Iberia, the Sabiri, and the Endless Peace

This Good Works Translation completes the main Book 1 Procopius passages named in the Scythian steppe and Black Sea dossier.

The chapters matter for the Scythian shelf because Procopius joins the Caucasus, the Black Sea Bosporus, Hunnic-controlled routes, Sabiri auxiliaries, Massagetae diplomacy, and Roman-Persian treaty-making. The northern peoples are not incidental scenery; they are the pressure that redirects armies, determines embassies, and fixes the value of fortresses.

The selected dossier has been expanded to full chapters where the relevant notices occur, preserving Procopius' larger Caucasian, Armenian, diplomatic, and treaty frame.

The translation is newly made from the Greek source text printed below. Dewing's public-domain English translation was used only as a control.

Translation

Wars 1.12.1-24

Immediately Cabades, although he was eager to make some invasion into the land of the Romans, was in no way able to do it, since the following obstacle happened to arise against him.

The Iberians who live in Asia are settled somewhere close to the Caspian Gates, which lie to their north. On their left, toward the setting of the sun, Lazica is adjacent to them; on their right, toward the rising sun, are the Persian peoples.

This nation is Christian, and they preserve the rites of this belief more closely than any other people known to us. Yet from ancient times they have happened to be subjects of the king of the Persians.

At that time Cabades wished to force them into the rites of his own belief. He ordered their king, Gourgenes, both to do the other things according to Persian custom and, above all, by no means to hide the dead in the earth, but to throw all of them to birds and dogs.

For this reason Gourgenes wished to go over to the emperor Justin, and he asked to receive pledges that the Romans would never abandon the Iberians to the Persians.

Justin gave him these pledges with much eagerness. He also sent Probus, nephew of the former emperor Anastasius, a patrician, with much money to Bosporus, so that, after persuading an army of Huns by money, he might send it to the Iberians as an alliance.

Bosporus is a city by the sea, on the left as one sails into the so-called Euxine Sea. It is twenty days' journey from the city of Cherson, which is the farthest point of Roman territory. All the places between them are held by the Huns.

The Bosporites had lived as autonomous people in ancient times, but recently had decided to go over to the emperor Justin.

When Probus withdrew from there without success, the emperor sent Peter, a general, with some Huns to Lazica to aid Gourgenes with all possible strength.

Meanwhile Cabades sent an army worthy of much account against Gourgenes and the Iberians, and as general a Persian man named Boes, whose rank was varizes.

Gourgenes proved weaker than the Persian attack, since the help he had from the Romans was not enough. He fled into Lazica with all the notable men of the Iberians, bringing his wife and children and his brothers, of whom Peranius was the eldest.

When they had come to the borders of Lazica, they remained there, fenced themselves with the difficult terrain, and stood against the enemy.

The Persians followed them, but did nothing worthy of account, since the rough country opposed their undertaking.

After this the Iberians came to Byzantium, and Peter was summoned back to the emperor. For the future the emperor, although the Lazi did not wish it, thought it right to guard the country jointly, and he sent both an army and Irenaeus as commander.

There are two fortresses among the Lazi immediately as one enters from the borders of Iberia. From ancient times the care of guarding them belonged to the people of the country, although they were held by great hardship, since neither grain nor wine nor any other good thing grows there.

Nor is it possible to bring anything in from elsewhere because of the narrowness of the country, except by men carrying it. The Lazi, however, were able to live there on certain millets that grow in the place and to which they were accustomed.

The emperor removed these local guards from there and ordered Roman soldiers to be stationed for the guarding of the fortresses.

At first the Lazi brought supplies to them with difficulty; afterward they themselves gave up the service, the Romans abandoned these fortresses, and the Persians took them without any labor. These things happened among the Lazi.

The Romans, with Sittas and Belisarius leading them, invaded Persarmenia, which was subject to the Persians, plundered much country, enslaved a great multitude of Armenians, and withdrew.

These two men were young, just growing their first beards, and were spear-bearers of the general Justinian, who later held the empire together with his uncle Justin.

When another Roman invasion of Armenia took place, Narses and Aratius unexpectedly met them and came to battle.

These men not long afterward came over as deserters to the Romans and campaigned with Belisarius in Italy; but then, when they joined battle with the men around Sittas and Belisarius, they had the advantage.

Another Roman army also invaded around the city of Nisibis, led by Libelarius from Thrace. They fled and immediately made their retreat, although no one was pursuing them.

For this reason the emperor removed Libelarius from command and appointed Belisarius commander of the troops in Daras. At that time Procopius, who wrote these things, was chosen as his adviser.

Wars 1.15.1-33

Cabades sent another army into the part of Armenia subject to the Romans. This army consisted of Persarmenians and Sunitae, whose land borders that of the Alans. Huns also accompanied them, those called Sabiri, three thousand in number, a most warlike nation.

A Persian man, Mermeroes, stood over all of them as general. When they were three days' journey from Theodosiopolis, they encamped and remained in the land of the Persarmenians, preparing the invasion.

It happened that Dorotheus was general of Armenia, a prudent man and experienced in many wars. Sittas held the office of general at Byzantium and stood over the whole army in Armenia.

When these two learned that an enemy army was being gathered among the Persarmenians, they immediately sent two guardsmen to spy out the whole force of the enemy and report it to them.

Both men entered the camp of the barbarians, observed everything precisely, and departed. As they traveled by road to one of the places in that region, they unexpectedly encountered hostile Huns. One of the two, named Dagaris, was bound and captured by them, while the other was able to escape and reported the whole account to the generals.

The generals armed the entire army and fell suddenly on the enemy camp. The barbarians, struck with panic by the unexpected attack, no longer looked to valor, but fled as each could. There the Romans killed many, plundered the camp, and immediately rode back.

Not long after this, Mermeroes gathered the whole army and invaded Roman territory. They came upon the enemy near the city of Satala.

There they made camp and remained quiet in a place called Octava, fifty-six stades from the city.

Sittas therefore led out one thousand men and concealed them behind one of the many hills surrounding the plain in which Satala lies.

He ordered Dorotheus to remain inside the fortifications with the rest of the army, because they thought they were in no way able to withstand the enemy on level ground. The enemy were no fewer than thirty thousand, while their own forces scarcely reached half that number.

On the following day the barbarians came close to the fortifications and busily set about enclosing the city.

But suddenly, seeing the men of Sittas, who were already coming down against them from the high ground, and having no way to estimate their number because the summer season raised a great cloud of dust over them, they supposed that the Romans were much more numerous than they were.

Abandoning the attempt to enclose the city, they hurried to mass their force into a small space.

The Romans anticipated this movement and, dividing their own force into two parts, fell upon them as they withdrew from the fortifications.

When the whole Roman army saw this, they took courage and with a great rush poured out from the fortifications and advanced against their opponents.

In this way they put the Persians between their own bodies of troops and turned them to flight.

Yet, since the barbarians were much superior to the enemy in number, as has been said, they still resisted, and the battle became a fierce close fight.

Both sides kept advancing against their opponents and quickly drawing back again, for all were cavalry.

Then Florentius, a Thracian commanding a detachment of horse, charged into the enemy center, seized the general's standard, forced it to the ground, and began to ride back.

Though he himself was overtaken and fell there, cut to pieces, he proved the chief cause of victory for the Romans.

For when the barbarians no longer saw the standard, they were thrown into great confusion and fear. They withdrew into their camp and remained quiet, having lost many men in the battle.

On the following day they all returned home, with no one pursuing them. It seemed to the Romans a great and noteworthy thing that such a multitude of barbarians, in their own country, had suffered what has just been told, and after invading hostile territory had retired without accomplishing anything, defeated by a smaller force.

At that time the Romans also acquired certain Persian strongholds in Persarmenia, both the fortress Bolum and the fortress called Pharangium, the place where the Persians mine gold and carry it to the king.

It happened also a little before this that they had reduced the Tzanic nation to subjection, a people settled from ancient times in Roman territory but living autonomously. How this was done will be told here and now.

As one goes from Armenia into Persarmenia, Taurus lies on the right, extending into Iberia and the peoples there, as has been said a little earlier. On the left the road, descending for a great distance, is overhung by exceedingly precipitous mountains, forever hidden by clouds and snow.

From these mountains the Phasis River issues and flows into the land of Colchis.

In this place from the beginning lived barbarians, the Tzanic nation, subject to no one, called Sani in earlier times. They made plundering expeditions among the Romans around them and maintained a most difficult existence, always living from what they stole; for their land produced nothing good for them to eat.

For this reason the Roman emperor also sent them each year a fixed amount of gold, on condition that they should never plunder the neighboring country.

The barbarians had sworn to keep this agreement by the oaths peculiar to their nation. But, disregarding what they had sworn, they had for a long time been accustomed to make sudden attacks and harm not only the Armenians, but also the Romans who lived next to them as far as the sea.

After finishing an inroad in a short time, they immediately returned again to their homes.

