τὰ πεδία δεξιὸς ἀπονεύων, καὶ διὰ μέσης τῆς λοιπῆς Ἰταλίας διήκων εἰς τὸ Σικελικὸν κατατείνει πέλαγος. [5] τὸ δ᾽ ἀπολειπόμενον μέρος πεδινὸν τῆς πλευρᾶς ἐπὶ θάλατταν καὶ πόλιν καθήκει Σήνην. [6] ὁ δὲ Πάδος ποταμός, ὑπὸ δὲ τῶν ποιητῶν Ἠριδανὸς θρυλούμενος, ἔχει μὲν τὰς πηγὰς ἀπὸ τῶν Ἄλπεων ὡς πρὸς τὴν κορυφὴν μᾶλλον τοῦ προειρημένου σχήματος, καταφέρεται δ᾽ εἰς τὰ πεδία, ποιούμενος τὴν ῥύσιν ὡς ἐπὶ μεσημβρίαν. [7] ἀφικόμενος δ᾽ εἰς τοὺς ἐπιπέδους τόπους, ἐκκλίνας τῷ ῥεύματι πρὸς ἕω φέρεται δι᾽ αὐτῶν: ποιεῖ δὲ τὴν ἐκβολὴν δυσὶ στόμασιν εἰς τοὺς κατὰ τὸν Ἀδρίαν τόπους: τὸ δὲ πλεῖον ἀποτέμνεται μέρος τῆς πεδιάδος χώρας εἰς τὰς Ἄλπεις καὶ τὸν Ἀδριατικὸν μυχόν. [8] ἄγει δὲ πλῆθος ὕδατος οὐδενὸς ἔλαττον τῶν κατὰ τὴν Ἰταλίαν ποταμῶν διὰ τὸ τὰς ῥύσεις τὰς ἐπὶ τὰ πεδία νευούσας ἀπό τε τῶν Ἄλπεων καὶ τῶν Ἀπεννίνων ὀρῶν εἰς τοῦτον ἐμπίπτειν ἁπάσας καὶ πανταχόθεν. [9] μεγίστῳ δὲ καὶ καλλίστῳ ῥεύματι φέρεται περὶ κυνὸς ἐπιτολήν, αὐξόμενος ὑπὸ τοῦ πλήθους τῶν ἀνατηκομένων χιόνων ἐν τοῖς προειρημένοις ὄρεσιν. [10] ἀναπλεῖται δ᾽ ἐκ θαλάττης κατὰ τὸ στόμα τὸ καλούμενον Ὄλανα σχεδὸν ἐπὶ δισχιλίους σταδίους. [11] τὴν μὲν γὰρ πρώτην ἐκ τῶν πηγῶν ἔχει ῥύσιν ἁπλῆν, σχίζεται δ᾽ εἰς δύο μέρη κατὰ τοὺς προσαγορευομένους Τριγαβόλους: τούτων δὲ τὸ μὲν ἕτερον στόμα προσονομάζεται Παδόα, τὸ δ᾽ ἕτερον Ὄλανα. [12] κεῖται δ᾽ ἐπὶ τούτῳ λιμήν, οὐδενὸς τῶν κατὰ τὸν Ἀδρίαν ἥττω παρεχόμενος ἀσφάλειαν τοῖς ἐν αὐτῷ καθορμιζομένοις. παρά γε μὴν τοῖς ἐγχωρίοις ὁ ποταμὸς προσαγορεύεται Βόδεγκος. [13] τἄλλα δὲ τὰ περὶ τὸν ποταμὸν τοῦτον ἱστορούμενα παρὰ τοῖς Ἕλλησι, λέγω δὴ τὰ περὶ Φαέθοντα καὶ τὴν ἐκείνου πτῶσιν, ἔτι δὲ τὰ δάκρυα τῶν αἰγείρων καὶ τοὺς μελανείμονας τοὺς περὶ τὸν ποταμὸν οἰκοῦντας, οὕς φασι τὰς ἐσθῆτας εἰσέτι νῦν φορεῖν τοιαύτας ἀπὸ τοῦ κατὰ Φαέθοντα πένθους, [14] καὶ πᾶσαν δὴ τὴν τραγικὴν καὶ ταύτῃ προσεοικυῖαν ὕλην ἐπὶ μὲν τοῦ παρόντος ὑπερθησόμεθα διὰ τὸ μὴ λίαν καθήκειν τῷ τῆς προκατασκευῆς γένει τὴν περὶ τῶν τοιούτων ἀκριβολογίαν. [15] μεταλαβόντες δὲ καιρὸν ἁρμόττοντα ποιησόμεθα τὴν καθήκουσαν μνήμην, καὶ μάλιστα διὰ τὴν Τιμαίου περὶ τοὺς προειρημένους τόπους ἄγνοιαν.

Chapter 17

πλὴν ταῦτά γε τὰ πεδία τὸ παλαιὸν ἐνέμοντο Τυρρηνοί, καθ᾽ οὓς χρόνους καὶ τὰ Φλέγραιά ποτε καλούμενα τὰ περὶ Καπύην καὶ Νώλην: ἃ δὴ καὶ διὰ τὸ πολλοῖς ἐμποδὼν εἶναι καὶ γνωρίζεσθαι μεγάλην ἐπ᾽ ἀρετῇ δόξαν εἴληφεν. [2] διὸ καὶ τοὺς ἱστοροῦντας τὰς Τυρρηνῶν δυναστείας οὐ χρὴ ποιεῖσθαι τὴν ἀναφορὰν ἐπὶ τὴν νῦν κατεχομένην ὑπ᾽ αὐτῶν χώραν, ἀλλ᾽ ἐπὶ τὰ προειρημένα πεδία καὶ τὰς ἐκ τούτων τῶν τόπων ἀφορμάς. [3] οἷς ἐπιμιγνύμενοι κατὰ τὴν παράθεσιν Κελτοὶ καὶ περὶ τὸ κάλλος τῆς χώρας ὀφθαλμιάσαντες, ἐκ μικρᾶς προφάσεως μεγάλῃ στρατιᾷ παραδόξως ἐπελθόντες ἐξέβαλον ἐκ τῆς περὶ τὸν Πάδον χώρας Τυρρηνοὺς καὶ κατέσχον αὐτοὶ τὰ πεδία. [4] τὰ μὲν οὖν πρῶτα καὶ περὶ τὰς ἀνατολὰς τοῦ Πάδου κείμενα Λάοι καὶ Λεβέκιοι, μετὰ δὲ τούτους Ἴνσοβρες κατῴκησαν, ὃ μέγιστον ἔθνος ἦν αὐτῶν: ἑξῆς δὲ τούτοις παρὰ τὸν ποταμὸν Γονομάνοι. [5] τὰ δὲ πρὸς τὸν Ἀδρίαν ἤδη προσήκοντα γένος ἄλλο πάνυ παλαιὸν διακατέσχεν: προσαγορεύονται δ᾽ Οὐένετοι, τοῖς μὲν ἔθεσι καὶ τῷ κόσμῳ βραχεῖ διαφέροντες Κελτῶν, γλώττῃ δ᾽ ἀλλοίᾳ χρώμενοι. [6] περὶ ὧν οἱ τραγῳδιογράφοι πολύν τινα πεποίηνται λόγον καὶ πολλὴν διατέθεινται τερατείαν. [7] τὰ δὲ πέραν τοῦ Πάδου τὰ περὶ τὸν Ἀπεννῖνον πρῶτοι μὲν Ἄναρες, μετὰ δὲ τούτους Βοῖοι κατῴκησαν: ἑξῆς δὲ τούτων ὡς πρὸς τὸν Ἀδρίαν Λίγγονες, τὰ δὲ τελευταῖα πρὸς θαλάττῃ Σήνωνες. [8] τὰ μὲν οὖν ἐπιφανέστατα τῶν κατασχόντων τοὺς προειρημένους τόπους ἐθνῶν ταῦθ᾽ ὑπῆρχεν. [9] ᾤκουν δὲ κατὰ κώμας ἀτειχίστους, τῆς λοιπῆς κατασκευῆς ἄμοιροι καθεστῶτες. [10] διὰ γὰρ τὸ στιβαδοκοιτεῖν καὶ κρεαφαγεῖν, ἔτι δὲ μηδὲν ἄλλο πλὴν τὰ πολεμικὰ καὶ τὰ κατὰ γεωργίαν: ἀσκεῖν ἁπλοῦς εἶχον τοὺς βίους, οὔτ᾽ ἐπιστήμης ἄλλης οὔτε τέχνης παρ᾽ αὐτοῖς τὸ παράπαν γινωσκομένης. [11] ὕπαρξίς γε μὴν ἑκάστοις ἦν θρέμματα καὶ χρυσὸς διὰ τὸ μόνα ταῦτα κατὰ τὰς περιστάσεις ῥᾳδίως δύνασθαι πανταχῇ περιαγαγεῖν καὶ μεθιστάναι κατὰ τὰς αὑτῶν προαιρέσεις. [12] περὶ δὲ τὰς ἑταιρείας μεγίστην σπουδὴν ἐποιοῦντο διὰ τὸ καὶ φοβερώτατον καὶ δυνατώτατον εἶναι παρ᾽ αὐτοῖς τοῦτον ὃς ἂν πλείστους ἔχειν δοκῇ τοὺς θεραπεύοντας καὶ συμπεριφερομένους αὐτῷ.

