Caspian Gates, Lazica, and the Hunnic Frontier

This Good Works Translation continues the Book 2 Procopius steppe and Black Sea dossier from the Greek.

The chapters matter for the Scythian shelf because Procopius treats the northern frontier as a system. Money paid to Persians, Huns, and Saracens is explained as the price of keeping land unplundered; Lazica is described as a barrier against Huns of the Caucasus; Chosroes uses a Hunnic invasion as political cover; and the Phasis country is mapped through Alans, Abasgi, Zechi, and Sabiri.

The selected dossier has been expanded to full chapters where the relevant notices occur, preserving the Antioch aftermath, Lazic grievances, Belisarius' Mesopotamian council, the Edessa siege, the Roman-Persian armistice, and the renewed war in Lazica.

The translation is newly made from the Greek source text printed below. Dewing's public-domain English translation was used only as a control.

Translation

Wars 2.10.1-24

A short time before this calamity God showed a sign to the inhabitants of that city, indicating the things that were to come.

The standards of the soldiers stationed there for a long time had previously stood facing west; of their own accord they turned and stood facing east, and then, untouched by anyone, returned again to their former position.

The soldiers showed this to many people nearby, including the manager of the camp finances, while the standards were still trembling. This man, named Tatianus, was especially prudent and came from Mopsuestia.

Even so, those who saw the sign did not recognize that rule over the place would pass from the western to the eastern king, evidently so that escape would be altogether impossible for those who were destined to suffer what came to pass.

I grow dizzy as I write of so great a calamity and transmit it to future times, and I am unable to understand why it should be God's will to lift high the fortunes of a man or a place and then cast them down and destroy them for no cause apparent to us.

For it is wrong to say that with Him all things are not always done by reason; yet He then endured seeing Antioch brought to the ground by the hands of a most unholy man, a city whose beauty and greatness in every respect could not even then be wholly concealed.

So, after the city had been destroyed, the church was left standing alone, because of the activity and foresight of the Persians to whom this task had been assigned.

Around the so-called Cerataeum many houses were also left, not by the foresight of any man, but because they were at the edge of the city and were not joined to any other building, so that the fire entirely failed to reach them.

The barbarians also burned the parts outside the fortifications, except the sanctuary dedicated to Saint Julian and the houses standing around it, since the ambassadors happened to have lodged there. The Persians left the fortifications wholly untouched.

A little later the ambassadors again came to Chosroes and spoke as follows: "If our words were not addressed to you in your presence, O king, we would never believe that Chosroes, son of Cabades, had come armed into Roman land, dishonoring the oaths recently sworn by you.

"Such pledges are regarded among men as the final and firmest security for mutual trust and truth. Yet you are breaking the treaty, although hope in treaties is the only thing left for those living insecurely because of the evils of war.

"One might say that such a condition is nothing other than the transformation of human ways into the ways of beasts. For when no treaties at all are made, there remains war without end, and endless war is always calculated to estrange those engaged in it from their proper nature.

"With what intention, moreover, did you recently write to your brother that he himself was responsible for breaking the treaty? Was it not plainly an admission that treaty-breaking is an exceedingly great evil?

"If therefore he has done no wrong, you are not now acting justly in coming against us. But if your brother has done some such thing, let your complaint go only so far and no farther, so that you may show yourself superior; for the man who submits to be defeated in evil things would rightly be victorious in better things.

"Yet we know well that the emperor Justinian has never gone contrary to the treaty, and we beg you not to inflict on the Romans harm from which the Persians will gain no advantage. You will gain only this: that you have unjustly done irreparable things to those who recently made peace with you."

So the ambassadors spoke.

When Chosroes heard these things, he insisted that the treaties had been broken by the emperor Justinian. He listed the causes that Justinian had provided, some worthy of account and others trivial and fabricated for no reason at all. Most of all, he wished to show that Justinian's letters, written to Alamoundaras and to the Huns, were the chief causes of the war, just as I have said in the preceding narrative.

Yet he could neither say nor show that any Roman had invaded the land of the Persians or displayed hostile deeds.

The ambassadors, however, referred some of the charges not to Justinian but to certain of those who had served him; in other cases they objected that the things said had not happened in that way.

In the end Chosroes demanded that the Romans give him a large sum of money. He advised them not to think they could make peace firm for all time merely by providing money for the moment.

Friendship among men that is made on money, he said, is generally spent away as the money is spent away.

It was necessary, therefore, for the Romans to carry some fixed yearly payment to the Persians. "For in this way," he said, "the Persians will keep the peace secure for them, guarding the Caspian Gates themselves and no longer being vexed with them because of the city of Daras, in return for which they themselves will be in paid service forever."

"So," the ambassadors said, "the Persians wish to hold the Romans as subjects under tribute."

"No," Chosroes said, "but the Romans will have the Persians hereafter as their own soldiers, providing them a stated wage for their service. For you give yearly gold to certain Huns and Saracens, not because you are subject to them in tribute, but so that they may guard your land unplundered for all time."

After Chosroes and the ambassadors had spoken many such things to one another, they later came to terms: Chosroes would immediately receive fifty centenaria from the Romans, and then five other centenaria each year as tribute for all time; he would do them no further harm, but, after receiving hostages from the ambassadors on this agreement, he would make his departure with the whole army to his ancestral land. There ambassadors sent from the emperor Justinian would place the treaties concerning peace on a firm basis thereafter.

Wars 2.15.1-35

Meanwhile Chosroes led his army against Colchis, the Lazi bringing him in for the following reason.

The Lazi at first inhabited the land of Colchis as subjects of the Romans, but not so as to pay tribute, nor obeying anything else announced to them, except that whenever their king died, the Roman emperor sent symbols of rule to the man who would succeed to the kingdom.

The king, together with those he ruled, guarded the boundaries of the country precisely, so that hostile Huns would not pass from the Caucasus mountain, which borders them, through Lazica and invade the land of the Romans.

They kept this guard while receiving neither money nor an army from the Romans, and without campaigning anywhere with the Romans. They were always engaged in trade by sea with the Romans who lived in Pontus.

For they themselves have neither salt nor grain nor any other good thing, but by providing hides, skins, and slaves, they obtained the things they needed.

But when the events concerning Gourgenes, king of the Iberians, happened, as I have said in the preceding narrative, Roman soldiers began to be quartered among the Lazi. These barbarians were vexed by them, and most of all by Peter the general, who was readily inclined to treat those he met with insolence.

This Peter came from Arzanene, which is beyond the Nymphius River and has been subject to the Persians from ancient times. While still a child he had been enslaved by the emperor Justin, when Justin, after the capture of Amida, invaded the land of the Persians with Celer's army. Since his owner treated him with much kindness, he attended a teacher of letters.

At first he became Justin's secretary. But when Anastasius died and Justin received the rule of the Romans, Peter became a general, ran aground on love of money as much as anyone, and used great stupidity toward everyone.

Later the emperor Justinian sent other officers to Lazica, and among them John, whom they called Tzibus, a man of obscure and ignoble birth, but one who had climbed to the office of general by nothing else than that he was the most accomplished villain in the world and most successful at discovering unlawful sources of revenue.

This man unsettled and threw into confusion all relations between Romans and Lazi.

He also persuaded the emperor Justinian to build a city on the sea in Lazica, named Petra. There he sat as in a citadel and plundered the possessions of the Lazi.

For the salt and all other cargoes considered necessary for the Lazi could no longer be brought by merchants into Colchis, nor could the Lazi purchase them elsewhere by sending for them. He set up in Petra the so-called monopoly, made himself a retail dealer and overseer of the whole handling of these goods, bought everything, and sold it to the Colchians not at the customary prices, but as dearly as possible.

At the same time, apart from this, the barbarians were vexed by the Roman army quartered upon them, a thing not previously customary.

Since they could no longer endure these things, they resolved to attach themselves to the Persians and Chosroes, and immediately they sent envoys to them. They ordered the envoys to arrange that pledges be given to the Lazi by Chosroes that he would never abandon them unwillingly to the Romans.

When the envoys came to the Persians, they met Chosroes secretly and spoke as follows: "If any people have ever gone over from their own friends to strangers in a senseless way, O king, and afterward, by the favor of fortune, came back again to those formerly dear to them, reckon that the Lazi are such people.

"For the Colchians in ancient times were allies of the Persians, and they performed many good services for them and received many from them in return. We have records of these things, some preserved in books, others remembered among us by report from our fathers.

"But in later times it came about that our ancestors, either neglected by you or for some other reason, went over to the Romans. We and the king of the Lazi now give ourselves and our land to the Persians, to be treated by you in whatever way seems best.

"Consider these matters as follows. If we have suffered nothing dreadful from the Romans, but are betraying them through madness, immediately reject our plea, considering us the basest of all men. For the man who wrongs his former friends would never be well-disposed toward those with whom he is not yet joined by kinship.

"But if in name we have been allies and friends of the Romans, while in fact we have been loyal slaves, and have suffered unholy treatment from those who tyrannize over us, receive us as your former subjects, make us haters of a bitter tyranny, and show by deed the justice which has always belonged to the Persians.

"For the man who does no violence himself is not just, unless he also saves those who are being wronged by others, whenever he has the power.

"It is right to tell you a few things from what the accursed Romans have dared against us. To our king they left only the appearance of rule; they themselves have appropriated the power in deeds. The king sits with the title of royalty, but fears the general who commands.

"They have set over us a crowd of soldiers, not to guard the country against those who trouble us, for none of the people around us harms us except indeed the Romans themselves, but so that they may shut us up as in a prison and become masters of our possessions.

"Wanting to make the plundering of our goods quicker, O king, they have forced upon us the so-called monopoly of goods needed by us. Need alone lets them put a name on this violence.

"They buy from us what is most valuable at the lowest possible price, and sell us what is most necessary at an unlimited price. In this way, besides other hardships, we are treated like slaves by trade.

"Therefore we have come to ask you, if possible, to help us, for we have suffered things that no one has ever suffered before. If you do this, you will gain the ancient possession of Colchis and will add to the Persian empire a most useful land.

"You will be master of the sea, through which you will be able to reach the palace of the Romans. No one will stand in your way. And through this country you will easily send out the Huns who live beside the Caucasus against Roman land, whenever you wish.

"You know well that Lazica has always been a barrier against these people for the Romans. Therefore, while justice is on your side and advantage is joined to justice, it would not be fitting to reject our plea."

Chosroes was pleased by the words of the envoys and agreed to aid the Lazi. He asked the envoys whether it would be possible for him to go into the land of Colchis with a great army.

He said that he had previously heard many people report that the country was reasonably difficult even for an unencumbered man to traverse, since it was exceedingly precipitous and held together for a very long distance by dense and spreading trees.

They insisted that the road there would be easy for the whole Persian army, if they cut the trees and threw them into the difficult places of the cliffs.

They agreed that they themselves would be guides of the road and would be the first laborers in this work for the Persians.

Encouraged by this advice, Chosroes gathered a great army and prepared the attack. He did not reveal the plan to the Persians, except only to those with whom he was accustomed to share secrets, and he commanded the envoys to tell no one what was being done. In appearance he set out for Iberia, as if to settle affairs there; for he gave out the report that a Hunnic nation had fallen somewhere there upon the Persian rule.

Wars 2.16.1-19

Meanwhile Belisarius, being in Mesopotamia, gathered the army from every side and sent certain men into the Persian lands as spies.

He wished to meet the enemy there himself if they should again make an incursion into Roman land; and on the spot he arranged and organized the soldiers, who for the most part were naked, unarmed, and afraid of the Persian name.

When the spies returned, they insisted that for the present there would be no invasion by the enemy, since Chosroes was elsewhere occupied with a Hunnic war.

When Belisarius heard this, he wished immediately to invade the enemy's land with the whole army.

Arethas came to him with a large army of Saracens, and the emperor also wrote letters ordering him to invade the land of the enemy with speed.

Therefore he called together all the officers in Daras and spoke as follows: "I know that all of you, fellow officers, are experienced in many wars. I have brought you together at the present moment, not so that by reminding you or making some exhortation I might urge your judgment against the enemy, for I think you have no need of a speech that leads into boldness, but so that, after making counsel among ourselves, we may choose what seems better and best for the affairs of the emperor.

"War is accustomed to succeed most of all by good counsel. Those who enter into counsel must make their judgment entirely free from shame and fear.

"For fear, always startling those who have fallen into it, does not allow the mind to choose the stronger course; and shame, casting a shadow over the things that seem better, carries inquiry away to the opposite judgment.

"If, therefore, it seems to you that some purpose has been formed either by our mighty emperor or by me about the present situation, let no thought of that enter your minds.

"As for him, he is altogether ignorant of what is being done and therefore cannot adapt his movements to the opportune moments. There is no fear, then, that by going against him we shall do something harmful to his cause.

"As for me, since I am human and have come here from the West after a long interval, it is impossible that some necessary things should not escape me.

"Therefore it is fitting that you, without too much reverence for my opinion, say plainly whatever will be advantageous for us and for the emperor.

"At the beginning, fellow officers, we came here to prevent the enemy from making any invasion of our land. But now, since affairs have gone better for us than we hoped, it is possible for us to take his land as the subject of deliberation.

"Now that you have been gathered for this purpose, I think it right that each of you should say without concealment what seems best and most advantageous."

So Belisarius spoke. Peter and Bouzes urged him to lead the army without delay against the enemy's country.

The whole council immediately followed their opinion.

Rhecithancus and Theoctistus, commanders of the troops in Lebanon, said that they too had the same desire as the others concerning the invasion, but feared that, if they abandoned the land of Phoenicia and Syria, Alamoundaras would ravage them with no one in his way.

They said that he had long watched for an opportunity to plunder Roman territory, and that if he found the country empty of soldiers he would make himself master of all the possessions there.

Therefore, they said, it was better for them to go first and guard the places under their command, and then, after taking care of the danger there, to join Belisarius again with all speed.

Belisarius approved their advice and ordered them to do as they proposed.

The others, after they had prepared what was necessary, invaded the land of the Persians. Arethas led the Saracens, and Belisarius commanded the Roman army.

Wars 2.26.1-46

In the following year Chosroes, son of Cabades, invaded Roman land for the fourth time, leading his army toward Mesopotamia.

This invasion was made by Chosroes not against Justinian, emperor of the Romans, nor indeed against any other man, but only against the God whom the Christians reverence.

For when in his first invasion he withdrew after failing to capture Edessa, both he and the Magi, since they had been beaten by the God of the Christians, fell into great dejection.