Whenever they happened to meet a Roman army, they were always defeated in battle, but because of the strength of their fastnesses they proved altogether impossible to capture.

In this way Sittas had defeated them in battle before this war. Then, by many acts of kindness in word and deed, he was able to win them over completely.

They changed their way of life to a more civilized one, enrolled themselves among the Roman troops, and from that time went out against the enemy with the rest of the Roman army.

They also abandoned their own religion for a more righteous faith and all became Christians. Such, then, is the account of the Tzani.

Beyond the borders of this people there is a canyon whose walls are high and exceedingly steep, extending as far as the Caucasus mountains.

In it are populous towns, and grapes and other fruits grow in abundance.

For about three days' journey this canyon is tributary to the Romans. From there begins the territory of Persarmenia.

Here is the gold mine which, by permission of Cabades, was worked by one of the natives, a man named Symeon.

When Symeon saw that both nations were busily engaged in the war, he resolved to deprive Cabades of the revenue.

Therefore he gave both himself and Pharangium over to the Romans, but refused to hand over the gold of the mine to either side.

The Romans did nothing, thinking it sufficient that the enemy had lost the income from there. The Persians were unable, against the will of the Romans, to force the inhabitants of the place to terms, because they were checked by the difficult country.

At about the same time Narses and Aratius, who at the beginning of this war, as I have stated above, had encountered Sittas and Belisarius in the land of the Persarmenians, came over as deserters to the Romans with their mother.

Narses, the emperor's steward, received them, for he too happened to be a Persarmenian by birth, and he presented them with a large sum of money.

When this became known to Isaac, their youngest brother, he secretly opened negotiations with the Romans and handed over to them the fortress Bolum, which lies very near the limits of Theodosiopolis.

He directed soldiers to be concealed somewhere nearby, received them into the fortress by night, and secretly opened one small gate for them. Thus he too came to Byzantium.

Wars 1.21.1-28

As soon as the battle on the Euphrates had taken place, Hermogenes came before Cabades to negotiate with him. He accomplished nothing concerning the peace for which he had come, since he found Cabades still swelling with anger against the Romans. For this reason he returned without success.

Belisarius came to Byzantium at the summons of the emperor, having been removed from the office he held, so that he might march against the Vandals.

Sittas, as the emperor Justinian had decreed, went to the East to guard that portion of the empire.

The Persians once more invaded Mesopotamia with a great army, under the command of Chanaranges, Aspebedes, and Mermeroes.

Since no one dared to engage with them, they made camp and began the siege of Martyropolis, where Bouzes and Bessas had been stationed as commanders of the garrison.

This city lies in the land called Sophanene, two hundred and forty stades north of Amida, right on the river Nymphius, which divides the land of the Romans and the Persians.

The Persians began to attack the fortifications. Although the besieged at first resisted them manfully, it did not seem likely that they would hold out long.

For the circuit-wall was very easy to attack in most places and could easily be captured by a Persian siege. Besides this, they did not have a sufficient supply of provisions, nor engines of war, nor anything else useful for defending themselves.

Meanwhile Sittas and the Roman army came to a place called Attachas, one hundred stades from Martyropolis. But they did not dare to advance farther; they made camp and remained there.

Hermogenes was also with them, having come again as ambassador from Byzantium. At this point the following event took place.

There has long been a custom among both Romans and Persians for spies to be fed at public expense. These men are accustomed to go secretly among the enemy, so that, after examining what is being done with precision, they may return and report it to the rulers.

Many of them, as is likely, are eager to use goodwill toward their own people; but some also hand over secrets to the enemy.

At that time, then, a certain spy sent from the Persians to the Romans came into the sight of the emperor Justinian. He revealed many things being done among the barbarians, and also that a nation of Massagetae, for the harm of the Romans, would very soon go out into the settled lands of the Persians, and from there, going into Roman territory, were ready to mingle with the Persian army.

When Justinian heard these things, and since he already had proof of the man's truthfulness toward him, he gave him a large sum of money and persuaded him to go to the Persian camp which was besieging the Martyropolitans. There he was to announce to the barbarians that these Massagetae, persuaded by money from the Roman emperor, were about to come against them almost immediately.

The spy did these things. Coming to the camp of the barbarians, he announced to Chanaranges and the others that an army of hostile Huns would soon come to the Romans against them.

When they heard this, they were seized with fear and were at a loss about the present situation.

At this point Cabades happened to fall gravely ill in body. He called one of the Persians who was among his closest intimates, named Mebodes, and conferred with him about Chosroes and the kingdom. He said that he feared the Persians might be eager to disregard some of the things he had decided.

Mebodes urged him to leave a declaration of his purpose in writing, telling him to be confident that the Persians would never dare to overlook it. Cabades therefore plainly set down that Chosroes should be made king over the Persians. Mebodes himself wrote the document, and immediately Cabades vanished from among men.

When all the lawful rites had been performed for the burial of the king, Caoses, trusting in the law, began to lay claim to the honor. But Mebodes prevented him, saying that no one ought to enter the kingship of his own accord, but by the vote of the notable men of the Persians.

Caoses entrusted the decision about the matter to the officials, suspecting that no obstacle would come to him from that direction.

When all the notable Persians had gathered and were seated for this purpose, Mebodes read out the document and revealed Cabades' intention concerning Chosroes. Remembering the virtue of Cabades, they all at once proclaimed Chosroes king over the Persians.

In this way Chosroes obtained the rule.

At Martyropolis, Sittas and Hermogenes were afraid for the city, for they had no way to defend it in its danger. They sent certain men to the enemy. Coming before the generals, these men spoke as follows:

"You do not notice that you are improperly standing in the way of the king of the Persians, of the good things of peace, and of the commonwealth of each side. Envoys sent from the emperor are now present, so that, going to the king of the Persians, they may dissolve the disputes and make treaties with him. Rise as quickly as possible from the land of the Romans, therefore, and allow the envoys to do what will benefit both sides.

"We are ready to give approved men as hostages for these very things, since they will in fact be fulfilled before long."

The envoys of the Romans said so much.

It happened also that a messenger from the palace had come to the Persians. He reported to them that Cabades had died and that Chosroes, son of Cabades, had been set up as king over the Persians, and that for this reason their affairs were unsettled.

Because of this the generals gladly heard the words of the Romans, since they also feared the attack of the Huns. The Romans therefore immediately gave Martinus as a hostage, and one of Sittas' guardsmen named Senecius. The Persians broke up the siege and made their retreat at once.

Not long afterward the Huns invaded the land of the Romans. Since they did not find the Persian army there, they made only a short raid and all withdrew homeward.

Wars 1.22.1-19

Immediately Rufinus, Alexander, and Thomas came to act as ambassadors with Hermogenes, and all of them came before the Persian king at the river Tigris.

When Chosroes saw them, he released the hostages. Then the ambassadors coaxed Chosroes and spoke many beguiling words, words quite unworthy of Roman ambassadors.

By this treatment Chosroes became tractable and agreed to establish a peace with them that should be without end, for the price of one hundred and ten centenaria, on the condition that the commander of the troops in Mesopotamia should no longer be at Daras, but should spend all his time at Constantina, as had been customary before.

But he refused to give back the fortresses in Lazica, although he himself demanded to receive back from the Romans both Pharangium and the fortress Bolum.

A centenarium weighs one hundred pounds, and for this reason it is so called; for the Romans call one hundred centum.

He demanded that this gold be given to him so that the Romans would not be compelled either to tear down the city of Daras or to share with the Persians the garrison at the Caspian Gates.

The ambassadors approved the rest, but said that they could not concede the fortresses unless they first asked the emperor about them.

It was therefore decided that Rufinus should be sent to Byzantium concerning these matters, and that the others should wait until he returned.

It was arranged with Rufinus that seventy days would be allowed until he should arrive.

When Rufinus came to Byzantium and reported to the emperor what Chosroes had decided about the peace, the emperor commanded them to make the peace on these terms.

Meanwhile a report, not true, came to Persia that the emperor Justinian had grown angry and had put Rufinus to death.

Chosroes was greatly disturbed by this and, already filled with anger, advanced against the Romans with his whole army.

But Rufinus met him on the road as he was returning, not far from the city of Nisibis.

They therefore went themselves to that city, and, since they were about to make the peace, the ambassadors began to bring the money there.

But the emperor Justinian was already repenting that he had given up the strongholds of Lazica, and he wrote a letter to the ambassadors expressly commanding them by no means to hand them over to the Persians.

For this reason Chosroes no longer thought it right to make the treaty. Then it came into Rufinus' mind that he had taken counsel more quickly than safely when he brought the money into Persian land.

Immediately, therefore, he threw himself on the ground and lay prone, begging Chosroes to send the money back with them and not to march at once against the Romans, but to put off the war to another time.

Chosroes ordered him to rise from the ground, promising that he would grant all these things. So the ambassadors came with the money to Daras, and the Persian army marched back.