Chapter 18

τὰς μὲν οὖν ἀρχὰς οὐ μόνον τῆς χώρας ἐπεκράτουν, ἀλλὰ καὶ τῶν σύνεγγυς πολλοὺς ὑπηκόους ἐπεποίηντο, τῇ τόλμῃ καταπεπληγμένοι. [2] μετὰ δέ τινα χρόνον μάχῃ νικήσαντες Ῥωμαίους καὶ τοὺς μετὰ τούτων παραταξαμένους, ἑπόμενοι τοῖς φεύγουσι τρισὶ τῆς μάχης ἡμέραις ὕστερον κατέσχον αὐτὴν τὴν Ῥώμην πλὴν τοῦ Καπετωλίου. [3] γενομένου δ᾽ ἀντισπάσματος, καὶ τῶν Οὐενέτων ἐμβαλόντων εἰς τὴν χώραν αὐτῶν, τότε μὲν ποιησάμενοι συνθήκας πρὸς Ῥωμαίους καὶ τὴν πόλιν ἀποδόντες ἐπανῆλθον εἰς τὴν οἰκείαν. [4] μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα τοῖς ἐμφυλίοις συνείχοντο πολέμοις: ἔνιοι δὲ καὶ τῶν τὰς Ἄλπεις κατοικούντων ὁρμὰς ἐποιοῦντο καὶ συνηθροίζοντο πολλάκις ἐπ᾽ αὐτούς, θεωροῦντες ἐκ παραθέσεως τὴν παραγεγενημένην αὐτοῖς εὐδαιμονίαν. [5] ἐν ᾧ καιρῷ Ῥωμαῖοι τήν τε σφετέραν δύναμιν ἀνέλαβον καὶ τὰ κατὰ τοὺς Λατίνους αὖθις πράγματα συνεστήσαντο. [6] παραγενομένων δὲ πάλιν τῶν Κελτῶν εἰς Ἄλβαν στρατεύματι μεγάλῳ μετὰ τὴν τῆς πόλεως κατάληψιν ἔτει τριακοστῷ, τότε μὲν οὐκ ἐτόλμησαν ἀντεξαγαγεῖν Ῥωμαῖοι τὰ στρατόπεδα διὰ τὸ παραδόξου γενομένης τῆς ἐφόδου προκαταληφθῆναι καὶ μὴ καταταχῆσαι τὰς τῶν συμμάχων ἁθροίσαντας δυνάμεις. [7] αὖθις δ᾽ ἐξ ἐπιβολῆς ἑτέρας ἔτει δωδεκάτῳ μετὰ μεγάλης στρατιᾶς ἐπιπορευομένων προαισθόμενοι καὶ συναγείραντες τοὺς συμμάχους μετὰ πολλῆς προθυμίας ἀπήντων, σπεύδοντες συμβαλεῖν καὶ διακινδυνεῦσαι περὶ τῶν ὅλων. [8] οἱ δὲ Γαλάται καταπλαγέντες τὴν ἔφοδον αὐτῶν καὶ διαστασιάσαντες πρὸς σφᾶς νυκτὸς ἐπιγενομένης φυγῇ παραπλησίαν ἐποιήσαντο τὴν ἀποχώρησιν εἰς τὴν οἰκείαν. [9] ἀπὸ δὲ τούτου τοῦ φόβου τριακαίδεκα μὲν ἔτη τὴν ἡσυχίαν ἔσχον, μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα συνορῶντες αὐξανομένην τὴν Ῥωμαίων δύναμιν εἰρήνην ἐποιήσαντο καὶ συνθήκας.

Chapter 19

ἐν αἷς ἔτη τριάκοντα μείναντες ἐμπεδῶς, αὖθις γενομένου κινήματος ἐκ τῶν Τρανσαλπίνων, δείσαντες μὴ πόλεμος αὐτοῖς ἐγερθῇ βαρύς, ἀπὸ μὲν αὑτῶν ἔτρεψαν τὰς ὁρμὰς τῶν ἐξανισταμένων, δωροφοροῦντες καὶ προτιθέμενοι τὴν συγγένειαν, ἐπὶ δὲ Ῥωμαίους παρώξυναν καὶ μετέσχον αὐτοῖς τῆς στρατείας. [2] ἐν ᾗ τὴν ἔφοδον ποιησάμενοι διὰ Τυρρηνίας, ὁμοῦ συστρατευσαμένων σφίσι Τυρρηνῶν, καὶ περιβαλόμενοι λείας πλῆθος ἐκ μὲν τῆς Ῥωμαίων ἐπαρχίας ἀσφαλῶς ἐπανῆλθον. [3] εἰς δὲ τὴν οἰκείαν ἀφικόμενοι καὶ στασιάσαντες περὶ τὴν τῶν εἰλημμένων πλεονεξίαν τῆς τε λείας καὶ τῆς αὑτῶν δυνάμεως τὸ πλεῖστον μέρος διέφθειραν. [4] τοῦτο δὲ σύνηθές ἐστι Γαλάταις πράττειν, ἐπειδὰν σφετερίσωνταί τι τῶν πέλας, καὶ μάλιστα διὰ τὰς ἀλόγους οἰνοφλυγίας καὶ πλησμονάς. [5] μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα πάλιν ἔτει τετάρτῳ συμφρονήσαντες ἅμα Σαυνῖται καὶ Γαλάται παρετάξαντο Ῥωμαίοις ἐν τῇ Καμερτίων χώρᾳ καὶ πολλοὺς αὐτῶν ἐν τῷ κινδύνῳ διέφθειραν. [6] ἐν ᾧ καιρῷ προσφιλονικήσαντες πρὸς τὸ γεγονὸς ἐλάττωμ᾽ αὐτοῖς Ῥωμαῖοι μετ᾽ ὀλίγας ἡμέρας ἐξῆλθον καὶ συμβαλόντες πᾶσι τοῖς στρατοπέδοις ἐν τῇ τῶν Σεντινατῶν χώρᾳ πρὸς τοὺς προειρημένους τοὺς μὲν πλείστους ἀπέκτειναν, τοὺς δὲ λοιποὺς ἠνάγκασαν προτροπάδην ἑκάστους εἰς τὴν οἰκείαν φυγεῖν. [7] διαγενομένων δὲ πάλιν ἐτῶν δέκα παρεγένοντο Γαλάται μετὰ μεγάλης στρατιᾶς, πολιορκήσοντες τὴν Ἀρρητίνων πόλιν. [8] Ῥωμαῖοι δὲ παραβοηθήσαντες καὶ συμβαλόντες πρὸ τῆς πόλεως ἡττήθησαν. ἐν δὲ τῇ μάχῃ ταύτῃ Λευκίου τοῦ στρατηγοῦ τελευτήσαντος Μάνιον ἐπικατέστησαν τὸν Κόριον. [9] οὗ πρεσβευτὰς ἐκπέμψαντος εἰς Γαλατίαν ὑπὲρ τῶν αἰχμαλώτων, παρασπονδήσαντες ἐπανείλοντο τοὺς πρέσβεις. [10] τῶν δὲ Ῥωμαίων ὑπὸ τὸν θυμὸν ἐκ χειρὸς ἐπιστρατευσαμένων, ἀπαντήσαντες συνέβαλλον οἱ Σήνωνες καλούμενοι Γαλάται. [11] Ῥωμαῖοι δ᾽ ἐκ παρατάξεως κρατήσαντες αὐτῶν τοὺς μὲν πλείστους ἀπέκτειναν, τοὺς δὲ λοιποὺς ἐξέβαλον, τῆς δὲ χώρας ἐγένοντο πάσης ἐγκρατεῖς. [12] εἰς ἣν καὶ πρώτην τῆς Γαλατίας ἀποικίαν ἔστειλαν τὴν Σήνην προσαγορευομένην πόλιν, ὁμώνυμον οὖσαν τοῖς πρότερον αὐτὴν κατοικοῦσι Γαλάταις, [13] ὑπὲρ ἧς ἀρτίως διεσαφήσαμεν, φάσκοντες αὐτὴν παρὰ τὸν Ἀδρίαν ἐπὶ τῷ πέρατι κεῖσθαι τῶν περὶ τὸν Πάδον πεδίων.

Chapter 20

οἱ δὲ Βοῖοι θεωροῦντες ἐκπεπτωκότας τοὺς Σήνωνας, καὶ δείσαντες περὶ σφῶν καὶ τῆς χώρας μὴ πάθωσι τὸ παραπλήσιον ἐξεστράτευσαν πανδημεὶ παρακαλέσαντες Τυρρηνούς. [2] ἁθροισθέντες δὲ περὶ τὴν Ὀάδμονα προσαγορευομένην λίμνην παρετάξαντο Ῥωμαίοις. [3] ἐν δὲ τῇ μάχῃ ταύτῃ Τυρρηνῶν μὲν οἱ πλεῖστοι κατεκόπησαν, τῶν δὲ Βοίων τελέως ὀλίγοι διέφυγον. [4] οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ τῷ κατὰ πόδας ἐνιαυτῷ συμφρονήσαντες αὖθις οἱ προειρημένοι καὶ τοὺς ἄρτι τῶν νέων ἡβῶντας καθοπλίσαντες παρετάξαντο πρὸς Ῥωμαίους. [5] ἡττηθέντες δ᾽ ὁλοσχερῶς τῇ μάχῃ μόλις εἶξαν ταῖς ψυχαῖς καὶ διαπρεσβευσάμενοι περὶ σπονδῶν καὶ διαλύσεων συνθήκας ἔθεντο πρὸς Ῥωμαίους. [6] ταῦτα δὲ συνέβαινεν γίνεσθαι τῷ τρίτῳ πρότερον ἔτει τῆς Πύρρου διαβάσεως εἰς τὴν Ἰταλίαν, πέμπτῳ δὲ τῆς Γαλατῶν περὶ Δελφοὺς διαφθορᾶς. [7] ἐν γὰρ τούτοις ἡ τύχη τοῖς καιροῖς ὡσανεὶ λοιμικήν τινα πολέμου διάθεσιν ἐπέστησε πᾶσι Γαλάταις. [8] ἐκ δὲ τῶν προειρημένων ἀγώνων δύο τὰ κάλλιστα συνεκύρησε Ῥωμαίοις: τοῦ γὰρ κατακόπτεσθαι συνήθειαν ἐσχηκότες ὑπὸ Γαλατῶν οὐδὲν ἠδύναντο δεινότερον ἰδεῖν οὐδὲ προσδοκῆσαι τῶν αὐτοῖς ἤδη πεπραγμένων: [9] ἐξ ὧν πρός τε Πύρρον ἀθληταὶ τέλειοι γεγονότες τῶν κατὰ πόλεμον ἔργων συγκατέστησαν, [10] τήν τε Γαλατῶν τόλμαν ἐν καιρῷ καταπληξάμενοι λοιπὸν ἀπερισπάστως τὸ μὲν πρῶτον πρὸς Πύρρον περὶ τῆς Ἰταλίας ἐπολέμουν, μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα πρὸς Καρχηδονίους ὑπὲρ τῆς Σικελιωτῶν ἀρχῆς διηγωνίζοντο.

