Cabades, the Ephthalites, and the Caspian Gates

This Good Works Translation continues the Procopius Wars steppe and Black Sea dossier from the Greek.

The chapters matter for the Scythian shelf because they show the Ephthalite Huns as kingmakers in Persia, creditors of Cabades, and a force capable of altering Roman-Persian strategy. They also preserve Procopius' account of the Caspian Gates, where Hunnic mobility, Caucasian geography, and imperial frontier-building meet in one political problem.

The selected dossier has been expanded to full chapters where the relevant notices occur, preserving Procopius' larger Persian, Armenian, Roman, and frontier narrative.

The translation is newly made from the Greek source text printed below. Dewing's public-domain English translation was used only as a control.

Translation

Wars 1.5.1-40

Afterward Cabades, using his power more violently, introduced other innovations into the commonwealth and enacted a law that Persian men should have intercourse with women in common. This in no way pleased the multitude. For this reason they rose against him, removed him from power, bound him, and kept him in prison.

They chose as king for themselves Blases, the brother of Perozes, since no male child of Perozes was still left, as has been said, and it is not lawful among the Persians to set a private man over the kingdom unless the royal house has altogether failed.

When Blases had taken the kingdom, he gathered the leading men of the Persians and made the matter of Cabades a subject of council. Most of them did not wish to kill the man.

Many opinions were offered on both sides. Then one of the notable men among the Persians came forward, named Gousanastades. His rank was chanaranges, which among the Persians would be the office of a general, holding command somewhere at the very ends of the Persian land, in a country bordering the Ephthalites. He showed the little knife with which the Persians are accustomed to cut off the projecting parts of their nails, a knife about the length of a man's finger and not even a third of a finger thick.

"You see this knife," he said, "a very small thing indeed. Yet at the present moment it can accomplish a work which, as you well know, a little later, dearest Persians, twenty thousand mail-clad men would not be able to achieve."

He said this to make clear that, if they did not remove Cabades, he would soon survive to cause the Persians trouble.

But they resolved in no way to kill a man of royal blood. Instead they shut him in the fortress which they are accustomed to call the Fortress of Oblivion. For if anyone happens to be thrown there, the law no longer permits any memory of him to exist. Death is the penalty for the one who names him. For this reason it received that name from the Persians.

The Armenian History relates that on one occasion the Persians set aside the law of the Fortress of Oblivion in this manner.

There was once a war without truce between the Persians and Armenians, lasting thirty-two years, when Pacurius was king of the Persians and Arsaces, of the house of the Arsacidae, was king of the Armenians.

Because the war lasted so long, both peoples suffered beyond measure, especially the Armenians. Yet each nation distrusted the other so deeply that neither could begin negotiations for peace with its opponents.

Meanwhile it happened that the Persians were engaged in a war with certain other barbarians who lived not far from the Armenians. The Armenians, eager to show the Persians their goodwill and their desire for peace, resolved to invade the land of these barbarians, first revealing the plan to the Persians.

They fell upon them unexpectedly and killed almost the whole population, old and young together. Pacurius, greatly delighted by the deed, sent certain trusted friends to Arsaces, gave him pledges of safety, and invited him to come to him.

When Arsaces came, Pacurius showed him every kindness and treated him as a brother and an equal.

He bound Arsaces then with the most fearful oaths, and himself swore no less, that henceforth the Persians and Armenians would be truly friendly and allied with one another. Immediately after this he released Arsaces to return to his ancestral ways.

Not long afterward certain men slandered Arsaces, saying that he was planning some revolutionary attempt. Pacurius was persuaded by them and summoned him again, hinting that he wished to confer with him about common affairs.

Arsaces came to the king without any hesitation, bringing with him several of the most warlike Armenians, among them Bassicius, who was at once his general and counselor, a man both brave and remarkably wise.

Straightway Pacurius heaped reproach and abuse on Arsaces and Bassicius, saying that they had disregarded the sworn agreement and had so quickly turned their minds toward revolt.

They denied the charge, and with the strongest oaths insisted that no such thing had been considered by them.

At first Pacurius kept them under guard in dishonor. After a time he asked the Magi what should be done with them.

The Magi did not think it just to condemn men who denied the charge and had not plainly been found guilty. But they proposed a device by which Arsaces might be compelled to become openly his own accuser.

They told Pacurius to cover the floor of the royal tent with earth, one half from the land of Persia and the other half from Armenia. The king did as they directed.

Then the Magi took the whole tent under certain acts of magic and ordered the king to walk there with Arsaces, reproaching him meanwhile for having harmed the agreements and the oaths. They said that they themselves must also be present at the conversation, so that there would be witnesses of everything said.

Pacurius immediately summoned Arsaces and began to walk back and forth with him in the tent in the presence of the Magi. He asked the man why he had disregarded his sworn promises and was setting about again to trouble Persians and Armenians with grievous sufferings.

As long as the conversation took place on the ground covered with Persian earth, Arsaces denied it and pledged himself with the most fearful oaths, insisting that he was a faithful subject of Pacurius.

But when, in the middle of speaking, he came to the center of the tent and they stepped on Armenian earth, he was compelled by some unknown power and suddenly changed the tone of his words to defiance. From then on he did not cease threatening Pacurius and the Persians, announcing that he would take vengeance on them for this outrage as soon as he became his own master.

He continued to utter these youthful and foolish words as they walked, until, turning back, he came again onto the earth from Persian land.

Thereupon, as if chanting a retraction, he again became a suppliant and offered pitiable explanations to Pacurius. But when he came again to Armenian earth, he returned to threats.

In this way he changed many times to one side and the other and concealed none of his secrets.

Then at last the Magi judged that he had wronged the treaty and the oaths. Pacurius flayed Bassicius, made his skin into a whole bag, filled it with chaff, and hung it from a very high tree.

As for Arsaces, since Pacurius could in no way bring himself to kill a man of royal blood, he shut him in the Fortress of Oblivion.

After a time, when the Persians were marching against a barbarian nation, they were accompanied by an Armenian who had been especially close to Arsaces and had followed him when he went into Persian land.

This man proved himself a capable warrior in the campaign, as Pacurius observed, and was the chief cause of the Persian victory.

For this reason Pacurius begged him to ask whatever he wished, assuring him that he would be refused nothing.

The Armenian asked for nothing else than that he might for one day pay honor to Arsaces in whatever way he desired.

The king was exceedingly annoyed that he was being compelled to relax so ancient a law. Nevertheless, in order to be entirely true to his word, he allowed the request to be fulfilled.

When the man found himself, by the king's order, in the Fortress of Oblivion, he greeted Arsaces. The two men embraced one another and joined their voices in a sweet lament, bewailing the hard fortune laid upon them; and only with difficulty could they release one another from the embrace.

When they had reached their fill of lamentation and ceased from tears, the Armenian bathed Arsaces, adorned the rest of his person without neglect, put the royal garment upon him, and made him recline on a bed of rushes.

Then Arsaces feasted those present with a royal banquet, just as had formerly been his custom.

During the banquet many speeches were spoken over the cups which greatly pleased Arsaces, and many things happened that delighted his heart.

The drinking went on until nightfall, and all were most deeply delighted in their intercourse with one another. At last they parted from one another with great reluctance, thoroughly filled with happiness.

Then, they say, Arsaces said that after passing the sweetest day of his life and enjoying the company of the man he most missed, he would no longer willingly endure the miseries of life.

With these words, they say, he killed himself with a knife which he had purposely stolen at the banquet, and so departed from among men.

The Armenian History says that the affairs of Arsaces went in this way, as just told, and that the law concerning the Fortress of Oblivion was then relaxed. I must go back to the point from which I digressed.

Wars 1.6.1-19

When Cabades was imprisoned, his wife cared for him, going in to him and carrying in what he needed. The commander of the prison began trying to seduce her, for she was exceedingly beautiful in appearance.

When Cabades learned this from his wife, he ordered her to give herself to the man for whatever use he wished. The commander of the fortress thus came to bed with the woman and conceived an extraordinary passion for her. From then on he allowed her to make her visits to her husband whenever she wished, and to leave again without anyone standing in her way.

There was a notable man among the Persians named Seoses, an especially close friend of Cabades. He stayed near this fortress, watching for an opportunity, if somehow he might be able to bring Cabades out from within.

Through the wife he signaled to Cabades that horses and men had been made ready for him not far from the fortress, and he indicated the place to him.

One night, when darkness had come on, Cabades persuaded his wife to give him her own clothing and to sit in the prison in his place, wearing his garments, where he had been sitting.

In this way Cabades got out of the prison. When those to whom the guard had been entrusted saw him, they supposed that he was the woman. For this reason they decided neither to hinder him nor to trouble him in any other way.

At daybreak, seeing the woman in the room in her husband's garments, and being far from the truth, they thought that Cabades was there. This false impression prevailed for many days, until Cabades had gone far along the road.

What happened to the woman when the plot came to light, and in what manner they punished her, I cannot say exactly. The Persians do not agree with one another about it; for this reason I leave those things aside.

Cabades, escaping everyone's notice with Seoses, came to the Ephthalite Huns. Their king gave him his daughter as wife, and then, since Cabades was now his son-in-law, sent with him against the Persians an army worthy of much account.

The Persians had no wish at all to meet this army, but one by one they hurried off in flight.

When Cabades came into the country where Gousanastades held command, he said to some of his companions that he would make that man chanaranges who, as the first Persian to come into his sight that day, should be willing to serve him.

As soon as he had said it, he repented of the speech, for a law came into his mind which does not permit the Persians to transfer offices to outsiders, but only to those to whom each honor belongs by descent. He feared that someone might come to him first who was not a kinsman of the chanaranges, and that he would be forced either to break the law or to make his own word false.

While he had these things in mind, chance occurred in such a way that he could be truthful without dishonoring the law. Adergoudounbades came to him first, a young man, a kinsman of Gousanastades and exceptionally good in war.

He addressed Cabades as master, and was the first to prostrate himself before him as king, and asked him to use him as a slave in whatever way he wished.

Cabades came to the palace without any difficulty. Finding Blases abandoned by those who might defend him, he blinded him, in the manner in which the Persians are accustomed to make criminals blind: either by boiling oil and pouring it, while very hot, over the unclosed eyes, or by heating an iron needle and with it burning the inner parts of the eyes. He kept him thereafter in prison, after he had ruled the Persians for two years.

He killed Gousanastades and appointed Adergoudounbades in his place over the office of the chanaranges. He immediately proclaimed Seoses adrastadaran salanes. This means the man set over all the offices and all the soldiers at once.

Seoses was the first and only man among the Persians to hold this office. It was given to no one either before or after that time. Cabades strengthened the kingdom and kept it safe, for he was inferior to no one in quickness of mind and in energy.

Wars 1.7.1-35

A little later Cabades owed money to the king of the Ephthalites. Since he was not able to pay it back, he asked Anastasius, emperor of the Romans, to lend him the money. Anastasius consulted with some of his advisers and asked whether he should do this.

They did not allow him to make the agreement. They declared that it was against his interest, with his own money, to make firmer the friendship of the enemy with the Ephthalites. It was much better for the Romans, they said, to set those peoples against one another as much as possible.

For this reason Cabades resolved, without any real cause, to campaign against the Romans. First he came in person against the country of the Armenians, plundered much of it in a sudden raid, and unexpectedly arrived at the city of Amida in Mesopotamia, which he set about besieging in winter.

The Amidans had no soldiers present, since they had been in peace and prosperity, and in other respects they were entirely unprepared. Yet they were least of all willing to yield to the enemy, and, beyond expectation, they withstood both the dangers and the hardship.

There was among the Syrians a just man named Jacobus, who had practiced divine things with precision. In a place called Endielon, one day's journey from Amida, he had long before confined himself, so that he might more fearlessly practice the things of piety.

The people there, serving his purpose, surrounded him with certain stakes, not joined together, but fixed separately from one another, so that it was possible for him both to see those who came near and to converse with them. They had built a little roof above him, just enough to keep off rains and snow. There this man had long been sitting, yielding as little as possible to heat or cold, and living on certain seeds, with which he was accustomed to feed himself not every day, but after a long interval.

Some of the Ephthalites, running down through the places there, saw this Jacobus. They strung their bows with great eagerness and wished to shoot him. But all their hands became motionless, and they could not work their bows in any way.

When this report went around the camp and reached Cabades, he wished to become an eyewitness of the thing. When he saw it, he was filled with great amazement, together with the Persians present, and he begged Jacobus to release the barbarians from their offense. With a single word Jacobus released them, and the terrible thing that had happened to the men was loosed.

Cabades then ordered the man to ask whatever he wished, supposing that he would ask for great wealth, and boasting somewhat that he would fail in nothing from him.

Jacobus asked him to grant him all the people who, fleeing in this war, should come to him. Cabades fulfilled this request and gave letters as pledges of safety. Many people, therefore, flowing together there from every side, were saved; for the deed became famous. These things happened in this way.

As Cabades besieged Amida, he brought the engine called the ram against every part of the circuit-wall. The Amidans always checked the blow by throwing crossbeams against it, and he did not cease until he realized that the wall could not be taken in this manner.

Though he struck it many times, he was least of all able to bring down any part of the wall or even shake it. So securely had the old builders made the construction.

Having failed in this, Cabades made an artificial hill against the city, rising in measure far above the height of the wall. The besieged, beginning inside the circuit, made a tunnel as far as the hill and secretly carried earth away from there, hollowing out much of the inside of the mound. The outside, however, kept the shape in which it had first been made and gave no one perception of what was being done.

Many Persians therefore went up on it as if it were safe, reached the top, and intended from there to shoot down on the heads of those within the circuit. But when the crowd flowed onto it at a run, the hill suddenly fell in and killed nearly all of them.

Cabades, at a loss amid the circumstances, decided to break off the siege and announced to the army that it would withdraw on the following day.

Then the besieged, as if careless of the danger, mocked the barbarians with much laughter from the wall.