Then the fellow ambassadors of Rufinus began to regard him with extreme suspicion, and they also denounced him to the emperor, basing their judgment on the fact that Chosroes had been persuaded to grant him everything he asked.

Yet the emperor showed him no disfavor on account of this.

At a time not long after this, Rufinus himself and Hermogenes were again sent to Chosroes. They immediately came to terms with one another for treaties: each side would return whatever places both had taken from the other in this war, and there would no longer be any military command at Daras. It was decided that the Iberians might choose either to remain there in Byzantium or to return to their own country.

Many remained, and many returned to their ancestral settled lands.

Thus they made the so-called Endless Peace, when Justinian was already in the sixth year of his reign.

The Romans gave Pharangium and the fortress Bolum, together with the money, to the Persians. The Persians gave the fortresses of Lazica to the Romans. The Persians also returned Dagaris to the Romans, receiving another notable man in exchange for him.

In later time this Dagaris often defeated in battle Huns who had invaded the land of the Romans and drove them out. For he was exceptionally good in war. In the manner described, then, both sides made firm the treaties between them.

Colophon

This Good Works Translation was prepared for the Scythian shelf by the New Tianmu Anglican Church from the Greek source text printed below. The Greek text was downloaded from the PerseusDL canonical Greek repository as tlg4029.tlg001.perseus-grc2.xml and inspected locally. Dewing's public-domain English, preserved in the local ToposText capture and Ready archival dossier, was used only as a control.

This is the fourth unit in the Procopius Wars steppe and Black Sea translation dossier.

Compiled and formatted for the Good Work Library by the New Tianmu Anglican Church, 2026.

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Source Text: Procopius, Wars 1.12, 1.15, 1.21, and 1.22

Greek source text from Procopius, Wars 1.12, 1.15, 1.21, and 1.22. Presented here for reference, study, and verification alongside the English translation above.

Wars 1.12

§ 1.12.1 Εὐθὺς δὲ Καβάδης, καίπερ ἐν σπουδῇ ἔχων ἐσβολήν τινα ἐς τῶν Ῥωμαίων ποιεῖσθαι τὴν γῆν, οὐδαμῆ ἴσχυσεν, ἐπεὶ αὐτῷ ἐναντίωμα τοιόνδε ξυνηνέχθη γενέσθαι.

§ 1.12.2 Ἴβηρες οἳ ἐν τῇ Ἀσίᾳ οἰκοῦσι πρὸς αὐταῖς που ταῖς Κασπίαις ἵδρυνται πύλαις, αἵπερ αὐτοῖς εἰσι πρὸς βορρᾶν ἄνεμον. καὶ αὐτῶν ἐν ἀριστερᾷ μὲν ἐχομένη πρὸς τὰς ἡλίου δυσμὰς Λαζική ἐστιν, ἐν δεξιᾷ δὲ πρὸς ἀνίσχοντα ἥλιον τὰ Περσῶν ἔθνη.

§ 1.12.3 οὗτος ὁ λεὼς Χριστιανοί τέ εἰσι καὶ τὰ νόμιμα τῆς δόξης φυλάσσουσι ταύτης πάντων μάλιστα ἀνθρώπων ὧν ἡμεῖς ἴσμεν, κατήκοοι μέντοι ἐκ παλαιοῦ τοῦ Περσῶν βασιλέως τυγχάνουσιν ὄντες.

§ 1.12.4 τότε δὲ αὐτοὺς ἤθελε Καβάδης ἐς τὰ νόμιμα τῆς αὑτοῦ δόξης βιάζεσθαι. καὶ αὐτῶν τῷ βασιλεῖ Γουργένῃ ἐπέστελλε τά τε ἄλλα ποιεῖν ᾗ Πέρσαι νομίζουσι καὶ τοὺς νεκροὺς τῇ γῇ ὡς ἥκιστα κρύπτειν, ἀλλ’ ὄρνισί τε ῥιπτεῖν καὶ κυσὶν ἅπαντας.

§ 1.12.5 διὸ δὴ Γουργένης προσχωρεῖν Ἰουστίνῳ βασιλεῖ ἤθελε τά τε πιστὰ ἠξίου λαβεῖν ὡς οὔποτε Ἴβηρας καταπροήσονται Πέρσαις Ῥωμαῖοι.

§ 1.12.6 ὁ δὲ ταῦτά τε αὐτῷ ξὺν προθυμίᾳ πολλῇ ἐδίδου καὶ Πρόβον τὸν Ἀναστασίου τοῦ βεβασιλευκότος ἀδελφιδοῦν, ἄνδρα πατρίκιον, ξὺν χρήμασι πολλοῖς ἐς Βόσπορον ἔπεμψεν, ἐφ’ ᾧ στράτευμα Οὔννων χρήμασιν ἀναπείσας Ἴβηρσι πέμψῃ ἐς ξυμμαχίαν.

§ 1.12.7 ἔστι δὲ πόλις ἐπιθαλασσία ἡ Βόσπορος, ἐν ἀριστερᾷ μὲν ἐσπλέοντι τὸν Εὔξεινον καλούμενον πόντον, Χερσῶνος δὲ πόλεως, ἣ γῆς τῆς Ῥωμαίων ἐσχάτη ἐστίν, ὁδῷ διέχουσα ἡμερῶν εἴκοσιν. ὦν δὴ τὰ ἐν μέσῳ ἅπαντα Οὖννοι ἔχουσιν.

§ 1.12.8 οἱ δὲ Βοσπορῖται αὐτόνομοι μὲν τὸ παλαιὸν ᾤκουν, Ἰουστίνῳ δὲ βασιλεῖ ἔναγχος προσχωρεῖν ἔγνωσαν.

§ 1.12.9 ἐπεὶ δὲ Πρόβος ἐνθένδε ἄπρακτος ἀνεχώρησε, Πέτρον στρατηγὸν σὺν Οὔννοις τισὶν ἐς Λαζικὴν βασιλεὺς ἔπεμψε Γουργένῃ ὅση δύναμις ξυμμαχήσοντα.

§ 1.12.10 ἐν τούτῳ δὲ Καβάδης στράτευμα λόγου πολλοῦ ἄξιον ἐπί τε Γουργένην καὶ Ἴβηρας ἔπεμψε καὶ στρατηγὸν ἄνδρα Πέρσην, οὐαρίζην μὲν τὸ ἀξίωμα, Βόην δὲ ὄνομα.

§ 1.12.11 ὅ τε Γουργένης ἐλάσσων ὀφθεὶς ἢ φέρειν τὴν Περσῶν ἔφοδον, ἐπεί οἱ τὰ ἐκ Ῥωμαίων οὐχ ἱκανὰ ἦν, ξὺν Ἰβήρων τοῖς λογίμοις ἅπασιν ἐς Λαζικὴν ἔφυγε, τήν τε γυναῖκα καὶ τοὺς παῖδας ξὺν τοῖς ἀδελφοῖς ἐπαγόμενος, ὧν δὴ Περάνιος ὁ πρεσβύτατος ἦν.

§ 1.12.12 ἐν δὲ τοῖς Λαζικῆς ὁρίοις γενόμενοι ἔμενον, ταῖς τε δυσχωρίαις φραξάμενοι τοὺς πολεμίους ὑφίσταντο.

§ 1.12.13 Πέρσαι δὲ αὐτοῖς ἐπισπόμενοι οὐδὲν ὅ τι καὶ λόγου ἄξιον ἔπρασσον, τοῦ πράγματος σφίσι διὰ τὰς δυσχωρίας ἀντιστατοῦντος.

§ 1.12.14 Ἔπειτα δὲ οἵ τε Ἴβηρες ἐς Βυζάντιον παρεγένοντο καὶ Πέτρος ἐς βασιλέα μετάπεμπτος ἦλθε, καὶ τὸ λοιπὸν βασιλεὺς Λαζοῖς οὐ βουλομένοις ξυμφυλάσσειν τὴν χώραν ἠξίου, στράτευμά τε καὶ Εἰρηναῖον ἄρχοντα πέμψας.

§ 1.12.15 ἔστι δὲ φρούρια ἐν Λαζοῖς δύο εὐθὺς εἰσιόντι ἐκ τῶν Ἰβηρίας ὁρίων, ὧν ἡ φυλακὴ τοῖς ἐπιχωρίοις ἐκ παλαιοῦ ἐπιμελὴς ἦν, καίπερ ταλαιπωρίᾳ πολλῇ ἐχομένοις, ἐπεὶ οὔτε σῖτος ἐνταῦθα οὔτε οἶνος οὔτε ἄλλο τι ἀγαθὸν γίνεται.