Chapter 21

Γαλάται δ᾽ ἐκ τῶν προειρημένων ἐλαττωμάτων ἔτη μὲν πέντε καὶ τετταράκοντα τὴν ἡσυχίαν ἔσχον, εἰρήνην ἄγοντες πρὸς Ῥωμαίους. [2] ἐπεὶ δ᾽ οἱ μὲν αὐτόπται γεγονότες τῶν δεινῶν ἐκ τοῦ ζῆν ἐξεχώρησαν διὰ τὸν χρόνον, ἐπεγένοντο δὲ νέοι, θυμοῦ μὲν ἀλογίστου πλήρεις, ἄπειροι δὲ καὶ ἀόρατοι παντὸς κακοῦ καὶ πάσης περιστάσεως, [3] αὖθις ἤρξαντο τὰ καθεστῶτα κινεῖν, ὃ φύσιν ἔχει γίνεσθαι καὶ τραχύνεσθαι μὲν ἐκ τῶν τυχόντων πρὸς Ῥωμαίους, ἐπισπᾶσθαι δὲ τοὺς ἐκ τῶν Ἄλπεων Γαλάτας. [4] τὸ μὲν οὖν πρῶτον χωρὶς τοῦ πλήθους δι᾽ αὐτῶν τῶν ἡγουμένων ἐν ἀπορρήτοις ἐπράττετο τὰ προειρημένα. [5] διὸ καὶ παραγενομένων τῶν Τρανσαλπίνων ἕως Ἀριμίνου μετὰ δυνάμεως, διαπιστήσαντα τὰ πλήθη τῶν Βοίων καὶ στασιάσαντα πρός τε τοὺς ἑαυτῶν προεστῶτας καὶ πρὸς τοὺς παραγεγονότας ἀνεῖλον μὲν τοὺς ἰδίους βασιλεῖς Ἄτιν καὶ Γάλατον, κατέκοψαν δ᾽ ἀλλήλους, συμβαλόντες ἐκ παρατάξεων. [6] ὅτε δὴ καὶ Ῥωμαῖοι κατάφοβοι γενόμενοι τὴν ἔφοδον ἐξῆλθον μετὰ στρατοπέδου: συνέντες δὲ τὴν αὐθαίρετον καταφθορὰν τῶν Γαλατῶν αὖθις ἀνεχώρησαν εἰς τὴν οἰκείαν. [7] μετὰ δὲ τοῦτον τὸν φόβον ἔτει πέμπτῳ, Μάρκου Λεπέδου στρατηγοῦντος, κατεκληρούχησαν ἐν Γαλατίᾳ Ῥωμαῖοι τὴν Πικεντίνην προσαγορευομένην χώραν, ἐξ ἧς νικήσαντες ἐξέβαλον τοὺς Σήνωνας προσαγορευομένους Γαλάτας, [8] Γαΐου Φλαμινίου ταύτην τὴν δημαγωγίαν εἰσηγησαμένου καὶ πολιτείαν, ἣν δὴ καὶ Ῥωμαίοις ὡς ἔπος εἰπεῖν φατέον ἀρχηγὸν μὲν γενέσθαι τῆς ἐπὶ τὸ χεῖρον τοῦ δήμου διαστροφῆς, αἰτίαν δὲ καὶ τοῦ μετὰ ταῦτα πολέμου συστάντος αὐτοῖς πρὸς τοὺς προειρημένους. [9] πολλοὶ μὲν γὰρ τῶν Γαλατῶν ὑπεδύοντο τὴν πρᾶξιν, μάλιστα δ᾽ οἱ Βοῖοι διὰ τὸ συντερμονεῖν τῇ τῶν Ῥωμαίων χώρᾳ, νομίσαντες οὐχ ὑπὲρ ἡγεμονίας ἔτι καὶ δυναστείας Ῥωμαίους τὸν πρὸς αὐτοὺς ποιήσασθαι πόλεμον, ἀλλ᾽ ὑπὲρ ὁλοσχεροῦς ἐξαναστάσεως καὶ καταφθορᾶς.

Chapter 22

διόπερ εὐθέως τὰ μέγιστα τῶν ἐθνῶν, τό τε τῶν Ἰνσόμβρων καὶ Βοίων, συμφρονήσαντα διεπέμποντο πρὸς τοὺς κατὰ τὰς Ἄλπεις καὶ περὶ τὸν Ῥοδανὸν ποταμὸν κατοικοῦντας Γαλάτας, προσαγορευομένους δὲ διὰ τὸ μισθοῦ στρατεύειν Γαισάτους: ἡ γὰρ λέξις αὕτη τοῦτο σημαίνει κυρίως. [2] ὧν τοῖς βασιλεῦσι Κογκολιτάνῳ καὶ Ἀνηροέστῳ παραυτίκα μὲν χρυσίου προτείναντες πλῆθος, εἰς τὸ μέλλον δ᾽ ὑποδεικνύντες τὸ μέγεθος τῆς Ῥωμαίων εὐδαιμονίας καὶ τὸ πλῆθος τῶν ὑπαρξόντων αὐτοῖς ἀγαθῶν, ἐὰν κρατήσωσι, προετρέποντο καὶ παρώξυνον πρὸς τὴν ἐπὶ Ῥωμαίους στρατείαν. [3] ῥᾳδίως δ᾽ ἔπεισαν, ἅμα τοῖς προειρημένοις διδόντες μὲν τὰ πιστὰ περὶ τῆς αὑτῶν συμμαχίας, ἀναμιμνήσκοντες δὲ τῆς τῶν ἰδίων προγόνων πράξεως αὐτούς: [4] ἐν ᾗ 'κεῖνοι στρατεύσαντες οὐ μόνον ἐνίκησαν μαχόμενοι Ῥωμαίους, ἀλλὰ καὶ μετὰ τὴν μάχην ἐξ ἐφόδου κατέσχον αὐτὴν τὴν Ῥώμην: [5] γενόμενοι δὲ καὶ τῶν ὑπαρχόντων ἁπάντων ἐγκρατεῖς καὶ τῆς πόλεως αὐτῆς ἑπτὰ μῆνας κυριεύσαντες, τέλος ἐθελοντὶ καὶ μετὰ χάριτος παραδόντες τὴν πόλιν, ἄθραυστοι καὶ ἀσινεῖς ἔχοντες τὴν ὠφέλειαν εἰς τὴν οἰκείαν ἐπανῆλθον. [6] ὧν ἀκούοντες οἱ περὶ αὐτοὺς ἡγεμόνες οὕτω παρωρμήθησαν ἐπὶ τὴν στρατείαν ὥστε μηδέποτε μήτε πλείους μήτ᾽ ἐνδοξοτέρους μήτε μαχιμωτέρους ἄνδρας ἐξελθεῖν ἐκ τούτων τῶν τόπων τῆς Γαλατίας. [7] κατὰ δὲ τοὺς καιροὺς τούτους Ῥωμαῖοι τὰ μὲν ἀκούοντες τὰ δὲ καταμαντευόμενοι τὸ μέλλον εἰς φόβους ἐνέπιπτον συνεχεῖς καὶ ταραχὰς ἐπὶ τοσοῦτον, [8] ὥστε ποτὲ μὲν στρατόπεδα καταγράφειν καὶ σίτου καὶ τῶν ἐπιτηδείων ποιεῖσθαι παρασκευάς, ποτὲ δὲ καὶ τὰς δυνάμεις ἐξάγειν ἐπὶ τοὺς ὅρους, ὡς ἤδη παρόντων εἰς τὴν χώραν τῶν πολεμίων, οὐδέπω κεκινηκότων ἐκ τῆς οἰκείας τῶν Κελτῶν. [9] οὐκ ἐλάχιστα δὲ συνήργησεν καὶ Καρχηδονίοις τοῦτο τὸ κίνημα πρὸς τὸ κατασκευάσασθαι τὰ κατὰ τὴν Ἰβηρίαν ἀσφαλῶς. [10] Ῥωμαῖοι γάρ, ὡς καὶ πρόσθεν ἡμῖν εἴρηται, κρίνοντες ἀναγκαιότερα ταῦτα διὰ τὸ πρὸς ταῖς πλευραῖς αὐτῶν ὑπάρχειν παρορᾶν ἠναγκάζοντο τὰ κατὰ τὴν Ἰβηρίαν, σπουδάζοντες πρότερον ἐν καλῷ θέσθαι τὰ κατὰ τοὺς Κελτούς. [11] διόπερ ἀσφαλισάμενοι τὰ πρὸς τοὺς Καρχηδονίους διὰ τῶν πρὸς τὸν Ἀσδρούβαν ὁμολογιῶν, ὑπὲρ ὧν ἄρτι δεδηλώκαμεν, ἐνεχείρησαν ὁμοθυμαδὸν ἐν τούτοις τοῖς καιροῖς πρὸς τοὺς κατὰ τὴν Ἰταλίαν πολεμίους, νομίζοντες συμφέρειν σφίσι τὸ διακριθῆναι πρὸς τούτους.