Seeking to dispel this, Chosroes threatened in the palace that he would enslave all the inhabitants of Edessa, bring them to the land of Persia, and turn the city into a pasture for sheep.

When he came near Edessa with the whole army, he sent some of the Huns who followed him against the circuit-wall of the city above the hippodrome. They were to do no other harm, but to seize sheep which the shepherds had stationed there in great number somewhere beside the wall, trusting in the strength of the place, since it was exceedingly steep, and supposing that the enemy would never dare to come so very close to the wall.

The barbarians were already laying hold of the sheep, but the shepherds resisted most stoutly and hindered them.

When many Persians had come to aid the Huns, the barbarians were able to take away some part of a flock from there. But Roman soldiers and people from the populace came out against the enemy, and the battle came to hand-to-hand fighting, while the flock of its own accord returned again to the shepherds.

One of the Huns, fighting before the others, troubled the Romans more than all. Some rustic, hitting him with a sling on the right knee, struck him, and he immediately fell headlong from his horse to the ground. This strengthened the Romans still more.

The battle, which began early in the morning, ended at midday, with each side thinking it had the advantage.

The Romans went inside the circuit-wall, while the barbarians pitched their tents and all encamped seven stades from the city.

Then Chosroes either saw some dream-vision or else a thought came to him that, if after making two attempts he should not be able to take Edessa, it would happen that he would wrap himself in great shame. For this reason he decided to sell his withdrawal to the Edessenes for a great sum of money.

On the following day, therefore, Paulus the interpreter came along by the wall and said that some Roman notables should be sent to Chosroes.

The citizens chose four of their illustrious men with all speed and sent them.

When these men reached the Median camp, Zaberganes met them by the king's order, first terrifying them with many threats and then asking which course was more desirable to them, the one leading to peace or the one leading to war.

When the envoys agreed that they would choose peace rather than the dangers of war, Zaberganes replied, "Then it is necessary for you to buy it for a great sum of money."

The envoys said that they would give as much as they had provided before, when Chosroes came against them after capturing Antioch.

Zaberganes dismissed them with laughter, telling them to deliberate most carefully about their safety and then return to the Persians.

A little later Chosroes summoned them. When they came before him, he recounted how many Roman towns he had enslaved before, and in what way he had done it.

Then he threatened that the inhabitants of Edessa would receive more dreadful treatment from the Persians, unless they gave them all the wealth they had inside the fortifications. Only on this condition, he said, would the army withdraw.

When the envoys heard these things, they agreed that they would buy peace from Chosroes, if he did not impose impossible terms on them. The end of the danger, they said, was plain to no one among all people before the contest. For the outcome of war is never something already agreed upon by those who wage it. At that time Chosroes, in anger, ordered the envoys to depart as quickly as possible.

On the eighth day from the beginning of the siege, wishing to raise an artificial hill against the circuit-wall of the city, he cut down many trees from the nearby country and set them together, leaves and all, in a square before the wall, at the place where a missile from the city could not reach. He heaped a great mass of earth over the trees and threw upon it a great quantity of stones, not stones fit for building, but cut at random, caring only for this: that the hill should be raised to a great height as quickly as possible.

He continually put long timbers between the earth and the stones, making them a binding of the work so that it would not be weak when it became high.

Peter, the Roman general, for he happened to be there with Martinus and Peranius, wished to halt the men doing this work and sent some of the Huns who followed him against them.

They came on suddenly and killed many, and most of all one of the guardsmen, named Argek. He alone killed twenty-seven. But from then on the barbarians kept precise guard, and no one was any longer able to make a sally against them.

When the workmen, moving forward, came within missile-range, the Romans, defending themselves most stoutly from the circuit-wall, worked their slings and bows against them. For this reason the barbarians devised the following plan.

They made screens of goat-hair cloth, the kind called Cilician, thick and long enough for the purpose. They hung them from long timbers and kept placing them before the men who were building the agesta, for that was what the Romans called the work in the Latin tongue.

Neither fire-bearing arrows nor other missiles could reach the workmen behind this covering; all of them were struck back by the screens and stopped there.

Then the Romans, having fallen into great fear, sent the envoys to Chosroes in much agitation, and with them Stephanus, a physician learned at least among the men of his own time. He had once healed Cabades son of Perozes when Cabades was ill, and from him had become master of great wealth.

When Stephanus came before Chosroes with the others, he spoke as follows: "All men from ancient times have regarded kindness as the mark of a good king.

"Therefore, most mighty king, while you are busy with murders, battles, and the enslavement of cities, it may perhaps be possible for you to win the other names, but you will never gain the reputation of being good.

"Yet least of all should the city of Edessa suffer any evil from you.

"For I come from that city, I who, knowing nothing of what was to come, reared you and counseled your father to appoint you successor to the kingdom. Thus I have been the chief cause of the Persian kingship for you, but for my fatherland the cause of its present evils.

"For human beings generally bring upon their own heads most of the misfortunes that are going to befall them.

"But if any memory of such a benefaction enters your mind, do us no further harm. Give me this repayment, by which, O king, it will come about that you do not seem most cruel."

So Stephanus spoke.

Chosroes declared that he would not depart from there until the Romans handed over Peter and Peranius to him, since, though they were his hereditary slaves, they had dared to stand against him.

If the Romans did not wish to do this, they were compelled to choose one of two alternatives: either to give the Persians five hundred centenaria of gold, or to receive into the city certain of his associates, who would search out all the property there and bring to him the gold and silver, as much as happened to be in the city, while leaving the rest for its owners to possess.

These were the terms Chosroes threw out, hoping to take Edessa with no labor.

The envoys, since all the conditions he had announced seemed impossible to them, went back toward the city in perplexity and deep vexation.

When they came inside the circuit-wall and reported Chosroes' message, the city was filled with tumult and lamentation.

The construction of the mound was now rising to a great height and advancing with great speed. The Romans, not knowing what they should do, again sent the envoys to Chosroes.

When these men arrived in the enemy camp and said that they had come to entreat him concerning the same matters, they gained no hearing at all from the Persians, but were driven away from there with insult and great tumult and returned to the city.

At first, then, the Romans tried to overtop the wall opposite the mound with another structure. But when the Persian work was already becoming much higher than this too, they stopped the building and persuaded Martinus to manage the business of an agreement in whatever way he wished.

Martinus came very close to the enemy camp and entered into conversation with some of the Persian commanders.

They deceived Martinus completely, saying that their king desired peace, but that he was altogether unable to persuade the Roman emperor to leave off his contention with Chosroes and at last make peace with him.

As proof of this they mentioned Belisarius, who, as Martinus himself would not deny, far surpassed him in power and rank. Belisarius had recently persuaded the king of the Persians, while he was somewhere in the midst of Roman territory, to withdraw from there into the Persian country, promising that envoys would come to him from Byzantium before long and would put the peace on a secure basis. But he had done none of the things agreed, because he had proved unable to force the judgment of the emperor Justinian.

Wars 2.28.1-44

At about this time two Roman generals died, Justus, the emperor's nephew, and Peranius the Iberian. Justus died of disease; Peranius fell from his horse while hunting and suffered a fatal rupture.

The emperor therefore appointed others in their places, sending Marcellus, his own nephew, who was just arriving at manhood, and Constantianus, who a little earlier had been sent as envoy to Chosroes with Sergius.

Then the emperor Justinian sent Constantianus and Sergius a second time to Chosroes to arrange the truce.

They overtook him in Assyria, at the place where there are two cities, Seleucia and Ctesiphon, built by the Macedonians who ruled the Persians and the other nations there after Alexander son of Philip.

These two cities are separated only by the river Tigris, for they have nothing else between them.

There the envoys met Chosroes and demanded that he give Lazica back to the Romans and establish peace with them on a thoroughly secure basis.

Chosroes said that it was not easy for them to come to terms with one another unless they first proclaimed an armistice, and then continued to go back and forth to one another without so much fear, settling their differences and making a peace secure for the future.

He said it was necessary that, in return for this continuing armistice, the Roman emperor give him money and also send a certain physician, named Tribunus, to spend a specified time with him.

For this physician had once freed him from a severe disease, and for that reason he was especially loved and greatly missed by him.

When the emperor Justinian heard this, he immediately sent both Tribunus and the money, amounting to twenty centenaria.

In this way the treaty was made between Romans and Persians for five years, in the nineteenth year of the reign of the emperor Justinian.

A little later Arethas and Alamoundaras, rulers of the Saracens, made war against each other by themselves, aided by neither Romans nor Persians.

Alamoundaras captured one of the sons of Arethas in a sudden raid while he was pasturing horses, and immediately sacrificed him to Aphrodite. From this it was known that Arethas was not betraying the Romans to the Persians.

Later they both came together in battle with their whole armies. The forces of Arethas were overwhelmingly victorious, turned the enemy to flight, and killed many of them.

Arethas came within a little of capturing alive two sons of Alamoundaras, but did not actually succeed.

Such, then, were the events among the Saracens.

But it became clear that Chosroes, king of the Persians, had made the truce with the Romans with treacherous intent, so that he might find them remiss because of the peace and inflict some grave harm on them.

For in the third year of the truce he devised the following schemes.

There were in Persia two brothers, Phabrizus and Isdigousnas, both holding very important offices there, and at the same time reckoned the basest of all Persians, with a great reputation for cleverness and wickedness.

Since Chosroes had formed the purpose of capturing Daras by a sudden stroke, and of moving all the Colchians out of Lazica and establishing Persian settlers in their place, he selected these two men to assist him in both undertakings.

It seemed to Chosroes a lucky stroke and a thing worthy of much account, if, after appropriating the land of Colchis, he could hold it securely in his possession. He reckoned that this would be useful to the Persian empire in many ways.

First, he would thereafter hold Iberia in security, since the Iberians, if they revolted, would no longer have any people to whom they might go and be saved.

For after the most notable of these barbarians, together with Gourgenes the king, had looked toward revolt, as I have said in the preceding narrative, the Persians no longer allowed them to set up a king for themselves; nor were the Iberians independent-minded subjects of the Persians, but they held much suspicion and distrust toward one another.

It was clear that the Iberians were exceedingly discontented and would not long afterward attempt revolution if ever they were able to seize some opportunity.

Also, the Persian empire would be forever unplundered by the Huns who live near Lazica, and Chosroes would send them more easily and with less trouble against the Roman dominion whenever he wished. For he considered Lazica nothing other than a fortress set against the barbarians living in the Caucasus.

Most of all, he hoped that mastery of Lazica would benefit the Persians in this: starting from it, they would be able with no labor to run down both by land and by ships the places on the so-called Euxine Sea, to bring over the Cappadocians and the Galatians and Bithynians who adjoin them, and to capture Byzantium by a sudden raid, no one standing against them.

For these reasons Chosroes was eager to get possession of Lazica, but he had least confidence in the Lazi themselves.

For since the time when the Romans had withdrawn from Lazica, the common people of the country naturally found Persian rule burdensome. The Persians, beyond all other men, are singular in their ways and exceedingly strict in the order of daily life.

Their laws are hard for all men to approach, and their demands are quite unbearable. But in comparison with the Lazi the difference in thought and manner of life appears in an altogether exceptional degree, since the Lazi are Christians in the most thorough sense, while the Persian opinions concerning religion are wholly opposite to theirs.

Apart from this, salt is produced nowhere in Lazica; nor does grain grow there, nor the vine, nor any other good thing. Everything is brought to them by ship from the Romans along the coast. Even then they do not pay gold to the merchants, but hides, slaves, and whatever else happens to be there in great abundance.

When they were cut off from this trade, they were, as one would expect, in continual vexation.

When Chosroes perceived this, he was eager to anticipate with certainty any move by them toward revolt.

After considering the matter, it seemed best to him to remove Goubazes, king of the Lazi, as quickly as possible, to move the Lazi in a body out of the country, and then to colonize the land with Persians and certain other nations.

When Chosroes had matured these plans, he sent Isdigousnas to Byzantium, ostensibly as an envoy, and selected five hundred of the bravest Persians to go with him.

He instructed them to get inside the city of Daras, lodge in many different houses, set all these houses on fire by night, and, while the Romans were naturally occupied with the fire, immediately open the gates and receive the rest of the Persian army into the city.

For word had already been sent to the commander of Nisibis to conceal a large force of soldiers nearby and keep them ready.

In this way Chosroes thought they would destroy all the Romans without trouble and, seizing Daras, would hold it securely.

But someone who knew well what was being arranged, a Roman who had come over to the Persians as a deserter a little earlier, told everything to George, who was then staying there.

This was the same man, mentioned earlier, who had persuaded the Persians besieged in the fortress of Sisauranon to surrender themselves to the Romans.

George therefore met this ambassador at the boundary between Roman and Persian soil and said that what he was doing was not in the manner of an embassy, and that never had such a great body of Persians spent the night in a Roman city.

He said that Isdigousnas ought to leave all the rest behind in the town of Ammodios and enter Daras himself with only a few men.

Isdigousnas was indignant and appeared to take it badly, as though he had been wrongfully insulted in spite of having been sent as an ambassador to the Roman emperor.

But George paid no attention to his anger and saved the city for the Romans, for he received Isdigousnas into the city with only twenty men.

Having failed in this attempt, the barbarian came to Byzantium as if on an embassy, bringing with him his wife and two daughters; this was his pretext for the crowd that had been gathered around him.

When he came before the emperor, however, he was unable to say anything great or small about any serious matter, although he spent no less than ten months in Roman territory.

He gave the emperor the gifts from Chosroes, as is customary, and a letter in which Chosroes asked Justinian to send word whether he was enjoying the best possible health.

Nevertheless the emperor Justinian received this Isdigousnas with more friendliness and treated him with greater honor than any other ambassador known to us.

So true was this that whenever he entertained him he caused Braducius, who followed him as interpreter, to recline on the couch with him, something that had never happened before in all time.

For no one ever saw an interpreter become a table-companion even of one of the more humble officials, much less of a king.

Justinian received and dismissed this man in a style more splendid than befitted an ambassador, although, as I have said, he had undertaken the embassy for no serious business.

For if anyone counted the money spent and the gifts Isdigousnas carried away when he departed, he would find them amounting to more than ten centenaria of gold.

So the plot against Daras ended for Chosroes in this way.

Wars 2.29.1-43

His first move against Lazica was as follows. He sent into the country a great amount of timber suitable for the construction of ships, explaining his purpose to no one, but saying outwardly that he was sending it to set up engines of war against the fortifications of Petra.