§ 1.12.16 οὐ μὴν οὐδέ τι ἑτέρωθεν ἐσκομίζεσθαι διὰ τὴν στενοχωρίαν οἷόν τέ ἐστιν,

§ 1.12.17 ὅτι μὴ φερόντων ἀνθρώπων. ἐλύμοις μέντοι τισὶν ἐνταῦθα γιγνομένοις εἰθισμένον σφίσιν οἱ Λαζοὶ ἀποζῆν ἴσχυον.

§ 1.12.18 τούτους ἐξαναστήσας ἐνθένδε βασιλεὺς τοὺς φρουρούς, στρατιώτας Ῥωμαίους ἐκέλευεν ἐπὶ τῇ φυλακῇ τῶν φρουρίων καθίστασθαι.

§ 1.12.19 οἷς δὴ κατ’ ἀρχὰς μὲν ἐπιτήδεια μόλις Λαζοὶ ἔφερον, ὕστερον δὲ αὐτοί τε πρὸς τὴν ὑπουργίαν ἀπεῖπον καὶ Ῥωμαῖοι τὰ φρούρια ταῦτα ἐξέλιπον, οἵ τε Πέρσαι πόνῳ αὐτὰ οὐδενὶ ἔσχον. ταῦτα μὲν ἐν Λαζοῖς γέγονε.

§ 1.12.20 Ῥωμαῖοι δέ, Σίττα τε καὶ Βελισαρίου ἡγουμένων σφίσιν, ἐς Περσαρμενίαν τὴν Περσῶν κατήκοον ἐσβαλόντες χώραν τε πολλὴν ἐληίσαντο καὶ Ἀρμενίων πάμπολυ πλῆθος ἀνδραποδίσαντες ἀπεχώρησαν.

§ 1.12.21 τούτω δὲ τὼ ἄνδρε νεανία μὲν καὶ πρῶτον ὑπηνήτα ἤστην, Ἰουστινιανοῦ δὲ στρατηγοῦ δορυφόρω, ὃς δὴ χρόνῳ ὕστερον ξὺν Ἰουστίνῳ τῷ θείῳ τὴν βασιλείαν ἔσχεν. ἑτέρας δὲ ἐσβολῆς Ῥωμαίοις ἐς Ἀρμενίαν γεγενημένης Ναρσῆς τε καὶ Ἀράτιος παρὰ δόξαν ὑπαντιάσαντες ἐς χεῖρας ἦλθον.

§ 1.12.22 οἳ οὐ πολλῷ ὕστερον ἐς Ῥωμαίους τε αὐτόμολοι ἵκοντο καὶ ξὺν Βελισαρίῳ ἐς Ἰταλίαν ἐστράτευσαν, τότε μέντοι τοῖς ἀμφὶ Σίτταν τε καὶ Βελισάριον ξυμβαλόντες τὸ πλέον ἔσχον.

§ 1.12.23 εἰσέβαλε δὲ καὶ ἀμφὶ πόλιν Νίσιβιν ἄλλη Ῥωμαίων στρατιά, ἧς Λιβελάριος ἐκ Θρᾴκης ἦρχεν. οἳ φεύγοντες εὐθυωρὸν τὴν ἀναχώρησιν ἐποιήσαντο, καίπερ οὐδενὸς σφίσιν ἐπεξιόντος.

§ 1.12.24 διὸ δὴ Λιβελάριον μὲν παρέλυσε τῆς ἀρχῆς βασιλεύς, Βελισάριον δὲ ἄρχοντα καταλόγων τῶν ἐν Δάρας κατεστήσατο. τότε δὴ αὐτῷ ξύμβουλος ᾑρέθη Προκόπιος ὃς τάδε ξυνέγραψε.

Wars 1.15

§ 1.15.1 Καβάδης δὲ ἄλλο στράτευμα ἐς Ἀρμενίαν τὴν Ῥωμαίων κατήκοον ἔπεμψε. τὸ δὲ στράτευμα τοῦτο Περσαρμενίων τε καὶ Σουνιτῶν ἦσαν, οἳ δὴ Ἀλανοῖς εἰσιν ὅμοροι. Οὖννοί τε αὐτοῖς οἱ Σάβειροι καλούμενοι τρισχίλιοι ξυνῆσαν, μαχιμώτατον ἔθνος.

§ 1.15.2 στρατηγὸς δὲ Μερμερόης, Πέρσης ἀνήρ, ἅπασιν ἐφειστήκει. οἵπερ ἐπειδὴ Θεοδοσιουπόλεως τριῶν ἡμερῶν ὁδῷ διεῖχον, ἐνστρατοπεδευσάμενοί τε ἔμενον ἐν Περσαρμενίων τῇ χώρᾳ καὶ τὰ ἐς τὴν ἐσβολὴν ἐξηρτύοντο.

§ 1.15.3 ἐτύγχανε δὲ Ἀρμενίας μὲν στρατηγὸς Δωρόθεος ὤν, ἀνὴρ ξυνετός τε καὶ πολέμων πολλῶν ἔμπειρος. Σίττας δὲ ἀρχὴν μὲν τὴν στρατηγίδα ἐν Βυζαντίῳ εἶχε, παντὶ δὲ τῷ ἐν Ἀρμενίοις στρατῷ ἐφειστήκει.

§ 1.15.4 οἳ δὴ στράτευμα πολεμίων γνόντες ἐν Περσαρμενίοις ἀγείρεσθαι, δορυφόρους δύο εὐθὺς ἔπεμψαν ἐφ’ ᾧ διασκοπήσαντες ἅπασαν σφίσι τῶν πολεμίων τὴν δύναμιν ἐσαγγείλωσιν.

§ 1.15.5 ἄμφω τε ἐν τῷ στρατοπέδῳ τῶν βαρβάρων γενόμενοι καὶ ἅπαντα ἐς τὸ ἀκριβὲς κατανοήσαντες ἀπηλλάσσοντο.

§ 1.15.6 ὁδῷ τε ἰόντες ἔς τι τῶν ἐκείνῃ χωρίων Οὔννοις πολεμίοις ἀπροσδόκητοι ἐντυγχάνουσιν. ὑφ’ ὧν ἅτερος μέν, Δάγαρις ὄνομα, δεθεὶς ἐζωγρήθη, ὁ δὲ δὴ ἄλλος φυγεῖν τε ἴσχυσε καὶ τοῖς στρατηγοῖς τὸν πάντα λόγον ἀπήγγειλεν.

§ 1.15.7 οἱ δὲ ἅπαν τὸ στράτευμα ἐξοπλίσαντες, τῶν πολεμίων τῷ στρατοπέδῳ ἐκ τοῦ αἰφνιδίου ἐπέστησαν.

§ 1.15.8 οἵ τε βάρβαροι τῷ ἀπροσδοκήτῳ καταπλαγέντες οὐκέτι ἐς ἀλκὴν ἔβλεπον, ἀλλ’ ἔφευγον ὡς ἕκαστός πη ἐδύνατο. ἐνταῦθα Ῥωμαῖοι κτείναντές τε συχνοὺς καὶ τὸ στρατόπεδον ληισάμενοι αὐτίκα δὴ ὀπίσω ἀπήλαυνον.

§ 1.15.9 Μερμερόης τε ξύμπασαν ἀγείρας τὴν στρατιὰν οὐ πολλῷ ὕστερον ἐς γῆν τὴν Ῥωμαίων ἐσέβαλλε, καὶ καταλαμβάνουσι τοὺς πολεμίους ἀμφὶ Σάταλαν πόλιν. οὗ δὴ ἐνστρατοπεδευσάμενοι ἐν χωρίῳ Ὀκτάβῃ ἡσύχαζον, ὅπερ τῆς πόλεως ἕξ τε καὶ πεντήκοντα σταδίους ἀπέχει.

§ 1.15.10 Σίττας μὲν οὖν χιλίους ἐπαγαγόμενος ὄπισθεν τῶν τινος λόφων ἐκρύπτετο, οἷοι πολλοὶ Σάταλαν τὴν πόλιν ἐν πεδίῳ κειμένην κυκλοῦσι.

§ 1.15.11 Δωρόθεον δὲ ξὺν τῷ ἄλλῳ στρατῷ ἐντὸς τοῦ περιβόλου ἐκέλευε μένειν, ἐπεὶ ἐν τῷ ὁμαλῷ τοὺς πολεμίους ὑφίστασθαι οἷοί τε εἶναι οὐδαμῆ ᾤοντο, οὐχ ἧσσον ἢ τρισμυρίους ὄντας, αὐτοὶ μόλις ἐς τὸ ἥμισυ ἐξικνούμενοι.