Certain courtesans even drew up their clothing without decency and showed Cabades, who was standing quite near, those parts of women which it is not lawful for men to see uncovered.

When the Magi saw this, they came before the king and prevented the withdrawal, insisting that from what had happened they could infer that the Amidans would soon show Cabades all their secret and hidden things. Thus the Persian army remained there.

Not many days later one of the Persians saw, very near one of the towers, the outlet of an old underground passage, not safely covered, but with small stones and not very many of them.

At night he came there alone, tested the entrance, and got inside the circuit-wall. At daybreak he reported the whole matter to Cabades.

On the following night the king came to the place with a few men, and after first sending the man who had discovered the entrance, he sent in after him a few of the best Persians.

They made their way inside the circuit unnoticed, climbed the tower close by, and killed the guards sleeping there, since they were keeping the watch with less care than they should have done.

Cabades learned what had happened and brought up ladders to the wall near the tower. It was already the last watch of the night.

At that moment a certain countryman, one of those appointed for the watch, saw what had happened, and shouted out, declaring the disaster to the citizens. They ran there with all speed to give help.

For a long time each side struggled to thrust back the other. The townsmen were already gaining the advantage, killing many of those who had gone up on the wall and forcing back the men on the ladders, and they came very near to escaping the danger.

But Cabades drew his sword and kept terrifying the Persians with it. He rushed in person to the ladders and would not permit them to draw back. Death was the punishment for those who dared turn away.

In this way the Persians, by their numbers, got the better of their opponents and mastered them in the fight. The city was taken by storm on the eightieth day after the beginning of the siege.

There followed a great slaughter of the inhabitants, until one of the citizens, an old man and a priest, approached Cabades as he rode into the city and said that it was not kingly to slaughter captives.

Cabades, still moved with passion, answered, "Why then did you decide to fight against me?" The old man quickly answered, "Because God wished to give Amida into your hand, not so much through our decision as through your valor."

Cabades was pleased by this speech and permitted no further slaughter. But he ordered the Persians to plunder the property and make slaves of the survivors, and he directed them to choose out all the notables for himself.

A short time afterward he departed. He left there a garrison of a thousand men under the command of Glones, a Persian, and also a few wretched citizens of Amida who were destined to serve the daily needs of the Persians. He himself, with the rest of the army and the captives, marched home.

Cabades treated these captives with generosity befitting a king. After a short time he released all of them to return to their homes, pretending that they had escaped from him secretly.

The Roman emperor Anastasius also honored them in a manner worthy of their courage. He remitted all yearly taxes for the city for seven years, and presented many good things to all of them together and to each individually, so that they came to forget entirely the misfortunes that had fallen upon them. But these things happened in later years.

Wars 1.8.1-22

At that time the emperor Anastasius, when he learned that Amida was being besieged, sent an army of sufficient strength with all speed.

In this army there were generals commanding every symmory, while the supreme command was divided among four generals: Areobindus, then general of the East, son-in-law of Olybrius, who not long before had been emperor in the West; Celer, commander of the palace troops, whom the Romans are accustomed to call magister; and, besides these, Patricius the Phrygian and Hypatius, the nephew of the emperor, commanders of troops in Byzantium.

These four, then, were generals. With them also was Justin, who later became emperor after the death of Anastasius, and Patriciolus with his son Vitalianus, who not long afterward raised an armed revolt against Anastasius and made himself tyrant.

There was also Pharesmanes, a Colchian by birth and an especially capable warrior, and the Goths Godigisclus and Bessas, who belonged to those Goths who had not followed Theoderic when he went from Thrace into Italy. Both were of the noblest birth and experienced in the things of war.

Many other men of high station also joined this army. They say that no such army was ever assembled by the Romans against the Persians before or after that time.

Yet all these men did not assemble into one body, nor did they make a single army as they marched. Each commander led his own division separately against the enemy.

Apion, an Egyptian, was sent as manager of the army's finances, a man eminent among the patricians and exceedingly energetic. The emperor declared him, in writing, a partner in the royal power, so that he might have authority to administer the funds as he wished.

This army was mustered with considerable delay and advanced with little speed. As a result they did not find the barbarians in Roman territory, for the Persians had attacked suddenly and had immediately withdrawn with all their plunder into their own land.

None of the generals wished, for the present, to undertake the siege of the garrison left in Amida, for they learned that they had carried in a large supply of provisions. Instead they hastened to invade the enemy's land.

But they did not advance together against the barbarians. As they went, they camped apart from one another.

When Cabades learned this, for he happened to be close by, he came with all speed to the Roman frontier and confronted them. The Romans had not yet learned that Cabades was moving against them with his whole force, and supposed that some small Persian army was there.

The forces of Areobindus therefore established their camp at a place called Arzamon, two days' journey from the city of Constantina. Those of Patricius and Hypatius were in a place called Siphrios, not less than three hundred and fifty stades from Amida. Celer had not yet arrived.

When Areobindus learned that Cabades was advancing against them with the whole army, he abandoned the camp with all his followers, set out in flight, and went at a run to Constantina.

The enemy came on a little later and took the camp empty of men, with its supplies. From there they went with speed against the rest of the Roman army.

The men around Patricius and Hypatius encountered eight hundred Ephthalites who were going in advance of the Persian army, and killed nearly all of them.

But they had learned nothing about Cabades and the Persian host. Because they had won, they lived more carelessly. They put down their arms and began preparing breakfast for themselves, since the time of day had already reached that point.

A stream flowed in that place, where the Romans began washing the meats on which they were about to dine. Some, distressed by the heat, also thought it right to bathe; and in this way the water of the stream, muddied by them, went forward.

Cabades, when he learned what had happened to the Ephthalites, went against the enemy with speed. Seeing that the water of the stream was troubled, and putting together what was being done, he understood that his opponents were unprepared, and ordered his men to drive against them with full force. At once they came upon the Romans while they were eating and unarmed.

The Romans, unable to withstand the attack, did not look to valor at all, but fled as each could. Some of them were overtaken and died. Others went up onto the mountain which rises there and, with much fear and confusion, threw themselves down the precipice. From there, they say, no one was saved. Patricius and Hypatius were able to escape at the beginning of the attack.

Then, because hostile Huns had invaded his own land, Cabades withdrew homeward with the whole army and carried on a long war against this nation in the northern parts of his country.

Meanwhile the rest of the Roman army also arrived, but they did nothing worthy of account, because no one had been established as commander-in-chief of the war. The generals were equal to one another, set their judgments against one another, and in no way wished to be in the same place.

Celer, with his followers, crossed the Nymphius River and made an incursion into Arzanene. This river is very near Martyropolis and about three hundred stades from Amida. After plundering the places there, they returned not long afterward. This raid lasted only a short time.

Wars 1.9.1-25

After this, Areobindus went to Byzantium, having been summoned to the emperor. The others came to Amida and began a siege in winter.

Although they tried many times, they were not able to take the place by force; but they were about to do it by famine, for all necessities had failed the besieged.

The generals, however, knew nothing of the enemy's want. Since they saw their own soldiers burdened by the siege and the winter, and at the same time suspected that a Persian army would soon come upon them, they were eager to depart from there in any way whatever.

The Persians, not knowing what would become of them in these terrible straits, hid their lack of necessities carefully and gave the impression that they had abundance of everything, wishing to withdraw to their own land with a fair reputation.

Talks therefore took place between both sides, on the terms that the Persians, after receiving one thousand pounds of gold, would give the city back to the Romans. Both sides gladly fulfilled the agreement; the son of Glones received the money and handed Amida over to the Romans. Glones himself had already died in the following way.

Before the Romans had encamped there, but when they were not far from the city of Amida, a certain countryman, who was accustomed to enter the city secretly and sell birds, loaves, and many seasonal delicacies to this Glones for great sums, came before the general Patricius and promised to hand Glones and two hundred Persians into his hands, if he should receive some hope of reward from him.

The general promised him that he would have everything he wished, and sent the man away. He tore his clothes terribly, made himself look as if he had been weeping, and entered the city.

He came before Glones, tearing his hair, and said, "Master, I happened to be bringing all the good things from my village for you, when Roman soldiers met me. You know that they are always going about these places in small groups and doing violence to miserable farmers. They inflicted unbearable blows on me, took everything, and went off, the robbers, whose custom from old has been to fear Persians and abuse farmers.

"But, master, you must see how you will defend yourself and us and the Persians. For if you go hunting in the outskirts of the city, you will find no paltry quarry. The accursed men go around plundering by fours and fives."

So the man spoke. Glones was persuaded and asked the man how many Persians he thought would be sufficient for the deed.

He said that fifty would be quite enough, since they would never encounter more than five of them traveling together. Yet, so that nothing unexpected should happen to them, it would be no worse to take one hundred men for the work; and if he doubled that number, it would be altogether better. No harm, he said, could come to a man from excess.

Glones therefore picked two hundred horsemen and ordered the man to lead them.

The man insisted that it would be better for him to be sent first as a scout. If he saw Romans still going about in the same places and reported it, then the Persians could make their sortie at the right time. This seemed good to Glones, and he sent him out.

The man came to the general Patricius and told everything. Patricius sent with him two of his own spear-bearers and one thousand soldiers.

The countryman hid them near a village called Thilasamon, forty stades from Amida, in valleys and wooded places, and ordered them to remain there in ambush. Then he ran to the city.

He told Glones that the quarry was ready, and led him and the two hundred toward the enemy ambush. When they had passed the place where the Romans were sitting in ambush, unnoticed by Glones and all the Persians, he raised the Romans from the ambush and showed them the enemy.

When the Persians saw the men coming against them, they were struck with amazement at the unexpected thing and were held in great helplessness. They could not drive back to the rear, because the enemy were behind them, nor could they flee anywhere else in hostile land.

They arranged themselves as well as they could for battle and tried to ward off the attackers, but they were far inferior in number, were defeated, and all perished together with Glones.

When the son of Glones learned this, he was deeply pained and boiled with anger because he had been unable to defend his father. He burned the church of Symeon, a holy man, where Glones had lodged.

Yet, except for this one building, neither Glones nor Cabades nor any other Persian chose to tear down or otherwise destroy any structure, at least in Amida. I now return to the earlier account.

Thus the Romans, by giving the money, recovered Amida two years after it had been captured by the enemy. When they came into the city, both their own negligence and the endurance of the Persians' way of life became known.

For when they calculated the measure of grain left there and the crowd of barbarians who had gone out, they found that about seven days' expense of food had been left in the city, although Glones and his son had for a long time given the Persians less food than they needed.

To the Romans who had remained with them in the city, as I have already said, they had resolved to give nothing at all from the time when the enemy set about the siege. These men first turned to unaccustomed foods and laid hold of every forbidden thing, and at last even tasted one another.

The generals therefore perceived that they had been deceived by the barbarians, and they reproached the soldiers for their lack of self-control: by making themselves disobedient, when it had been possible to take as prisoners so many Persians, the son of Glones, and the city itself, they had instead carried Roman money to the enemy, bound a great disgrace upon themselves, and received Amida from the Persians as a thing bought with silver.

Later, because the war against the Huns was dragging on for them, the Persians came to terms with the Romans. The treaty was for seven years, Celer the Roman and Aspebedes the Persian having made it. Both sides returned home and remained quiet.

Thus, as has been said, the war that had begun between the Romans and Persians came to this end. I now proceed to tell what happened concerning the Caspian Gates.

Wars 1.10.1-19

The mountain of the Cilicians, Taurus, first passes through the Cappadocians, the Armenians, and the land of those called Persarmenians; then also through the Albanians and Iberians, and whatever other peoples, autonomous or subject to the Persians, live there.

It reaches into a great land, and as it goes forward this mountain extends always into a very great thing of both breadth and height.

After one has crossed the boundaries of the Iberians, there is a certain path in a very narrow place, extending for fifty stades.

This path ends at a place steep and altogether impassable. No passage appears for the rest of the way, except that nature has there devised something like a handmade little gate, which from ancient times has been called the Caspian Gate.

From there on are plains fit for riding horses and simply full of many waters, and a great land good for pasturing horses and otherwise level.

There nearly all the nations of the Huns are settled, extending as far as the Maeotic Lake.

If these people go through the little gate just mentioned into the settled lands of the Persians and Romans, they come with their horses fresh, using no circuit at all and meeting no precipitous places except the fifty stades which, as has been said, extend into the Iberian boundaries.

But if they go by certain other outlets, they arrive with much labor and are no longer able to use the same horses. They must go around many circuits, and those are precipitous.

When Alexander son of Philip perceived this, he built gates in the place described and established a guard-post. In the passage of time many others held it, among them Ambazouces, a Hun by birth but a friend of the Romans and of the emperor Anastasius.

When this Ambazouces had reached deep old age and was about to die, he sent to Anastasius and asked that money be given to him, on condition that he hand over the guard-post and the Caspian Gates to the Romans.

But the emperor Anastasius, since he neither knew how nor was accustomed to act without consideration, reasoned that it was impossible for him to maintain soldiers there in a place deprived of all good things and having no neighboring people subject to the Romans. He acknowledged great gratitude to the man for his goodwill toward him, but in no way accepted the project.

Not long afterward Ambazouces died of disease. Cabades used force against his sons and took possession of the Gates.

When the treaty with Cabades had been made, the emperor Anastasius built a city in the place called Daras, exceedingly strong and worthy of account, named after the emperor himself.

It is ninety-eight stades from the city of Nisibis, and about twenty-eight stades from the land which divides Roman territory from Persian territory.

The Persians were eager to prevent the construction, but they were in no way able to do so, being pressed by their preoccupation with the Hunnic war.

As soon as Cabades had brought that war to an end, he sent to the Romans and accused them of having built a city very near his borders, a thing forbidden in the earlier agreements made between the Medes and the Romans.

At that time Anastasius, partly by threats, partly by offering his friendship to Cabades and giving him considerable money, wished to turn him aside and dissolve the accusation.