Chapter 23

οἱ δὲ Γαισάται Γαλάται συστησάμενοι δύναμιν πολυτελῆ καὶ βαρεῖαν ἧκον ὑπεράραντες τὰς Ἄλπεις εἰς τὸν Πάδον ποταμὸν ἔτει μετὰ τὴν τῆς χώρας διάδοσιν ὀγδόῳ. [2] τὸ μὲν οὖν τῶν Ἰνσόμβρων καὶ Βοίων γένος ἔμεινε γενναίως ἐν ταῖς ἐξ ἀρχῆς ἐπιβολαῖς, οἱ δ᾽ Οὐένετοι καὶ Γονομάνοι, διαπρεσβευσαμένων Ῥωμαίων, τούτοις εἵλοντο συμμαχεῖν. [3] διὸ καὶ μέρος τι τῆς δυνάμεως καταλιπεῖν ἠναγκάσθησαν οἱ βασιλεῖς τῶν Κελτῶν φυλακῆς χάριν τῆς χώρας πρὸς τὸν ἀπὸ τούτων φόβον. [4] αὐτοὶ δ᾽ ἐξάραντες παντὶ τῷ στρατεύματι κατατεθαρρηκότως ὥρμησαν, ποιούμενοι τὴν πορείαν ὡς ἐπὶ Τυρρηνίας, ἔχοντες πεζοὺς μὲν εἰς πεντακισμυρίους, ἱππεῖς δὲ καὶ συνωρίδας εἰς δισμυρίους. [5] Ῥωμαῖοι δ᾽ ὡς θᾶττον ἤκουσαν τοὺς Κελτοὺς ὑπερβεβληκέναι τὰς Ἄλπεις, Λεύκιον μὲν Αἰμίλιον ὕπατον μετὰ δυνάμεως ἐξαπέστειλαν ὡς ἐπ᾽ Ἀριμίνου, τηρήσοντα ταύτῃ τῶν ἐναντίων τὴν ἔφοδον, ἕνα δὲ τῶν ἑξαπελέκεων εἰς Τυρρηνίαν. [6] ὁ μὲν γὰρ ἕτερος τῶν ὑπάτων Γάιος Ἀτίλιος προεξεληλυθὼς ἔτυχεν εἰς Σαρδόνα μετὰ τῶν στρατοπέδων, [7] οἱ δ᾽ ἐν τῇ Ῥώμῃ πάντες περιδεεῖς ἦσαν, μέγαν καὶ φοβερὸν αὑτοῖς ὑπολαμβάνοντες ἐπιφέρεσθαι κίνδυνον. ἔπασχον δὲ τοῦτ᾽ εἰκότως, ἔτι περὶ Γαλατῶν ἐγκαθημένου ταῖς ψυχαῖς αὐτῶν τοῦ παλαιοῦ φόβου. [8] διὸ καὶ πρὸς ταύτην ἀναφέροντες τὴν ἔννοιαν τὰ μὲν συνήθροιζον, τὰ δὲ κατέγραφον στρατόπεδα, τοῖς δ᾽ ἑτοίμοις εἶναι παρήγγελλον τῶν συμμάχων. [9] καθόλου δὲ τοῖς ὑποτεταγμένοις ἀναφέρειν ἐπέταξαν ἀπογραφὰς τῶν ἐν ταῖς ἡλικίαις, σπουδάζοντες εἰδέναι τὸ σύμπαν πλῆθος τῆς ὑπαρχούσης αὐτοῖς δυνάμεως. [11] σίτου δὲ καὶ βελῶν καὶ τῆς ἄλλης ἐπιτηδειότητος πρὸς πόλεμον τηλικαύτην ἐποιήσαντο κατασκευὴν ἡλίκην οὐδείς πω μνημονεύει πρότερον. [12] συνηργεῖτο δ᾽ αὐτοῖς πάντα καὶ πανταχόθεν ἑτοίμως. [13] καταπεπληγμένοι γὰρ οἱ τὴν Ἰταλίαν οἰκοῦντες τὴν τῶν Γαλατῶν ἔφοδον οὐκέτι Ῥωμαίοις ἡγοῦντο συμμαχεῖν οὐδὲ περὶ τῆς τούτων ἡγεμονίας γίνεσθαι τὸν πόλεμον, ἀλλὰ περὶ σφῶν ἐνόμιζον ἕκαστοι καὶ τῆς ἰδίας πόλεως καὶ χώρας ἐπιφέρεσθαι τὸν κίνδυνον. διόπερ ἑτοίμως τοῖς παραγγελλομένοις ὑπήκουον.

Chapter 24

ἵνα δὲ συμφανὲς ἐπ᾽ αὐτῶν γένηται τῶν ἔργων ἡλίκοις Ἀννίβας ἐτόλμησε πράγμασιν ἐπιθέσθαι [μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα] καὶ πρὸς ἡλίκην δυναστείαν παραβόλως ἀντοφθαλμήσας ἐπὶ τοσοῦτο καθίκετο τῆς προθέσεως ὥστε τοῖς μεγίστοις συμπτώμασι περιβάλλειν Ῥωμαίους, [2] ῥητέον ἂν εἴη τὴν παρασκευὴν καὶ τὸ πλῆθος τῆς ὑπαρχούσης αὐτοῖς τότε δυνάμεως. [3] μετὰ μὲν δὴ τῶν ὑπάτων ἐξεληλύθει τέτταρα στρατόπεδα Ῥωμαϊκά, πεντάκις μὲν χιλίους καὶ διακοσίους πεζούς, ἱππεῖς δὲ τριακοσίους ἔχον ἕκαστον. [4] σύμμαχοι δὲ μεθ᾽ ἑκατέρων ἦσαν οἱ συνάμφω πεζοὶ μὲν τρισμύριοι, δισχίλιοι δ᾽ ἱππεῖς. [5] τῶν δ᾽ ἐκ τοῦ καιροῦ προσβοηθησάντων εἰς τὴν Ῥώμην Σαβίνων καὶ Τυρρηνῶν ἱππεῖς μὲν ἦσαν εἰς τετρακισχιλίους, πεζοὶ δὲ πλείους τῶν πεντακισμυρίων. [6] τούτους μὲν ἁθροίσαντες ὡς ἐπὶ Τυρρηνίας προεκάθισαν, ἑξαπέλεκυν αὐτοῖς ἡγεμόνα συστήσαντες. [7] οἱ δὲ τὸν Ἀπεννῖνον κατοικοῦντες Ὄμβροι καὶ Σαρσινάτοι συνήχθησαν εἰς δισμυρίους, μετὰ δὲ τούτων Οὐένετοι καὶ Γονομάνοι δισμύριοι. τούτους δ᾽ ἔταξαν ἐπὶ τῶν ὅρων τῆς Γαλατίας, [8] ἵν᾽ ἐμβαλόντες εἰς τὴν τῶν Βοίων χώραν ἀντιπερισπῶσι τοὺς ἐξεληλυθότας. τὰ μὲν οὖν προκαθήμενα στρατόπεδα τῆς χώρας ταῦτ᾽ ἦν. [9] ἐν δὲ τῇ Ῥώμῃ διέτριβον ἡτοιμασμένοι χάριν τῶν συμβαινόντων ἐν τοῖς πολέμοις, ἐφεδρείας ἔχοντες τάξιν, Ῥωμαίων μὲν αὐτῶν πεζοὶ δισμύριοι, μετὰ δὲ τούτων ἱππεῖς χίλιοι καὶ πεντακόσιοι, τῶν δὲ συμμάχων πεζοὶ μὲν τρισμύριοι, δισχίλιοι δ᾽ ἱππεῖς. [10] καταγραφαὶ δ᾽ ἀνηνέχθησαν Λατίνων μὲν ὀκτακισμύριοι πεζοί, πεντακισχίλιοι δ᾽ ἱππεῖς, Σαυνιτῶν δὲ πεζοὶ μὲν ἑπτακισμύριοι, μετὰ δὲ τούτων ἱππεῖς ἑπτακισχίλιοι, [11] καὶ μὴν Ἰαπύγων καὶ Μεσσαπίων συνάμφω πεζῶν μὲν πέντε μυριάδες, ἱππεῖς δὲ μύριοι σὺν ἑξακισχιλίοις, [12] Λευκανῶν δὲ πεζοὶ μὲν τρισμύριοι, τρισχίλιοι δ᾽ ἱππεῖς, Μαρσῶν δὲ καὶ Μαρρουκίνων καὶ Φερεντάνων, ἔτι δ᾽ Οὐεστίνων πεζοὶ μὲν δισμύριοι, τετρακισχίλιοι δ᾽ ἱππεῖς. [13] ἔτι γε μὴν καὶ ἐν Σικελίᾳ καὶ Τάραντι στρατόπεδα δύο παρεφήδρευεν, ὧν ἑκάτερον ἦν ἀνὰ τετρακισχιλίους καὶ διακοσίους πεζούς, ἱππεῖς δὲ διακοσίους. [14] Ῥωμαίων δὲ καὶ Καμπανῶν ἡ πληθὺς πεζῶν μὲν εἰς εἴκοσι καὶ πέντε κατελέχθησαν μυριάδες, ἱππέων δ᾽ ἐπὶ ταῖς δύο μυριάσιν ἐπῆσαν ἔτι τρεῖς χιλιάδες. [15] ὥστ᾽ εἶναι τὸ [κεφάλαιον τῶν μὲν προκαθημένων τῆς Ῥώμης δυνάμεων πεζοὶ μὲν ὑπὲρ πεντεκαίδεκα μυριάδες, [16] ἱππεῖς δὲ πρὸς ἑξακισχιλίους, τὸ δὲ] σύμπαν πλῆθος τῶν δυναμένων ὅπλα βαστάζειν, αὐτῶν τε Ῥωμαίων καὶ τῶν συμμάχων, πεζῶν ὑπὲρ τὰς ἑβδομήκοντα μυριάδας, ἱππέων δ᾽ εἰς ἑπτὰ μυριάδας. [17] ἐφ᾽ οὓς Ἀννίβας ἐλάττους ἔχων δισμυρίων ἐπέβαλεν εἰς τὴν Ἰταλίαν. περὶ μὲν οὖν τούτων ἐν τοῖς ἑξῆς σαφέστερον ἐκποιήσει κατανοεῖν.