§ 1.15.12 τῇ δὲ ἐπιούσῃ ἡμέρᾳ οἱ βάρβαροι ἄγχιστα τοῦ περιβόλου γενόμενοι, κύκλωσιν αὐτοῦ ποιεῖσθαί τινα ἐν σπουδῇ εἶχον. ἄφνω δὲ κατιδόντες τοὺς ἀμφὶ Σίτταν ἐξ ὑψηλοῦ ἤδη ἐπ’ αὐτοὺς καταβαίνοντας, καὶ αὐτῶν ξυμμετρεῖσθαι τὸ πλῆθος ἥκιστα ἔχοντες, ἅτε κονιορτοῦ ὥρᾳ θέρους πολλοῦ ἐγκειμένου, πολλῷ τε πλείους ᾤοντο εἶναι καὶ τῆς κυκλώσεως κατὰ τάχος ἀφέμενοι ἐς ὀλίγον τινὰ χῶρον αὑτοὺς ξυναγαγεῖν ἠπείγοντο.

§ 1.15.13 φθάσαντες δὲ Ῥωμαῖοι καὶ διελόντες σφᾶς αὐτοὺς ἐς ξυμμορίας δύο ἀναχωροῦσιν ἐκ τοῦ περιβόλου ἐπέθεντο, ὅπερ ἐπειδὴ ἅπας εἶδεν ὁ Ῥωμαίων στρατός, ἐθάρσησάν τε καὶ δρόμῳ πολλῷ ἐκ τοῦ περιβόλου ξυρρέοντες ἐπὶ τοὺς ἐναντίους ἐχώρησαν.

§ 1.15.14 μέσους δὲ αὐτοὺς καταστησάμενοι εἰς φυγὴν ἔτρεψαν. πλήθει μέντοι, ὥσπερ ἐρρήθη, τῶν πολεμίων οἱ βάρβαροι ὑπεραίροντες ἔτι ἀντεῖχον, ἥ τε μάχη καρτερὰ ἐγεγόνει καὶ ἐκ χειρὸς ἦν.

§ 1.15.15 ἀγχιστρόφους δὲ τὰς διώξεις ἐποιοῦντο ἐς ἀλλήλους ἑκάτεροι, ἐπεὶ ἱππεῖς ἅπαντες ἦσαν. ἐνταῦθα Φλωρέντιος Θρᾷξ, καταλόγου ἱππικοῦ ἄρχων, εἰς μέσους ὁρμήσας τοὺς πολεμίους καὶ αὐτῶν τὸ στρατηγικὸν σημεῖον ἁρπάσας, ἐπικλίνας τε αὐτὸ ὡς μάλιστα, ὀπίσω ἀπήλαυνε.

§ 1.15.16 καὶ αὐτὸς μὲν καταληφθείς τε καὶ κρεουργηθεὶς αὐτοῦ ἔπεσε, τῆς δὲ νίκης Ῥωμαίοις αἰτιώτατος γέγονεν. ἐπεὶ γὰρ τὸ σημεῖον οἱ βάρβαροι οὐκέτι ἑώρων, ἐς ἀκοσμίαν τε πολλὴν καὶ ὀρρωδίαν ἐμπεπτωκότες ὑπεχώρησάν τε καὶ γενόμενοι ἐν τῷ στρατοπέδῳ ἡσύχαζον,

§ 1.15.17 πολλοὺς ἐν τῇ μάχῃ ἀποβαλόντες. τῇ τε ὑστεραίᾳ ἐπ’ οἴκου ἅπαντες ἀνεχώρησαν οὐδενὸς σφίσιν ἐπισπομένου, ἐπεὶ μέγα τε καὶ λόγου πολλοῦ ἄξιον ἐφαίνετο εἶναι τῷ Ῥωμαίων στρατῷ βαρβάρους τοσούτους τὸ πλῆθος ἔν τε τῇ σφετέρᾳ χώρᾳ ἐκεῖνα πεπονθέναι ἅπερ μοι ὀλίγῳ ἔμπροσθεν εἴρηται, καὶ ἐς τὴν πολεμίαν ἐμβεβληκότας ἀπράκτους τε καὶ οὕτω πρὸς τῶν ἐλασσόνων ἡσσημένους ἀπαλλαγῆναι.

§ 1.15.18 Τότε καὶ Περσῶν χωρία ἐν Περσαρμενίοις Ῥωμαῖοι ἔσχον, φρούριόν τε τὸ Βῶλον καὶ τὸ Φαράγγιον καλούμενον, ὅθεν δὴ τὸν χρυσὸν Πέρσαι ὀρύσσοντες βασιλεῖ φέρουσιν.

§ 1.15.19 ἐτύγχανον δὲ καὶ ὀλίγῳ πρότερον καταστρεψάμενοι τὸ Τζανικὸν ἔθνος, οἳ ἐν γῇ τῇ Ῥωμαίων αὐτόνομοι ἐκ παλαιοῦ ἵδρυντο· ἅπερ αὐτίκα ὅντινα ἐπράχθη τρόπον λελέξεται.

§ 1.15.20 Ἐκ τῶν Ἀρμενίας χωρίων ἐς Περσαρμενίαν ἰόντι ἐν δεξιᾷ μὲν ὁ Ταῦρός ἐστιν, ἔς τε Ἰβηρίαν καὶ τὰ ἐκείνῃ ἔθνη διήκων, ὥσπερ μοι ὀλίγῳ ἔμπροσθεν εἴρηται, ἐν ἀριστερᾷ δὲ κατάντης μὲν ἐπὶ πλεῖστον ἀεὶ προϊοῦσα ἡ ὁδὸς γίνεται, καὶ ὄρη ἀποκρέμαται λίαν ἀπότομα νεφέλαις τε καὶ χιόσι κεκαλυμμένα τὸν πάντα αἰῶνα,

§ 1.15.21 ἔνθεν ἐξιὼν ποταμὸς Φᾶσις φέρεται ἐς γῆν τὴν Κολχίδα. ταύτῃ τὸ ἐξ ἀρχῆς βάρβαροι, τὸ Τζανικὸν ἔθνος, οὐδενὸς κατήκοοι ᾤκηντο, Σάνοι ἐν τοῖς ἄνω χρόνοις καλούμενοι, λῃστείαις μὲν χρώμενοι ἐς τοὺς περιοίκους Ῥωμαίους, δίαιταν δὲ σκληρὰν ὑπερφυῶς ἔχοντες καὶ τοῖς φωρίοις ἀεὶ ἀποζῶντες· οὐ γάρ τι ἐς βρῶσιν αὐτοῖς ἀγαθὸν ἡ γῆ ἔφερε.

§ 1.15.22 διὸ δὴ αὐτοῖς χρυσίον τακτὸν ἀνὰ πᾶν ἔτος ὁ Ῥωμαίων βασιλεὺς ἔπεμπεν, ἐφ’ ᾧ δὴ μήποτε ληίσονται τὰ ἐκείνῃ χωρία.

§ 1.15.23 οἱ δὲ καὶ ὅρκους τοὺς σφίσι πατρίους ὑπὲρ τούτων ὀμνύντες καὶ τὰ ὀμωμοσμένα ἐν ἀλογίᾳ ποιούμενοι ἀπροσδόκητοί τε ἐμπίπτοντες ἐκ τοῦ ἐπὶ πλεῖστον ἐκακούργουν οὐκ Ἀρμενίους μόνον, ἀλλὰ καὶ τοὺς αὐτῶν ἐχομένους Ῥωμαίους μέχρι ἐς θάλασσαν, δι’ ὀλίγου τε τὴν ἔφοδον πεποιημένοι εὐθὺς ἐπ’ οἴκου ἀπεκομίζοντο.

§ 1.15.24 καὶ Ῥωμαίων ἴσως ἐντυχόντες στρατῷ ἡσσῶντο μὲν τῇ μάχῃ, ἁλώσιμοι δὲ παντάπασιν οὐκ ἐγίνοντο χωρίων ἰσχύϊ. μάχῃ τοίνυν ὁ Σίττας αὐτοὺς πρὸ τοῦδε τοῦ πολέμου νικήσας, ἐπαγωγά τε πολλὰ ἐς αὐτοὺς εἰπών τε καὶ πράξας,

§ 1.15.25 προσποιήσασθαι παντελῶς ἴσχυσε. τήν τε γὰρ δίαιταν ἐπὶ τὸ ἡμερώτερον μεταβαλόντες ἐς καταλόγους αὑτοὺς Ῥωμαϊκοὺς ἐσεγράψαντο, καὶ τὸ λοιπὸν ξὺν τῷ ἄλλῳ Ῥωμαίων στρατῷ ἐπὶ τοὺς πολεμίους ἐξίασι. τήν τε δόξαν ἐπὶ τὸ εὐσεβέστερον μετέθεντο, ἅπαντες Χριστιανοὶ γεγενημένοι. τὰ μὲν οὖν ἀμφὶ τοῖς Τζάνοις ταύτῃ πη ἔσχεν.

§ 1.15.26 ʽΥπερβάντι δὲ τὰ αὐτῶν ὅρια φάραγξ ἐστὶ βαθεῖά τε καὶ λίαν κρημνώδης, μέχρι ἐς τὰ Καυκάσια ὄρη διήκουσα. ἐνταῦθα χωρία τε πολυανθρωπότατά ἐστι καὶ ἄμπελός τε καὶ ἡ ἄλλη ὀπώρα διαρκῶς φύεται.