This emperor also built another city like that one in Armenia, very near the borders of Persarmenia. It had been a village from old times, but had received the dignity of a city as far as its name under the emperor Theodosius, and was named after him.

Anastasius surrounded it with a very strong wall and gave the Persians no less trouble through this city than through the other. For both became fortresses set against their land.

Colophon

This Good Works Translation was prepared for the Scythian shelf by the New Tianmu Anglican Church from the Greek source text printed below. The Greek text was downloaded from the PerseusDL canonical Greek repository as tlg4029.tlg001.perseus-grc2.xml and inspected locally. Dewing's public-domain English, preserved in the local ToposText capture and Ready archival dossier, was used only as a control.

This is the third unit in the Procopius Wars steppe and Black Sea translation dossier.

Compiled and formatted for the Good Work Library by the New Tianmu Anglican Church, 2026.

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Source Text: Procopius, Wars 1.5-1.10

Greek source text from Procopius, Wars 1.5-1.10. Presented here for reference, study, and verification alongside the English translation above.

Wars 1.5

§ 1.5.1 Μετὰ δὲ Καβάδης ἐπὶ τὸ βιαιότερον τῇ ἀρχῇ χρώμενος ἄλλα τε νεώτερα ἐς τὴν πολιτείαν εἰσῆγε καὶ νόμον ἔγραψεν ἐπὶ κοινὰ ταῖς γυναιξὶ μίγνυσθαι Πέρσας· ὅπερ τὸ πλῆθος οὐδαμῆ ἤρεσκε. διὸ δὴ αὐτῷ ἐπαναστάντες παρέλυσάν τε τῆς ἀρχῆς καὶ δήσαντες ἐν φυλακῇ εἶχον.

§ 1.5.2 καὶ βασιλέα μὲν σφίσι Βλάσην τὸν Περόζου ἀδελφὸν εἵλοντο, ἐπειδὴ γόνος μὲν οὐδεὶς ἔτι ἄρρην Περόζῃ, ὥσπερ ἐρρήθη, ἐλέλειπτο, Πέρσαις δὲ οὐ θέμις ἄνδρα ἐς τὴν βασιλείαν καθίστασθαι ἰδιώτην γένος, ὅτι μὴ ἐξιτήλου παντάπασι γένους τοῦ βασιλείου ὄντος·

§ 1.5.3 Βλάσης δὲ τὴν βασιλείαν παραλαβὼν Περσῶν τε τοὺς ἀρίστους ξυνέλεξε καὶ τὰ ἀμφὶ τῷ Καβάδῃ ἐν βουλῇ ἐποιεῖτο· τὸν γὰρ ἄνθρωπον ἀποκτιννύναι οὐκ ἦν βουλομένοις τοῖς πλείοσιν.

§ 1.5.4 ἔνθα δὴ πολλαὶ μὲν ἐλέχθησαν γνῶμαι ἐφ’ ἑκάτερα φέρουσαι, παρελθὼν δὲ τῶν τις ἐν Πέρσαις λογίμων, ὄνομα μὲν Γουσαναστάδης, χαναράγγης δὲ τὸ ἀξίωμα ʽεἴη δ’ ἂν ἐν Πέρσαις στρατηγὸς τοῦτό γἐ, πρὸς αὐταῖς που ταῖς ἐσχατιαῖς τῆς Περσῶν γῆς τὴν ἀρχὴν ἔχων ἐν χώρᾳ ἣ τοῖς Ἐφθαλίταις ὅμορός ἐστι, καὶ τὴν μάχαιραν ἐπιδείξας ᾗ τῶν ὀνύχων τὰ προὔχοντα Πέρσαι εἰώθασιν ἀποτέμνεσθαι, μῆκος μὲν ὅσον δακτύλου ἀνδρός, πάχος δὲ οὐδὲ τριτημόριον δακτύλου ἔχουσαν “Ταύτην ὁρᾶτε,” εἶπε,

§ 1.5.5 “τὴν μάχαιραν, βραχεῖαν παντάπασιν οὖσαν· αὕτη μέντοι ἔργον ἐν τῷ παρόντι ἐπιτελεῖν οἵα τέ ἐστιν, ὅπερ εὖ ἴστε ὀλίγῳ ὕστερον, ὦ φίλτατοι Πέρσαι, μυριάδες δύο τεθωρακισμένων ἀνδρῶν ἐξεργάζεσθαι οὐκ ἂν δύναιντο.” ὁ μὲν ταῦτα εἶπε,

§ 1.5.6 παραδηλῶν ὡς, ἢν μὴ Καβάδην ἀνέλωσιν, αὐτίκα πράγματα Πέρσαις περιὼν παρέξει.

§ 1.5.7 οἱ δὲ κτεῖναι ἄνδρα τοῦ βασιλείου αἵματος οὐδ’ ὅλως ἔγνωσαν, ἀλλ’ ἐν φρουρίῳ καθεῖρξαι ὅπερ τῆς Λήθης καλεῖν νενομίκασιν.

§ 1.5.8 ἢν γάρ τις ἐνταῦθα ἐμβληθεὶς τύχῃ, οὐκέτι ὁ νόμος ἐφίησι μνήμην αὐτοῦ εἶναι, ἀλλὰ θάνατος τῷ ὠνομακότι ἡ ζημία ἐστί· διὸ δὴ καὶ τὴν ἐπωνυμίαν ταύτην πρὸς Περσῶν ἔλαχεν.

§ 1.5.9 ἅπαξ δὲ ἡ τῶν Ἀρμενίων ἱστορία φησὶ νόμου τοῦ ἀμφὶ τῷ Λήθης φρουρίῳ παραλελύσθαι τὴν δύναμιν Πέρσαις τρόπῳ τοιῷδε.

§ 1.5.10 Πόλεμός ποτε Πέρσις τε καὶ Ἀρμενίοις ἀκήρυκτος γέγονεν εἰς δύο καὶ τριάκοντα ἔτη ἐπὶ Πακουρίου μὲν Περσῶν βασιλεύοντος, Ἀρμενίων δὲ Ἀρσάκου Ἀρσακίδου ἀνδρός. τούτῳ τε τῷ πολέμῳ μηκυνομένῳ κεκακῶσθαι μὲν ἐς ἄγαν ἀμφοτέρους ξυνέβη καὶ διαφερόντως τοὺς Ἀρμενίους.

§ 1.5.11 ἀπιστίᾳ δὲ πολλῇ ἐς ἀλλήλους ἐχόμενοι ἐπικηρυκεύεσθαι παρὰ τοὺς ἐναντίους οὐδέτεροι εἶχον. ἐν τούτῳ δὲ Πέρσας τετύχηκε πόλεμον πρὸς ἄλλους βαρβάρους τινὰς οὐ πόρρω Ἀρμενίων ᾠκημένους διενεγκεῖν.

§ 1.5.12 οἵ τε Ἀρμένιοι ἐν σπουδῇ ἔχοντες ἐπίδειξιν ἐς Πέρσας τῆς ἐς αὐτοὺς εὐνοίας τε καὶ εἰρήνης ποιήσασθαι, ἐσβαλεῖν ἐς τούτων δὴ τῶν βαρβάρων τὴν γῆν ἔγνωσαν, δηλώσαντες τοῦτο πρότερον Πέρσαις.

§ 1.5.13 ἀπροσδόκητοί τε αὐτοὶ ἐπιπεσόντες σχεδόν τι ἅπαντας ἡβηδὸν ἔκτειναν. ὅ τε Πακούριος τοῖς πεπραγμένοις ὑπερησθείς, πέμψας παρὰ τὸν Ἀρσάκην τῶν οἱ ἐπιτηδείων τινὰς τά τε πιστά οἱ παρασχόμενος τὸν ἄνθρωπον μετεπέμψατο.

§ 1.5.14 καὶ ἐπεὶ παρ’ αὐτὸν Ἀρσάκης ἀφίκετο, τῆς τε ἄλλης αὐτὸν φιλοφροσύνης ἠξίωσε καὶ ἅτε ἀδελφὸν ἐπὶ τῇ ἴσῃ καὶ ὁμοίᾳ ἔσχε.

§ 1.5.15 καὶ τότε μὲν ὅρκοις δεινοτάτοις τόν τε Ἀρσάκην καταλαβὼν καὶ αὐτὸς οὐδέν τι ἧσσον ὀμωμοκὼς ἦ μὴν εὔνους τε καὶ ξυμμάχους Πέρσας τε τὸ λοιπὸν καὶ Ἀρμενίους ἀλλήλοις εἶναι, αὐτίκα δὴ αὐτὸν ἐς τὰ πάτρια ἤθη ἀφῆκεν ἰέναι.

§ 1.5.16 Χρόνῳ δὲ οὐ πολλῷ ὕστερον διέβαλον τὸν Ἀρσάκην τινὲς ὡς δὴ πράγμασι νεωτέροις ἐγχειρεῖν βούλοιτο. οἷσπερ ἀναπεισθεὶς ὁ Πακούριος αὖθις αὐτὸν μετεπέμπετο, ὑπειπὼν ὅτι δὴ αὐτῷ τι κοινολογεῖσθαι ὑπὲρ τῶν ὅλων ἐπιμελὲς εἴη.

§ 1.5.17 καὶ ὃς οὐδέν τι μελλήσας ἐς αὐτὸν ἦλθεν, ἄλλους τε τῶν ἐν Ἀρμενίοις μαχιμωτάτων ἐπαγόμενος καὶ Βασσίκιον ὅσπερ αὐτῷ στρατηγός τε καὶ ξύμβουλος ἦν· ἀνδρίας τε γὰρ καὶ ξυνέσεως ἐπὶ πλεῖστον ἀφῖκτο.

§ 1.5.18 εὐθὺς οὖν ὁ Πακούριος ἄμφω, τόν τε Ἀρσάκην καὶ Βασσίκιον, πολλὰ ὀνειδίζων ἐκάκιζεν, εἰ τὰ ὀμωμοσμένα ἠλογηκότε οὕτω δὴ τάχιστα ἐς ἀπόστασιν ἴδοιεν. οἱ δὲ ἀπηρνοῦντό τε καὶ ἀπώμνυον ἐνδελεχέστατα μηδὲν σφίσιν αὐτοῖς βεβουλεῦσθαι τοιοῦτο.

§ 1.5.19 τὰ μὲν οὖν πρῶτα ὁ Πακούριος αὐτοὺς ἐν ἀτιμίᾳ ἐφύλασσεν, ἔπειτα δὲ τῶν μάγων ἀνεπυνθάνετο ὅ τί οἱ ποιητέα ἐς αὐτοὺς εἴη.

§ 1.5.20 οἱ δὲ μάγοι τῶν μὲν ἀρνουμένων καὶ οὐ διαρρήδην ἐληλεγμένων καταγινώσκειν οὐδαμῆ ἐδικαίουν, ὑποθήκην δὲ αὐτῷ τινα ἔφραζον, ὅπως ἂν Ἀρσάκης αὐτὸς ἄντικρυς αὑτοῦ κατηγορεῖν ἀναγκάζοιτο.

§ 1.5.21 τὸ γὰρ τῆς βασιλικῆς σκηνῆς ἔδαφος κόπρῳ καλύπτειν ἐκέλευον, ἥμισυ μὲν ἐκ τῆς Περσῶν χώρας, θάτερον δὲ ἥμισυ ἐκ τῆς Ἀρμενίας. καὶ ὁ βασιλεὺς κατὰ ταῦτα ἐποίει.

§ 1.5.22 τότε δὴ οἱ μάγοι τὴν σκηνὴν ὅλην μαγείαις τισὶ καταλαβόντες ἐκέλευον τὸν βασιλέα ξὺν τῷ Ἀρσάκῃ τοὺς περιπάτους ἐνταῦθα ποιεῖσθαι, ἐπικαλοῦντα τοῖς τε ξυγκειμένοις καὶ ὀμωμος μένοις λυμήνασθαι.

§ 1.5.23 δεῖν δὲ καὶ αὐτοὺς τῷ διαλόγῳ παραγενέσθαι. οὕτω γὰρ ἂν τῶν λόγων μάρτυρες ἁπάντων εἶεν. αὐτίκα γοῦν ὁ Πακούριος τὸν Ἀρσάκην μεταπεμψάμενος διαύλους ἐν τῇ σκηνῇ ξὺν αὐτῷ ἐποιεῖτο, παρόντων σφίσιν ἐνταῦθα τῶν μάγων, καὶ ἀνεπυνθάνετο τοῦ ἀνθρώπου ὅτου δὴ ἕνεκα τὰ ὀμωμοσμένα ἠλογηκὼς εἶτα Πέρσας τε καὶ Ἀρμενίους αὖθις τρίβειν ἀνηκέστοις κακοῖς ἐγχειροίη·

§ 1.5.24 ὁ δὲ Ἀρσάκης, ἕως μὲν ἐν τῷ χώρῳ οἱ λόγοι ἐγίνοντο οὗ δὴ ὁ χοῦς ἐκ γῆς τῆς Περσίδος ἐπέκειτο, ἀπηρνεῖτό τε καὶ ὅρκοις τοῖς δεινοτάτοις πιστούμενος ἀνδράποδον ἰσχυρίζετο εἶναι Πακουρίου πιστόν·

§ 1.5.25 ἐπειδὴ δὲ μεταξὺ λέγων ἐς τῆς σκηνῆς τὸ μέσον ἀφῖκτο, ἵνα δὴ κόπρου τῆς Ἀρμενίας ἐπέβησαν, ἐνταῦθα οὐκ οἶδα ὅτῳ ἀναγκασθεὶς λόγους μὲν τούτους ἐπὶ τὸ θρασύτερον ἐξαπιναίως μεταβιβάζει, ἀπειλῶν δὲ τῷ τε Πακουρίῳ καὶ Πέρσαις οὐκέτι ἀνίει, ἀλλὰ τίσασθαι αὐτοὺς ἐπηγγέλλετο ὕβρεως τῆσδε ἐπειδὰν αὐτὸς αὑτοῦ τάχιστα κύριος γένοιτο.