Next he chose three hundred capable Persian warriors and sent them there under the command of Phabrizus, whom I have just mentioned, ordering him to do away with Goubazes as secretly as possible. As for the rest, he himself would take care of it.

When this timber had been carried into Lazica, it happened that it was suddenly struck by lightning and reduced to ashes.

Phabrizus, upon arriving in Lazica with the three hundred, began contriving how he might carry out the orders received from Chosroes concerning Goubazes.

It happened that one of the notable men among the Colchians, named Pharsanses, had quarreled with Goubazes and had become exceedingly hostile to him. He now did not dare at all to come into the king's presence.

When Phabrizus learned this, he summoned Pharsanses, disclosed the whole plan to him in conference, and asked him in what way he ought to execute the deed.

After deliberating together, it seemed best to them that Phabrizus should go into Petra and summon Goubazes there, as if to announce to him what the king had decided concerning the interests of the Lazi.

But Pharsanses secretly revealed to Goubazes what was being prepared. Goubazes therefore did not come to Phabrizus at all, but began openly to plan revolt.

Then Phabrizus ordered the other Persians to attend as carefully as possible to guarding Petra and to make everything as secure as possible against a siege. He himself, with the three hundred, returned home without accomplishing his purpose.

Goubazes reported to the emperor Justinian the condition in which they stood, begged him to grant forgiveness for what the Lazi had done in the past, and asked him to come to their defense with all his strength, since they desired to be rid of Median rule.

If left by themselves, he said, the Colchians would not be able to repel the power of the Persians.

When the emperor Justinian heard this, he was overjoyed and sent seven thousand men under the leadership of Dagisthaeus and one thousand Tzani to aid the Lazi.

When this force reached Colchis, they encamped together with Goubazes and the Lazi around the fortifications of Petra and began a siege.

But since the Persians there made a very strong defense from the wall, much time was spent in the siege; for the Persians had stored an abundant supply of provisions in the town.

Chosroes, greatly disturbed by these things, sent a great army of cavalry and infantry against the besiegers, putting Mermeroes in command of them.

When Goubazes learned this, he considered the matter with Dagisthaeus and acted in the manner I shall presently describe.

The river Boas issues somewhere very near the boundaries of Tzanica, among the Armenians who dwell around Pharangium.

At first it goes to the right for a very long way, moving as a small stream and becoming fordable for everyone without difficulty, until the place where on the right are the boundaries of the Iberians, and directly opposite the Caucasus mountain comes to an end.

There many other nations dwell, and also the Alans and Abasgi, who are Christians and friends of the Romans from ancient times, and the Zechi, and after them the Huns who are called Sabiri.

When this river reaches the place where the boundaries of the Caucasus and of Iberia are, other waters are added to it there. It becomes much greater and from there flows, called Phasis instead of Boas, having become navigable as far as the so-called Euxine Sea, where its mouths happen to be. Lazica lies on both sides of it.

On the right, the whole country for a very long way is inhabited by the people there as far as the boundaries of Iberia. For all the villages of the Lazi are there within the river, and from ancient times they have made towns for themselves there, among them Archaeopolis, which is very strong; Sebastopolis is also there, and the fortress of Pityus, and Scanda and Sarapanis near the boundaries of Iberia. There are also two very notable cities there, Rhodopolis and Mocheresis.

On the left of the river are the boundaries of Lazica as far as one day's journey for a lightly-equipped man, but the country happens to be deserted of people. The Romans called Pontic live next to this country.

Within the boundaries of Lazica, in the part altogether uninhabited, the emperor Justinian founded the city Petra in my own time.

This was the place where John, surnamed Tzibus, established the monopoly, as I have told in the preceding narrative, and gave the Lazi cause for revolt.

As one leaves Petra going south, Roman territory begins at once. There are populous towns there, including one called Rhizaeum, also Athens and certain others as far as Trapezus.

When the Lazi brought in Chosroes, they crossed the river Boas and came to Petra keeping the Phasis on the right. They said that by this route they would avoid spending much time and trouble ferrying the men across the Phasis, but in truth they did not wish to show their own homes to the Persians.

Yet Lazica is everywhere difficult to traverse, on both the right and the left of the Phasis. On each side of the river there are exceedingly high and jagged mountains, and for that reason the passes are narrow and very long. The Romans call roads through such passes clisurae when they turn their own word into Greek form.

But since at that time Lazica happened to be unguarded, the Persians had reached Petra very easily with the Lazi as guides.

On this occasion, when Goubazes learned of the advance of the Persians, he directed Dagisthaeus to send men to guard with all their strength the pass below the river Phasis, and he ordered him on no account to abandon the siege until they were able to capture Petra and the Persians in it.

Meanwhile Goubazes himself, with the whole Colchian army, went to the frontier of Lazica in order to devote all his strength to guarding the pass there.

Long before, Goubazes had happened to bring the Alans and Sabiri into alliance. They agreed, for three centenaria, not only to guard the land for the Lazi without plundering it, but also to make Iberia so empty of men that it would no longer be possible for the Persians to go from there. Goubazes promised them that the emperor would give them this money.

He himself therefore reported the agreements to the emperor Justinian and begged him to send this money to the barbarians and to provide some comfort for the Lazi, who had been terribly harmed.

He also said that the public treasury owed him stipends for ten years, since he had been placed among the silentiaries in the palace and had received nothing from there since Chosroes came into the land of Colchis.

The emperor Justinian intended to fulfill the request, but when some business came upon him he did not send the money at the proper time. Goubazes, then, was doing these things.

Dagisthaeus, however, was rather young and by no means competent to carry on a war against Persia, and he did not manage the situation properly.

For although he ought to have sent at least the greater part of the army to the pass, and perhaps to have assisted this effort in person, he sent only one hundred men, as though he were handling a matter of secondary importance.

He himself, though besieging Petra with the whole army, accomplished nothing, although the enemy were few.

At the beginning they had been not less than fifteen hundred. But for a long time Romans and Lazi had shot at them while they fought at the wall, and they had displayed a valor such as no others known to us have displayed, so that many were constantly falling and they had been reduced to a very small number.

While the Persians, sunk in despair and not knowing what to do, remained quiet, the Romans dug a trench along the wall for a short distance, and at that point the circuit-wall immediately fell.

But it happened that inside this space there was a building which did not stand back at all from the circuit-wall and extended along the whole length of the fallen part. Taking the place of the wall for the besieged, it made them no less secure.

This was not enough to disturb the Romans greatly. Knowing well that by doing the same thing elsewhere they would capture the city with the greatest ease, they became more hopeful than before.

For this reason Dagisthaeus sent word to the emperor about what had happened and proposed that the prizes of victory be made ready for him, indicating what rewards the emperor should bestow on himself and his brother, since he would capture Petra after no great time.

So the Romans and the Tzani made a very vigorous assault on the wall, but the Persians unexpectedly withstood them, although only a very few were left.

Since the Romans accomplished nothing by assaulting the wall, they again turned to digging.

They went so far in this work that the foundations of the circuit-wall no longer rested on solid ground, but stood for the most part over empty space and, in the nature of things, would fall almost immediately.

If Dagisthaeus had been willing to set fire to the foundations at once, I think the city would have been captured by them immediately. But as it was, he was waiting for encouragement from the emperor; and so, always hesitating and wasting time, he remained inactive.

Such, then, were the events in the Roman camp.

Colophon

This Good Works Translation was prepared for the Scythian shelf by the New Tianmu Anglican Church from the Greek source text printed below. The Greek text was downloaded from the PerseusDL canonical Greek repository as tlg4029.tlg001.perseus-grc2.xml and inspected locally. Dewing's public-domain English, preserved in the local ToposText capture and Ready archival dossier, was used only as a control.

This is the sixth unit in the Procopius Wars steppe and Black Sea translation dossier, and the second Book 2 unit.

Compiled and formatted for the Good Work Library by the New Tianmu Anglican Church, 2026.

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Source Text: Procopius, Wars 2.10, 2.15, 2.16, 2.26, 2.28, and 2.29

Greek source text from Procopius, Wars 2.10, 2.15, 2.16, 2.26, 2.28, and 2.29. Presented here for reference, study, and verification alongside the English translation above.

Wars 2.10

§ 2.10.1 Τούτου τοῦ πάθους χρόνῳ τινὶ πρότερον τέρας ὁ θεὸς ἐνδειξάμενος τοῖς ταύτῃ ᾠκημένοις ἐσήμηνε τὰ ἐσόμενα. τῶν γὰρ στρατιωτῶν, οἵπερ ἐνταῦθα ἐκ παλαιοῦ ἵδρυνται, τὰ σημεῖα πρότερον ἑστῶτα πρὸς δύοντά που τὸν ἥλιον, ἀπὸ ταὐτομάτου στραφέντα πρὸς ἀνίσχοντα ἥλιον ἔστησαν, ἐς τάξιν τε αὖθις ἐπανῆκον τὴν προτέραν οὐδενὸς ἁψαμένου.

§ 2.10.2 ταῦτα οἱ στρατιῶται ἄλλοις τε πολλοῖς ἄγχιστά πη παροῦσι καὶ τῷ χορηγῷ τῆς τοῦ στρατοπέδου δαπάνης ἔδειξαν, ἔτι τῶν σημείων κραδαινομένων. ἦν δὲ οὗτος ἀνήρ, Τατιανὸς ὄνομα, ξυνετὸς μάλιστα, ἐκ Μοψουεστίας ὁρμώμενος.

§ 2.10.3 ἀλλ’ οὐδ’ ὣς ἔγνωσαν οἱ τὸ τέρας τοῦτο ἰδόντες ὡς δὴ ἐκ βασιλέως τοῦ ἑσπερίου ἐπὶ τὸν ἑῷον τὸ τοῦ χωρίου ἀφίξεται κράτος, ὅπως δηλαδὴ διαφυγεῖν μηδεμιᾷ μηχανῇ δύνωνται οὕσπερ ἔδει ταῦτα ἅπερ ξυνηνέχθη παθεῖν.

§ 2.10.4 Ἐγὼ δὲ ἰλιγγιῶ πάθος τοσοῦτον γράφων τε καὶ παραπέμπων ἐς μνήμην τῷ μέλλοντι χρόνῳ, καὶ οὐκ ἔχω εἰδέναι τί ποτε ἄρα βουλομένῳ τῷ θεῷ εἴη πράγματα μὲν ἀνδρὸς ἢ χωρίου του ἐπαίρειν εἰς ὕψος, αὖθις δὲ ῥιπτεῖν τε αὐτὰ καὶ ἀφανίζειν ἐξ οὐδεμιᾶς ἡμῖν φαινομένης αἰτίας.

§ 2.10.5 αὐτῷ γὰρ οὐ θέμις εἰπεῖν μὴ οὐχὶ ἅπαντα κατὰ λόγον ἀεὶ γίγνεσθαι, ὃς δὴ καὶ Ἀντιόχειαν τότε ὑπέστη ἐς τὸ ἔδαφος πρὸς ἀνδρὸς ἀνοσιωτάτου καταφερομένην ἰδεῖν, ἧς τό τε κάλλος καὶ τὸ ἐς ἅπαντα μεγαλοπρεπὲς οὐδὲ νῦν ἀποκρύπτεσθαι παντάπασιν ἔσχεν.

§ 2.10.6 Ἡ μὲν οὖν ἐκκλησία καθαιρεθείσης τῆς πόλεως ἐλείφθη μόνη, πόνῳ τε καὶ προνοίᾳ Περσῶν οἷς τὸ ἔργον ἐπέκειτο τοῦτο.

§ 2.10.7 ἐλείφθησαν δὲ καὶ ἀμφὶ τὸ λεγόμενον Κεραταῖον οἰκίαι πολλαί, οὐκ ἐκ προνοίας ἀνθρώπων τινός, ἀλλ’ ἐπεὶ ἔκειντό που πρὸς ἐσχάτοις τῆς πόλεως, ἑτέρας αὐταῖς οὐδεμιᾶς τινος οἰκοδομίας ξυναπτομένης, τὸ πῦρ ἐς αὐτὰς ἐξικνεῖσθαι οὐδαμῆ ἴσχυσεν.

§ 2.10.8 ἐνέπρησάν τε καὶ τὰ ἐκτὸς τοῦ περιβόλου οἱ βάρβαροι, πλὴν τοῦ ἱεροῦ ὅπερ Ἰουλιανῷ ἀνεῖται ἁγίῳ, καὶ τῶν οἰκιῶν αἳ δὴ ἀμφὶ τὸ ἱερὸν τοῦτο τυγχάνουσιν οὖσαι.

§ 2.10.9 τοὺς γὰρ πρέσβεις ἐνταῦθα καταλῦσαι ξυνέπεσε. τοῦ μέντοι περιβόλου παντάπασιν ἀπέσχοντο Πέρσαι.

§ 2.10.10 Ὀλίγῳ δὲ ὕστερον ἥκοντες αὖθις παρὰ τὸν Χοσρόην οἱ πρέσβεις ἔλεξαν ὧδε, “Εἰ μὴ πρὸς παρόντα σέ, ὦ βασιλεῦ, οἱ λόγοι ἐγίνοντο, οὐκ ἄν ποτε ᾠόμεθα Χοσρόην τὸν Καβάδου ἐς γῆν τὴν Ῥωμαίων ἐν ὅπλοις ἥκειν, ἀτιμάσαντα μὲν τοὺς διομωμοσμένους σοι ἔναγχος ὅρκους, ὃ τῶν ἐν ἀνθρώποις ἁπάντων ὕστατόν τε καὶ ὀχυρώτατον εἶναι δοκεῖ τῆς ἐς ἀλλήλους πίστεώς τε καὶ ἀληθείας ἐνέχυρον, διαλύσαντα δὲ τὰς σπονδάς, ὧν ἡ ἐλπὶς ἀπολέλειπται μόνη τοῖς διὰ τὴν ἐν πολέμῳ κακοπραγίαν οὐκ ἐν τῷ ἀσφαλεῖ βιοτεύουσιν.

§ 2.10.11 οὐ γὰρ ἄλλο οὐδὲν τὸ τοιοῦτον εἴποι τις ἂν εἶναι ἢ τῶν ἀνθρώπων τὴν δίαιταν ἐς τὴν τῶν θηρίων μεταβεβλῆσθαι.

§ 2.10.12 ἐν γὰρ τῷ μηδαμῆ σπένδεσθαι τὸ πολεμεῖν ἀπέραντα λελείψεται πάντως, πόλεμος δὲ ὁ πέρας οὐκ ἔχων ἐξοικίζειν τῆς φύσεως τοὺς αὐτῷ χρωμένους ἐς ἀεὶ πέφυκε.