§ 1.15.27 καὶ μέχρι μὲν ἐς τριῶν ἡμερῶν ὁδὸν μάλιστα Ῥωμαίοις ἡ φάραγξ αὕτη ὑποτελὴς τυγχάνει οὖσα, τὸ δὲ ἐνθένδε οἱ Περσαρμενίων ὅροι ἐκδέχονται, οὗ δὴ καὶ τὸ τοῦ χρυσοῦ μέταλλόν ἐστιν ὅπερ Καβάδου δόντος ἐπετρόπευε τῶν τις ἐπιχωρίων Συμεώνης ὄνομα.

§ 1.15.28 οὗτος ὁ Συμεώνης, ἐπειδὴ ἀμφοτέρους ἐς τὸν πόλεμον ἀκμάζοντας εἶδε, Καβάδην τῆς τῶν χρημάτων προσόδου ἀποστερεῖν ἔγνω.

§ 1.15.29 διὸ δὴ αὑτόν τε καὶ τὸ Φαράγγιον Ῥωμαίοις ἐνδοὺς οὐδετέροις τὸν ἐκ τοῦ μετάλλου χρυσὸν ἀποφέρειν ἠξίου.

§ 1.15.30 Ῥωμαῖοι μὲν γὰρ οὐδὲν ἔπραττον, ἀποχρῆν σφίσιν ἡγούμενοι ἀπολωλέναι τοῖς πολεμίοις τὴν ἐνθένδε φοράν, Πέρσαι δὲ οὐχ οἷοί τε ἦσαν ἀκόντων Ῥωμαίων τοὺς ταύτῃ ᾠκημένους ἀντιστατούσης τῆς δυσχωρίας βιάζεσθαι.

§ 1.15.31 Ὑπὸ δὲ τοὺς αὐτοὺς χρόνους Ναρσῆς τε καὶ Ἀράτιος, οἳ Βελισαρίῳ καὶ Σίττᾳ ἐν Περσαρμενίων τῇ χώρᾳ κατ’ ἀρχὰς τοῦδε τοῦ πολέμου ἐς χεῖρας ἦλθον, ὥσπερ ἔμπροσθέν μοι δεδήλωται, ξὺν τῇ μητρὶ αὐτόμολοι ἐς Ῥωμαίους ἧκον, καὶ αὐτοὺς Ναρσῆς ὁ βασιλέως ταμίας ἐδέξατο ʽΠερσαρμένιος γὰρ καὶ αὐτὸς γένος ἐτύγχανἐ χρήμασί τε αὐτοὺς δωρεῖται μεγάλοις.

§ 1.15.32 ὅπερ ἐπειδὴ Ἰσαάκης, ὁ νεώτατος αὐτῶν ἀδελφός, ἔμαθε, Ῥωμαίοις λάθρα ἐς λόγους ἐλθὼν Βῶλον αὐτοῖς τὸ φρούριον, ἄγχιστά πη ὂν τῶν Θεοδοσιουπόλεως ὁρίων, παρέδωκε.

§ 1.15.33 στρατιώτας γὰρ ἐγγύς πη ἐπέστελλε κρύπτεσθαι, οὓς δὴ τῷ φρουρίῳ νύκτωρ ἐδέξατο, μίαν αὐτοῖς λάθρα ἀνακλίνας πυλίδα· οὕτω τε καὶ αὐτὸς ἐς Βυζάντιον ἦλθεν.

Wars 1.21

§ 1.21.1 Ἑρμογένης δὲ τότε, ἐπειδὴ τάχιστα ἡ πρὸς τῷ Εὐφράτῃ μάχη ἐγένετο, παρὰ Καβάδην ἐπὶ πρεσβείᾳ ἥκων, ἐπέραινεν οὐδὲν τῆς εἰρήνης πέρι ἧς ἕνεκα ἦλθεν, ἐπεὶ αὐτὸν οἰδαίνοντα ἔτι ἐπὶ Ῥωμαίους εὗρε· διὸ δὴ ἄπρακτος ἀνεχώρησε.

§ 1.21.2 καὶ Βελισάριος βασιλεῖ ἐς Βυζάντιον μετάπεμπτος ἦλθε περιῃρημένος ἣν εἶχεν ἀρχήν, ἐφ’ ᾧ ἐπὶ Βανδίλους στρατεύσειε.

§ 1.21.3 Σίττας δέ, Ἰουστινιανῷ βασιλεῖ τοῦτο δεδογμένον, ὡς φυλάξων τὴν ἑῴαν ἐνταῦθα ἦλθε.

§ 1.21.4 καὶ Πέρσαι αὖθις στρατῷ πολλῷ ἐς Μεσοποταμίαν, Χαναράγγου τε καὶ Ἀσπεβέδου καὶ Μερμερόου ἡγουμένων σφίσιν, ἐσέβαλον.

§ 1.21.5 ἐπεί τε αὐτοῖς ἐτόλμα οὐδεὶς ἐς χεῖρας ἰέναι, Μαρτυρόπολιν ἐγκαθεζόμενοι ἐπολιόρκουν, οὗ δὴ Βούζης τε καὶ Βέσσας τεταγμένοι ἐπὶ τῇ φυλακῇ ἔτυχον.

§ 1.21.6 αὕτη δὲ κεῖται μὲν ἐν τῇ Σοφανηνῇ καλουμένῃ χώρᾳ, πόλεως Ἀμίδης τεσσαράκοντά τε καὶ διακοσίοις σταδίοις διέχουσα πρὸς βορρᾶν ἄνεμον· πρὸς αὐτῷ δὲ Νυμφίῳ τῷ ποταμῷ ἐστιν, ὃς τήν τε Ῥωμαίων γῆν καὶ Περσῶν διορίζει.

§ 1.21.7 οἱ μὲν οὖν Πέρσαι τῷ περιβόλῳ προσέβαλλον, οἱ δὲ πολιορκούμενοι κατ’ ἀρχὰς μὲν αὐτοὺς ἀνδρείως ὑφίσταντο, οὐ διὰ πολλοῦ δὲ ἀνθέξειν ἐπίδοξοι ἦσαν.

§ 1.21.8 ὅ τε γὰρ περίβολος ἐπιμαχώτατος ἦν ἐκ τοῦ ἐπὶ πλεῖστον καὶ πολιορκίᾳ Περσῶν ῥᾷστα ἁλώσιμος, αὐτοί τε τὰ ἐπιτήδεια οὐ διαρκῶς εἶχον, οὐ μὴν οὐδὲ μηχανὰς οὐδέ τι ἄλλο ἀξιόχρεων καθ’ ὅ τι ἀμύνωνται.

§ 1.21.9 Σίττας δὲ καὶ ὁ Ῥωμαίων στρατὸς ἐς χωρίον μὲν Ἀτταχᾶς ἦλθον, Μαρτυροπόλεως ἑκατὸν σταδίοις διέχον, ἐς τὰ πρόσω δὲ οὐκ ἐτόλμων ἰέναι, ἀλλ’ αὐτοῦ ἐνστρατοπεδευσάμενοι ἔμενον.

§ 1.21.10 ξυνῆν δὲ αὐτοῖς καὶ Ἑρμογένης αὖθις ἐπὶ πρεσβείᾳ ἐκ Βυζαντίου ἥκων. ἐν τούτῳ δὲ τοιόνδε τι ξυνηνέχθη γενέσθαι.

§ 1.21.11 Κατασκόπους ἐκ παλαιοῦ ἔν τε Ῥωμαίοις καὶ Πέρσαις δημοσίᾳ σιτίζεσθαι νόμος, οἳ δὴ λάθρα ἰέναι παρὰ τοὺς πολεμίους εἰώθασιν ὅπως περισκοπήσαντες ἐς τὸ ἀκριβὲς τὰ πρασσόμενα εἶτα ἐπανιόντες τοῖς ἄρχουσιν ἐσαγγείλωσι.

§ 1.21.12 τούτων πολλοὶ μὲν εὐνοίᾳ, ὡς τὸ εἰκός, χρῆσθαι ἐς τοὺς ὁμογενεῖς ἐν σπουδῇ ἔχουσι, τινὲς δὲ καὶ τοῖς ἐναντίοις προΐενται τὰ ἀπόρρητα.