§ 1.5.26 καὶ ταῦτα λέγων τε καὶ νεανιευόμενος ἐποιεῖτο τὸν περίπατον ὅλον, ἕως ἀναστρέψας ἐς κόπρον αὖθις τὴν ἐκ γῆς τῆς Περσίδος ἀφίκετο. ἐνταῦθα γὰρ πάλιν ὥσπερ τινὰ παλινῳδίαν ᾅδων ἱκέτης τε ἦν καὶ οἰκτρούς τινας τῷ Πακουρίῳ προὔφερε λόγους.

§ 1.5.27 ἐπεὶ δὲ ἐς χοῦν αὖθις τὸν Ἀρμενίων ἦλθεν, ἐς τὰς ἀπειλὰς ἀπεχώρησε. καὶ πολλάκις οὕτω μεταβληθεὶς ἐφ’ ἑκάτερα ἔκρυψε τῶν οἱ ἀπορρήτων οὐδέν.

§ 1.5.28 τότε δὴ οἱ μὲν μάγοι κατέγνωσαν αὐτοῦ ἔς τε τὰς σπονδὰς καὶ τοὺς ὅρκους ἠδικηκέναι. Πακούριος δὲ Βασσικίου μὲν τὸ δέρμα ἐκδείρας ἀσκόν τε αὐτὸ πεποιημένος καὶ ἀχύρων ἐμπλησάμενος ὅλον ἀπεκρέμασεν ἐπὶ δένδρου τινὸς ὑψηλοῦ λίαν.

§ 1.5.29 τὸν μέντοι Ἀρσάκην ʽἀποκτεῖναι γὰρ ἄνδρα τοῦ βασιλείου αἵματος ὄντα οὐδαμῆ εἶχεν’ ἐν τῷ τῆς Λήθης φρουρίῳ καθεῖρξε.

§ 1.5.30 Χρόνῳ δὲ ὕστερον τῶν τις Ἀρμενίων τῷ τε Ἀρσάκῃ ἐν τοῖς μάλιστα ἐπιτηδείων καί οἱ ἐπισπομένων ἐς τὰ Περσῶν ἤθη ἰόντι, Πέρσαις ἐπί τι ἔθνος ἰοῦσι βαρβαρικὸν ξυνεστράτευσεν· ὃς δὴ ἀνήρ τε ἀγαθὸς ἐν τῷ πόνῳ τούτῳ, ὁρῶντος Πακουρίου τὰ ποιούμενα, γέγονε καὶ τῆς νίκης αἰτιώτατος Πέρσαις.

§ 1.5.31 διὸ δὴ αὐτὸν ὁ Πακούριος ὅ τι ἂν βούλοιτο αἰτεῖσθαι ἠξίου, ἰσχυρισάμενος ὅτι δὴ οὐδενὸς πρὸς αὐτοῦ ἀτυχήσει.

§ 1.5.32 ὁ δὲ ἄλλο οἱ οὐδὲν γενέσθαι ἠξίου ἢ ὥστε τὸν Ἀρσάκην ἐν ἡμέρᾳ μιᾷ θεραπεῦσαι ᾗ βούλοιτο.

§ 1.5.33 τοῦτο τὸν βασιλέα ἠνίασε μὲν ἐς τὰ μάλιστα, εἰ λύειν νόμον οὕτω δὴ παλαιὸν ἀναγκάζοιτο, ὅπως μέντοι παντάπασιν ἀληθίζηται, ξυνεχώρει τὴν δέησιν ἐπιτελῆ γενέσθαι.

§ 1.5.34 ἐπεὶ δὲ βασιλέως ἐπαγγείλαντος γέγονεν ἐν τῷ τῆς Λήθης φρουρίῳ, ἠσπάσατο μὲν τὸν Ἀρσάκην, ἄφμω δὲ ἀλλήλοιν περιβαλόντε ἐθρηνησάτην τε ἡδύν τινα θρῆνον καὶ ἀπολοφυραμένω τὴν παροῦσαν τύχην μόλις ἀπ’ ἀλλήλοιν διαλύειν τὰς αὑτοῦ χεῖρας ἑκάτερος ἔσχεν.

§ 1.5.35 ἐπεὶ δὲ τῶν ὀδυρμῶν ἐς κόρον ἐλθόντες ἐπαύσαντο, ἔλουσε μὲν ὁ Ἀρμένιος τὸν Ἀρσάκην καὶ τἄλλα οὐκ ἀπημελημένως ἐκόσμησε, σχῆμα δὲ αὐτῷ περιθέμενος τὸ βασίλειον ἐπὶ στιβάδος ἀνέκλινεν.

§ 1.5.36 ἐνταῦθά τε τοὺς παρόντας Ἀρσάκης βασιλικῶς εἱστία ᾗπερ εἰώθει τὰ πρότερα.

§ 1.5.37 ἐν ταύτῃ τῇ θοίνῃ πολλοὶ μὲν ἐπὶ κύλικι λόγοι ἐλέχθησαν οἵπερ τὸν Ἀρσάκην ἱκανῶς ἤρεσκον, πολλὰ δὲ ἄλλα ἐς μέσον ἦλθεν ἅπερ αὐτῷ ἐν ἡδονῇ ἦν· μηκυνομένου τε τοῦ πότου ἄχρι ἐς νύκτα τῇ πρὸς ἀλλήλους ὁμιλίᾳ ὑπερφυῶς ἥσθησαν, μόλις δὲ ἀλλήλων ἀπαλλαγέντες διελύθησαν,

§ 1.5.38 καταβεβρεγμένοι τῇ εὐπαθείᾳ. τότε δὴ λέγουσι τὸν Ἀρσάκην εἰπεῖν ὡς ἡμέραν τὴν ἡδίστην διατελέσας ἐν ταύτῃ τε ξυγγενόμενος τῷ ποθεινοτάτῳ ἀνθρώπων ἁπάντων, οὐκ ἂν ἔτι ἑκών γε εἶναι ὑποσταίη τὰ φλαῦρα τοῦ βίου,

§ 1.5.39 καὶ ταῦτα εἰπόντα μαχαίρᾳ ἑαυτὸν διαχειρίσασθαι ἥνπερ ἐν τῇ θοίνῃ ἐξεπίτηδες κεκλοφὼς ἔτυχεν, οὕτω τε αὐτὸν ἐξ ἀνθρώπων ἀφανισθῆναι.

§ 1.5.40 τὰ μὲν οὖν κατὰ τοῦτον δὴ τὸν Ἀρσάκην ἡ τῶν Ἀρμενίων συγγραφὴ λέγει ταύτῃ, ᾗπερ ἐρρήθη, κεχωρηκέναι, καὶ τὸν νόμον τότε ἀμφὶ τῷ τῆς Λήθης φρουρίῳ λελύσθαι. ἐμοὶ δὲ ὅθενπερ ἐξέβην ἰτέον.

Wars 1.6

§ 1.6.1 Καθειρχθέντα δὲ τὸν Καβάδην ἐθεράπευεν ἡ γυνὴ ἐσιοῦσά τε παρ’ αὐτὸν καὶ τὰ ἐπιτήδεια ἐσκομίζουσα· ἣν δὴ ὁ τῆς εἱρκτῆς ἄρχων πειρᾶν ἤρξατο· ἦν γὰρ τὴν ὄψιν ἐς τὰ μάλιστα εὐπρεπής.

§ 1.6.2 ὅπερ ἐπεὶ ὁ Καβάδης παρὰ τῆς γυναικὸς ἔμαθεν, ἐκέλευσεν ἐνδιδόναι αὑτὴν τῷ ἀνθρώπῳ ὅ τι βούλοιτο χρῆσθαι. οὕτω δὴ τῇ γυναικὶ ἐς εὐνὴν ξυνελθὼν ὁ τοῦ φρουρίου ἄρχων ἠράσθη τε αὐτῆς ἔρωτα ἐξαίσιον οἷον,

§ 1.6.3 καὶ ἀπ’ αὐτοῦ ξυνεχώρει παρὰ τὸν ἄνδρα τὰς εἰσόδους ποιεῖσθαι, ὅπη ἂν αὐτῇ βουλομένῃ εἴη, καὶ αὖθις ἐνθένδε ἀπαλλάσσεσθαι, οὐδενὸς ἐμποδὼν ἱσταμένου. ἦν δέ τις τῶν ἐν Πέρσαις λογίμων Σεόσης ὄνομα, Καβάδῃ ἐς τὰ μάλιστα φίλος,

§ 1.6.4 ὃς ἀμφὶ τὸ φρούριον τοῦτο διατριβὴν εἶχε, καιροφυλακῶν εἴ πως αὐτὸν ἔνδοθεν ἐξελέσθαι δυνήσεται.

§ 1.6.5 διά τε τῆς γυναικὸς τῷ Καβάδῃ ἐσήμαινεν ὡς ἵπποι τέ οἱ καὶ ἄνδρες ἐν παρασκευῇ τυγχάνουσιν ὄντες τοῦ φρουρίου οὐ μακρὰν ἄποθεν, δηλώσας τι χωρίον αὐτῷ.

§ 1.6.6 καί ποτε νυκτὸς ἐπιλαβούσης ἀνέπεισε τὴν γυναῖκα Καβάδης ἐσθῆτα μὲν αὐτῷ τὴν οἰκείαν δοῦναι, τὰ δὲ αὑτοῦ ἀμπεχομένην ἱμάτια ἐπὶ τῆς εἱρκτῆς ἀντ’ αὐτοῦ καθῆσθαι, οὗπερ ἐκεῖνος ἐκάθητο.

§ 1.6.7 οὕτω μὲν οὖν Καβάδης ἀπηλλάσσετο ἐκ τοῦ δεσμωτηρίου. κατιδόντες δὲ αὐτὸν οἷς ἡ φυλακὴ αὕτη ἐπέκειτο τὴν γυναῖκα ὑπετόπαζον εἶναι· ταῦτά τοι οὔτε κωλύειν οὔτε ἄλλως αὐτὸν ἐνοχλεῖν ἔγνωσαν.

§ 1.6.8 ἅμα τε ἡμέρᾳ τὴν γυναῖκα ἐς τὸ δωμάτιον ἐν τοῖς τοῦ ἀνδρὸς ἱματίοις ἰδόντες καὶ μακρὰν ἀπολελειμμένοι τοῦ ἀληθοῦς ᾤοντο Καβάδην ἐνταῦθα εἶναι. ἥ τε δόκησις αὕτη ἐν ἡμέραις συχναῖς ἤκμαζεν,

§ 1.6.9 ἕως Καβάδης πόρρω που τῆς ὁδοῦ ἐγεγόνει. τὰ μὲν οὖν ἀμφὶ τῇ γυναικὶ ξυνενεχθέντα, ἐπεὶ ἐς φῶς ἡ ἐπιβουλὴ ἦλθε, καὶ ὅντινα αὐτὴν τρόπον ἐκόλασαν, ἐς τὸ ἀκριβὲς οὐκ ἔχω εἰπεῖν. οὐ γὰρ ὁμολογοῦσι Πέρσαι ἀλλήλοις· διὸ δὴ αὐτὰ λέγειν ἀφίημι.

§ 1.6.10 Καβάδης δὲ λαθὼν ἅπαντας ξὺν τῷ Σεόσῃ ἐς Οὔννους τοὺς Ἐφθαλίτας ἀφίκετο, καὶ αὐτῷ τὴν παῖδα γυναῖκα ὁ βασιλεὺς γαμετὴν δίδωσιν, οὕτω τε στράτευμα λόγου πολλοῦ ἄξιον ἅτε κηδεστῇ ἐπὶ Πέρσας ξυνέπεμψε.

§ 1.6.11 τούτῳ τῷ στρατῷ Πέρσαι ὑπαντιάζειν οὐδαμῆ ἤθελον, ἀλλὰ ἄλλος ἄλλῃ ἐς φυγὴν ὥρμηντο.

§ 1.6.12 ἐπεὶ δὲ ὁ Καβάδης ἐν τῇ χώρᾳ ἐγένετο ἔνθα ὁ Γουσαναστάδης τὴν ἀρχὴν εἶχεν, εἶπε τῶν ἐπιτηδείων τισὶν ὡς χαναράγγην καταστήσεται ἄνδρα ἐκεῖνον, ὃς ἂν αὐτῷ Περσῶν πρῶτος ἐκείνῃ τῇ ἡμέρᾳ ἐς ὄψιν ἥκων ὑπουργεῖν βούλοιτο.

§ 1.6.13 εἰπόντι τέ οἱ μετέμελεν ἤδη τοῦ λόγου, ἐπεὶ νόμος αὐτὸν ἐσῄει, ὃς δὴ οὐκ ἐᾷ Πέρσαις ἐς τοὺς ἀλλοτρίους τὰς ἀρχὰς φέρεσθαι, ἀλλ’ οἷς ἡ τιμὴ ἑκάστη κατὰ γένος προσήκει.

§ 1.6.14 ἔδεισε γὰρ μή τις ἵκοιτο ἐς αὐτὸν πρῶτος τῷ χαναράγγῃ οὐ ξυγγενὴς ὤν, τόν τε νόμον ἀναγκάζηται λύειν ὅπως αὐτὸς ἀληθίζηται.

§ 1.6.15 ταῦτα δέ οἱ ἐν νῷ ἔχοντι ξυνέβη τις τύχη ὥστε μὴ τὸν νόμον ἀτιμάζοντι ἀληθεῖ εἶναι. ἔτυχε γὰρ πρῶτος Ἀδεργουδουνβάδης ἐς αὐτὸν ἥκων, νεανίας ἀνήρ, ξυγγενής τε ὢν τῷ Γουσαναστάδῃ καὶ διαφερόντως ἀγαθὸς τὰ πολέμια.