§ 2.10.13 τί δὲ καὶ βουλόμενος πρὸς τὸν σὸν ἀδελφὸν ὀλίγῳ πρότερον γέγραφας ὡς αὐτὸς εἴη τοῦ λελύσθαι τὰς σπονδὰς αἴτιος; ἦ δῆλον ὅτι ὁμολογῶν κακόν τι παμμέγεθες εἶναι τὴν τῶν σπονδῶν λύσιν;

§ 2.10.14 εἰ μὲν οὖν ἐκεῖνος οὐδὲν ἥμαρτεν, οὐ δικαίως τανῦν ἐφ’ ἡμᾶς ἥκεις· εἰ δέ τι τοιοῦτόν τ’ ἀδελφῷ τῷ σῷ εἰργάσθαι ξυμβαίνει, ἀλλὰ καὶ σοὶ μέχρι τούτου γε καὶ μὴ περαιτέρω διαπεπράχθω τὸ ἔγκλημα, ὅπως αὐτὸς κρείσσων εἶναι δοκῇς. ὁ γὰρ ἐν τοῖς κακοῖς ἐλασσούμενος,

§ 2.10.15 οὗτος ἂν ἐν τοῖς ἀμείνοσι νικῴη δικαίως. καίτοι ἡμεῖς ἐξεπιστάμεθα Ἰουστινιανὸν βασιλέα μηδεπώποτε τῆς εἰρήνης ἀπ’ ἐναντίας ἐληλυθέναι, καὶ σοῦ δεόμεθα μὴ τοιαῦτα ἐργάσασθαι Ῥωμαίους κακά, ἐξ ὧν Πέρσαις μὲν ὄνησις οὐδεμία ἔσται, σὺ δὲ τοῦτο κερδανεῖς μόνον, ἀνήκεστα ἔργα τοὺς ἄρτι σοι σπεισαμένους οὐ δέον εἰργάσθαι.” οἱ μὲν πρέσβεις τοσαῦτα εἶπον.

§ 2.10.16 Χοσρόης δὲ ταῦτα ἀκούσας ἰσχυρίζετο μὲν τὰς σπονδὰς πρὸς Ἰουστινιανοῦ βασιλέως λελύσθαι· καὶ τὰς αἰτίας κατέλεγεν ἅσπερ ἐκεῖνος παρέσχετο, τὰς μέν τινας καὶ λόγου ἀξίας, τὰς δὲ φαύλας τε καὶ οὐδενὶ λόγῳ ξυμπεπλασμένας· μάλιστα δὲ αὐτοῦ τὰς ἐπιστολὰς τοῦ πολέμου αἰτιωτάτας ἠξίου δεικνύναι πρός τε Ἀλαμούνδαρον καὶ Οὔννους αὐτῷ γεγραμμένας, καθάπερ μοι ἐν τοῖς ἔμπροσθεν λόγοις ἐρρήθη.

§ 2.10.17 ἄνδρα μέντοι Ῥωμαῖον ἐς τὴν Περσῶν γῆν ἐσβεβληκέναι ἢ πολέμια ἔργα ἐνδείξασθαι οὔτε λέγειν εἶχεν οὔτε δεικνύναι.

§ 2.10.18 οἱ μέντοι πρέσβεις πὴ μὲν τὰς αἰτίας οὐκ ἐς Ἰουστινιανὸν ἀνέφερον, ἀλλ’ ἐς τῶν ὑπουργηκότων τινάς, πὴ δὲ ὡς οὐχ οὕτω γεγονότων ἐπελαμβάνοντο τῶν εἰρημένων.

§ 2.10.19 τέλος δὲ χρήματα μέν οἱ πολλὰ ὁ Χοσρόης ἠξίου διδόναι Ῥωμαίους, παρῄνει δὲ μὴ τὰ χρήματα ἐν τῷ παραυτίκα μόνον παρεχομένους τὴν εἰρήνην ἐθέλειν ἐς τὸν πάντα αἰῶνα κρατύνασθαι.

§ 2.10.20 τὴν γὰρ ἐπὶ χρήμασι γινομένην ἀνθρώποις φιλίαν ἀναλισκομένοις ἐκ τοῦ ἐπὶ πλεῖστον ξυνδαπανᾶσθαι τοῖς χρήμασι.

§ 2.10.21 δεῖν τοίνυν Ῥωμαίους τακτόν τι φέρειν ἐπέτειον Πέρσαις. “Οὕτω γὰρ αὐτοῖς,” ἔφη, “τὴν εἰρήνην Πέρσαι βέβαιον ἕξουσι, τάς τε Κασπίας αὐτοὶ φυλάσσοντες πύλας καὶ οὐκέτι αὐτοῖς ἀχθόμενοι διὰ πόλιν Δάρας, ὑπὲρ ὧν ἔμμισθοι καὶ αὐτοὶ ἐς ἀεὶ ἔσονται.” “Οὐκοῦν,” οἱ πρέσβεις ἔφασαν,

§ 2.10.22 “ὑποτελεῖς Πέρσαι βούλονται Ῥωμαίους ἐς φόρου ἀπαγωγὴν ἔχειν.” “Οὔκ,

§ 2.10.23 ἀλλὰ στρατιώτας οἰκείους,” ὁ Χοσρόης εἶπεν, “ἕξουσι τὸ λοιπὸν Πέρσας Ῥωμαῖοι, μισθὸν τῆς ὑπουργίας αὐτοῖς χορηγοῦντες ῥητόν· ἐπεὶ καὶ Οὔννων τισὶ καὶ Σαρακηνοῖς ἐπέτειον χορηγεῖτε χρυσόν, οὐ φόρου αὐτοῖς ὑποτελεῖς ὄντες, ἀλλ’ ὅπως ἀδῄωτον γῆν τὴν ὑμετέραν φυλάξωσιν ἐς τὸν πάντα

§ 2.10.24 αἰῶνα.” τοιαῦτα Χοσρόης τε καὶ οἱ πρέσβεις πολλὰ πρὸς ἀλλήλους διαλεχθέντες, ξυνέβησαν ὕστερον ἐφ’ ᾧ Χοσρόην ἐν μὲν τῷ παραυτίκα κεντηνάρια πεντήκοντα πρὸς Ῥωμαίων λαβόντα, πέντε δὲ ἄλλων φερόμενον ἐπέτειον ἐς τὸν πάντα αἰῶνα δασμόν, μηδὲν αὐτοὺς ἐργάσασθαι περαιτέρω κακόν, ἀλλ’ αὐτὸν μὲν ὁμήρους ἐπὶ ταύτῃ τῇ ὁμολογίᾳ παρὰ τῶν πρέσβεων κεκομισμένον τὴν ἀποπορείαν παντὶ τῷ στρατῷ ἐς τὰ πάτρια ἤθη ποιήσασθαι, ἐνταῦθα δὲ πρέσβεις παρὰ βασιλέως Ἰουστινιανοῦ στελλομένους τὰς ἀμφὶ τῇ εἰρήνῃ ξυνθήκας ἐν βεβαίῳ τὸ λοιπὸν θέσθαι.

Wars 2.15

§ 2.15.1 Ἐν τούτῳ δὲ ὁ Χοσρόης ἐπὶ Κολχίδα τὸν στρατὸν ἦγε, Λαζῶν αὐτὸν ἐπαγομένων ἐξ αἰτίας τοιᾶσδε.

§ 2.15.2 Λαζοὶ τὰ μὲν πρῶτα γῆν τὴν Κολχίδα ᾤκουν, Ῥωμαίων κατήκοοι ὄντες, οὐ μέντοι ἐς φόρου ἀπαγωγήν, οὐδέ τι ἄλλο ἐπαγγέλλουσιν αὐτοῖς ἐπακούοντες, πλήν γε δὴ ὅτι ἐπειδὰν αὐτοῖς ὁ βασιλεὺς τελευτήσειε, ξύμβολα τῆς ἀρχῆς τῷ διαδεξομένῳ τὴν βασιλείαν ὁ Ῥωμαίων βασιλεὺς ἔπεμπε.

§ 2.15.3 τὰ δὲ τῆς χώρας ὅρια ξὺν τοῖς ἀρχομένοις ἐς τὸ ἀκριβὲς διεφύλασσεν, ὅπως δὴ μὴ Οὖννοι πολέμιοι ἐξ ὄρους τοῦ Καυκάσου, ὁμόρου σφίσιν ὄντος, διὰ Λαζικῆς πορευόμενοι ἐσβάλλωσιν ἐς γῆν τὴν Ῥωμαίων.

§ 2.15.4 ἐφύλασσον δὲ οὔτε αὐτοὶ χρήματα ἢ στρατιὰν πρὸς Ῥωμαίων δεχόμενοι οὔτε Ῥωμαίοις πη ξυστρατεύοντες, ἐπ’ ἐμπορίᾳ δὲ τῇ κατὰ θάλασσαν πρὸς Ῥωμαίους ἀεὶ τοὺς ἐν πόντῳ ᾠκημένους ἐργαζόμενοι.

§ 2.15.5 αὐτοὶ μὲν γὰρ οὔτε ἅλας οὔτε σῖτον οὔτε ἄλλο τι ἀγαθὸν ἔχουσι, δέρρεις δὲ καὶ βύρσας καὶ ἀνδράποδα παρεχόμενοι τὰ σφίσιν ἐπιτήδεια ἐκομίζοντο.

§ 2.15.6 ἐπειδὴ δὲ τὰ ἀμφὶ Γουργένει τῷ Ἰβήρων βασιλεῖ γενέσθαι ξυνέπεσεν, ὥσπερ μοι ἐν τοῖς ἔμπροσθεν λόγοις ἐρρήθη, στρατιῶται Ῥωμαίων ἐπιχωριάζειν Λαζοῖς ἤρξαντο, οἷς δὴ οἱ βάρβαροι οὗτοι ἤχθοντο, καὶ πάντων μάλιστα Πέτρῳ τῷ στρατηγῷ, ἐπηρεάζειν τοῖς ἐντυγχάνουσιν εὐπετῶς ἔχοντι.

§ 2.15.7 ὁ δὲ Πέτρος οὗτος ὥρμητο μὲν ἐξ Ἀρζανηνῆς, ἣ ἐκτὸς Νυμφίου ποταμοῦ ἐστι, Περσῶν κατήκοος ἐκ παλαιοῦ οὖσα, πρὸς Ἰουστίνου δὲ βασιλέως ἔτι παῖς ὢν ἠνδραπόδιστο, ἡνίκα Ἰουστῖνος μετὰ τὴν Ἀμίδης ἅλωσιν ξὺν τῷ Κέλερος στρατῷ ἐσέβαλλεν ἐς τὴν Περσῶν γῆν. φιλανθρωπίᾳ δὲ πολλῇ χρωμένου τοῦ κεκτημένου ἐς αὐτὸν ἐς γραμματιστοῦ ἐφοίτησε.

§ 2.15.8 καὶ τὰ μὲν πρῶτα Ἰουστίνου γραμματεὺς γέγονεν, ἐπεὶ δὲ Ἀναστασίου τετελευτηκότος Ἰουστῖνος τὴν βασιλείαν παρέλαβε Ῥωμαίων, ὁ Πέτρος στρατηγὸς γεγονὼς ἔς τε φιλοχρηματίαν εἴπερ τις ἄλλος ἐξώκειλε καὶ ἀβελτερίᾳ πολλῇ ἐς ἅπαντας ἐχρῆτο.

§ 2.15.9 Ὕστερον δὲ βασιλεὺς Ἰουστινιανὸς ἄλλους τε ἐς Λαζικὴν ἄρχοντας ἔπεμψε καὶ Ἰωάννην ὃν Τζίβον ἐκάλουν, ἄνδρα ἐξ ἀφανῶν μὲν καὶ ἀδόξων ἀρχὴν γεγονότα, ἐς στρατηγίαν δὲ ἀναβεβηκότα κατ’ ἄλλο οὐδὲν ἢ ὅτι πονηρότατός τε ἦν ἀνθρώπων ἁπάντων καὶ πόρους χρημάτων ἀδίκους ἱκανώτατος ἐξευρεῖν. ὃς δὴ ἅπαντα ἔσφηλέ τε καὶ συνετάραξε τὰ Ῥωμαίων τε καὶ Λαζῶν πράγματα.

§ 2.15.10 οὗτος καὶ βασιλέα Ἰουστινιανὸν πόλιν ἀνέπεισεν ἐπιθαλασσίαν, Πέτραν ὄνομα, ἐν Λαζοῖς δείμασθαι· ἐνταῦθά τε ὥσπερ ἐν ἀκροπόλει καθήμενος ἦγέ τε καὶ ἔφερε τὰ Λαζῶν πράγματα.

§ 2.15.11 τούς τε γὰρ ἅλας καὶ ὅσα ἄλλα φορτία Λαζοῖς ἀναγκαῖα ἐδόκει εἶναι, οὐκέτι φέρειν ἐς γῆν τὴν Κολχίδα τοῖς ἐμπόροις ἐξῆν, ἢ ἄλλοθι ἐνθένδε ὠνεῖσθαι, ἀλλ’ ἐν Πέτρᾳ ξυστησάμενος τὸ δὴ καλούμενον μονοπώλιον αὐτὸς κάπηλός τε καὶ ξυμπάσης τῆς περὶ ταῦτα ἐργασίας ἐπιστάτης ἐγίγνετο, ἅπαντα ὠνούμενός τε καὶ ἀποδιδόμενος Κόλχοις, οὐχ ᾗπερ εἴθιστο, ἀλλ’ ᾗπερ ἐξῆν.

§ 2.15.12 ἅμα δὲ καὶ ἄλλως οἱ βάρβαροι ἤχθοντο ἐπιχωριάζοντι αὐτοῖς οὐκ εἰωθὸς πρότερον τῷ Ῥωμαίων στρατῷ. ἃ δὴ οὐκέτι φέρειν οἷοί τε ὄντες Πέρσαις τε καὶ Χοσρόῃ προσχωρεῖν ἔγνωσαν, πρέσβεις τε αὐτίκα τοὺς ταῦτα διαπραξομένους κρύφα Ῥωμαίων παρ’ αὐτοὺς ἔπεμψαν.

§ 2.15.13 οἷς δὴ εἴρητο τὰ πιστὰ πρὸς Χοσρόου λαβοῦσιν ὅτι γε οὔποτε Λαζοὺς ἄκοντας ἐκδώσει Ῥωμαίοις, οὕτω δὴ αὐτὸν ξὺν τῷ Περσῶν στρατῷ ἐς τὴν χώραν ἐπαγαγέσθαι.