§ 1.21.13 τότε οὖν ἐκ Περσῶν κατάσκοπός τις ἐς Ῥωμαίους σταλεὶς ἐς ὄψιν τε Ἰουστινιανῷ βασιλεῖ ἥκων, ἄλλα τε πολλὰ ἐξεῖπεν ἐν τοῖς βαρβάροις πρασσόμενα καὶ ὡς γένος Μασσαγετῶν ἐπὶ τῷ Ῥωμαίων πονηρῷ αὐτίκα δὴ μάλα ἐς τὰ Περσῶν ἤθη ἐξίασιν, ἐνθένδε τε ἐς Ῥωμαίων τὴν γῆν ἰόντες τῷ Περσῶν στρατῷ ἕτοιμοί εἰσιν ἀναμίγνυσθαι·

§ 1.21.14 ὁ δὲ ταῦτα ἀκούσας, πεῖράν τε ἤδη τοῦ ἀνθρώπου ἀληθείας πέρι ἐς αὑτὸν ἔχων, χρήμασιν αὐτὸν ἁδροῖς τισι χαρισάμενος πείθει ἔς τε τὸ Περσῶν στρατόπεδον ἰέναι ὃ δὴ Μαρτυροπολίτας ἐπολιόρκει, καὶ τοῖς ταύτῃ βαρβάροις ἀγγεῖλαι ὅτι δὴ οἱ Μασσαγέται οὗτοι χρήμασιν ἀναπεισθέντες τῷ Ῥωμαίων βασιλεῖ μέλλουσιν ὅσον οὔπω ἐπ’ αὐτοὺς ἥξειν.

§ 1.21.15 ὁ δὲ κατὰ ταῦτα ἐποίει, ἔς τε τὸ τῶν βαρβάρων στρατόπεδον ἀφικόμενος τῷ τε Χαναράγγῃ καὶ τοῖς ἄλλοις ἀπήγγελλε στράτευμα Οὔννων πολεμίων σφίσιν οὐκ ἐς μακρὰν ἐς τοὺς Ῥωμαίους ἀφίξεσθαι.

§ 1.21.16 οἱ δὲ ἐπεὶ ταῦτα ἤκουσαν, κατωρρώδησάν τε καὶ ἐπὶ τοῖς παροῦσι διηποροῦντο.

§ 1.21.17 Ἐν τούτῳ δὲ ξυνέβη πονήρως τῷ Καβάδῃ νοσῆσαι τὸ σῶμα, καὶ Περσῶν ἕνα τῶν οἱ ἐν τοῖς μάλιστα ἐπιτηδειοτάτων καλέσας, Μεβόδην ὄνομα, ἐκοινολογεῖτο ἀμφί τε τῷ Χοσρόῃ καὶ τῇ βασιλείᾳ, δεδιέναι τε Πέρσας ἔφασκε μή τι τῶν αὐτῷ βεβουλευμένων ἀλογῆσαι ἐν σπουδῇ ἕξουσιν.

§ 1.21.18 ὁ δέ οἱ τῆς γνώμης τὴν δήλωσιν ἐν γράμμασιν ἀπολιπεῖν ἠξίου, θαρσοῦντα ὡς οὐ μή ποτε αὐτὴν ὑπεριδεῖν τολμήσωσι Πέρσαι.

§ 1.21.19 Καβάδης μὲν οὖν ἄντικρυς διετίθετο βασιλέα Χοσρόην Πέρσαις καθίστασθαι. τὸ δὲ γράμμα ὁ Μεβόδης αὐτὸς ἔγραφε, καὶ ὁ Καβάδης αὐτίκα ἐξ ἀνθρώπων ἠφάνιστο.

§ 1.21.20 καὶ ἐπεὶ τὰ νόμιμα πάντα ἐπὶ τῇ τοῦ βασιλέως ταφῇ ἐγεγόνει, ὁ μὲν Καόσης τῷ νόμῳ θαρσῶν ἐπεβάτευε τῆς τιμῆς, ὁ δὲ Μεβόδης ἐκώλυε, φάσκων οὐδένα χρῆναι αὐτόματον ἐς τὴν βασιλείαν ἰέναι, ἀλλὰ ψήφῳ Περσῶν τῶν λογίμων.

§ 1.21.21 καὶ ὃς ἐπέτρεπε ταῖς ἀρχαῖς τὴν περὶ τοῦ πράγματος γνῶσιν, οὐδὲν ἐνθένδε ἔσεσθαί οἱ ἐναντίωμα ὑποτοπάζων.

§ 1.21.22 ἐπεὶ δὲ ἅπαντες οἱ Περσῶν λόγιμοι ἐς τοῦτο ἀγηγερμένοι ἐκάθηντο, τὸ μὲν γράμμα ὁ Μεβόδης ἀναλεξάμενος τὴν Καβάδου ἀμφὶ τῷ Χοσρόῃ ἐδήλου γνώμην, ἀναμνησθέντες δὲ τῆς Καβάδου ἀρετῆς ἅπαντες βασιλέα Πέρσαις αὐτίκα Χοσρόην ἀνεῖπον.

§ 1.21.23 Οὕτω μὲν ὁ Χοσρόης τὴν ἀρχὴν ἔσχεν. ἐν δὲ Μαρτυροπόλει Σίττας τε καὶ Ἑρμόγενης ἀμφὶ τῇ πόλει δειμαίνοντες, ἀμύνειν γὰρ κινδυνευούσῃ οὐδαμῆ εἶχον, ἔπεμψάν τινας ἐς τοὺς πολεμίους, οἳ τοῖς στρατηγοῖς ἐς ὄψιν ἐλθόντες ἔλεξαν τοιάδε

§ 1.21.24 “Λελήθατε ὑμᾶς αὐτοὺς βασιλεῖ τε τῷ Περσῶν καὶ τοῖς τῆς εἰρήνης ἀγαθοῖς καὶ πολιτείᾳ ἑκατέρᾳ ἐμποδὼν οὐ δέον γινόμενοι. πρέσβεις γὰρ ἐκ βασιλέως ἐσταλμένοι τανῦν πάρεισιν, ἐφ’ ᾧ παρὰ τὸν Περσῶν βασιλέα ἰόντες τά τε διάφορα διαλύσουσι καὶ τὰς σπονδὰς πρὸς αὐτὸν θήσονται· ἀλλ’ ὡς τάχιστα ἐξανιστάμενοι τῆς Ῥωμαίων γῆς ξυγχωρεῖτε τοῖς πρέσβεσι πράσσειν ᾗ ἑκατέροις ξυνοίσειν μέλλει.

§ 1.21.25 ἕτοιμοι γάρ ἐσμεν ὑπὲρ τούτων αὐτῶν καὶ ὁμήρους διδόναι ἄνδρας δοκίμους, ὡς δὴ ἔργῳ οὐκ εἰς μακρὰν ἐπιτελῆ ἔσται.” Ῥωμαίων μὲν οἱ πρέσβεις τοσαῦτα εἶπον.

§ 1.21.26 ἐτύγχανε δὲ καὶ ἄγγελος ἐκ τῶν βασιλείων ἐς αὐτοὺς ἥκων, ὃς δὴ αὐτοῖς τετελευτηκέναι μὲν Καβάδην ἐσήγγελλε, Χοσρόην δὲ τὸν Καβάδου βασιλέα καταστῆναι Πέρσαις,

§ 1.21.27 ταύτῃ τε τὰ πράγματα ᾐωρῆσθαι σφίσι. καὶ ἀπ’ αὐτοῦ τοὺς Ῥωμαίων λόγους οἱ στρατηγοὶ ἄσμενοι ἤκουσαν, ἅτε καὶ τὴν Οὔννων ἔφοδον δείσαντες. Ῥωμαῖοι μὲν οὖν ἐν ὁμήρων λόγῳ εὐθὺς ἔδοσαν Μαρτῖνόν τε καὶ τῶν Σίττα δορυφόρων ἕνα, Σενέκιον ὄνομα· Πέρσαι δὲ διαλύσαντες τὴν προσεδρείαν εὐθύωρον τὴν ἀναχώρησιν ἐποιήσαντο.

§ 1.21.28 οἵ τε Οὖννοι οὐ πολλῷ ὕστερον ἐσβαλόντες εἰς γῆν τὴν Ῥωμαίων, ἐπεὶ τὸν Περσῶν στρατὸν ἐνταῦθα οὐχ εὗρον, δι’ ὀλίγου τὴν ἐπιδρομὴν ποιησάμενοι ἐπ’ οἴκου ἀπεκομίσθησαν ἅπαντες.

Wars 1.22

§ 1.22.1 Αὐτίκα δὲ καὶ Ῥουφῖνός τε καὶ Ἀλέξανδρος καὶ Θωμᾶς ὡς ξὺν Ἑρμογένει πρεσβεύσοντες ἦλθον, παρά τε Περσῶν τὸν βασιλέα πάντες ἀφίκοντο ἐς ποταμὸν Τίγρην.

§ 1.22.2 καὶ αὐτοὺς μὲν Χοσρόης ἐπειδὴ εἶδε, τοὺς ὁμήρους ἀφῆκε. τιθασσεύοντες δὲ Χοσρόην οἱ πρέσβεις ἐπαγωγά τε πολλὰ ἔλεξαν καὶ Ῥωμαίων ὡς ἥκιστα πρέσβεσι πρέποντα.