§ 1.6.16 ὃς δὴ δεσπότην τε προσεῖπε Καβάδην καὶ βασιλέα προσεκύνησε πρῶτος, ἐδεῖτό τέ οἱ ἅτε δούλῳ ὅ τι βούλοιτο χρῆσθαι.

§ 1.6.17 Καβάδης οὖν ἐν τοῖς βασιλείοις οὐδενὶ πόνῳ γενόμενος, ἔρημόν τε Βλάσην τῶν ἀμυνομένων λαβὼν ἐξετύφλωσε, τρόπῳ δὴ ὅτῳ τυφλοὺς οἱ Πέρσαι ποιεῖν τοὺς κακούργους εἰώθασιν, ἔλαιον ἕψοντες καὶ αὐτὸ ὡς μάλιστα ζέον ἐς τοὺς ὀφθαλμοὺς οὔτι μύοντας ἐπιχέοντες, ἢ περόνην τινὰ σιδηρᾶν πυρακτοῦντες ταύτῃ τε τῶν ὀφθαλμῶν τὰ ἐντὸς χρίοντες, καὶ τὸ λοιπὸν ἐν φυλακῇ εἶχεν ἄρξαντα Περσῶν ἐνιαυτοὺς δύο.

§ 1.6.18 καὶ τὸν μὲν Γουσαναστάδην κτείνας τὸν Ἀδεργουδουνβάδην ἀντ’ αὐτοῦ κατεστήσατο ἐπὶ τῆς τοῦ χαναράγγου ἀρχῆς, τὸν δὲ Σεόσην ἀδρασταδάραν σαλάνην εὐθὺς ἀνεῖπε. δύναται δὲ τοῦτο τὸν ἐπὶ ἀρχαῖς τε ὁμοῦ καὶ στρατιώταις ἅπασιν ἐφεστῶτα.

§ 1.6.19 ταύτην ὁ Σεόσης τὴν ἀρχὴν πρῶτός τε καὶ μόνος ἐν Πέρσαις ἔσχεν· οὔτε γὰρ πρότερον οὔτε ὕστερόν τινι γέγονε· τήν τε βασιλείαν ὁ Καβάδης ἐκρατύνατο καὶ ξὺν τῷ ἀσφαλεῖ διεφύλαξεν. ἦν γὰρ ἀγχίνους τε καὶ δραστήριος οὐδενὸς ἧσσον.

Wars 1.7

§ 1.7.1 Ὀλίγῳ δὲ ὕστερον χρήματα Καβάδης τῷ Ἐφθαλιτῶν βασιλεῖ ὤφειλεν, ἅπερ ἐπεὶ ἀποτιννύναι οἱ οὐχ οἷός τε ἦν, Ἀναστάσιον τὸν Ῥωμαίων αὐτοκράτορα ᾔτει ταῦτά οἱ δανεῖσαι τὰ χρήματα· ὁ δὲ κοινολογησάμενος τῶν ἐπιτηδείων τισὶν ἐπυνθάνετο εἴ γέ οἱ ταῦτα ποιητέα εἴη.

§ 1.7.2 οἵπερ αὐτὸν τὸ συμβόλαιον ποιεῖσθαι οὐκ εἴων. ἀξύμφορον γὰρ ἀπέφαινον εἶναι βεβαιοτέραν τοῖς πολεμίοις χρήμασιν οἰκείοις ἐς τοὺς Ἐφθαλίτας τὴν φιλίαν ποιήσασθαι, οὓς δὴ ἐς ἀλλήλους ξυγκρούειν ὅτι μάλιστα σφίσιν ἄμεινον εἶναι.

§ 1.7.3 διὸ δὴ Καβάδης ἐξ αἰτίας οὐδεμιᾶς ἔγνω ἐπὶ Ῥωμαίους στρατεύεσθαι. καὶ πρῶτα μὲν αὐτάγγελος Ἀρμενίων τῇ χώρᾳ ἐπῆλθε, καὶ αὐτῆς τὰ πολλὰ ἐξ ἐπιδρομῆς ληισάμενος ἐς Ἄμιδαν πόλιν ἐν Μεσοποταμίᾳ κειμένην ἐκ τοῦ αἰφνιδίου ἀφίκετο, ἧς δὴ χειμῶνος ὥρᾳ ἐς πολιορκίαν καθίστατο.

§ 1.7.4 Ἀμιδηνοὶ δὲ στρατιωτῶν μέν, ἅτε ἐν εἰρήνῃ καὶ ἀγαθοῖς πράγμασιν, οὐ παρόντων σφίσι, καὶ ἄλλως δὲ ἀπαράσκευοι παντάπασιν ὄντες, ὅμως τοῖς πολεμίοις ὡς ἥκιστα προσχωρεῖν ἤθελον, ἀλλὰ τοῖς τε κινδύνοις καὶ τῇ ταλαιπωρίᾳ παρὰ δόξαν ἀντεῖχον.

§ 1.7.5 Ἦν δέ τις ἐν Σύροις ἀνὴρ δίκαιος, Ἰάκωβος ὄνομα, ᾧ τὰ ἐς τὸ θεῖον ἐς τὸ ἀκριβὲς ἤσκητο. οὗτος ἐν χωρίῳ Ἐνδιήλων, διέχοντι Ἀμίδης ἡμέρας ὁδῷ, πολλοῖς ἔμπροσθεν χρόνοις αὑτὸν καθεῖρξεν, ὅπως δὴ ἀδεέστερον τὰ ἐς τὴν εὐσέβειαν μελετᾶν δύνηται.

§ 1.7.6 καὶ αὐτοῦ οἱ ταύτῃ ἄνθρωποι ὑπουργοῦντες τῇ γνώμῃ δρυφάκτοις τισὶ περιέβαλον, οὐ ξυνημμένοις μέντοι, ἀλλὰ χωρὶς πεπηγόσιν ἀλλήλων, ὥστε ὁρᾶν τε τοὺς προσιόντας καὶ ξυγγίνεσθαι οἷόν τε εἶναι.

§ 1.7.7 καὶ στέγος τι αὐτῷ ἐτεκτήναντο βραχὺ ὕπερθεν, ὅσον ὄμβρους τε καὶ νιφετοὺς ἀποκρούεσθαι. ἐνταῦθα οὗτος ὁ ἀνὴρ ἐκ παλαιοῦ καθῆστο, πνίγει μὲν ἢ ψύχει ὡς ἥκιστα εἴκων, σπέρμασι δέ τισιν ἀποζῶν, οἷσπερ οὐ καθ’ ἡμέραν, ἀλλὰ χρόνου πολλοῦ σιτίζεσθαι εἰώθει.

§ 1.7.8 τοῦτον οὖν τὸν Ἰάκωβον τῶν τινες Ἐφθαλιτῶν καταθέοντες τὰ ἐκείνῃ χωρία εἶδον, καὶ τὰ τόξα σπουδῇ πολλῇ ἐντεινάμενοι βάλλειν ἤθελον. πᾶσι δὲ ἀκίνητοι αἱ χεῖρες γεγονυῖαι τὰ τόξα ἐνεργεῖν οὐδαμῆ εἶχον.

§ 1.7.9 ὅπερ ἐπεὶ ἐν τῷ στρατοπέδῳ περιφερόμενον ἐς Καβάδην ἦλθεν, αὐτόπτης γενέσθαι τοῦ ἔργου ὁ Καβάδης ἐβούλετο, ἰδών τε ἐν θάμβει μεγάλῳ ξὺν Περσῶν τοῖς παροῦσιν ἐγίνετο, καὶ τὸν Ἰάκωβον ἐλιπάρει ἀφεῖναι τοῖς βαρβάροις τὸ ἔγκλημα. ὁ δὲ ἀφῆκέ τε λόγῳ ἑνὶ καὶ τὰ δεινὰ τοῖς ἀνθρώποις ἐλέλυντο.

§ 1.7.10 Καβάδης μὲν οὖν· αἰτεῖν τὸν ἄνδρα ἐκέλευεν ὅ τι ἂν αὐτῷ βουλομένῳ εἴη, χρήματα οἰόμενος αὐτὸν μεγάλα αἰτήσειν, καί τι καὶ νεανιευσάμενος ὡς οὐδενὸς πρὸς αὐτοῦ ἀτυχήσει.

§ 1.7.11 ὁ δέ οἱ τοὺς ἀνθρώπους ἐδεῖτο χαρίζεσθαι ὅσοι ἐν τῷ πολέμῳ τούτῳ καταφεύγοντες παρ’ αὐτὸν ἵκωνται. ταύτην Καβάδης τὴν δέησιν ἐπιτελῆ ἐποίει καὶ γράμματα ἐδίδου τῆς ἀσφαλείας ἐνέχυρα. πολλοὶ γοῦν πανταχόθεν ξυρρέοντες ἐνταῦθα ἐσώζοντο· περιβόητος γὰρ ἡ πρᾶξις ἐγένετο. ταῦτα μὲν ὧδέ πη ἔσχε.

§ 1.7.12 Καβάδης δὲ Ἄμιδαν πολιορκῶν κριὸν τὴν μηχανὴν πανταχόσε τοῦ περιβόλου προσέβαλε. καὶ Ἀμιδηνοὶ μὲν τὴν ἐμβολὴν ἀεὶ δοκοῖς τισιν ἐγκαρσίαις ἀνέστελλον, ὁ δὲ οὐκ ἀνῆκεν, ἕως ταύτῃ ἀνάλωτον εἶναι τὸ τεῖχος ἔγνω.

§ 1.7.13 πολλάκις γὰρ ἐμβαλὼν καθελεῖν τι τοῦ περιβόλου ἢ κατασεῖσαι ἥκιστα ἴσχυσεν, οὕτως ἀσφαλῶς ἡ οἰκοδομία τοῖς δειμαμένοις τὸ παλαιὸν εἴργαστο.

§ 1.7.14 τούτου δὲ Καβάδης ἀποτυχών, λόφον τινὰ χειροποίητον ἐπιτείχισμα τῇ πόλει ἐποίει μέτρῳ πολλῷ ὑπεραίροντα τοῦ τείχους τὸ μῆκος, οἵ τε πολιορκούμενοι ἐντὸς τοῦ περιβόλου ἀρξάμενοι κατώρυχα μέχρι ἐς τὸν λόφον ἐποίουν, καὶ λάθρα ἐνθένδε τὸν χοῦν ἐκφοροῦντες κενὰ ἐπὶ πλεῖστον τὰ ἐντὸς τοῦ λόφου εἰργάσαντο. τὰ μέντοι ἐκτὸς ἐφ’ οὗπερ ἐγεγόνει σχήματος ἔμενεν οὐδενὶ αἴσθησιν παρεχόμενα τοῦ πρασσομένου.

§ 1.7.15 πολλοὶ μὲν οὖν Πέρσαι ὥσπερ ἐπ’ ἀσφαλοῦς ἀναβαίνοντες ἔν τε τῇ ἄκρᾳ ἐγένοντο καὶ βάλλειν ἐνθένδε κατὰ κορυφὴν τοὺς ἐν τῷ περιβόλῳ διενοοῦντο. τοῦ δὲ ὁμίλου δρόμῳ ἐπιρρέοντος ἐμπεσὼν ὁ λόφος ἐκ τοῦ αἰφνιδίου σχεδόν τι ἅπαντας ἔκτεινε.

§ 1.7.16 Καβάδης δὲ τοῖς παροῦσιν ἀπορούμενος τὴν προσεδρείαν διαλύειν ἔγνω, καὶ τῷ στρατοπέδῳ ἀναχωρεῖν ἐς τὴν ὑστεραίαν ἐπήγγειλε.

§ 1.7.17 τότε δὴ οἱ πολιορκούμενοι, ἅτε τοῦ κινδύνου ἀφροντιστήσαντες, πολλὰ τοὺς βαρβάρους ξὺν γέλωτι ἀπὸ τοῦ περιβόλου ἐτώθαζον.

§ 1.7.18 καί τινες ἑταῖραι ἀνελκύσασαι κόσμῳ οὐδενὶ τὴν ἐσθῆτα Καβάδῃ ἄγχιστά που ἑστηκότι ἐδείκνυον ὅσα τῶν γυναικῶν γυμνᾶ φανῆναι ἀνδράσιν οὐ θέμις.

§ 1.7.19 ὅπερ κατιδόντες οἱ μάγοι τῷ τε βασιλεῖ ἐς ὄψιν ἦλθον καὶ τὴν ἀναχώρησιν ἐκώλυον, ξυμβαλεῖν ἰσχυριζόμενοι τῷ γεγονότι ὡς ἅπαντα Καβάδῃ Ἀμιδηνοὶ τά τε ἀπόρρητα καὶ κρυπτόμενα οὐκ ἐς μακρὰν δείξουσιν. οὕτω μὲν τὸ Περσῶν στρατόπεδον αὐτοῦ ἔμεινεν.

§ 1.7.20 Ἡμέραις δὲ τῶν τις Περσῶν οὐ πολλαῖς ὕστερον ἄγχιστα τῶν πύργων τινὸς ἐκβολὴν ὑπονόμου παλαιοῦ εἶδεν οὐ ξὺν τῷ ἀσφαλεῖ κεκαλυμμένην, ἀλλὰ χάλιξι σμικραῖς τε καὶ οὐ λίαν συχναῖς.

§ 1.7.21 νύκτωρ τε μόνος ἐνταῦθα ἥκων καὶ τῆς εἰσόδου ἀποπειρασάμενος ἐντὸς τοῦ περιβόλου ἐγένετο. ἅμα δὲ ἡμέρᾳ τὸν πάντα λόγον Καβάδῃ ἀπήγγειλε. καὶ ὃς τῇ ἐπιγινομένῃ νυκτὶ κλίμακας ἐν παρασκευῇ ποιησάμενος ξὺν ὀλίγοις τισὶν ἐνταῦθα ἦλθε. καί τις αὐτῷ δεξιὰ ξυνηνέχθη τύχη τρόπῳ τοιῷδε.