Chapter 25

οἱ δὲ Κελτοὶ κατάραντες εἰς τὴν Τυρρηνίαν ἐπεπορεύοντο τὴν χώραν, πορθοῦντες ἀδεῶς: οὐδενὸς δ᾽ αὐτοῖς ἀντιταττομένου, τέλος ἐπ᾽ αὐτὴν ὥρμησαν τὴν Ῥώμην. [2] ἤδη δ᾽ αὐτῶν περὶ πόλιν ὄντων ἣ καλεῖται μὲν Κλούσιον, ἀπέχει δ᾽ ἡμερῶν τριῶν ὁδὸν ἀπὸ τῆς Ῥώμης, προσαγγέλλεται διότι κατόπιν αὐτοῖς ἕπονται καὶ συνάπτουσιν αἱ προκαθήμεναι τῶν Ῥωμαίων ἐν τῇ Τυρρηνίᾳ δυνάμεις. [3] οἱ δ᾽ ἀκούσαντες ἐξ ὑποστροφῆς ἀπήντων, σπεύδοντες τούτοις συμβαλεῖν. [4] ἐγγίσαντες δ᾽ ἀλλήλοις ἤδη περὶ δυσμὰς ἡλίου, τότε μὲν ἐν συμμέτρῳ διαστήματι καταστρατοπεδεύσαντες ηὐλίσθησαν ἀμφότεροι. [5] τῆς δὲ νυκτὸς ἐπιγενομένης πῦρ ἀνακαύσαντες οἱ Κελτοὶ τοὺς μὲν ἱππεῖς ἀπέλιπον, συντάξαντες ἅμα τῷ φωτὶ συμφανεῖς γενομένους τοῖς πολεμίοις ὑποχωρεῖν κατὰ τὸν αὐτὸν στίβον. [6] αὐτοὶ δὲ λαθραίαν ποιησάμενοι τὴν ἀποχώρησιν ὡς ἐπὶ πόλιν Φαισόλαν αὐτοῦ παρενέβαλον, πρόθεσιν ἔχοντες ἅμα μὲν ἐκδέχεσθαι τοὺς ἑαυτῶν ἱππεῖς, ἅμα δὲ παραδόξως ἐνοχλῆσαι τὴν τῶν ὑπεναντίων ἔφοδον. [7] οἱ δὲ Ῥωμαῖοι τῆς ἡμέρας ἐπιγενομένης συνιδόντες τοὺς ἱππεῖς αὐτοὺς καὶ νομίσαντες τοὺς Κελτοὺς ἀποδεδρακέναι, κατὰ σπουδὴν ἠκολούθουν τοῖς ἱππεῦσιν κατὰ τὴν ἐκείνων ἀποχώρησιν. [8] ἅμα δὲ τῷ συνεγγίζειν τοῖς πολεμίοις διαναστάντων τῶν Κελτῶν καὶ συμπεσόντων αὐτοῖς ἦν ἀγὼν τὰς ἀρχὰς ἐξ ἀμφοῖν βίαιος. [9] τέλος δὲ καθυπερεχόντων τῶν Κελτῶν τῇ τόλμῃ καὶ τῷ πλήθει, συνέβη διαφθαρῆναι μὲν τῶν Ῥωμαίων οὐκ ἐλάττους ἑξακισχιλίων, τοὺς δὲ λοιποὺς φεύγειν: ὧν οἱ πλείους πρός τινα τόπον ἐρυμνὸν ἀποχωρήσαντες ἔμενον. [10] οὓς τὸ μὲν πρῶτον οἱ Κελτοὶ πολιορκεῖν ἐπεβάλοντο: κακῶς δ᾽ ἀπαλλάττοντες ἐκ τῆς προγεγενημένης ἐν τῇ νυκτὶ πορείας καὶ κακοπαθείας καὶ ταλαιπωρίας ὥρμησαν πρὸς ἀνάπαυσιν καὶ θεραπείαν, φυλακὴν ἀπολιπόντες τῶν ἰδίων ἱππέων περὶ τὸν λόφον, [11] πρόθεσιν ἔχοντες κατὰ τὴν ἐπιοῦσαν πολιορκεῖν τοὺς συμπεφευγότας, ἐὰν μὴ παραδῶσιν ἑαυτοὺς ἑκουσίως.

Chapter 26

κατὰ δὲ τὸν καιρὸν τοῦτον Λεύκιος Αἰμίλιος ὁ προκαθήμενος ἐπὶ τῶν κατὰ τὸν Ἀδρίαν τόπων ἀκούσας τοὺς Κελτοὺς διὰ Τυρρηνίας ἐμβεβληκότας συνεγγίζειν τῇ Ῥώμῃ, παρῆν βοηθῶν κατὰ σπουδὴν εὐτυχῶς εἰς δέοντα καιρόν.

Chapter 27

κατὰ δὲ τοὺς καιροὺς τούτους ἐκ Σαρδόνος μετὰ τῶν στρατοπέδων Γάιος Ἀτίλιος ὕπατος εἰς Πίσας καταπεπλευκὼς προῆγε μετὰ τῆς δυνάμεως εἰς Ῥώμην, ἐναντίαν ποιούμενος τοῖς πολεμίοις τὴν πορείαν. [2] ἤδη δὲ περὶ Τελαμῶνα τῆς Τυρρηνίας τῶν Κελτῶν ὑπαρχόντων, οἱ προνομεύοντες ἐξ αὐτῶν ἐμπεσόντες εἰς τοὺς παρὰ τοῦ Γαΐου προπορευομένους ἑάλωσαν: [3] καὶ τά τε προγεγονότα διεσάφουν ἀνακρινόμενοι τῷ στρατηγῷ καὶ τὴν παρουσίαν ἀμφοτέρων τῶν στρατοπέδων ἀνήγγελλον, σημαίνοντες διότι τελείως σύνεγγύς εἰσιν οἱ Κελτοὶ καὶ τούτων κατόπιν οἱ περὶ τὸν Λεύκιον. [4] ὁ δὲ τὰ μὲν ξενισθεὶς ἐπὶ τοῖς προσπίπτουσι, τὰ δ᾽ εὔελπις γενόμενος ἐπὶ τῷ δοκεῖν μέσους κατὰ πορείαν ἀπειληφέναι τοὺς Κελτούς, τοῖς μὲν χιλιάρχοις παρήγγειλε τάττειν τὰ στρατόπεδα καὶ βάδην εἰς τοὔμπροσθεν προάγειν, καθ᾽ ὅσον ἂν οἱ τόποι προσδέχωνται τὴν μετωπηδὸν ἔφοδον. [5] αὐτὸς δὲ συνθεωρήσας εὐκαίρως λόφον κείμενον ὑπὲρ τὴν ὁδόν, ὑφ᾽ ὃν ἔδει παραπορευθῆναι τοὺς Κελτούς, ἀναλαβὼν τοὺς ἱππεῖς ὥρμησε σπεύδων προκαταλαβέσθαι τὴν ἀκρολοφίαν καὶ πρῶτος κατάρξαι τοῦ κινδύνου, πεπεισμένος τῆς ἐπιγραφῆς τῶν ἐκβαινόντων πλεῖστον οὕτω κληρονομήσειν. [6] οἱ δὲ Κελτοὶ τὸ μὲν πρῶτον τὴν παρουσίαν τῶν περὶ τὸν Ἀτίλιον ἀγνοοῦντες, ἐκ δὲ τοῦ συμβαίνοντος ὑπολαμβάνοντες τοὺς περὶ τὸν Αἰμίλιον περιπεπορεῦσθαι τὴν νύκτα τοῖς ἱππεῦσι καὶ προκαταλαμβάνεσθαι τοὺς τόπους, εὐθέως ἐξαπέστελλον τοὺς παρ᾽ αὑτῶν ἱππεῖς καί τινας τῶν εὐζώνων, ἀντιποιησομένους τῶν κατὰ τὸν βουνὸν τόπων. [7] ταχὺ δὲ συνέντες τὴν τοῦ Γαΐου παρουσίαν ἔκ τινος τῶν ἀχθέντων αἰχμαλώτων σπουδῇ παρενέβαλον τοὺς πεζούς, ποιούμενοι τὴν ἔκταξιν ἅμα πρὸς ἑκατέραν τὴν ἐπιφάνειαν, καὶ τὴν ἀπ᾽ οὐρᾶς καὶ τὴν κατὰ πρόσωπον: [8] οὓς μὲν γὰρ ᾔδεσαν ἑπομένους αὑτοῖς, οὓς δὲ κατὰ τὸ στόμα προσεδόκων ἀπαντήσειν, ἔκ τε τῶν προσαγγελλομένων τεκμαιρόμενοι καὶ τῶν κατ᾽ αὐτὸν τὸν καιρὸν συμβαινόντων.

Chapter 28

οἱ δὲ περὶ τὸν Αἰμίλιον ἀκηκοότες μὲν τὸν εἰς τὰς Πίσας κατάπλουν τῶν στρατοπέδων, οὔπω δὲ προσδοκῶντες αὐτὰ συνεγγίζειν, τότε σαφῶς ἐκ τοῦ περὶ τὸν λόφον ἀγῶνος ἔγνωσαν διότι τελέως ἐγγὺς εἶναι συμβαίνει τὰς οἰκείας αὐτῶν δυνάμεις. [2] διὸ καὶ τοὺς μὲν ἱππεῖς παραυτίκα βοηθήσοντας ἐξαπέστελλον τοῖς ἐν τῷ λόφῳ διαγωνιζομένοις, αὐτοὶ δὲ κατὰ τὰς εἰθισμένας τάξεις διακοσμήσαντες τοὺς πεζοὺς προῆγον ἐπὶ τοὺς ὑπεναντίους. [3] οἱ δὲ Κελτοὶ τοὺς μὲν ἐκ τῶν Ἄλπεων Γαισάτους προσαγορευομένους ἔταξαν πρὸς τὴν ἀπ᾽ οὐρᾶς ἐπιφάνειαν, ᾗ προσεδόκων τοὺς περὶ τὸν Αἰμίλιον, ἐπὶ δὲ τούτοις τοὺς Ἴνσομβρας: [4] πρὸς δὲ τὴν κατὰ πρόσωπον τοὺς Ταυρίσκους καὶ τοὺς ἐπὶ τάδε τοῦ Πάδου κατοικοῦντας Βοίους παρενέβαλον, τὴν ἐναντίαν μὲν στάσιν ἔχοντας τοῖς προειρημένοις, βλέποντας δὲ πρὸς τὴν τῶν τοῦ Γαΐου στρατοπέδων ἔφοδον. [5] τὰς δ᾽ ἁμάξας καὶ συνωρίδας ἐκτὸς ἑκατέρου τοῦ κέρατος παρέστησαν, τὴν δὲ λείαν εἴς τι τῶν παρακειμένων ὀρῶν φυλακὴν περιστήσαντες ἥθροιζον. [6] γενομένης δ᾽ ἀμφιστόμου τῆς τῶν Κελτῶν δυνάμεως, οὐ μόνον καταπληκτικὴν ἀλλὰ καὶ πρακτικὴν εἶναι συνέβαινε τὴν τάξιν. [7] οἱ μὲν οὖν Ἴνσομβρες καὶ Βοῖοι τὰς ἀναξυρίδας ἔχοντες καὶ τοὺς εὐπετεῖς τῶν σάγων περὶ αὑτοὺς ἐξέταξαν. [8] οἱ δὲ Γαισάται διά τε τὴν φιλοδοξίαν καὶ τὸ θάρσος ταῦτ᾽ ἀπορρίψαντες γυμνοὶ μετ᾽ αὐτῶν τῶν ὅπλων πρῶτοι τῆς δυνάμεως κατέστησαν, ὑπολαβόντες οὕτως ἔσεσθαι πρακτικώτατοι διὰ τό τινας τῶν τόπων βατώδεις ὄντας ἐμπλέκεσθαι τοῖς ἐφάμμασι καὶ παραποδίζειν τὴν τῶν ὅπλων χρείαν. [9] τὸ μὲν οὖν πρῶτον αὐτὸς ὁ κατὰ τὸν λόφον ἐνειστήκει κίνδυνος, ἅπασιν ὢν σύνοπτος, ὡς ἂν ἅμα τοσούτου πλήθους ἱππέων ἀφ᾽ ἑκάστου τῶν στρατοπέδων ἀναμὶξ ἀλλήλοις συμπεπτωκότος. [10] ἐν δὲ τούτῳ τῷ καιρῷ συνέβη Γάιον μὲν τὸν ὕπατον παραβόλως ἀγωνιζόμενον ἐν χειρῶν νόμῳ τελευτῆσαι τὸν βίον, τὴν δὲ κεφαλὴν αὐτοῦ πρὸς τοὺς βασιλέας ἐπανενεχθῆναι τῶν Κελτῶν: τοὺς δὲ τῶν Ῥωμαίων ἱππεῖς κινδυνεύσαντας ἐρρωμένως τέλος ἐπικρατῆσαι τοῦ τόπου καὶ τῶν ὑπεναντίων. [11] μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα τῶν πεζικῶν στρατοπέδων ἤδη σύνεγγυς ὄντων ἀλλήλοις ἴδιον ἦν καὶ θαυμαστὸν τὸ συμβαῖνον οὐ μόνον τοῖς ἐν αὐτῷ τῷ καιρῷ τότε παροῦσιν, ἀλλὰ καὶ τοῖς ποτε μετὰ ταῦτα δυναμένοις ὑπὸ τὴν ὄψιν λαμβάνειν ἐκ τῶν λεγομένων τὸ γεγονός.