§ 2.15.14 Ἀφικόμενοι τοίνυν ἐς Πέρσας οἱ πρέσβεις καὶ Χοσρόῃ λάθρα ἐς ὄψιν ἐλθόντες ἔλεξαν τοιάδε “Εἴ τινας καὶ ἄλλους ἐκ τοῦ παντὸς χρόνου τῶν μὲν οἰκείων ἀποστάντας ὅντινα δὴ τρόπον, ἀνδράσι δὲ τὸ παράπαν ἀγνῶσι προσκεχωρηκότας οὐ δέον αὖθις εὖ ποιοῦσα ἡ τύχη ὡς μάλιστα ἀσμένους ἐπὶ τοὺς πρὶν ἐπανήγαγεν ἐπιτηδείους, τοιούτους δή τινας καὶ Λαζούς, ὦ μέγιστε βασιλεῦ,

§ 2.15.15 νόμιζε εἶναι. Κόλχοι γὰρ Πέρσαις σύμμαχοι τὸ ἀνέκαθεν ὄντες πολλά τε εἰργάσαντο αὐτοὺς ἀγαθὰ καὶ αὐτοὶ ἔπαθον· ὧν δὴ ἐν γράμμασι μνημεῖα πολλὰ ἡμεῖς τε ἔχομεν κἀν τοῖς βασιλείοις τοῖς σοῖς ἐς τὸ παρὸν διασώζεται.

§ 2.15.16 χρόνῳ δὲ ὕστερον τοῖς ἡμετέροις προγόνοις τετύχηκεν εἴτε παρ’ ὑμῶν ἀμεληθεῖσιν εἴτε ἄλλου του ἕνεκα ʽοὐ γὰρ ἔχομέν τι σαφὲς περὶ τούτων εἰδέναἰ Ῥωμαίοις ἐνσπόνδοις γενέσθαι.

§ 2.15.17 καὶ νῦν ἡμεῖς τε καὶ ὁ Λαζικῆς βασιλεὺς δίδομεν Πέρσαις ἡμᾶς τε αὐτοὺς καὶ γῆν τὴν ἡμετέραν ὅ τι βούλοισθε χρῆσθαι.

§ 2.15.18 δεόμεθα δὲ ὑμῶν οὑτωσὶ σκοπεῖσθαι περὶ ἡμῶν· εἰ μὲν οὐδὲν πρὸς Ῥωμαίων πεπονθότες δεινόν, ἀλλ’ ἀγνωμοσύνῃ ἐχόμενοι κεχωρήκαμεν εἰς ὑμᾶς, τήνδε ἡμῶν εὐθὺς ἀποσείσασθε τὴν ἱκετείαν, οὐδὲ ὑμῖν ποτε πιστοὺς ἔσεσθαι Κόλχους οἰόμενοι ʽφιλίας γὰρ διαλελυμένης ὁ τρόπος τῆς μετ’ ἐκείνην πρὸς ἑτέρους καθισταμένης ἔλεγχος γίγνεταἰ·

§ 2.15.19 εἰ δὲ λόγῳ μὲν φίλοι Ῥωμαίων, ἔργῳ δὲ ἀνδράποδα γεγονότες πιστά, ἔργα πεπόνθαμεν πρὸς τῶν ἐφ’ ἡμῖν τετυραννηκότων ἀνόσια, δέξασθε μὲν ἡμᾶς τοὺς πρόσθε ξυμμάχους, κτήσασθε δὲ δούλους οἷς φίλοις ἐχρῆσθε, μισήσατε δὲ τυραννίδα πικρὰν οὕτως ἡμῖν ἐν γειτόνων ἐγηγερμένην, τῆς δικαιοσύνης ἄξια πράσσοντες ἣν περιστέλλειν ἀεὶ πάτριον Πέρσαις.

§ 2.15.20 οὐ γὰρ ὁ μηδὲν αὐτὸς ἀδικῶν δίκαιος, εἰ μὴ καὶ τοὺς ὑφ’ ἑτέρων ἀδικουμένους ἔχων ἐν ἐξουσίᾳ ῥύεσθαι πέφυκεν.

§ 2.15.21 ἔνια δὲ εἰπεῖν ὧν τετολμήκασιν οἱ κατάρατοι Ῥωμαῖοι καθ’ ἡμῶν ἄξιον. τῷ μὲν γὰρ ἡμετέρῳ βασιλεῖ τὸ σχῆμα μόνον τῆς βασιλείας ἀπολιπόντες, αὐτοὶ τὴν ἐξουσίαν ἐπὶ τῶν ἔργων ἀφῄρηνται, καὶ κάθηται βασιλεὺς ἐν ὑπηρέτου μοίρα, τὸν ἐπιτάττοντα στρατηγὸν δεδιώς·

§ 2.15.22 στρατιᾶς δὲ ἡμῖν ἐπέστησαν πλῆθος, οὐχ ὅπως τὴν χώραν ἀπὸ τῶν ἐνοχλούντων φρουρήσουσιν ʽοὐ γὰρ οὐδέ τις τῶν ὁμόρων ἡμᾶς πλήν γε δὴ Ῥωμαίων ἠνώχλησεν̓, ἀλλ’ ὅπως ἡμᾶς ὥσπερ ἐν δεσμωτηρίῳ καθείρξαντες κύριοι τῶν ἡμετέρων γενήσονται.

§ 2.15.23 λογισάμενοι δὲ συντομωτέραν ποιήσασθαι τὴν τῶν ἡμῖν ὑπαρχόντων ἀφαίρεσιν, ὅρα, ὦ βασιλεῦ,

§ 2.15.24 ἐς ὁποίαν τινὰ ἔννοιαν ἦλθον· τῶν ἐπιτηδείων ἃ μὲν περιττὰ παρ’ ἐκείνοις εἶναι τετύχηκεν, ἀναγκάζουσιν οὐχ ἑκόντας ὠνεῖσθαι Λαζούς, ὅσα δὲ αὐτοῖς χρησιμώτατα φέρειν Λαζικὴ πέφυκεν, οἵδε ἀξιοῦσι δῆθεν τῷ λόγῳ παρ’ ἡμῶν πρίασθαι, τιμῆς ἑκατέρωθι γνώμῃ τῶν κρατούντων ὁριζομένης.

§ 2.15.25 οὕτω τε ξὺν τοῖς ἀναγκαίοις ἅπαν ἀφαιροῦνται τὸ χρυσίον ἡμᾶς, ὀνόματι μὲν τῷ τῆς ἐμπορίας εὐπρεπεῖ χρώμενοι, ἔργῳ δὲ ἡμᾶς ὡς ἔνι μάλιστα βιαζόμενοι. ἐφέστηκέ τε ἡμῖν ἄρχων κάπηλος, τὴν ἡμετέραν ἀπορίαν ἐργασίαν τινὰ τῇ τῆς ἀρχῆς ἐξουσίᾳ πεποιημένος.

§ 2.15.26 ἡ μὲν οὖν τῆς ἀποστάσεως αἰτία τοιαύτη τις οὖσα τὸ δίκαιον ἐφ’ ἑαυτῆς ἔχει· ὅσα δὲ ὑμῖν αὐτοῖς ξύμφορα ἔσται δεχομένοις τὴν Λαζῶν δέησιν αὐτίκα ἐροῦμεν.

§ 2.15.27 τῇ Περσῶν ἀρχῇ βασιλείαν ἀρχαιοτάτην προσθήσετε, μηκυνόμενόν τε ἀπ’ αὐτῆς ἕξετε τὸ τῆς ἡγεμονίας ἀξίωμα, μετεῖναι δὲ τῆς Ῥωμαίων θαλάσσης ὑμῖν διὰ τῆς ἡμετέρας ξυμβήσεται χώρας, ἐν ᾗ πλοῖά σοι, ὦ βασιλεῦ, ναυπηγουμένῳ βατὸν οὐδενὶ πόνῳ τὸ ἐν Βυζαντίῳ παλάτιον ἔσται. μεταξὺ γὰρ ἐναντίωμα οὐδέν ἐστι.

§ 2.15.28 προσθείη δ’ ἄν τις ὡς καὶ ληίζεσθαι τοὺς ὁμόρους βαρβάρους τὴν Ῥωμαίων γῆν ἀνὰ πᾶν ἔτος ἐφ’ ὑμῖν κείσεται.

§ 2.15.29 ὄρεσι γὰρ τοῖς Καυκασίοις ἐπιτείχισμα μέχρι τοῦδε γεγονέναι τὴν Λαζῶν χώραν πάντως που καὶ ὑμεῖς ξυνεπίστασθε.

§ 2.15.30 ἡγουμένου τοίνυν τοῦ δικαίου, προσόντος δὲ τοῦ ξυμφέροντος, τὸ μὴ οὐχὶ τοὺς λόγους προσέσθαι οὐδεμιᾶς ἂν εὐβουλίας οἰόμεθα εἶναι.” τοσαῦτα μὲν οἱ πρέσβεις εἶπον.

§ 2.15.31 Χοσρόης δὲ τοῖς λόγοις ἡσθεὶς ἀμύνειν τε Λαζοῖς ὡμολόγησε καὶ τῶν πρέσβεων ἐπυνθάνετο εἴ οἱ στρατῷ μεγάλῳ ἐς γῆν τὴν Κολχίδα ἰέναι δυνατὰ εἴη.

§ 2.15.32 πολλῶν γὰρ ἀπαγγελλόντων ἔφασκεν ἀκηκοέναι τὰ πρότερα δύσοδον ἐπιεικῶς καὶ ἀνδρὶ εὐζώνῳ τὴν χώραν εἶναι, κρημνώδη τε ὑπερφυῶς οὖσαν καὶ δένδροις συχνοῖς τε καὶ ἀμφιλαφέσιν ἐπὶ μακρότατον συνεχομένην.

§ 2.15.33 οἱ δέ οἱ ἰσχυρίζοντο παντὶ τῷ Περσῶν στρατῷ τὴν ἐκείνῃ ὁδὸν εὐπετῆ ἔσεσθαι, τέμνουσι μὲν τὰ δένδρα, ἐς δὲ τῶν κρημνῶν τὰς δυσχωρίας αὐτὰ ἐμβαλλομένοις.

§ 2.15.34 καὶ αὐτοὶ ὡμολόγουν τῆς τε ὁδοῦ ἡγεμόνες καὶ τοῦ ἔργου τούτου Πέρσαις ἔσεσθαι πρόπονοι.

§ 2.15.35 ταύτῃ ὁ Χοσρόης ἐπηρμένος τῇ ὑποθήκῃ στρατιάν τε πολλὴν ἤγειρε καὶ τὰ ἐς τὴν ἔφοδον ἐξηρτύετο, οὔτε τὸ βούλευμα ἐς Πέρσας ἐξενεγκών, πλήν γε δὴ οἷς τὰ ἀπόρρητα κοινολογεῖσθαι μόνοις εἰώθει, καὶ τοῖς πρέσβεσιν ἐπαγγείλας ὅπως τὰ πρασσόμενα μηδενὶ φράσωσιν, ἀλλ’ ἐς Ἰβηρίαν τῷ λόγῳ ἐστέλλετο, ὡς τὰ τῇδε καταστησόμενος πράγματα· ἔθνος γὰρ Οὐννικὸν ἐνταῦθά πη ἐπισκῆψαι τῇ Περσῶν ἀρχῇ ἐπεφήμιζεν.

Wars 2.16

§ 2.16.1 Ἐν τούτῳ δὲ γενόμενος Βελισάριος ἐν Μεσοποταμίᾳ πανταχόθεν τὸν στρατὸν ἤγειρε, καί τινας ἐς τὰ Περσῶν ἤθη ἐπὶ κατασκοπῇ ἔπεμπεν.

§ 2.16.2 αὐτὸς δὲ τοῖς πολεμίοις ἐνταῦθα ὑπαντιάσαι βουλόμενος, ἤν τινα ἐσβολὴν ἐς Ῥωμαίων τὴν γῆν αὖθις ποιήσωνται, διεῖπέ τε αὐτοῦ καὶ διεκόσμει τοὺς στρατιώτας, γυμνούς τε καὶ ἀνόπλους ἐπὶ πλεῖστον ὄντας, κατωρρωδηκότας τὸ Περσῶν ὄνομα.

§ 2.16.3 οἱ μὲν οὖν κατάσκοποι ἐπανήκοντες οὐδεμίαν τῶν πολεμίων ἰσχυρίζοντο ἐν τῷ παρόντι ἐσβολὴν ἔσεσθαι· πολέμου γὰρ Οὐννικοῦ ἀσχολίαν Χοσρόῃ ἑτέρωθι εἶναι.

§ 2.16.4 Βελισάριος δὲ ταῦτα ἀκούσας παντὶ τῷ στρατῷ αὐτίκα ἐσβάλλειν ἐς τῶν πολεμίων τὴν γῆν ἤθελε.

§ 2.16.5 καί οἱ Ἀρέθας τε ξὺν πολλῷ στρατῷ Σαρακηνῶν ἦλθε καὶ βασιλεὺς γράμματα γράψας ἐσβάλλειν κατὰ τάχος ἐς τὴν πολεμίων ἐπέστελλε γῆν.

§ 2.16.6 ξυγκαλέσας οὖν ἅπαντας τοὺς ἄρχοντας ἐν Δάρας ἔλεξε τοιάδε “Ἅπαντας ὑμᾶς, ὦ ξυνάρχοντες, πολέμων πολλῶν ἐμπείρους οἶδα, ξυνήγαγόν τε ἐν τῷ παρόντι, οὐχ ὅπως ὑπομνήσας ἢ παραίνεσίν τινα ποιησάμενος τὴν ὑμετέραν γνώμην ἐπὶ τοὺς πολεμίους ὁρμήσω ʽοὐ γὰρ λόγου δεῖσθαι ὑμᾶς τοῦ ἐς εὐτολμίαν ἐνάγοντος οἶμαἰ, ἀλλ’ ὅπως ξυμβουλήν τινα ἔν γε ἡμῖν αὐτοῖς ποιησάμενοι ἑλώμεθα μᾶλλον ἅπερ ἂν δοκῇ βέλτιστά τε καὶ ἄριστα τοῖς βασιλέως πράγμασιν εἶναι.

§ 2.16.7 πόλεμος γὰρ εὐβουλίᾳ πάντων μάλιστα κατορθοῦσθαι φιλεῖ. δεῖ δὲ τοὺς ἐς βουλὴν καθισταμένους αἰδοῦς τε καὶ φόβου παντάπασιν ἐλευθέραν ποιεῖσθαι τὴν γνώμην.