§ 1.7.22 τὸν πύργον, ὃς δὴ τοῦ ὑπονόμου ἀγχοτάτω ἐτύγχανεν ὤν, φυλάσσειν τῶν Χριστιανῶν οἱ σωφρονέστατοι ἔλαχον, οὕσπερ καλεῖν μοναχοὺς νενομίκασι. τούτους ἑορτήν τινα τῷ θεῷ ἄγειν ἐνιαύσιον ἐκείνῃ τῇ ἡμέρᾳ τετύχηκεν.

§ 1.7.23 ἐπεί τε ἡ νὺξ ἐπεγένετο, ἅπαντες, ἅτε κόπῳ μὲν πολλῷ διὰ τὴν πανήγυριν ὁμιλήσαντες, μᾶλλον δὲ τοῦ εἰθισμένου σιτίων τε καὶ ποτοῦ ἐς κόρον ἐλθόντες, ὕπνον τινὰ ἡδύν τε καὶ πρᾷον ἐκάθευδον καὶ ἀπ’ αὐτοῦ ὡς ἥκιστα τῶν ποιουμένων ᾐσθάνοντο.

§ 1.7.24 Πέρσαι γοῦν διὰ τοῦ ὑπονόμου ἐντὸς τοῦ περιβόλου κατ’ ὀλίγους γενόμενοι ἐς τὸν πύργον ἀνέβαινον, καὶ τοὺς μοναχοὺς καθεύδοντας ἔτι εὑρόντες, ἔκτειναν ἅπαντας.

§ 1.7.25 ὅπερ ἐπεὶ Καβάδης ἔγνω, τὰς κλίμακας τῷ τείχει τούτου δὴ ἄγχιστα τοῦ πύργου προσῆγεν.

§ 1.7.26 ἡμέρα δὲ ἦν ἤδη. καὶ τῶν Ἀμιδηνῶν οἳ ἐν πύργῳ τῷ ἐχομένῳ ἐφύλασσον, αἰσθόμενοι τοῦ κακοῦ, κατὰ τάχος ἐβοήθουν ἐνταῦθα.

§ 1.7.27 ὠθισμῷ τε πολλῷ ἐπὶ πλεῖστον ἀμφότεροι ἐς ἀλλήλους ἐχρῶντο, καὶ τὸ πλέον ἤδη Ἀμιδηνοὶ ἔχοντες τῶν τε ἀναβεβηκότων πολλοὺς ἔκτεινον καὶ τοὺς ἀπὸ τῶν κλιμάκων ἀνέστελλον, καὶ τοῦ ἀπεῶσθαι τὸν κίνδυνον οὐ μακράν που ἐγένοντο.

§ 1.7.28 ἀλλὰ Καβάδης αὐτὸς τὸν ἀκινάκην σπασάμενος καὶ αὐτῷ ἀεὶ δεδισσόμενος ἐς τὰς κλίμακας ὁρμῶν οὐκ ἀνίει τοὺς Πέρσας, θάνατός τε ἦν ἡ ζημία τοῖς ἐνθένδε ἀναστρέφειν τολμῶσι.

§ 1.7.29 διὸ δὴ πλήθει πολλῷ οἱ Πέρσαι καθυπέρτεροι τῶν ἐναντίων γενόμενοι ἐνίκησάν τε αὐτοὺς τῇ μάχῃ καὶ κατὰ κράτος ἡ πόλις ἥλω ὀγδοηκοστῇ ἀπὸ τῆς πολιορκίας ἡμέρᾳ.

§ 1.7.30 φόνος τε Ἀμιδηνῶν πολὺς ἐγεγόνει, ἕως ἐσελαύνοντι ἐς τὴν πόλιν Καβάδῃ τῶν τις Ἀμιδηνῶν γέρων τε καὶ ἱερεὺς προσελθὼν εἶπεν ὡς οὐ βασιλικὸν τὸ φονεύειν τοὺς ἡλωκότας εἴη.

§ 1.7.31 Καβάδης μὲν οὖν θυμῷ ἔτι ἐχόμενος ἀπεκρίνατο, “Διὰ τί γάρ μοι πολεμεῖν ἔγνωτε;” ὁ δὲ ὑπολαβὼν αὐτίκα ἔφη, “Ὅτι δὴ ὁ θεὸς οὐχ ἡμετέρᾳ γνώμῃ, ἀλλὰ σῇ ἀρετῇ παραδιδόναι σοι Ἄμιδαν

§ 1.7.32 ἤθελε.” τούτῳ τῷ λόγῳ Καβάδης ἡσθεὶς κτείνειν οὐδένα τὸ λοιπὸν εἴασεν, ἀλλὰ τά τε χρήματα ληίζεσθαι Πέρσας ἐκέλευε καὶ τοὺς περιόντας ἐν ἀνδραπόδων ποιεῖσθαι λόγῳ, καὶ αὑτῷ ἐξελέσθαι ἅπαντας αὐτῶν τοὺς δοκίμους ἐπέστελλεν.

§ 1.7.33 Ὀλίγῳ δὲ ὕστερον χιλίους ἐπὶ τῇ φυλακῇ ἐνταῦθα λιπὼν ἄρχοντά τε αὐτοῖς ἐπιστήσας Γλώνην, ἄνδρα Πέρσην, καὶ τῶν Ἀμιδηνῶν ἀνθρώπους τινὰς ὀλίγους οἰκτρούς, οἳ δὴ ἐς τὴν δίαιταν ὑπηρετήσειν Πέρσαις ἔμελλον, αὐτὸς παντὶ τῷ ἄλλῳ στρατῷ τοὺς ἡλωκότας ἔχων ἐπ’ οἴκου ἀπήλαυνεν.

§ 1.7.34 ἐς τούτους δὲ τοὺς αἰχμαλώτους φιλανθρωπίᾳ ἐχρήσατο βασιλεῖ πρεπούσῃ· χρόνου γὰρ ὀλίγου εἰς τὰ οἰκεῖα ξύμπαντας ἀφῆκεν ἰέναι,

§ 1.7.35 τῷ δὲ λόγῳ ἀπέδρασαν αὐτόν, ὅ τε Ῥωμαίων βασιλεὺς Ἀναστάσιος ἔργα ἐς αὐτοὺς ἐπεδείξατο ἀρετῆς ἄξια· φόρους τε γὰρ τοὺς ἐπετείους ἐς ἔτη ἑπτὰ ξύμπαντας ἀφῆκε τῇ πόλει καὶ αὐτοὺς κοινῇ τε καὶ ἰδίᾳ ἕκαστον πολλοῖς τισιν ἀγαθοῖς ἐδωρήσατο, ὥστε αὐτοῖς λήθην τῶν ξυμβεβηκότων πολλὴν γενέσθαι. ἀλλὰ ταῦτα μὲν χρόνῳ τῷ ὑστέρῳ ἐγένετο.

Wars 1.8

§ 1.8.1 Τότε δὲ βασιλεὺς Ἀναστάσιος πολιορκεῖσθαι μαθὼν Ἄμιδαν στράτευμα κατὰ τάχος διαρκὲς ἔπεμψεν. ἄρχοντες δὲ ἦσαν μὲν κατὰ συμμορίαν ἑκάστων, στρατηγοὶ δὲ ἅπασιν ἐφεστήκεσαν τέσσαρες, Ἀρεόβινδός τε, Ὀλυβρίου κηδεστής, τοῦ ἐν τῇ ἑσπερίᾳ βεβασιλευκότος ὀλίγῳ πρότερον,

§ 1.8.2 τῆς ἑῴας δὲ τότε στρατηγὸς ἐτύγχανεν ὤν· καὶ τῶν ἐν παλατίῳ ταγμάτων ἀρχηγὸς Κέλερ ʽμάγιστρον Ῥωμαῖοι τὴν ἀρχὴν καλεῖν νενομίκασιν̓· ἔτι μὴν καὶ οἱ τῶν ἐν Βυζαντίῳ στρατιωτῶν ἄρχοντες, Πατρίκιός τε ὁ Φρὺξ καὶ Ὑπάτιος ὁ βασιλέως ἀδελφιδοῦς· οὗτοι μὲν τέσσαρες στρατηγοὶ ἦσαν.

§ 1.8.3 ξυνῆν δὲ αὐτοῖς καὶ Ἰουστῖνος, ὃς δὴ ὕστερον Ἀναστασίου τελευτήσαντος ἐβασίλευσε, καὶ Πατρικιόλος ξὺν Βιταλιανῷ τῷ παιδί, ὃς ὅπλα ἀντάρας Ἀναστασίῳ βασιλεῖ οὐ πολλῷ ὕστερον ἐτυράννησε, καὶ Φαρεσμάνης Κόλχος μὲν γένος, διαφερόντως δὲ ἀγαθὸς τὰ πολέμια, καὶ Γοδίδισκλός τε καὶ Βέσσας, Γότθοι ἄνδρες, Γότθων τῶν οὐκ ἐπισπομένων Θευδερίχῳ ἐς Ἰταλίαν ἐκ Θρᾴκης ἰόντι, γενναίω τε ὑπερφυῶς ἄμφω καὶ τῶν κατὰ τὸν πόλεμον πραγμάτων ἐμπείρω, ἄλλοι τε πολλοὶ καὶ ἄριστοι εἵποντο.

§ 1.8.4 στράτευμα γὰρ τοιοῦτό φασιν οὔτε πρότερον οὔτε ὕστερον ἐπὶ Πέρσας Ῥωμαίοις ξυστῆναι. οὗτοι μέντοι ἅπαντες οὐκ ἐς ταὐτὸ ἀγηγερμένοι οὐδὲ στράτευμα ἓν ποιησάμενοι ᾔεσαν, ἀλλ’ αὐτὸς ἕκαστος τοῖς κατ’ αὐτὸν στρατιώταις ἐξηγεῖτο ἐπὶ τοὺς πολεμίους.

§ 1.8.5 χορηγὸς δὲ τῆς τοῦ στρατοπέδου δαπάνης Ἀπίων Αἰγύπτιος ἐστάλη, ἀνὴρ ἐν πατρικίοις ἐπιφανής τε καὶ δραστήριος ἐς τὰ μάλιστα, καὶ αὐτὸν βασιλεὺς κοινωνὸν τῆς βασιλείας ἐν γράμμασιν ἀνεῖπεν, ὅπως οἱ ἐξουσία εἴη τὰ ἐς τὴν δαπάνην ᾗ βούλοιτο διοικήσασθαι.

§ 1.8.6 Ὁ μὲν οὖν στρατὸς οὗτος χρόνῳ τε ξυνελέγοντο καὶ σχολαίτεροι ἐπορεύοντο. διὸ δὴ τοὺς βαρβάρους ἐν γῇ τῇ Ῥωμαίων οὐχ εὗρον, ἐπεὶ ἐξ ἐπιδρομῆς οἱ Πέρσαι τὴν ἔφοδον ποιησάμενοι αὐτίκα δὴ ἐς τὰ πάτρια ἤθη ἀνεχώρησαν ξὺν πάσῃ τῇ λείᾳ.

§ 1.8.7 τῶν δὲ στρατηγῶν οὐδεὶς ἐς πολιορκίαν τῶν ἐν Ἀμίδῃ ἀπολελειμμένων ἐν τῷ παρόντι καθίστασθαι ἤθελε· πολλὰ γὰρ ἐσκομίσασθαι σφᾶς τὰ ἐπιτήδεια ἔμαθον· ἀλλ’ ἐς τῶν πολεμίων τὴν χώραν ἐσβολὴν ποιήσασθαι ἐν σπουδῇ εἶχον.

§ 1.8.8 οὐ μὴν ἐπὶ τοὺς βαρβάρους κοινῇ ᾔεσαν, ἀλλὰ χωρὶς ἀλλήλων στρατοπεδευόμενοι ἐπορεύοντο. ταῦτα Καβάδης μαθὼν ʽἄγχιστα γάρ που ἐτύγχανεν ὢν’ ἐς τὰ Ῥωμαίων ὅρια κατὰ τάχος ἐλθὼν ὑπηντίαζεν.

§ 1.8.9 οὔπω μέντοι Ῥωμαῖοι τῷ παντὶ στρατῷ Καβάδην ἰέναι ἐπ’ αὐτοὺς ἔμαθον, ἀλλὰ Περσῶν ᾤοντο στράτευμα βραχύ τι ἐνταῦθα εἶναι.

§ 1.8.10 οἱ μὲν οὖν ἀμφὶ Ἀρεόβινδον ἐστρατοπεδεύσαντο ἐν χωρίῳ Ἀρζάμων, ἀπέχοντι Κωνσταντίνης πόλεως δυοῖν ἡμέραιν ὁδόν, οἱ δὲ ἀμφὶ Πατρίκιον καὶ Ὑπάτιον ἐν χωρίῳ Σίφριος, ὅπερ Ἀμίδης πόλεως οὐχ ἧσσον ἢ πεντήκοντα καὶ τριακοσίους σταδίους ἀπέχει. Κέλερ γὰρ οὔπω ἐνταῦθα ἀφῖκτο.

§ 1.8.11 Ἀρεόβινδος δὲ ἐπειδὴ Καβάδην παντὶ τῷ στρατῷ ἐπιέναι σφίσιν ἐπύθετο, ἀπολιπὼν τὸ στρατόπεδον ξὺν τοῖς ἑπομένοις ἅπασιν ἐς φυγὴν ὥρμητο καὶ ἐς Κωνσταντίναν δρόμῳ ἐχώρει.

§ 1.8.12 ἐπελθόντες δὲ ὀλίγῳ ὕστερον οἱ πολέμιοι ἔρημον ἀνδρῶν αὐτοῖς χρήμασι τὸ στρατόπεδον εἷλον. ἔνθεν τε κατὰ τάχος ἐπὶ Ῥωμαίων τὸ ἄλλο στράτευμα ᾔεσαν.