Chapter 29

πρῶτον μὲν γὰρ ἐκ τριῶν στρατοπέδων τῆς μάχης συνισταμένης, δῆλον ὡς ξένην καὶ παρηλλαγμένην εἰκὸς καὶ τὴν ἐπιφάνειαν καὶ τὴν χρείαν φαίνεσθαι τοῦ συντεταγμένου. [2] δεύτερον δὲ πῶς οὐκ ἂν ἀπορήσαι τις καὶ νῦν καὶ τότε παρ᾽ αὐτὸν ὢν τὸν καιρὸν πότερον οἱ Κελτοὶ τὴν ἐπισφαλεστάτην εἶχον χώραν, ἐξ ἀμφοῖν τοῖν μεροῖν ἅμα τῶν πολεμίων ἐπαγόντων αὐτοῖς, [3] ἢ τοὐναντίον τὴν ἐπιτευκτικωτάτην, ἅμα μὲν ἀγωνιζόμενοι πρὸς ἀμφοτέρους, ἅμα δὲ τὴν ἀφ᾽ ἑκατέρων ἀσφάλειαν ἐκ τῶν ὄπισθεν αὑτοῖς παρασκευάζοντες, τὸ δὲ μέγιστον, ἀποκεκλειμένης πάσης τῆς εἰς τοὔπισθεν ἀναχωρήσεως καὶ τῆς ἐν τῷ λείπεσθαι σωτηρίας; [4] ἡ γὰρ τῆς ἀμφιστόμου τάξεως ἰδιότης τοιαύτην ἔχει τὴν χρείαν. [5] τούς γε μὴν Ῥωμαίους τὰ μὲν εὐθαρσεῖς ἐποίει τὸ μέσους καὶ πάντοθεν περιειληφέναι τοὺς πολεμίους, τὰ δὲ πάλιν ὁ κόσμος αὐτοὺς καὶ θόρυβος ἐξέπληττε τῆς τῶν Κελτῶν δυνάμεως. [6] ἀναρίθμητον μὲν γὰρ ἦν τὸ τῶν βυκανητῶν καὶ σαλπιγκτῶν πλῆθος. οἷς ἅμα τοῦ παντὸς στρατοπέδου συμπαιανίζοντος τηλικαύτην καὶ τοιαύτην συνέβαινε γίνεσθαι κραυγὴν ὥστε μὴ μόνον τὰς σάλπιγγας καὶ τὰς δυνάμεις, ἀλλὰ καὶ τοὺς παρακειμένους τόπους συνηχοῦντας ἐξ αὑτῶν δοκεῖν προΐεσθαι φωνήν. [7] ἐκπληκτικὴ δ᾽ ἦν καὶ τῶν γυμνῶν προεστώτων ἀνδρῶν ἥ τ᾽ ἐπιφάνεια καὶ κίνησις, ὡς ἂν διαφερόντων ταῖς ἀκμαῖς καὶ τοῖς εἴδεσι. [8] πάντες δ᾽ οἱ τὰς πρώτας κατέχοντες σπείρας χρυσοῖς μανιάκαις καὶ περιχείροις ἦσαν κατακεκοσμημένοι. [9] πρὸς ἃ βλέποντες οἱ Ῥωμαῖοι τὰ μὲν ἐξεπλήττοντο, τὰ δ᾽ ὑπὸ τῆς τοῦ λυσιτελοῦς ἐλπίδος ἀγόμενοι διπλασίως παρωξύνοντο πρὸς τὸν κίνδυνον.

Chapter 30

πλὴν ἅμα τῷ τοὺς ἀκοντιστὰς προελθόντας ἐκ τῶν Ῥωμαϊκῶν στρατοπέδων κατὰ τὸν ἐθισμὸν εἰσακοντίζειν ἐνεργοῖς καὶ πυκνοῖς τοῖς βέλεσιν, τοῖς μὲν ὀπίσω τῶν Κελτῶν πολλὴν εὐχρηστίαν οἱ σάγοι μετὰ τῶν ἀναξυρίδων παρεῖχον: [2] τοῖς δὲ γυμνοῖς προεστῶσι παρὰ τὴν προσδοκίαν τοῦ πράγματος συμβαίνοντος τἀναντία πολλὴν ἀπορίαν καὶ δυσχρηστίαν παρεῖχε τὸ γινόμενον. [3] οὐ γὰρ δυναμένου τοῦ Γαλατικοῦ θυρεοῦ τὸν ἄνδρα περισκέπειν, ὅσῳ γυμνὰ καὶ μείζω τὰ σώματ᾽ ἦν, τοσούτῳ συνέβαινε μᾶλλον τὰ βέλη πίπτειν ἔνδον. [4] τέλος δ᾽ οὐ δυνάμενοι μὲν ἀμύνασθαι τοὺς εἰσακοντίζοντας διὰ τὴν ἀπόστασιν καὶ τὸ πλῆθος τῶν πιπτόντων βελῶν, περικακοῦντες δὲ καὶ δυσχρηστούμενοι τοῖς παροῦσιν, οἱ μὲν εἰς τοὺς πολεμίους ὑπὸ τοῦ θυμοῦ καὶ τῆς ἀλογιστίας εἰκῇ προπίπτοντες καὶ διδόντες σφᾶς αὐτοὺς ἑκουσίως ἀπέθνησκον, οἱ δ᾽ εἰς τοὺς φίλους ἀναχωροῦντες ἐπὶ πόδα καὶ προδήλως ἀποδειλιῶντες διέστρεφον τοὺς κατόπιν. [5] τὸ μὲν οὖν τῶν Γαισάτων φρόνημα παρὰ τοῖς ἀκοντισταῖς τούτῳ τῷ τρόπῳ κατελύθη, [6] τὸ δὲ τῶν Ἰνσόμβρων καὶ Βοίων ἔτι δὲ Ταυρίσκων πλῆθος, ἅμα τῷ τοὺς Ῥωμαίους δεξαμένους τοὺς ἑαυτῶν ἀκοντιστὰς προσβάλλειν σφίσι τὰς σπείρας, συμπεσὸν τοῖς πολεμίοις ἐκ χειρὸς ἐποίει μάχην ἐχυράν. [7] διακοπτόμενοι γὰρ ἔμενον ἐπ᾽ ἴσον ταῖς ψυχαῖς, αὐτῷ τούτῳ καὶ καθόλου καὶ κατ᾽ ἄνδρα λειπόμενοι, ταῖς τῶν ὅπλων κατασκευαῖς. [8] οἱ μὲν οὖν θυρεοὶ πρὸς ἀσφάλειαν, αἱ δὲ μάχαιραι πρὸς πρᾶξιν μεγάλην διαφορὰν **** ἔχειν, τὴν δὲ Γαλατικὴν καταφορὰν ἔχειν μόνον. [9] ἐπεὶ δ᾽ ἐξ ὑπερδεξίων καὶ κατὰ κέρας οἱ τῶν Ῥωμαίων ἱππεῖς ἐμβαλόντες ἀπὸ τοῦ λόφου προσέφερον τὰς χεῖρας ἐρρωμένως, τόθ᾽ οἱ μὲν πεζοὶ τῶν Κελτῶν ἐν αὐτῷ τῷ τῆς παρατάξεως τόπῳ κατεκόπησαν, οἱ δ᾽ ἱππεῖς πρὸς φυγὴν ὥρμησαν.

Chapter 31

ἀπέθανον μὲν οὖν τῶν Κελτῶν εἰς τετρακισμυρίους, ἑάλωσαν δ᾽ οὐκ ἐλάττους μυρίων, ἐν οἷς καὶ τῶν βασιλέων Κογκολιτάνος. [2] ὁ δ᾽ ἕτερος αὐτῶν Ἀνηρόεστος εἴς τινα τόπον συμφυγὼν μετ᾽ ὀλίγων προσήνεγκε τὰς χεῖρας αὑτῷ καὶ τοῖς ἀναγκαίοις. [3] ὁ δὲ στρατηγὸς τῶν Ῥωμαίων τὰ μὲν σκῦλα συναθροίσας εἰς τὴν Ῥώμην ἀπέστειλε, τὴν δὲ λείαν ἀπέδωκε τοῖς προσήκουσιν. [4] αὐτὸς δ᾽ ἀναλαβὼν τὰ στρατόπεδα καὶ διελθὼν παρ᾽ αὐτὴν τὴν Λιγυστικὴν εἰς τὴν τῶν Βοίων ἐνέβαλε χώραν. πληρώσας δὲ τὰς ὁρμὰς τῶν στρατοπέδων τῆς ὠφελείας, ἐν ὀλίγαις ἡμέραις ἧκεν μετὰ τῶν δυνάμεων εἰς τὴν Ῥώμην. [5] καὶ τὸ μὲν Καπετώλιον ἐκόσμησε ταῖς τε σημείαις καὶ τοῖς μανιάκαις — τοῦτο δ᾽ ἔστι χρυσοῦν ψέλιον, ὃ φοροῦσι περὶ τὸν τράχηλον οἱ Γαλάται — [6] τοῖς δὲ λοιποῖς σκύλοις καὶ τοῖς αἰχμαλώτοις πρὸς τὴν εἴσοδον ἐχρήσατο τὴν ἑαυτοῦ καὶ πρὸς τὴν τοῦ θριάμβου διακόσμησιν. [7] ἡ μὲν οὖν βαρυτάτη τῶν Κελτῶν ἔφοδος οὕτω καὶ τούτῳ τῷ τρόπῳ διεφθάρη, πᾶσι μὲν Ἰταλιώταις, μάλιστα δὲ Ῥωμαίοις μέγαν καὶ φοβερὸν ἐπικρεμάσασα κίνδυνον. [8] ἀπὸ δὲ τοῦ κατορθώματος τούτου κατελπίσαντες Ῥωμαῖοι δυνήσεσθαι τοὺς Κελτοὺς ἐκ τῶν τόπων τῶν περὶ τὸν Πάδον ὁλοσχερῶς ἐκβαλεῖν, τούς τε μετὰ ταῦτα κατασταθέντας ὑπάτους Κόϊντον Φόλουιον καὶ Τίτον Μάλιον ἀμφοτέρους καὶ τὰς δυνάμεις μετὰ παρασκευῆς μεγάλης ἐξαπέστειλαν ἐπὶ τοὺς Κελτούς. [9] οὗτοι δὲ τοὺς μὲν Βοίους ἐξ ἐφόδου καταπληξάμενοι συνηνάγκασαν εἰς τὴν Ῥωμαίων ἑαυτοὺς δοῦναι πίστιν, τὸν δὲ λοιπὸν χρόνον τῆς στρατείας, [10] ἐπιγενομένων ὄμβρων ἐξαισίων, ἔτι δὲ λοιμικῆς διαθέσεως ἐμπεσούσης αὐτοῖς, εἰς τέλος ἄπρακτον εἶχον.