§ 2.16.8 ὅ τε γὰρ φόβος, ἀεὶ τοὺς αὐτῷ περιπεπτωκότας ἐκπλήσσων, οὐκ ἐᾷ τὴν διάνοιαν ἑλέσθαι τὰ κρείσσω, ἥ τε αἰδὼς ἐπισκιάζουσα τοῖς δόξασιν εἶναι ἀμείνοσιν ἐπὶ τὴν ἐναντίαν ἐκφέρει τὴν γνῶσιν.

§ 2.16.9 εἴ τι τοίνυν ἢ βασιλεῖ τῷ μεγάλῳ ἢ ἐμοὶ βεβουλεῦσθαι ὑπὲρ τῶν παρόντων δοκεῖ, μηδὲν ὑμᾶς τοῦτο εἰσίτω.

§ 2.16.10 ὁ μὲν γὰρ μακράν που ἀπολελειμμένος τῶν πρασσομένων,

§ 2.16.11 οὐκ ἔχει τοῖς καιροῖς ἁρμόσαι τὰς πράξεις· ὥστε φόβος οὐδεὶς ἀπ’ ἐναντίας αὐτῷ ἰόντας τὰ ξυνοίσοντα ἐργάζεσθαι τοῖς αὐτοῦ πράγμασιν.

§ 2.16.12 ἐμὲ δὲ ἄνθρωπόν τε ὄντα καὶ χρόνῳ μακρῷ ἐκ τῶν ἑσπερίων ἐνταῦθα ἐλθόντα μὴ οὐχὶ διαλαθεῖν τι τῶν δεόντων ἀδύνατον.

§ 2.16.13 ὥστε οὐδὲν τὴν ἐμὴν γνώμην αἰδεσθέντας ὑμᾶς προσήκει διαρρήδην εἰπεῖν ὅσα ἂν ξυνοίσειν ἡμῖν τε αὐτοῖς καὶ βασιλεῖ μέλλῃ.

§ 2.16.14 τὸ μὲν οὖν ἐξ ἀρχῆς ἐνθάδε ἥκομεν, ὦ ξυνάρχοντες, ὡς διακωλύσοντες τὸν πολέμιον ἐσβολήν τινα ἐς τὴν ἡμετέραν ποιήσασθαι, νῦν δέ, τῶν πραγμάτων ἡμῖν ἄμεινον ἢ κατ’ ἐλπίδας κεχωρηκότων, πάρεστι περὶ τῆς ἐκείνου βουλεύεσθαι.

§ 2.16.15 ἐφ’ ᾧ δὴ ξυνειλεγμένους ὑμᾶς δίκαιον, οἶμαι, οὐδὲν ὑποστειλαμένους εἰπεῖν ἅπερ ἂν ἄριστά τε δοκῇ καὶ ξυμφορώτατα ἑκάστῳ εἶναι.”

§ 2.16.16 Βελισάριος μὲν τοσαῦτα εἶπε. Πέτρος δὲ καὶ Βούζης ἐξηγεῖσθαι τῷ στρατῷ οὐδὲν μελλήσοντα ἐπὶ τὴν πολεμίαν ἐκέλευον. ὧν δὴ τῇ γνώμῃ εἵποντο εὐθὺς ὁ ξύλλογος ἅπας.

§ 2.16.17 Ῥεκίθαγγος μέντοι καὶ Θεόκτιστος, οἱ τῶν ἐν Λιβάνῳ στρατιωτῶν ἄρχοντες, ταὐτὰ μὲν τοῖς ἄλλοις ἀμφὶ τῇ ἐσβολῇ βούλεσθαι καὶ αὐτοὶ ἔφασαν, δεδιέναι δὲ μὴ σφῶν ἐκλελοιπότων τά τε ἐπὶ Φοινίκης καὶ Συρίας χωρία, κατ’ ἐξουσίαν μὲν Ἀλαμούνδαρος ταῦτα ληίζηται, βασιλεὺς δὲ σφᾶς δι’ ὀργῆς ἔχοι, ἅτε οὐ φυλάξαντας ἀδῄωτον τὴν χώραν ἧς ἦρχον, καὶ δι’ αὐτὸ συνεισβάλλειν τῷ ἄλλῳ στρατῷ οὐδαμῆ ἤθελον.

§ 2.16.18 Βελισάριος δὲ τὼ ἄνδρε τούτω ὡς ἥκιστα ἀληθῆ οἴεσθαι ἔλεγε. τοῦ γὰρ καιροῦ τροπὰς θερινὰς εἶναι. ταύτης δὲ τῆς ὥρας δύο μάλιστα μῆνας ἀνάθημα τῷ σφετέρῳ θεῷ Σαρακηνοὺς ἐς ἀεὶ φέροντας ἐν ταύτῃ ἐπιδρομῇ τινι οὔποτε χρῆσθαι ἐς γῆν ἀλλοτρίαν.

§ 2.16.19 διὸ δὴ ἑξήκοντα ἡμερῶν ὁμολογήσας ξὺν τοῖς ἑπομένοις ἄμφω ἀφήσειν, ἐκέλευε καὶ αὐτοὺς ξὺν τῷ ἄλλῳ στρατῷ ἕπεσθαι. Βελισάριος μὲν οὖν τὰ ἐς τὴν ἐσβολὴν σπουδῇ πολλῇ ἐξηρτύετο.

Wars 2.26

§ 2.26.1 Τῷ δὲ ἐπιγινομένῳ ἔτει Χοσρόης ὁ Καβάδου τὸ τέταρτον ἐς γῆν τὴν Ῥωμαίων ἐσέβαλλεν, ἐπὶ τὴν Μεσοποταμίαν τὸ στράτευμα ἄγων.

§ 2.26.2 αὕτη δὲ ἡ ἐσβολὴ τῷ Χοσρόῃ τούτῳ οὐ πρὸς Ἰουστινιανὸν τὸν Ῥωμαίων βασιλέα πεποίηται, οὐ μὴν οὐδὲ ἐπ’ ἄλλων ἀνθρώπων οὐδένα, ὅτι μὴ ἐπὶ τὸν θεὸν ὅνπερ Χριστιανοὶ σέβονται μόνον.

§ 2.26.3 ἐπειδὴ γὰρ ἐν τῇ πρώτῃ ἐφόδῳ Ἐδέσσης ἀποτυχὼν ἀνεχώρησε, πολλή τις ἐγεγόνει αὐτῷ τε καὶ μάγοις, ἅτε πρὸς τοῦ τῶν Χριστιανῶν θεοῦ ἡσσημένοις, κατήφεια.

§ 2.26.4 ἣν δὴ παρηγορῶν ὁ Χοσρόης ἐν τοῖς βασιλείοις Ἐδεσσηνοὺς μὲν ἀνδραποδιεῖν ἠπείλησεν ἅπαντας ἐς τὰ Περσῶν ἤθη, τὴν δὲ πόλιν μηλόβοτον καταστήσεσθαι.

§ 2.26.5 παντὶ γοῦν τῷ στρατῷ ἀγχοῦ Ἐδέσσης γενόμενος, Οὔννων τῶν οἱ ἑπομένων τινὰς ἐπὶ τὸν τῆς πόλεως περίβολον ἔπεμψεν ὃς δὴ τοῦ ἱπποδρόμου καθύπερθέν ἐστιν, ἄλλο μὲν οὐδὲν κακουργήσοντας, πρόβατα δὲ ἁρπασομένους ἅπερ οἱ ποιμένες πολλὰ ἐνταῦθά πη παρὰ τὸ τείχισμα στήσαντες ἔτυχον, χωρίου τε ἰσχύϊ θαρσοῦντες, ὅτι δὴ ἄναντες ὑπερφυῶς ἦν, καὶ οὔποτε τολμήσειν τοὺς πολεμίους οἰόμενοι οὕτω πη ἄγχιστα τοῦ τείχους ἰέναι.

§ 2.26.6 οἱ μὲν οὖν βάρβαροι τῶν προβάτων ἥπτοντο ἤδη, οἱ δὲ ποιμένες καρτερώτατα ἀμυνόμενοι διεκώλυον.

§ 2.26.7 Περσῶν τε τοῖς Οὔννοις ἐπιβεβοηθηκότων πολλῶν, ἀγέλην μὲν ἐνθένδε ἀφελέσθαι τινὰ οἱ βάρβαροι ἴσχυσαν, Ῥωμαίων δὲ στρατιωτῶν τε καὶ τῶν ἀπὸ τοῦ δήμου ἐπεξελθόντων τοῖς πολεμίοις, ἡ μὲν μάχη ἐκ χειρὸς γέγονεν, ἡ δὲ ἀγέλη αὐτόματος ἐς τοὺς ποιμένας ἐπανῆκεν αὖθις.

§ 2.26.8 τῶν τέ τις Οὔννων πρὸ τῶν ἄλλων μαχόμενος μάλιστα πάντων ἠνώχλει Ῥωμαίους.

§ 2.26.9 καί τις αὐτὸν ἀγροῖκος ἐς γόνυ τὸ δεξιὸν σφενδόνῃ ἐπιτυχὼν βάλλει, ὁ δὲ πρηνὴς ἀπὸ τοῦ ἵππου ἐς τὸ ἔδαφος εὐθὺς ἔπεσεν, ὃ δὴ Ῥωμαίους ἔτι μᾶλλον ἐπέρρωσεν.

§ 2.26.10 ἥ τε μάχη πρωὶ ἀρξαμένη ἐτελεύτα ἐς μέσην ἡμέραν, ἐν ᾗ ἑκάτεροι τὸ πλέον ἔχειν οἰόμενοι διελύθησαν.

§ 2.26.11 καὶ Ῥωμαῖοι μὲν ἐντὸς τοῦ περιβόλου ἐγένοντο, οἱ δὲ βάρβαροι ἀπὸ σταδίων τῆς πόλεως ἑπτὰ διεσκηνημένοι ἐστρατοπεδεύσαντο ἅπαντες.

§ 2.26.12 Τότε ὁ Χοσρόης εἴτε τινὰ ὄψιν ὀνείρου εἶδεν ἤ τις αὐτῷ ἔννοια γέγονεν, ὡς δὶς ἐγχειρήσας ἢν μὴ δυνατὸς εἴη Ἔδεσσαν ἐξελεῖν, πολλήν οἱ αἰσχύνην τινὰ περιβαλέσθαι ξυμβήσεται.

§ 2.26.13 διὸ δὴ πολλῶν χρημάτων ἀποδόσθαι τὴν ἀναχώρησιν Ἐδεσσηνοῖς ἔγνω.

§ 2.26.14 τῇ γοῦν ἐπιγινομένῃ ἡμέρᾳ Παῦλος ἑρμηνεὺς παρὰ τὸ τεῖχος ἥκων ἔφασκε Ῥωμαίους χρῆναι παρὰ Χοσρόην σταλῆναι τῶν δοκίμων τινάς.

§ 2.26.15 οἱ δὲ κατὰ τάχος τέσσαρας ἀπολεξάμενοι τῶν ἐν σφίσιν αὐτοῖς ἐπιφανῶν ἔπεμψαν.

§ 2.26.16 οἶς δὴ ἐς τὸ Μήδων ἀφικομένοις στρατόπεδον ἐντυχὼν γνώμῃ βασιλέως ὁ Ζαβεργάνης ἀπειλαῖς τε πολλαῖς δεδιξάμενος ἀνεπυνθάνετο αὐτῶν ὁπότερα σφίσιν αἱρετώτερα τυγχάνει ὄντα, πότερον τὰ ἐς τὴν εἰρήνην, ἢ τὰ ἐς τὸν πόλεμον ἄγοντα.

§ 2.26.17 τῶν δὲ τὴν εἰρήνην ἑλέσθαι ἂν πρὸ τῶν κινδύνων ὁμολογούντων, “Οὐκοῦν,” ἔφη ὁ Ζαβεργάνης, “ὠνεῖσθαι ὑμᾶς ταύτην ἀνάγκη χρημάτων πολλῶν.”

§ 2.26.18 οἵ τε πρέσβεις ἔφασαν τοσαῦτα δώσειν ὅσα παρέσχοντο πρότερον, ἡνίκα τὴν Ἀντιόχειαν ἐξελὼν ἐπ’ αὐτοὺς ἦλθε.

§ 2.26.19 καὶ ὁ Ζαβεργάνης αὐτοὺς ξὺν γέλωτι ἀπεπέμψατο, ἐφ’ ᾧ ἐνδελεχέστατα βουλευσάμενοι ἀμφὶ τῇ σωτηρίᾳ οὕτω δὴ αὖθις παρ’ αὐτοὺς ἔλθωσιν.

§ 2.26.20 ὀλίγῳ τε ὕστερον μεταπεμψάμενος αὐτοὺς ὁ Χοσρόης, ἐπειδὴ παρ’ αὐτὸν ἵκοντο, κατέλεξε μὲν ὅσα τε πρότερον καὶ ὅντινα τρόπον ἐξηνδραπόδισε Ῥωμαίων χωρία, ἠπείλησε δὲ τὰ δεινότερα Ἐδεσσηνοῖς πρὸς Περσῶν ἔσεσθαι, εἰ μὴ πάντα σφίσι τὰ χρήματα δοῖεν ὅσα τοῦ περιβόλου ἐντὸς ἔχουσιν· οὕτω γὰρ μόνως ἐνθένδε ἀπαλλαγήσεσθαι τὸν στρατὸν ἔφασκε.

§ 2.26.21 ταῦτα οἱ πρέσβεις ἀκούσαντες ὡμολόγουν μὲν παρὰ Χοσρόου τὴν εἰρήνην ὠνήσεσθαι, ἤν γε σφίσι μὴ τὰ ἀδύνατα ἐπαγγείλειε· τοῦ δὲ κινδύνου τὸ πέρας οὐδενὶ τῶν πάντων ἔφασαν πρὸ τῆς ἀγωνίας ἔνδηλον εἶναι.

§ 2.26.22 πόλεμον γὰρ τοῖς αὐτὸν διαφέρουσιν ἐπὶ τοῖς ὁμολογουμένοις οὐ μή ποτε εἶναι. τότε μὲν οὖν ξὺν ὀργῇ ὁ Χοσρόης τοὺς πρέσβεις ἐκέλευεν ὅτι τάχιστα ἀπαλλάσσεσθαι.