§ 1.8.13 οἱ δὲ ἀμφὶ Πατρίκιον καὶ Ὑπάτιον Ἐφθαλίταις ἐντυχόντες ὀκτακοσίοις οἳ τοῦ Περσῶν στρατοῦ ἔμπροσθεν ᾔεσαν, σχεδόν τι ἅπαντας ἔκτειναν.

§ 1.8.14 οὐδὲν δὲ ἀμφὶ τῷ Καβάδῃ καὶ τῇ Περσῶν στρατιᾷ πεπυσμένοι, ἅτε νενικηκότες, ἀδεέστερον τῇ διαίτῃ ἐχρῶντο. τὰ γοῦν ὅπλα καταθέμενοι ἄριστον σφίσιν ἡτοίμαζον. ἤδη γὰρ τῆς ἡμέρας ὁ καιρὸς ἐνταῦθα ἦγε.

§ 1.8.15 ῥύαξ δέ τις ἔρρει ἐν τούτῳ τῷ χώρῳ, ἵνα Ῥωμαῖοι τὰ κρέα καθαίρειν ἤρξαντο οἷς δὴ σιτίζεσθαι ἔμελλον.

§ 1.8.16 τινὲς δὲ ἀχθόμενοι τῷ πνίγει καὶ λοῦσθαι ἠξίουν, ταύτῃ τε ταραχθὲν τὸ τοῦ ῥύακος ὕδωρ πρόσω ἐχώρει. Καβάδης δὲ τὰ ἐς τοὺς Ἐφθαλίτας ξυμπεσόντα μαθὼν ἐπὶ τοὺς πολεμίους κατὰ τάχος ᾔει·

§ 1.8.17 κατιδών τε συγκεχυμένον τὸ τοῦ ῥύακος ὕδωρ καὶ ξυμβαλὼν τὸ ποιούμενον ἔγνω ἀπαρασκεύους τοὺς ἐναντίους εἶναι, καὶ κατὰ κράτος ἤδη ἐπ’ αὐτοὺς ἐλαύνειν ἐκέλευεν. αὐτίκα τε αὐτοῖς ἑστιωμένοις τε καὶ ἀνόπλοις οὖσιν ἐπέστησαν.

§ 1.8.18 Ῥωμαῖοι δὲ οὐκ ἐνεγκόντες τὴν ἔφοδον ἐς ἀλκὴν μὲν τὸ παράπαν οὐκ ἔβλεπον, ἔφευγον δὲ ὡς ἕκαστός πη ἐδύνατο, καὶ αὐτῶν οἱ μὲν καταλαμβανόμενοι ἔθνησκον, οἱ δὲ ἀνιόντες εἰς τὸ ὄρος ὃ ταύτῃ ἀνέχει ἐρρίπτουν αὑτοὺς κατὰ τὸ κρημνῶδες ξὺν φόβῳ καὶ θορύβῳ πολλῷ.

§ 1.8.19 ὅθεν δὴ οὐδένα σεσῶσθαί φασι, Πατρίκιος δὲ καὶ Ὑπάτιος κατ’ ἀρχὰς τῆς ἐφόδου διαφυγεῖν ἴσχυσαν. ἔπειτα δὲ Καβάδης, Οὔννων πολεμίων ἐς γῆς τὴν αὐτοῦ ἐσβεβληκότων, παντὶ τῷ στρατῷ ἐπ’ οἴκου ἀνεχώρησε, πόλεμόν τε μακρὸν πρὸς τὸ ἔθνος τοῦτο ἐς τῆς χώρας τὰ πρὸς ἄρκτον διέφερεν.

§ 1.8.20 ἐν τούτῳ δὲ καὶ τὸ ἄλλο στράτευμα Ῥωμαίων ἦλθε, λόγου μέντοι ἄξιον οὐδὲν ἔδρασαν, ὅτι δὴ αὐτοκράτωρ τοῦ πολέμου κατέστη οὐδείς, ἀλλ’ ἴσοι πρὸς ἀλλήλους οἱ στρατηγοὶ ὄντες ἀντεστάτουν τε ἀλλήλων ταῖς γνώμαις καὶ γίνεσθαι ἐν τῷ αὐτῷ οὐδαμῆ ἤθελον.

§ 1.8.21 Κέλερ δὲ ξὺν τοῖς ἑπομένοις Νύμφιον ποταμὸν διαβὰς ἐσβολήν τινα ἐς τὴν Ἀρζανηνὴν ἐποιήσατο.

§ 1.8.22 ἔστι δὲ ὁ ποταμὸς οὗτος Μαρτυροπόλεως μὲν ἀγχοτάτω, Ἀμίδης δὲ ὅσον ἀπὸ σταδίων τριακοσίων. οἳ δὴ ληισάμενοι τὰ ἐκείνῃ χωρία ἐπανῆλθον οὐ πολλῷ ὕστερον. δι’ ὀλίγου τε ἡ ἐπιδρομὴ αὕτη ἐγένετο.

Wars 1.9

§ 1.9.1 Μετὰ δὲ Ἀρεόβινδος μὲν ἐς Βυζάντιον ὡς βασιλέα μετάπεμπτος ἦλθεν, οἱ δὲ λοιποὶ ἐς Ἄμιδαν ἀφικόμενοι χειμῶνος ὥρᾳ ἐς πολιορκίαν καθίσταντο. καὶ βίᾳ μὲν ἑλεῖν τὸ χωρίον, καίπερ πολλὰ ἐγκεχειρηκότες, οὐκ ἴσχυσαν, λιμῷ δὲ τοῦτο ποιεῖν ἔμελλον· πάντα γὰρ τοὺς πολιορκουμένους τὰ ἐπιτήδεια ἐπιλελοίπει.

§ 1.9.2 ἀλλ’ οἱ στρατηγοὶ οὐδὲν πεπυσμένοι ἀμφὶ τῶν πολεμίων τῇ ἀπορίᾳ, ἐπειδὴ τοὺς στρατιώτας τῇ προσεδρείᾳ καὶ τῷ χειμῶνι ἀχθομένους ἑώρων, ἅμα δὲ καὶ Περσῶν στράτευμα ἐπὶ σφᾶς ἥξειν οὐκ εἰς μακρὰν ὑπετόπαζον, τρόπῳ ὅτῳ δὴ ἐνθένδε ἀπαλλάσσεσθαι ἐν σπουδῇ εἶχον.

§ 1.9.3 οἵ τε Πέρσαι, οὐκ ἔχοντες τίνες ἂν ἐν τοῖσδε τοῖς δεινοῖς γένοιντο, τὴν μὲν ἀπορίαν τῶν ἀναγκαίων ἐς τὸ ἀκριβὲς ἔκρυπτον, δόκησιν παρέχοντες ὡς πάντων σφίσι τῶν ἐπιτηδείων ἀφθονία εἴη, ἐς δὲ τὰ οἰκεῖα ξὺν τῷ εὐπρεπεῖ λόγῳ ἀναχωρεῖν ἤθελον.

§ 1.9.4 γίνονται οὖν ἐν ἀμφοτέροις λόγοι, ἐφ’ ᾧ δὴ Πέρσαι λίτρας χρυσίου χιλίας λαβόντες ἀποδώσουσι Ῥωμαίοις τὴν πόλιν. ἑκάτεροί τε ἄσμενοι τὰ ξυγκείμενα ἐπιτελῆ ἐποίουν, τά τε χρήματα λαβὼν ὁ τοῦ Γλώνου υἱὸς Ἄμιδαν Ῥωμαίοις παρέδωκε. Γλώνης γὰρ ἤδη ἐτετελευτήκει τρόπῳ τοιῷδε.

§ 1.9.5 Οὔπω μὲν στρατοπεδευσαμένων ἐνταῦθα Ῥωμαίων, Ἀμίδης δὲ πόλεως ὄντων οὐ μακρὰν ἄποθεν, τῶν τις ἀγροίκων, ὅσπερ εἰώθει ἐς τὴν πόλιν ἐσιὼν λάθρα ὄρνις τε καὶ ἄρτους καὶ τῶν ὡραίων πολλὰ τῷ Γλώνῃ τούτῳ ἀποδίδοσθαι χρημάτων μεγάλων, Πατρικίῳ τῷ στρατηγῷ ἐς ὄψιν ἐλθὼν Γλώνην οἱ ἐς χεῖρας παραδώσειν ξὺν Πέρσαις διακοσίοις ὑπέσχετο, ἤν τινος ἀμοιβῆς ἐλπίδα λαβὼν παρ’ αὐτοῦ εἴη.

§ 1.9.6 ὁ δὲ αὐτῷ ἅπαντα ὅσα ἦν βουλομένῳ ὑποσχόμενος ἔσεσθαι τὸν ἄνθρωπον ἀπεπέμψατο. καὶ ὃς τά τε ἱμάτια δεινῶς διαρρήξας καὶ δεδακρυμένῳ ἐοικὼς ἐς τὴν πόλιν εἰσῆλθε.

§ 1.9.7 παρά τε τὸν Γλώνην ἥκων τάς τε τρίχας τίλλων, “Ἐτύγχανον μέν, ὦ δέσποτα,” εἶπεν, “ἅπαντά σοι ἐκ τοῦ χωρίου τἀγαθὰ φέρων, ἐντυχόντες δὲ στρατιῶται Ῥωμαῖοι ʽκαὶ γάρ που ἐς τὰ ταύτῃ χωρία κατ’ ὀλίγους περιιόντες τοὺς οἰκτροὺς ἀγροίκους βιάζονταἰ πληγάς τέ μοι οὐ φορητὰς προσετρίψαντο καὶ πάντα ἀφελόμενοι οἱ λῃσταὶ ᾤχοντο, οἷς δὴ ἐκ παλαιοῦ Πέρσας τε δεδιέναι καὶ τοὺς γεωργοὺς βιάζεσθαι νόμος.

§ 1.9.8 ἀλλ’ ὅπως, ὦ δέσποτα, σαυτῷ τε καὶ ἡμῖν καὶ Πέρσαις ἀμύνῃς. ἢν γὰρ ἐς τῆς πόλεως τὰ προάστεια κυνηγετήσων ἴῃς, θήραμά σοι οὐ φαῦλον ἔσται. κατὰ πέντε γὰρ ἢ τέτταρας οἱ κατάρατοι περιιόντες λωποδυτοῦσιν.” ὁ μὲν ταῦτα·

§ 1.9.9 εἶπεν. ἀναπεισθεὶς δὲ ὁ Γλώνης τοῦ ἀνθρώπου ἀνεπυνθάνετο πόσους ποτὲ Πέρσας οἴεταί οἱ ἐς τὴν πρᾶξιν ἱκανοὺς ἔσεσθαι.

§ 1.9.10 ὁ δὲ πεντήκοντα μὲν ἀποχρήσειν οἱ μάλιστα ἔφη· οὐ γὰρ ἂν αὐτῶν πλείοσί ποτε ἢ κατὰ πέντε ὁδῷ ἰοῦσιν ἐντύχοιεν, τοῦ δὲ μηδὲν ἀπροσδόκητον σφίσι ξυμβῆναι οὐδέν τι χεῖρον καὶ ἑκατὸν ἐς τὸ ἔργον ἐπαγαγέσθαι· ἢν δὲ καὶ τούτων διπλασίους, τῷ παντὶ ἄμεινον. βλάβος γὰρ ἀνθρώπῳ ἐκ τοῦ περιόντος οὐκ ἂν γένοιτο.

§ 1.9.11 Γλώνης μὲν οὖν ἱππέας διακοσίους ἀπολεξάμενος τὸν ἄνθρωπον σφίσιν ἐξηγεῖσθαι ἐκέλευεν.

§ 1.9.12 ὁ δὲ ἄμεινον ἰσχυρίζετο εἶναι αὐτὸν ἐπὶ κατασκοπῇ στέλλεσθαι πρότερον, καὶ ἢν ἔτι ἐν χωρίοις τοῖς αὐτοῖς περιιόντας Ῥωμαίους ἰδὼν ἀπαγγείλῃ, οὕτω δὴ ἐν δέοντι ποιεῖσθαι τὴν ἔξοδον Πέρσας. εὖ τε οὖν εἰπεῖν ἔδοξε τῷ Γλώνῃ καὶ αὐτοῦ ἀφιέντος ἐστέλλετο.

§ 1.9.13 παρά τε τὸν στρατηγὸν Πατρίκιον ἥκων ἅπαντα ἔφραζε· καὶ ὃς τῶν δορυφόρων τῶν αὑτοῦ δύο καὶ στρατιώτας χιλίους ξὺν αὐτῷ ἔπεμψεν.

§ 1.9.14 οὓς δὴ ἀμφὶ κώμην Θιλασάμων σταδίους τεσσαράκοντα Ἀμίδης διέχουσαν ἐν νάπαις τε καὶ χωρίοις ὑλώδεσιν ἔκρυψε, καὶ αὐτοῦ μένειν ἐν ταύταις δὴ ταῖς ἐνέδραις ἐπέστελλεν, ἔς τε τὴν πόλιν δρόμῳ ἐχώρει.

§ 1.9.15 καὶ τῷ Γλώνῃ ἕτοιμον εἰπὼν τὸ θήραμα εἶναι, αὐτῷ τε καὶ τοῖς διακοσίοις ἐξηγήσατο ἐπὶ τὴν τῶν πολεμίων ἐνέδραν. ἐπειδή τε διέβησαν τὸν χῶρον οὗ προλοχίζοντες Ῥωμαῖοι ἐκάθηντο, Γλώνην τε καὶ Πέρσας λαθὼν ἅπαντας, ἔκ τε τῆς ἐνέδρας τοὺς Ῥωμαίους ἀνέστησε καὶ αὐτοῖς τοὺς πολεμίους ἐπέδειξεν.