Chapter 32

μετὰ δὲ τούτους κατασταθέντες Πόπλιος Φούριος καὶ Γάιος Φλαμίνιος αὖθις ἐνέβαλον εἰς τὴν Κελτικὴν διὰ τῆς τῶν Ἀνάρων χώρας, οἷς συμβαίνει μὴ μακρὰν ἀπὸ Μασσαλίας* [2] ἔχειν τὴν οἴκησιν. οὓς εἰς τὴν φιλίαν προσαγαγόμενοι διέβησαν εἰς τὴν τῶν Ἰνσόμβρων γῆν κατὰ τὰς συρροίας τοῦ τ᾽ Ἀδόα καὶ Πάδου ποταμοῦ. [3] λαβόντες δὲ πληγὰς περί τε τὴν διάβασιν καὶ περὶ τὴν στρατοπεδείαν παραυτίκα μὲν ἔμειναν, μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα σπεισάμενοι καθ᾽ ὁμολογίαν ἀνέλυσαν ἐκ τῶν τόπων. [4] περιελθόντες δὲ πλείους ἡμέρας καὶ διελθόντες τὸν Κλούσιον ποταμὸν ἦλθον εἰς τὴν τῶν Γονομάνων χώραν καὶ προσλαβόντες τούτους, ὄντας συμμάχους, ἐνέβαλον πάλιν ἀπὸ τῶν κατὰ τὰς Ἄλπεις τόπων εἰς τὰ τῶν Ἰνσόμβρων πεδία καὶ τήν τε γῆν ἐδῄουν καὶ τὰς κατοικίας αὐτῶν ἐξεπόρθουν. [5] οἱ δὲ τῶν Ἰνσόμβρων προεστῶτες θεωροῦντες ἀμετάθετον οὖσαν τὴν ἐπιβολὴν τῶν Ῥωμαίων, ἔκριναν τῆς τύχης λαβεῖν πεῖραν καὶ διακινδυνεῦσαι πρὸς αὐτοὺς ὁλοσχερῶς. [6] συναθροίσαντες οὖν ἁπάσας τὰς ὑπαρχούσας δυνάμεις ἐπὶ ταὐτὸν καὶ τὰς χρυσᾶς σημείας τὰς ἀκινήτους λεγομένας καθελόντες ἐκ τοῦ τῆς Ἀθηνᾶς ἱεροῦ καὶ τἄλλα παρασκευασάμενοι δεόντως μετὰ ταῦτα τεθαρρηκότως καὶ καταπληκτικῶς ἀντεστρατοπέδευσαν τοῖς πολεμίοις, ὄντες τὸ πλῆθος εἰς πέντε μυριάδας. [7] οἱ δὲ Ῥωμαῖοι τὰ μὲν ὁρῶντες σφᾶς ἐλάττους ὄντας παρὰ πολὺ τῶν ἐναντίων, ἐβούλοντο συγχρῆσθαι ταῖς τῶν συμμαχούντων αὐτοῖς Κελτῶν δυνάμεσι: [8] τὰ δὲ συλλογισάμενοι τήν τε Γαλατικὴν ἀθεσίαν καὶ διότι πρὸς ὁμοφύλους τῶν προσλαμβανομένων μέλλουσι ποιεῖσθαι τὸν κίνδυνον, εὐλαβοῦντο τοιούτοις ἀνδράσιν τοιούτου καιροῦ καὶ πράγματος κοινωνεῖν. [9] τέλος δ᾽ οὖν αὐτοὶ μὲν ὑπέμειναν ἐντὸς τοῦ ποταμοῦ, τοὺς δὲ τῶν Κελτῶν σφίσι συνόντας διαβιβάσαντες εἰς τὸ πέραν ἀνέσπασαν τὰς ἐπὶ τοῦ ῥείθρου γεφύρας, [10] ἅμα μὲν ἀσφαλιζόμενοι τὰ πρὸς ἐκείνους, ἅμα δὲ μίαν ἑαυτοῖς ἀπολείποντες ἐλπίδα τῆς σωτηρίας τὴν ἐν τῷ νικᾶν διὰ τὸ κατόπιν αὐτοῖς ἄβατον ὄντα παρακεῖσθαι τὸν προειρημένον ποταμόν. [11] πράξαντες δὲ ταῦτα πρὸς τῷ διακινδυνεύειν ἦσαν.

Chapter 33

δοκοῦσι δ᾽ ἐμφρόνως κεχρῆσθαι τῇ μάχῃ ταύτῃ Ῥωμαῖοι, τῶν χιλιάρχων ὑποδειξάντων ὡς δεῖ ποιεῖσθαι τὸν ἀγῶνα κοινῇ καὶ κατ᾽ ἰδίαν ἑκάστους. [2] συνεωρακότες γὰρ ἐκ τῶν προγεγονότων κινδύνων ὅτι τοῖς τε θυμοῖς κατὰ τὴν πρώτην ἔφοδον, ἕως ἂν ἀκέραιον ᾖ, φοβερώτατόν ἐστι πᾶν τὸ Γαλατικὸν φῦλον, [3] αἵ τε μάχαιραι ταῖς κατασκευαῖς, καθάπερ εἴρηται πρότερον, μίαν ἔχουσι τὴν πρώτην καταφορὰν καιρίαν, ἀπὸ δὲ ταύτης εὐθέως ἀποξυστροῦνται, καμπτόμεναι κατὰ μῆκος καὶ κατὰ πλάτος ἐπὶ τοσοῦτον ὥστ᾽ ἐὰν μὴ δῷ τις ἀναστροφὴν τοῖς χρωμένοις ἐρείσαντας πρὸς τὴν γῆν ἀπευθῦναι τῷ ποδί, τελέως ἄπρακτον εἶναι τὴν δευτέραν πληγὴν αὐτῶν: [4] ἀναδόντες οὖν οἱ χιλίαρχοι τὰ τῶν τριαρίων δόρατα τῶν κατόπιν ἐφεστώτων ταῖς πρώταις σπείραις καὶ παραγγείλαντες ἐκ μεταλήψεως τοῖς ξίφεσι χρῆσθαι συνέβαλον ἐκ παρατάξεως κατὰ πρόσωπον τοῖς Κελτοῖς. [5] ἅμα δὲ τῷ πρὸς τὰ δόρατα ταῖς πρώταις καταφοραῖς χρωμένων τῶν Γαλατῶν ἀχρειωθῆναι τὰς μαχαίρας συνδραμόντες εἰς τὰς χεῖρας τοὺς μὲν Κελτοὺς ἀπράκτους ἐποίησαν, ἀφελόμενοι τὴν ἐκ διάρσεως αὐτῶν μάχην, ὅπερ ἴδιόν ἐστι Γαλατικῆς χρείας, διὰ τὸ μηδαμῶς κέντημα τὸ ξίφος ἔχειν: [6] αὐτοὶ δ᾽ οὐκ ἐκ καταφορᾶς ἀλλ᾽ ἐκ διαλήψεως ὀρθαῖς χρώμενοι ταῖς μαχαίραις, πρακτικοῦ τοῦ κεντήματος περὶ αὐτὰς ὑπάρχοντος, τύπτοντες εἰς τὰ στέρνα καὶ τὰ πρόσωπα καὶ πληγὴν ἐπὶ πληγῇ φέροντες διέφθειραν τοὺς πλείστους τῶν παραταξαμένων διὰ τὴν τῶν χιλιάρχων πρόνοιαν. [7] ὁ μὲν γὰρ στρατηγὸς Φλαμίνιος οὐκ ὀρθῶς δοκεῖ κεχρῆσθαι τῷ προειρημένῳ κινδύνῳ. παρ᾽ αὐτὴν γὰρ τὴν ὀφρὺν τοῦ ποταμοῦ ποιησάμενος τὴν ἔκταξιν διέφθειρε τὸ τῆς Ῥωμαϊκῆς μάχης ἴδιον, οὐχ ὑπολειπόμενος τόπον πρὸς τὴν ἐπὶ πόδα ταῖς σπείραις ἀναχώρησιν. [8] εἰ γὰρ συνέβη βραχὺ μόνον πιεσθῆναι τῇ χώρᾳ τοὺς ἄνδρας κατὰ τὴν μάχην, ῥίπτειν ἂν εἰς τὸν ποταμὸν αὑτοὺς ἔδει διὰ τὴν ἀστοχίαν τοῦ προεστῶτος. [9] οὐ μὴν ἀλλά γε πολλῷ νικήσαντες ταῖς σφετέραις ἀρεταῖς, καθάπερ εἶπον, καὶ παμπληθοῦς μὲν λείας, οὐκ ὀλίγων δὲ σκύλων κρατήσαντες ἐπανῆλθον εἰς τὴν Ῥώμην.