§ 2.26.23 Ἡμέρᾳ δὲ ἀπὸ τῆς προσεδρείας ὀγδόῃ λόφον ἐπαναστῆσαι χειροποίητον τῷ τῆς πόλεως περιβόλῳ βουλόμενος, ἐπεὶ τὰ δένδρα ἐκτεμὼν αὐτοῖς φύλλοις πολλὰ ἐκ χωρίων ἐγγύς πη ὄντων πρὸ τοῦ τείχους ἐν τετραγώνῳ ξυνέθηκεν, οὗ δὴ βέλος ἐκ τῆς πόλεως ἐξικνεῖσθαι ἀδύνατα ἦν, χοῦν τε πολύν τινα ἀτεχνῶς ὕπερθεν τῶν δένδρων ξυναμησάμενος μέγα τι χρῆμα λίθων ἐπέβαλλεν, οὐκ ἐχόντων εἰς οἰκοδομίαν ἐπιτηδείως, ἀλλ’ εἰκῆ τμηθέντων, ἐκείνου μόνου ἐπιμελούμενος, ὅπως δὴ ὁ λόφος ὅτι τάχιστα ἐς ὕψος μέγα ἐπαίροιτο.

§ 2.26.24 καὶ ξύλα μακρὰ τοῦ τε χοῦ καὶ τῶν λίθων μεταξὺ ἐς ἀεὶ ἐμβαλλόμενος ἔνδεσμον ἐποιεῖτο τοῦ ἔργου,

§ 2.26.25 ὅπως μὴ ὑψηλὸν γενόμενον ἀσθενὲς εἴη. Πέτρος δὲ ὁ Ῥωμαίων στρατηγὸς ʽἐνταῦθα γὰρ ξὺν Μαρτίνῳ καὶ Περανίῳ ἐτύγχανεν ὢν’ τοὺς ταῦτα ἐργαζομένους ἀναστέλλειν ἐθέλων Οὔννων τῶν οἱ ἑπομένων τινὰς ἐπ’ αὐτοὺς ἔπεμψεν.

§ 2.26.26 οἱ δὲ πολλοὺς ἐκ τοῦ αἰφνιδίου ἐπελθόντες ἀνεῖλον, καὶ πάντων μάλιστα τῶν τις δορυφόρων, Ἀργὴκ ὄνομα·

§ 2.26.27 μόνος γὰρ ἑπτὰ καὶ εἴκοσιν ἔκτεινε. τῶν μέντοι βαρβάρων φυλακὴν ἀκριβῆ τὸ λοιπὸν ποιουμένων, οὐκέτι ἐπεξιέναι τινὲς ἐπ’ αὐτοὺς ἔσχον.

§ 2.26.28 ἐπεὶ δὲ προϊόντες ἐντὸς βέλους οἱ τεχνῖται τοῦ ἔργου τούτου ἐγένοντο, καρτερώτατα ἤδη ἀμυνόμενοι ἀπὸ τοῦ περιβόλου Ῥωμαῖοι τάς τε σφενδόνας ἐπ’ αὐτοὺς καὶ τὰ τόξα ἐνήργουν. διὸ δὴ οἱ βάρβαροι ἐπενόουν τάδε.

§ 2.26.29 προκαλύμματα ἐκ τραγείων τριχῶν, ἃ δὴ καλοῦσι Κιλίκια, πάχους τε καὶ μήκους διαρκῶς ἔχοντα, ἀρτήσαντες ἐκ ξύλων μακρῶν ἐπίπροσθεν ἀεὶ τὴν ἄγεσταν ἐργαζομένων ἐτίθεντο ʽοὕτω γὰρ τὸ ποιούμενον τῇ Λατίνων φωνῇ ἐκάλουν Ῥωμαῖοἰ.

§ 2.26.30 ἐνταῦθα γὰρ οὔτε πυρφόροι οἰστοὶ οὔτε τὰ ἄλλα βέλη ἐξικνεῖσθαι εἶχον, ἀλλ’ αὐτοῦ ἐπὶ τῶν προκαλυμμάτων ἀποκρουόμενα ξύμπαντα ἔμενε.

§ 2.26.31 καὶ τότε Ῥωμαῖοι ἐς δέος μέγα ἐμπεπτωκότες τοὺς πρέσβεις παρὰ Χοσρόην σὺν θορύβῳ πολλῷ ἔπεμπον καὶ Στέφανον σὺν αὐτοῖς, ἔν γε τοῖς κατ’ αὐτὸν ἰατροῖς λόγιον, ὃς δὴ Καβάδην τὸν Περόζου νοσοῦντά ποτε ἰασάμενος κύριος χρημάτων μεγάλων πρὸς αὐτοῦ γέγονεν.

§ 2.26.32 ὃς δή, ἐπεὶ παρὰ Χοσρόην ξὺν τοῖς ἄλλοις ἐγένετο, ἔλεξεν ὧδε, “Βασιλέως τὴν φιλανθρωπίαν ἀγαθοῦ γνώρισμα πάντες ἐκ παλαιοῦ νενομίκασιν.

§ 2.26.33 οὐκοῦν, ὦ κράτιστε βασιλεῦ, φόνους σοι καὶ μάχας ἐργαζομένῳ καὶ πόλεων ἀνδραποδισμοὺς τῶν μὲν ἄλλων ἴσως ὀνομάτων παρέσται τυχεῖν, τὸ δὲ ἀγαθῷ εἶναι δοκεῖν οὐ μήποτε ἔσται.

§ 2.26.34 καίτοι πασῶν γε ἥκιστα χρῆν τῇ Ἐδεσσηνῶν πόλει παρὰ σοῦ τι ξυμβῆναι φλαῦρον.

§ 2.26.35 ἐντεῦθεν γὰρ ἔγωγε ὥρμημαι, ὅσπερ σε τῶν ἐσομένων οὐδὲν προειδὼς ἐξέθρεψά τε καὶ τῷ πατρὶ τῷ σῷ ξύμβουλος γεγονώς, ἐφ’ ᾧ σε τῆς ἀρχῆς διάδοχον καταστήσεται, σοὶ μὲν τῆς Περσῶν βασιλείας αἰτιώτατος γέγονα, τῇ δὲ πατρίδι τῶν παρόντων κακῶν.

§ 2.26.36 οἱ γὰρ ἄνθρωποι τὰ πολλὰ τῶν ἀτυχημάτων σφίσιν αὐτοῖς ἐκ τοῦ ἐπὶ πλεῖστον τῶν ξυμβησομένων προστρίβονται.

§ 2.26.37 ἀλλ’ εἴ τίς σε τῆς τοιαύτης εὐεργεσίας εἰσέρχεται μνήμη, μηδὲν ἡμᾶς ἐργάσῃ περαιτέρω κακόν, ταύτην διδούς μοι τὴν ἀμοιβήν, ἐξ ἧς σοι, ὦ βασιλεῦ, τὸ μὴ δοκεῖν ὠμοτάτῳ εἶναι ξυμβήσεται.” Στέφανος μὲν τοσαῦτα εἶπε.

§ 2.26.38 Χοσρόης δὲ οὐ πρότερον ἀπαλλαγήσεσθαι ὡμολόγει ἐνθένδε, εἰ μὴ Πέτρον τε καὶ Περάνιον αὐτῷ παραδοῖεν Ῥωμαῖοι, ὅτι δή οἱ, δοῦλοί γε ὄντες πατρῷοι, τετολμήκασιν ἀντιτάξασθαι.

§ 2.26.39 τοῦτο δὲ ἢν μὴ δρᾶν Ῥωμαίοις ἐν ἡδονῇ ἐστιν, ἀλλὰ δυοῖν αὐτοὺς ἐπάναγκες ἑλέσθαι τὸ ἕτερον, ἢ πεντακόσια κεντηνάρια χρυσοῦ σφίσι διδόναι, ἢ δέξασθαι τῇ πόλει τῶν οἱ ἐπιτηδείων τινάς, οἳ τὰ χρήματα διερευνησάμενοι ἅπαντα τὸν μὲν χρυσόν τε καὶ ἄργυρον, ὅσον δὴ ἐνταῦθα ξυμβαίνει εἶναι, κομίζοντες ἐς αὐτὸν ἥξουσι,

§ 2.26.40 τἄλλα δὲ τοὺς κυρίους ἐάσουσιν ἔχειν. ταῦτα μὲν ὁ Χοσρόης ἀπέρριψεν, Ἔδεσσαν ἐξελεῖν πόνῳ οὐδενὶ ἐλπίδα ἔχων. οἱ δὲ πρέσβεις ʽἅπαντα γὰρ σφίσιν ἀδύνατα ἔδοξεν εἶναι ὅσα ἐκεῖνος ἀπήγγελλἐ διαπορούμενοί τε καὶ λίαν ἀσχάλλοντες ἐπὶ τὴν πόλιν ἐβάδιζον.

§ 2.26.41 ἐπεί τε ἐντὸς τοῦ περιβόλου γενόμενοι τὰ παρὰ Χοσρόου ἀπήγγελλον, θορύβου τε καὶ θρήνων ἡ πόλις ἔμπλεως ἐγένετο.

§ 2.26.42 Ἡ μὲν οὖν τοῦ λόφου κατασκευὴ ἐπί τε ὕψος ᾔρετο μέγα καὶ σπουδῇ πολλῇ ἐπίπροσθεν ᾔει. Ῥωμαῖοι δὲ οὐκ ἔχοντες ὅ τι καὶ δράσουσι, πάλιν τοὺς πρέσβεις παρὰ Χοσρόην ἀπέστελλον.

§ 2.26.43 οἵπερ ἐπειδὴ ἐν τῷ τῶν πολεμίων στρατοπέδῳ ἐγένοντο, περί τε τῶν αὐτῶν δεησόμενοι ἔφασκον ἥκειν, λόγου μὲν οὐδ’ ὁπωστιοῦν πρὸς Περσῶν ἔτυχον, ὕβρει δὲ καὶ θορύβῳ πολλῷ ἐνθένδε ἐξελαυνόμενοι ἐς τὴν πόλιν ἐχώρουν.

§ 2.26.44 τὰ μὲν οὖν πρῶτα Ῥωμαῖοι τὸ κατὰ τὸν λόφον τεῖχος ἑτέρᾳ ἐνεχείρουν οἰκοδομίᾳ τινὶ ὑπερβαλέσθαι· ὡς δὲ καὶ ταύτης τὸ Περσῶν ἔργον πολλῷ καθυπέρτερον ἐγίνετο ἤδη, τῆς μὲν οἰκοδομίας ἀπέστησαν, Μαρτῖνον δὲ πείθουσι τὰ ἀμφὶ τῇ ξυμβάσει τρόπῳ δὴ ὅτῳ βούλοιτο διοικήσασθαι. καὶ ὃς ἄγχιστα τοῦ τῶν πολεμίων στρατοπέδου γενόμενος τῶν τισιν ἐν Πέρσαις ἀρχόντων ἐς λόγους ἦλθεν.

§ 2.26.45 οἱ δὲ τὸν Μαρτῖνον ἐξαπατῶντες εἰρηναῖα μὲν σφῶν τὸν βασιλέα βούλεσθαι ἔφασαν, αὐτὸν δὲ ὡς ἥκιστα οἷόν τε εἶναι τὸν Ῥωμαίων αὐτοκράτορα πείθειν τῆς πρὸς Χοσρόην φιλονεικίας ἀφέμενον τὴν εἰρήνην ποτὲ πρὸς αὐτὸν θήσεσθαι·

§ 2.26.46 ἐπεὶ καὶ Βελισάριον, ὅνπερ τῇ τε δυνάμει καὶ τῷ ἀξιώματι πολὺ Μαρτίνου προὔχειν οὐδ’ ἂν αὐτὸς ἀντείποι, πεῖσαι μὲν ἔναγχος τὸν Περσῶν βασιλέα, ὄντα δή που ἐν μέσοις Ῥωμαίοις, ἐνθένδε ἀπαλλάσσεσθαι ἐς τὰ Περσῶν ἤθη, ὑποσχόμενον πρέσβεις τε παρ’ αὐτὸν οὐκ εἰς μακρὰν ἐκ Βυζαντίου ἀφίξεσθαι καὶ τὴν εἰρήνην ἐν τῷ βεβαίῳ κρατύνασθαι, πρᾶξαι δὲ τῶν ὡμολογημένων οὐδέν, ἀδύνατον γεγονότα τὴν Ἰουστινιανοῦ βασιλέως βιάσασθαι γνώμην.

Wars 2.28

§ 2.28.1 Ὑπὸ τὸν χρόνον τοῦτον Ῥωμαίων τετελευτήκασι στρατηγοὶ δύο, Ἰοῦστός τε ὁ βασιλέως ἀνεψιὸς καὶ Περάνιος ὁ Ἴβηρ, Ἰοῦστος μὲν νόσῳ διαφθαρείς, Περανίῳ δὲ συνέβη ἐν κυνηγεσίῳ τοῦ ἵππου ἐκπεπτωκότι διαρραγῆναι.

§ 2.28.2 διὸ δὴ ἀντ’ αὐτῶν βασιλεὺς ἑτέρους καταστησάμενος ἔπεμψε Μάρκελλόν τε, τὸν ἀδελφιδοῦν τὸν αὑτοῦ ἄρτι γενειάσκοντα, καὶ Κωνσταντιανόν, ὃς δὴ ὀλίγῳ πρότερον ἅμα Σεργίῳ παρὰ Χοσρόην πρεσβεύων ἐστάλη.

§ 2.28.3 ἔπειτα δὲ Ἰουστινιανὸς βασιλεὺς πρέσβεις παρὰ Χοσρόην ἐπὶ τῇ ξυμβάσει Κωνσταντιανόν τε καὶ Σέργιον ἔπεμψεν.

§ 2.28.4 οἱ δὲ αὐτὸν καταλαμβάνουσιν ἐν Ἀσσυρίοις, οὗ δὴ πολίσματα δύο Σελεύκειά τε καὶ Κτησιφῶν ἐστι, Μακεδόνων αὐτὰ δειμαμένων οἳ μετὰ τὸν Φιλίππου Ἀλέξανδρον Περσῶν τε ἦρξαν καὶ τῶν ταύτῃ ἐθνῶν.

§ 2.28.5 ἄμφω δὲ ταῦτα Τίγρης ποταμὸς διορίζει· οὐ γὰρ ἄλλην χώραν μεταξὺ ἔχουσιν.