§ 1.9.16 οὕσπερ ἐπειδὴ ἐπὶ σφᾶς ἰόντας κατεῖδον Πέρσαι, κατεπλάγησάν τε τῷ ἀπροσδοκήτῳ καὶ ἀμηχανίᾳ πολλῇ εἴχοντο. οὔτε γὰρ ὀπίσω ἀπελαύνειν οἷοί τε ἦσαν, κατὰ νώτου ὄντων σφίσι τῶν ἐναντίων, οὔτε πη ἑτέρωσε φεύγειν ἐν γῇ πολεμίᾳ ἐδύναντο.

§ 1.9.17 ἐκ δὲ τῶν παρόντων ὡς ἐς μάχην ταξάμενοι τοὺς ἐπιόντας ἠμύνοντο, τῷ τε πλήθει παρὰ πολὺ ἐλασσούμενοι ἡσσήθησάν τε καὶ ξὺν τῷ Γλώνῃ ἅπαντες διεφθάρησαν.

§ 1.9.18 ὅπερ ἐπειδὴ ὁ τοῦ Γλώνου υἱὸς ἔμαθε, περιαλγήσας τε καὶ τῷ θυμῷ ζέων ὅτι δὴ τῷ πατρὶ ἀμύνειν οὐκ εἶχε, τὸν Συμεώνου νεὼν ἔκαυσεν, ἁγίου ἀνδρός, ἵνα δὴ ὁ Γλώνης κατέλυε.

§ 1.9.19 καίτοι ἄλλην τινὰ οἰκοδομίαν οὔτε Γλώνης οὔτε Καβάδης, οὐ μὴν οὐδὲ Περσῶν τις ἄλλος οὔτε καθελεῖν ἔγνω οὔτε τῳ ἄλλῳ ἀφανίζειν τρόπῳ ἔν γε Ἀμίδῃ ταύτης ἐκτός. ἐγὼ δὲ ἐπὶ τὸν πρότερον λόγον ἐπάνειμι.

§ 1.9.20 Οὕτω μὲν Ἄμιδαν Ῥωμαῖοι τὰ χρήματα δόντες ἀπέλαβον δύο ἐνιαυτοῖς ὕστερον ἢ πρὸς τῶν πολεμίων ἑάλω. καὶ ἐπεὶ ἐν ταύτῃ ἐγένοντο, ἥ τε αὐτῶν ὀλιγωρία καὶ Περσῶν τὸ καρτερὸν τῆς διαίτης ἐγνώσθη.

§ 1.9.21 σιτίων γὰρ τῶν ἐνταῦθα λελειμμένων τὸ μέτρον καὶ βαρβάρων τῶν ἐξεληλυθότων τὸν ὅμιλον λογισάμενοι, ἑπτὰ μάλιστα ἡμερῶν ηὕρισκον δαπάνην ἐν τῇ πόλει ἀπολελεῖφθαι, καίπερ Γλώνου τε καὶ τοῦ ἐκείνου παιδὸς ἐνδεεστέρως ἢ κατὰ τὴν χρείαν πολλοῦ χρόνου ἐνδιδόντος τὰ σιτία Πέρσαις.

§ 1.9.22 Ῥωμαίοις γὰρ τοῖς ἐν τῇ πόλει, ὥσπερ μοι προδεδήλωται, ξὺν αὐτοῖς μείνασιν οὐδὲν τὸ παράπαν χορηγεῖν ἔγνωσαν, ἐξ ὅτου οἱ πολέμιοι ἐς τὴν πολιορκίαν κατέστησαν, οἳ δὴ ἐς βρώσεις ἀήθεις τὰ πρῶτα ἐλθόντες τῶν τε οὐ θεμιτῶν ἁψάμενοι πάντων,

§ 1.9.23 εἶτα τελευτῶντες καὶ ἀλλήλων ἐγεύσαντο. διὸ δὴ ἐξηπατημένοι τε πρὸς τῶν βαρβάρων οἱ στρατηγοὶ ᾔσθοντο καὶ τοῖς στρατιώταις τὴν ἀκρασίαν ὠνείδιζον, ὅτι δὴ ἀπειθεστέρους αὑτοὺς παρεχόμενοι σφίσι, παρὸν δορυαλώτους Πέρσας τε τοσούτους τὸ πλῆθος καὶ Γλώνου τὸν υἱὸν σὺν τῇ πόλει ἑλεῖν, οἱ δὲ τὰ Ῥωμαίων χρήματα ἐς τοὺς πολεμίους μετενεγκόντες αἶσχός τε ἀνεδήσαντο μέγα καὶ Ἄμιδαν ἀργυρώνητον πρὸς Περσῶν ἔλαβον.

§ 1.9.24 ὕστερον δὲ Πέρσαι, τοῦ πρὸς Οὔννους πολέμου σφίσι μηκυνομένου, ἐς σπονδὰς Ῥωμαίοις ξυνίασιν, αἵπερ αὐτοῖς ἐς ἑπτὰ ἔτη ἐγένοντο, Κέλερός τε τοῦ Ῥωμαίου καὶ Ἀσπεβέδου τοῦ Πέρσου αὐτὰς ποιησαμένων, ἐπ’ οἴκου τε ἀμφότεροι ἀναχωρήσαντες ἡσυχῆ ἔμενον.

§ 1.9.25 οὕτω μέν, ὥσπερ ἐρρήθη, ἀρξάμενος ὁ Ῥωμαίων τε καὶ Περσῶν πόλεμος ἐς τόδε ἐτελεύτα. τὰ δὲ ἀμφὶ πύλας τὰς Κασπίας ξυνενεχθέντα ἐρῶν ἔρχομαι.

Wars 1.10

§ 1.10.1 Τὸ Κιλίκων ὄρος ὁ Ταῦρος ἀμείβει μὲν τὰ πρῶτα Καππαδόκας τε καὶ Ἀρμενίους καὶ τῶν Περσαρμενίων καλουμένων τὴν γῆν, ἔτι μέντοι Ἀλβανούς τε καὶ Ἴβηρας, καὶ ὅσα ἄλλα ἔθνη αὐτόνομά τε καὶ Πέρσαις κατήκοα ταύτῃ ᾤκηνται.

§ 1.10.2 ἐξικνεῖται γὰρ ἐς χώραν πολλήν, προϊόντι δὲ ἀεὶ τὸ ὄρος τοῦτο ἐς μέγα τι χρῆμα εὔρους τε καὶ ὕψους διήκει.

§ 1.10.3 ὑπερβάντι δὲ τοὺς Ἰβήρων ὅρους ἀτραπός τίς ἐστιν ἐν στενοχωρίᾳ πολλῇ, ἐπὶ σταδίους πεντήκοντα ἐξικνουμένη.

§ 1.10.4 αὕτη δὲ ἡ ἀτραπὸς ἐς ἀπότομόν τινα καὶ ὅλως ἄβατον τελευτᾷ χῶρον. δίοδος γὰρ οὐδεμία τὸ λοιπὸν φαίνεται, πλήν γε δὴ ὅτι ὥσπερ τινὰ χειροποίητον πυλίδα ἐνταῦθα ἡ φύσις ἐξεῦρεν, ἣ Κασπία ἐκ παλαιοῦ ἐκλήθη.

§ 1.10.5 τὸ δὲ ἐνθένδε πεδία τέ ἐστιν ἱππήλατα καὶ ὑδάτων πολλῶν ἀτεχνῶς ἔμπλεα, καὶ χώρα πολλὴ ἱππόβοτός τε καὶ ἄλλως ὑπτία.

§ 1.10.6 οὗ δὴ τὰ Οὔννων ἔθνη σχεδόν τι ἅπαντα ἵδρυται ἄχρι ἐς τὴν Μαιῶτιν διήκοντα λίμνην.

§ 1.10.7 οὗτοι ἢν μὲν διὰ τῆς πυλίδος ἧς ἄρτι ἐμνήσθην ἴωσιν ἐς τὰ Περσῶν τε καὶ Ῥωμαίων ἤθη, ἀκραιφνέσι τε τοῖς ἵπποις ἴασι καὶ περιόδῳ τινὶ οὐδαμῆ χρώμενοι οὐδὲ κρημνώδεσιν ἐντυχόντες χωρίοις, ὅτι μὴ τοῖς πεντήκοντα σταδίοις ἐκείνοις οἷσπερ εἰς τοὺς Ἰβηρίους ὅρους, ὥσπερ ἐρρήθη, διήκουσιν.

§ 1.10.8 ἐπ’ ἄλλας δέ τινας ἐξόδους ἰόντες πόνῳ τε πολλῷ παραγίνονται καὶ ἵπποις οὐκέτι χρῆσθαι τοῖς αὐτοῖς ἔχοντες. περιόδους τε γὰρ αὐτοὺς περιιέναι πολλὰς ἐπάναγκες καὶ ταύτας κρημνώδεις.

§ 1.10.9 ὅπερ ἐπειδὴ ὁ Φιλίππου Ἀλέξανδρος κατενόησε, πύλας τε ἐν χώρῳ ἐτεκτήνατο τῷ εἰρημένῳ καὶ φυλακτήριον κατεστήσατο. ὃ δὴ ἄλλοι τε πολλοὶ προϊόντος χρόνου ἔσχον καὶ Ἀμβαζούκης, Οὖννος μὲν γένος, Ῥωμαίοις δὲ καὶ Ἀναστασίῳ βασιλεῖ φίλος.

§ 1.10.10 οὗτος Ἀμβαζούκης, ἐπειδὴ ἔς τε γῆρας ἀφῖκτο βαθὺ καὶ τελευτᾶν ἔμελλε, πέμψας παρὰ τὸν Ἀναστάσιον, χρήματά οἱ δοθῆναι ᾔτει, ἐφ’ ῳ τό τε φυλακτήριον καὶ πύλας τὰς Κασπίας ἐνδώσει Ῥωμαίοις.

§ 1.10.11 βασιλεὺς δὲ Ἀναστάσιος ʽδρᾶν γὰρ ἀνεπισκέπτως οὐδὲν οὔτε ἠπίστατο οὔτε εἰώθεἰ λογισάμενος ὅτι οἱ στρατιώτας ἐνταῦθα ἐκτρέφειν ἀδύνατα ἦν ἐν χωρίῳ ἐρήμῳ τε ἀγαθῶν ἁπάντων καὶ οὐδαμῆ ἐν γειτόνων ἔχοντι ἔθνος Ῥωμαίοις κατήκοον, χάριν μὲν τῷ ἀνθρώπῳ τῆς ἐς αὐτὸν εὐνοίας πολλὴν ὡμολόγει, τὸ δὲ ἔργον τοῦτο οὐδενὶ λόγῳ προσίετο.

§ 1.10.12 Ἀμβαζούκης μὲν οὖν οὐ πολλῷ ὕστερον ἐτελεύτα νόσῳ, Καβάδης δὲ βιασάμενος τοὺς αὐτοῦ παῖδας τὰς πύλας ἔσχεν.

§ 1.10.13 Ἀναστάσιός τε βασιλεύς, ἐπειδὴ ἐγένοντο αὐτῷ αἱ πρὸς Καβάδην σπονδαί, πόλιν ἐδείματο ἐν χωρίῳ Δάρας ὀχυράν τε ὑπερφυῶς καὶ λόγου ἀξίαν, αὐτοῦ βασιλέως ἐπώνυμον.

§ 1.10.14 ἀπέχει δὲ αὕτη πόλεως μὲν Νισίβιδος σταδίους ἑκατὸν δυοῖν δέοντας, χώρας δὲ ἣ τὰ Ῥωμαίων τε καὶ Περσῶν διορίζει ὀκτὼ καὶ εἴκοσι μάλιστα.

§ 1.10.15 Πέρσαι δὲ κωλύειν τὴν οἰκοδομίαν σπουδὴν ἔχοντες οὐδαμῆ ἴσχυον ἀσχολίᾳ τῇ ἐς πόλεμον τὸν Οὐννικὸν πιεζόμενοι.

§ 1.10.16 ἐπειδή τε αὐτὸν τάχιστα Καβάδης κατέλυσε, πέμψας παρὰ Ῥωμαίους ᾐτιᾶτο πόλιν αὐτοὺς οἰκοδομήσασθαι ἄγχιστά που τῶν σφετέρων ὁρίων, ἀπειρημένον τοῦτο ἐν τοῖς Μήδοις τε καὶ Ῥωμαίοις ξυγκειμένοις τὰ πρότερα.

§ 1.10.17 τότε μὲν οὖν Ἀναστάσιος τὰ μὲν ἀπειλῶν, τὰ δὲ φιλίαν τε τὴν ἐς αὐτὸν προτεινόμενος καὶ χρήμασιν οὐ φαύλοις δωρούμενος, παρακρούεσθαί τε καὶ τὴν αἰτίαν ἐκλύειν ἤθελε.

§ 1.10.18 καὶ πόλιν δὲ ἄλλην ταύτῃ ὁμοίαν ἐν Ἀρμενίοις ὁ βασιλεὺς οὗτος ἀγχοτάτω ἐδείματο τῶν Περσαρμενίας ὁρίων, ἣ κώμη μὲν ἐκ παλαιοῦ ἐτύγχανεν οὖσα, πόλεως δὲ ἀξίωμα μέχρι ἐς τὸ ὄνομα πρὸς Θεοδοσίου βασιλέως λαβοῦσα ἐπώνυμος αὐτοῦ ἐγεγόνει.

§ 1.10.19 ἀλλ’ Ἀναστάσιος τείχει αὐτὴν ὀχυρωτάτῳ περιβαλὼν πράγματα Πέρσαις οὐδέν τι ἧσσον ἢ διὰ τῆς ἑτέρας παρέσχετο· ἐπιτειχίσματα γὰρ αὐτῶν τῇ χώρᾳ γέγονεν ἄμφω.

Source Colophon

Greek source text from the PerseusDL canonical Greek repository file tlg4029.tlg001.perseus-grc2.xml, inspected locally for this translation unit.

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