Chapter 34

τῷ δ᾽ ἑξῆς ἔτει, διαπρεσβευσαμένων τῶν Κελτῶν ὑπὲρ εἰρήνης καὶ πᾶν ποιήσειν ὑπισχνουμένων, ἔσπευσαν οἱ κατασταθέντες ὕπατοι Μάρκος Κλαύδιος καὶ Γνάιος Κορνήλιος τοῦ μὴ συγχωρηθῆναι τὴν εἰρήνην αὐτοῖς. [2] οἱ δ᾽ ἀποτυχόντες καὶ κρίναντες ἐξελέγξαι τὰς τελευταίας ἐλπίδας, αὖθις ὥρμησαν ἐπὶ τὸ μισθοῦσθαι τῶν περὶ τὸν Ῥοδανὸν Γαισάτων Γαλατῶν εἰς τρισμυρίους: οὓς παραλαβόντες εἶχον ἐν ἑτοίμῳ καὶ προσεδόκων τὴν τῶν πολεμίων ἔφοδον. [3] οἱ δὲ τῶν Ῥωμαίων στρατηγοὶ τῆς ὥρας ἐπιγενομένης ἀναλαβόντες τὰς δυνάμεις ἦγον εἰς τὴν τῶν Ἰνσόμβρων χώραν. [4] παραγενόμενοι δὲ καὶ περιστρατοπεδεύσαντες πόλιν Ἀχέρρας, ἣ μεταξὺ κεῖται τοῦ Πάδου καὶ τῶν Ἀλπεινῶν ὀρῶν, ἐπολιόρκουν ταύτην. [5] οἱ δ᾽ Ἴνσομβρες βοηθεῖν μὲν οὐ δυνάμενοι διὰ τὸ προκαταληφθῆναι τοὺς εὐφυεῖς τόπους, σπεύδοντες δὲ λῦσαι τὴν πολιορκίαν τῶν Ἀχερρῶν, μέρος τι τῆς δυνάμεως διαβιβάσαντες τὸν Πάδον εἰς τὴν τῶν Ἀνάρων χώραν ἐπολιόρκουν τὸ προσαγορευόμενον Κλαστίδιον. προσπεσόντος δὲ τοῦ συμβαίνοντος τοῖς στρατηγοῖς, [6] ἀναλαβὼν τοὺς ἱππεῖς Μάρκος Κλαύδιος καί τινας τῶν πεζικῶν ἠπείγετο, σπεύδων βοηθῆσαι τοῖς πολιορκουμένοις. [7] οἱ δὲ Κελτοὶ πυθόμενοι τὴν παρουσίαν τῶν ὑπεναντίων, λύσαντες τὴν πολιορκίαν ὑπήντων καὶ παρετάξαντο. [8] τῶν δὲ Ῥωμαίων αὐτοῖς τοῖς ἱππεῦσιν ἐξ ἐφόδου τολμηρῶς σφίσι προσπεσόντων, τὰς μὲν ἀρχὰς ἀντεῖχον: μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα περιισταμένων καὶ κατὰ νώτου καὶ κατὰ κέρας, δυσχρηστούμενοι τῇ μάχῃ τέλος ἐτράπησαν ὑπ᾽ αὐτῶν τῶν ἱππέων. [9] καὶ πολλοὶ μὲν εἰς τὸν ποταμὸν ἐμπεσόντες ὑπὸ τοῦ ῥεύματος διεφθάρησαν, οἱ δὲ πλείους ὑπὸ τῶν πολεμίων κατεκόπησαν. [10] ἔλαβον δὲ καὶ τὰς Ἀχέρρας οἱ Ῥωμαῖοι σίτου γεμούσας, ἐκχωρησάντων εἰς τὸ Μεδιόλανον τῶν Γαλατῶν, ὅσπερ ἐστὶ κυριώτατος τόπος τῆς τῶν Ἰνσόμβρων χώρας. [11] οἷς ἐκ ποδὸς ἐπακολουθήσαντος τοῦ Γναΐου καὶ προσβαλόντος ἄφνω πρὸς τὸ Μεδιόλανον, τὸ μὲν πρῶτον ἡσυχίαν ἔσχον: [12] ἀπολυομένου δ᾽ αὐτοῦ πάλιν εἰς τὰς Ἀχέρρας, ἐπεξελθόντες καὶ τῆς οὐραγίας ἁψάμενοι θρασέως πολλοὺς μὲν νεκροὺς ἐποίησαν, μέρος δέ τι καὶ φυγεῖν αὐτῶν ἠνάγκασαν, [13] ἕως ὁ Γνάιος ἀνακαλεσάμενος τοὺς ἐκ τῆς πρωτοπορείας παρώρμησε στῆναι καὶ συμβαλεῖν τοῖς πολεμίοις. [14] οἱ μὲν οὖν Ῥωμαῖοι πειθαρχήσαντες τῷ στρατηγῷ διεμάχοντο πρὸς τοὺς ἐπικειμένους εὐρώστως. [15] οἱ δὲ Κελτοὶ διὰ τὸ παρὸν εὐτύχημα μείναντες ἐπὶ ποσὸν εὐθαρσῶς, μετ᾽ οὐ πολὺ τραπέντες ἔφευγον εἰς τὰς παρωρείας. ὁ δὲ Γνάιος ἐπακολουθήσας τήν τε χώραν ἐπόρθει καὶ τὸ Μεδιόλανον εἷλε κατὰ κράτος.

Chapter 35

οὗ συμβαίνοντος οἱ προεστῶτες τῶν Ἰνσόμβρων ἀπογνόντες τὰς τῆς σωτηρίας ἐλπίδας πάντα τὰ καθ᾽ αὑτοὺς ἐπέτρεψαν τοῖς Ῥωμαίοις. [2] ὁ μὲν οὖν πρὸς τοὺς Κελτοὺς πόλεμος τοιοῦτον ἔσχε τὸ τέλος, κατὰ μὲν τὴν ἀπόνοιαν καὶ τόλμαν τῶν ἀγωνιζομένων ἀνδρῶν, ἔτι δὲ κατὰ τὰς μάχας καὶ τὸ πλῆθος τῶν ἐν αὐταῖς ἀπολλυμένων καὶ παραταττομένων οὐδενὸς καταδεέστερος τῶν ἱστορημένων, [3] κατὰ δὲ τὰς ἐπιβολὰς καὶ τὴν ἀκρισίαν τοῦ κατὰ μέρος χειρισμοῦ τελέως εὐκαταφρόνητος διὰ τὸ μὴ τὸ πλεῖον ἀλλὰ συλλήβδην ἅπαν τὸ γινόμενον ὑπὸ τῶν Γαλατῶν θυμῷ μᾶλλον ἢ λογισμῷ βραβεύεσθαι. [4] περὶ ὧν ἡμεῖς συνθεωρήσαντες μετ᾽ ὀλίγον χρόνον αὐτοὺς ἐκ τῶν περὶ τὸν Πάδον πεδίων ἐξωσθέντας, πλὴν ὀλίγων τόπων τῶν ὑπ᾽ αὐτὰς τὰς Ἄλπεις κειμένων, οὐκ ᾠήθημεν δεῖν οὔτε τὴν ἐξ ἀρχῆς ἔφοδον αὐτῶν ἀμνημόνευτον παραλιπεῖν οὔτε τὰς μετὰ ταῦτα πράξεις οὔτε τὴν τελευταίαν ἐξανάστασιν, [5] ὑπολαμβάνοντες οἰκεῖον ἱστορίας ὑπάρχειν τὰ τοιαῦτ᾽ ἐπεισόδια τῆς τύχης εἰς μνήμην ἄγειν καὶ παράδοσιν τοῖς ἐπιγινομένοις, [6] ἵνα μὴ τελέως οἱ μεθ᾽ ἡμᾶς ἀνεννόητοι τούτων ὑπάρχοντες ἐκπλήττωνται τὰς αἰφνιδίους καὶ παραλόγους τῶν βαρβάρων ἐφόδους, ἀλλ᾽ ἐπὶ ποσὸν ἐν νῷ λαμβάνοντες ὡς ὀλιγοχρόνιόν ἐστι καὶ λίαν εὔφθαρτον τὸ τῶν βαρβάρων πλῆθος τοῖς σὺν νῷ κινδυνεύουσι τὴν ἔφοδον αὐτῶν ὑπομένωσι καὶ πάσας ἐξελέγχωσι τὰς σφετέρας ἐλπίδας πρότερον ἢ παραχωρῆσαί τινος τῶν ἀναγκαίων. [7] καὶ γὰρ τοὺς τὴν Περσῶν ἔφοδον ἐπὶ τὴν Ἑλλάδα καὶ Γαλατῶν ἐπὶ Δελφοὺς εἰς μνήμην καὶ παράδοσιν ἡμῖν ἀγαγόντας οὐ μικρὰ μεγάλα δ᾽ οἴομαι συμβεβλῆσθαι πρὸς τοὺς ὑπὲρ τῆς κοινῆς τῶν Ἑλλήνων ἐλευθερίας ἀγῶνας. [8] οὔτε γὰρ χορηγιῶν οὔθ᾽ ὅπλων οὔτ᾽ ἀνδρῶν πλῆθος καταπλαγεὶς ἄν τις ἀποσταίη τῆς τελευταίας ἐλπίδος, τοῦ διαγωνίζεσθαι περὶ τῆς σφετέρας χώρας καὶ πατρίδος, λαμβάνων πρὸ ὀφθαλμῶν τὸ παράδοξον τῶν τότε γενομένων καὶ μνημονεύσας ὅσας μυριάδας καὶ τίνας τόλμας καὶ πηλίκας παρασκευὰς ἡ τῶν σὺν νῷ καὶ μετὰ λογισμοῦ κινδυνευόντων αἵρεσις καὶ δύναμις καθεῖλεν. [9] ὁ δ᾽ ἀπὸ Γαλατῶν φόβος οὐ μόνον τὸ παλαιὸν ἀλλὰ καὶ καθ᾽ ἡμᾶς ἤδη πλεονάκις ἐξέπληξε τοὺς Ἕλληνας. [10] διὸ καὶ μᾶλλον ἔγωγε παρωρμήθην ἐπὶ τὸ κεφαλαιώδη μὲν ἀνέκαθεν δὲ ποιήσασθαι τὴν ὑπὲρ τούτων ἐξήγησιν.

Source Colophon

The Greek source was captured from Perseus Hopper on 2026-05-13 and inspected on disk at Tulku/Tools/celtic/sources/continental_batch_2026-05-13/polybius_2_14_35/. Public-domain Perseus English control files were also captured in the same folder for checking, but the public page is a New Tianmu Anglican Church Good Works Translation made for this shelf.

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