§ 1.22.3 οἷς δὴ χειροήθης ὁ Χοσρόης γενόμενος τὴν μὲν εἰρήνην πέρας οὐκ ἔχουσαν δέκα καὶ ἑκατὸν κεντηναρίων ὡμολόγει πρὸς αὐτοὺς θήσεσθαι, ἐφ’ ᾧ δὴ ὁ τῶν ἐν Μεσοποταμίᾳ στρατιωτῶν ἄρχων μηκέτι ἐν Δάρας τὸ λοιπὸν εἴη, ἀλλ’ ἐν Κωνσταντίνῃ τὸν ἅπαντα χρόνον διαγένοιτο ᾗπερ καὶ τὸ παλαιὸν εἴθιστο· φρούρια δὲ τὰ ἐν Λαζικῇ οὐκ ἔφη ἀποδώσειν, καίπερ αὐτὸς τό τε Φαράγγιον καὶ Βῶλον τὸ φρούριον δικαιῶν πρὸς Ῥωμαίων ἀπολαβεῖν.

§ 1.22.4 ἕλκει δὲ λίτρας τὸ κεντηνάριον ἑκατόν, ἀφ’ οὗ δὴ καὶ ὠνόμασται. κέντον γὰρ τὰ ἑκατὸν καλοῦσι Ῥωμαῖοι.

§ 1.22.5 τοῦτο δέ οἱ δίδοσθαι τὸ χρυσίον ἠξίου, ὡς μήτε πόλιν Δάρας Ῥωμαῖοι καθελεῖν ἀναγκάζωνται μήτε φυλακτηρίου τοῦ ἐν πύλαις Κασπίαις μεταλαχεῖν Πέρσαις.

§ 1.22.6 οἱ μέντοι πρέσβεις τὰ μὲν ἄλλα ἐπῄνουν, τὰ δὲ φρούρια ἐνδιδόναι οὐκ ἔφασκον οἷοί τε εἶναι, ἢν μὴ βασιλέως ἀμφ’ αὐτοῖς πύθωνται πρότερον.

§ 1.22.7 ἔδοξε τοίνυν Ῥουφῖνον μὲν ὑπὲρ τούτων ἐς Βυζάντιον στέλλεσθαι, τοὺς δὲ ἄλλους, ἕως αὐτὸς ἐπανίῃ, μένειν. καὶ χρόνος ἡμερῶν ἑβδομήκοντα Ῥουφίνῳ ξυνέκειτο ἐς τὴν ἄφιξιν.

§ 1.22.8 ἐπεὶ δὲ ὁ Ῥουφῖνος ἐς Βυζάντιον ἀφικόμενος βασιλεῖ ἀπήγγελλεν ὅσα Χοσρόῃ ἀμφὶ τῇ εἰρήνῃ δοκοῦντα εἴη, ἐκέλευσε βασιλεὺς κατὰ ταῦτα σφίσι τὴν εἰρήνην ξυνίστασθαι.

§ 1.22.9 Ἀλλ’ ἐν τούτῳ φήμη τις οὐκ ἀληθὴς ἥκουσα ἐς τὰ Περσῶν ἤθη βασιλέα Ἰουστινιανὸν ἤγγελλεν ὀργισθέντα Ῥουφῖνον κτεῖναι. οἷς δὴ Χοσρόης ξυνταραχθείς τε καὶ θυμῷ πολλῷ ἤδη ἐχόμενος τῷ παντὶ στρατῷ ἐπὶ Ῥωμαίους ᾔει. Ῥουφῖνος δέ οἱ μεταξὺ ἐπανήκων ἐνέτυχε πόλεως Νισίβιδος οὐ μακρὰν ἄποθεν.

§ 1.22.10 διὸ δὴ αὐτοί τε ἐν τῇ πόλει ταύτῃ ἐγένοντο καί, ἐπεὶ τὴν εἰρήνην βεβαιοῦν ἔμελλον, τὰ χρήματα οἱ πρέσβεις ἐνταῦθα ἐκόμιζον.

§ 1.22.11 ἀλλ’ Ἰουστινιανῷ βασιλεῖ τὰ Λαζικῆς φρούρια ξυγκεχωρηκότι μετέμελεν ἤδη, γράμματά τε ἄντικρυς ἀπολέγοντα τοῖς πρέσβεσιν ἔγραφε μηδαμῶς αὐτὰ προΐεσθαι Πέρσαις.

§ 1.22.12 διὸ δὴ Χοσρόης τὰς σπονδὰς θέσθαι οὐκέτι ἠξίου, καὶ τότε Ῥουφίνῳ ἔννοιά τις ἐγένετο ὡς ταχύτερα ἢ ἀσφαλέστερα βουλευσάμενος ἐς γῆν τὴν Περσῶν τὰ χρήματα ἐσκομίσειεν.

§ 1.22.13 αὐτίκα γοῦν ἐς τὸ ἔδαφος καθῆκε τὸ σῶμα, κείμενός τε πρηνὴς Χοσρόην ἱκέτευε τά τε χρήματα σφίσι ξυμπέμψαι καὶ μὴ ἐπὶ Ῥωμαίους εὐθὺς στρατεύειν, ἀλλὰ ἐς χρόνον τινὰ ἕτερον τὸν πόλεμον ἀποτίθεσθαι.

§ 1.22.14 Χοσρόης δὲ αὐτὸν ἐνθένδε ἐκέλευεν ἐξανίστασθαι, ἅπαντά οἱ ταῦτα χαριεῖσθαι ὑποσχόμενος. οἵ τε γοῦν πρέσβεις ξὺν τοῖς χρήμασιν ἐς Δάρας ἦλθον, καὶ ὁ Περσῶν στρατὸς ὀπίσω ἀπήλαυνε.

§ 1.22.15 Καὶ τότε μὲν Ῥουφῖνον οἱ ξυμπρεσβευταὶ δι’ ὑποψίας τε αὐτοὶ ἐς τὰ μάλιστα ἔσχον καὶ ἐς βασιλέα διέβαλλον, τεκμαιρόμενοι ὅτι δή οἱ ἅπαντα ὁ Χοσρόης ὅσα ἔχρῃζεν αὐτοῦ ἀναπεισθεὶς ξυνεχώρησεν.

§ 1.22.16 ἔδρασε μέντοι αὐτὸν διὰ ταῦτα βασιλεὺς οὐδὲν ἄχαρι. χρόνῳ δὲ οὐ πολλῷ ὕστερον Ῥουφῖνός τε αὐτὸς καὶ Ἐρμογένης αὖθις παρὰ Χοσρόην ἐστέλλοντο, ἔς τε τὰς σπονδὰς αὐτίκα ἀλλήλοις ξυνέβησαν, ἐφ’ ᾧ ἑκάτεροι ἀποδώσουσιν ὅσα δὴ ἀμφότεροι χωρία ἐν τῷδε τῷ πολέμῳ ἀλλήλους ἀφείλοντο, καὶ μηκέτι στρατιωτῶν τις ἀρχὴ ἐν Δάρας εἴη· τοῖς τε Ἴβηρσιν ἐδέδοκτο ἐν γνώμῃ εἶναι ἢ μένειν αὐτοῦ ἐν Βυζαντίῳ, ἢ ἐς σφῶν τὴν πατρίδα ἐπανιέναι. ἦσαν δὲ πολλοὶ καὶ οἱ μένοντες καὶ οἱ ἐπανιόντες ἐς τὰ πάτρια ἤθη.

§ 1.22.17 οὕτω τοίνυν τήν τε ἀπέραντον καλουμένην εἰρήνην ἐσπείσαντο, ἕκτον ἤδη ἔτος τὴν βασιλείαν Ἰουστινιανοῦ ἔχοντος.

§ 1.22.18 καὶ Ῥωμαῖοι μὲν τό τε Φαράγγιον καὶ Βῶλον τὸ φρούριον ξὺν τοῖς χρήμασι Πέρσαις ἔδοσαν, Πέρσαι δὲ Ῥωμαίοις τὰ Λαζικῆς φρούρια. καὶ Δάγαριν δὲ Ῥωμαίοις ἀπέδοσαν Πέρσαι, ἀντ’ αὐτοῦ ἕτερον κεκομισμένοι οὐκ ἀφανῆ ἄνδρα.

§ 1.22.19 οὗτος ὁ Δάγαρις χρόνῳ τῷ ὑστέρῳ πολλάκις Οὔννους ἐς γῆν τὴν Ῥωμαίων ἐσβεβληκότας μάχαις νικήσας ἐξήλασεν. ἦν γὰρ διαφερόντως ἀγαθὸς τὰ πολέμια. τὰς μὲν οὖν πρὸς ἀλλήλους σπονδὰς τρόπῳ τῷ εἰρημένῳ ἀμφότεροι ἐκρατύναντο.

Source Colophon

Greek source text from the PerseusDL canonical Greek repository file tlg4029.tlg001.perseus-grc2.xml, inspected locally for this translation unit.

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