§ 2.28.6 ἐνταῦθα ἐντυχόντες Χοσρόῃ οἱ πρέσβεις ἠξίουν μὲν τὰ ἐπὶ τῆς Λαζικῆς χωρία Ῥωμαίοις ἀποδοῦναι, βεβαιότατα δὲ πρὸς αὐτοὺς τὰ ἀμφὶ τῇ εἰρήνῃ κρατύνασθαι.

§ 2.28.7 Χοσρόης δὲ οὐ ῥᾴδιον αὐτοὺς ἔφασκεν εἶναι ἀλλήλοις ξυμβῆναι, ἢν μή τινα ἐκεχειρίαν θέμενοι πρότερον οὕτω τε ἀδεέστερον ἀεὶ ἐς ἀλλήλους φοιτῶντες τά τε διάφορα διαλύσουσι καὶ τὰ τῆς εἰρήνης ἐν τῷ ἀσφαλεῖ τὸ λοιπὸν θήσονται.

§ 2.28.8 χρῆναι δὲ ὑπὲρ τῆς ἀεὶ ἐκεχειρίας χρήματά τέ οἱ τὸν Ῥωμαίων αὐτοκράτορα δοῦναι καί τινα Τριβοῦνον ὄνομα ἰατρὸν πέμψαι, ἐφ’ ᾧ οἱ ξυνδιατρίψει τακτόν τινα χρόνον.

§ 2.28.9 ἐτύγχανε γὰρ ὁ ἰατρὸς οὗτος νόσου τε αὐτὸν ἀπαλλάξας χαλεπῆς πρότερον καὶ ἀπ’ αὐτοῦ φίλος τε καὶ ποθεινὸς ἐς τὰ μάλιστα ὤν.

§ 2.28.10 ταῦτα ἐπεὶ βασιλεὺς Ἰουστινιανὸς ἤκουσε, τόν τε Τριβοῦνον καὶ τὰ χρήματα εὐθὺς ἔπεμψε ξυνιόντα ἐς κεντηνάρια εἴκοσιν.

§ 2.28.11 οὕτω τε αἱ σπονδαὶ γεγόνασι Ῥωμαίοις τε καὶ Πέρσαις ἐς ἐνιαυτοὺς πέντε, δέκατόν τε καὶ ἔνατον ἔτος Ἰουστινιανοῦ βασιλέως τὴν αὐτοκράτορα ἀρχὴν ἔχοντος.

§ 2.28.12 Ὀλίγῳ δὲ ὕστερον Ἀρέθας τε καὶ Ἀλαμούνδαρος, οἱ τῶν Σαρακῃνῶν ἄρχοντες, πόλεμον πρὸς ἀλλήλους κατὰ μόνας διέφερον, οὔτε Ῥωμαίων οὔτε Περσῶν ἀμυνόντων σφίσι.

§ 2.28.13 καὶ Ἀλαμούνδαρος μὲν ἕνα τῶν Ἀρέθα παίδων ἵππους νέμοντα ἐξ ἐπιδρομῆς ἑλὼν τῇ Ἀφροδίτῃ εὐθὺς ἔθυσε, καὶ ἀπ’ αὐτοῦ ἐγνώσθη οὐ καταπροΐεσθαι τὰ Ῥωμαίων πράγματα Πέρσαις Ἀρέθαν.

§ 2.28.14 μετὰ δὲ ξυνίασι μὲν ἐς μάχην ἑκάτεροι παντὶ τῷ στρατῷ, νικῶσι δὲ κατὰ κράτος οἱ ξὺν τῷ Ἀρέθᾳ, τρεψάμενοί τε τοὺς πολεμίους πολλοὺς ἔκτειναν. καὶ παρ’ ὀλίγον Ἀρέθας ἦλθε δύο τῶν Ἀλαμουνδάρου παίδων ζῶντας ἑλεῖν, οὐ μέντοι γε εἷλε. τὰ μὲν οὖν Σαρακηνῶν ταύτῃ πη εἶχεν.

§ 2.28.15 Χοσρόης δέ, ὁ Περσῶν βασιλεύς, ἔνδηλος γέγονε τὴν ἐκεχειρίαν νῷ δολερῷ πρὸς Ῥωμαίους πεποιημένος, ἐφ’ ᾧ δὴ αὐτοὺς διὰ τὴν εἰρήνην ἀναπεπτωκότας λαβὼν ἀνήκεστόν τι ἐργάσεται.

§ 2.28.16 τρίτῳ γὰρ τῆς ἐκεχειρίας ἐνιαυτῷ μηχανᾶται τοιάδε· ἤστην ἐν Πέρσαις ἀδελφοὶ δύο, Φάβριζός τε καὶ Ἰσδιγούσνας, ἀρχὰς μὲν περιβεβλημένω ἐνταῦθα μεγίστας καὶ ἄλλως λογισμῷ πονηροτάτω Περσῶν ἁπάντων καὶ δόξαν ἐπὶ τῇ δεινότητι καὶ κακοτροπίᾳ πολλὴν ἔχοντε.

§ 2.28.17 βουλευσάμενος οὖν πόλιν Δάρας καταλαβεῖν ἐξ ἐπιδρομῆς καὶ Λαζικῆς ἐξοικίσαι Κόλχους ἅπαντας, Πέρσας δὲ ἀντ’ αὐτῶν οἰκήτορας καταστήσασθαι, τὼ ἄνδρε τούτω ἐς ἄμφω τὰ ἔργα ὑπηρετήσοντας εἵλετο·

§ 2.28.18 ἕρμαιον γὰρ καὶ λόγου πολλοῦ ἄξιον ἐφαίνετο εἶναι γῆν τὴν Κολχίδα σφετερισαμένῳ ἐν τῷ βεβαίῳ τῆς κτήσεως ἔχειν, ξύμφορον λογισαμένῳ τῇ Περσῶν ἀρχῇ κατὰ πολλὰ ἔσεσθαι τοῦτό γε.

§ 2.28.19 τήν τε γὰρ Ἰβηρίαν ἐν τῷ ἀσφαλεῖ ἐς τὸ ἔπειτα ἕξειν, οὐκ ἂν ἔτι ἐχόντων Ἰβήρων ἐφ’ οὕστινας ἀνθρώπων ἀποστάντες σωθήσονται·

§ 2.28.20 ἐπειδὴ γὰρ οἱ τούτων δὴ λογιμώτατοι τῶν βαρβάρων ὁμοῦ Γουργένῃ τῷ βασιλεῖ ἐς ἀπόστασιν εἶδον, ὥσπερ μοι ἐν τοῖς ἔμπροσθε λόγοις ἐρρήθη, οὔτε βασιλέα σφίσι καταστήσεσθαι τὸ ἐνθένδε ξυνεχώρουν Πέρσαι οὔτε αὐτογνωμονοῦντες Περσῶν κατήκοοι Ἴβηρες ἦσαν, ἀλλ’ ὑποψίᾳ τε καὶ ἀπιστίᾳ ἐς ἀλλήλους πολλῇ εἴχοντο.

§ 2.28.21 ἔνδηλοί τε Ἴβηρες ἦσαν δυσανασχετοῦντές τε ἰσχυρότατα καὶ νεωτεριοῦντες οὐ πολλῷ ὕστερον, ἤν τινός ποτε καιροῦ λαβέσθαι δυνατοὶ εἶεν.

§ 2.28.22 καὶ πρὸς Οὔννων τῶν Λαζικῇ προσοίκων ἀδῄωτον μὲν τὴν Περσῶν ἀρχὴν ἐς ἀεὶ ἔσεσθαι, ῥᾷον δὲ καὶ ἀπονώτερον αὐτοὺς τῇ Ῥωμαίων ἀρχῇ ἐπιπέμψειν, ἡνίκα ἂν αὐτῷ βουλομένῳ εἴη· οὐ γὰρ ἄλλο οὐδὲν τοῖς ἐν Καυκάσῳ οἰκοῦσι βαρβάροις ἢ ἐπιτείχισμα Λαζικὴν εἶναι.

§ 2.28.23 μάλιστα δὲ πάντων κατὰ τοῦτο ξυνοίσειν πρὸς Λαζικῆς ἐπικράτησιν ἤλπιζε Πέρσαις, ὅτι δὴ ἐξ αὐτῆς ὁρμώμενοι δυνήσονται οὐδενὶ πόνῳ καταθέοντες καὶ πεζῇ καὶ ναυσὶ τὰ ἐπὶ τοῦ Εὐξείνου καλουμένου πόντου χωρία Καππαδόκας μὲν καὶ τοὺς αὐτῶν ἐχομένους Γαλάτας καὶ Βιθυνοὺς παραστήσεσθαι, ἐξ ἐπιδρομῆς δὲ Βυζαντίους αἱρήσειν, οὐδενὸς σφίσιν ἀντιστατοῦντος.

§ 2.28.24 τούτων μὲν δὴ ἕνεκα προσποιεῖσθαι Χοσρόης Λαζικὴν ἤθελεν, ἐπὶ Λαζοῖς δὲ τὸ θαρσεῖν ὡς ἥκιστα εἶχεν.

§ 2.28.25 ἐπειδὴ γὰρ Ῥωμαῖοι ἐκ τῆς Λαζικῆς ἀνεχώρησαν, Λαζῶν τὸ πλῆθος τῇ Περσῶν ἀρχῇ ἐπιεικῶς ἤχθετο. μονότροποι γάρ, εἴπερ ἄλλοι τινές, οἱ Πέρσαι εἰσὶ καὶ τὰ ἐς τὴν δίαιταν ὑπεράγαν σκληροί.

§ 2.28.26 καὶ αὐτοῖς οἵ τε νόμοι δυσπρόσοδοί εἰσι πρὸς πάντων ἀνθρώπων καὶ τὰ ἐπιτάγματα οὐδαμῆ ἀνεκτά. πρὸς μέντοι Λαζοὺς καὶ διαφερόντως τὸ διαλλάσσον τῆς τε γνώμης ἀεὶ καὶ τῆς διαίτης παρὰ πολὺ διαφαίνεται, ἐπεὶ Λαζοὶ μὲν Χριστιανοί εἰσι πάντων μάλιστα, Πέρσαις δὲ ἀπ’ ἐναντίας αὐτῶν τὰ ἐς τὸ θεῖον ἅπαντα ἔχει.

§ 2.28.27 χωρὶς δὲ τούτων ἅλες μὲν τῆς Λαζικῆς οὐδαμῆ γίνονται, οὐ μὴν οὔτε σῖτος οὔτε οἶνος οὔτε τι ἄλλο ἀγαθὸν φύεται.

§ 2.28.28 ἐκ δὲ Ῥωμαίων τῶν παραλίων ἅπαντα ταῖς ναυσὶν ἐπεισέρχεται σφίσι, καὶ ταῦτα οὐ χρυσίον τοῖς συμβάλλουσι προϊεμένοις, ἀλλὰ δέρρεις τε καὶ ἀνδράποδα καὶ εἴ τι ἄλλο ἐνταῦθα κατὰ πολὺ περιεῖναι ξυμβαίνει.

§ 2.28.29 τούτου τε, ὡς τὸ εἰκός, ἀποκεκλεισμένοι τὸ λοιπὸν ἤσχαλλον. ὧν δὴ ὁ Χοσρόης αἰσθόμενος προτερῆσαι ξὺν τῷ ἀσφαλεῖ, πρίν τι ἐς αὐτὸν νεωτερίσειαν, ἐν σπουδῇ εἶχε.

§ 2.28.30 καί οἱ βουλευομένῳ ξυμφορώτατον ἔδοξεν εἶναι Γουβάζην τὸν Λαζῶν βασιλέα ἐκποδὼν ὅτι τάχιστα ποιησαμένῳ Λαζοὺς ἐνθένδε πανδημεὶ ἀναστήσειν, οὕτω τε Πέρσας καὶ ἄλλα ἄττα ἔθνη ξυνοικιεῖν ἐν ταύτῃ τῇ χώρᾳ.

§ 2.28.31 Ταῦτα ὁ Χοσρόης βεβουλευμένος Ἰσδιγούσναν ὡς ἐπὶ πρεσβείᾳ δῆθεν τῷ λόγῳ ἐς Βυζάντιον στέλλει, καί οἱ Περσῶν ἀριστίνδην ἀπολεξάμενος πεντακοσίους ξυνέπεμψεν, ἐπιστείλας σφίσι γενέσθαι μὲν ἐν πόλει Δάρας, ἐν οἰκίαις δὲ καταλῦσαι πολλαῖς, ταύτας τε νύκτωρ ἁπάσας ἐμπρῆσαι, καὶ Ῥωμαίων ἀμφὶ τὸ πῦρ τοῦτο ἠσχολημένων, ὡς τὸ εἰκός, ἁπάντων ἀνοιγνύναι μὲν τὰς πύλας εὐθύς, τῇ δὲ πόλει τὸ ἄλλο Περσῶν στράτευμα δέξασθαι.

§ 2.28.32 προείρητο γὰρ τῷ Νισίβιδος πόλεως ἄρχοντι στρατιωτῶν πλῆθος ἄγχιστά πη ἐγκρυφιάζοντι ἐν παρασκευῇ ἔχειν. οὕτω γὰρ αὐτοὺς ᾤετο Χοσρόης οὐδενὶ πόνῳ Ῥωμαίους τε ἅπαντας διαχρήσεσθαι καὶ τὴν πόλιν Δάρας ἐν βεβαίῳ καταλαβόντας σχήσειν.

§ 2.28.33 ἀλλά τις εὖ εἰδὼς τά πρασσόμενα, Ῥωμαῖος μὲν ἀνήρ, αὐτόμολος δὲ ὀλίγῳ πρότερον ἐς Πέρσας ἥκων, τὸν πάντα λόγον Γεωργίῳ φράζει, ἐνταῦθα τότε διατριβὴν ἔχοντι, οὗ δὴ ἐν τοῖς ἔμπροσθεν λόγοις ἐμνήσθην, ἅτε Περσῶν ἀναπείσαντος τοὺς ἐν τῷ Σισαυράνων πολιορκουμένους φρουρίῳ σφᾶς αὐτοὺς ἐνδοῦναι Ῥωμαίοις.

§ 2.28.34 Γεώργιος οὖν ἐν τοῖς Ῥωμαίων τε καὶ Περσῶν ὁρίοις ἀπαντήσας τῷ πρεσβευτῇ τούτῳ ἔφασκεν οὐ κατὰ πρεσβείαν τὰ ποιούμενα εἶναι, καὶ οὔ ποτε Πέρσας τοσούτους τὸ πλῆθος ἐν πόλει Ῥωμαίων αὐλίσασθαι.

§ 2.28.35 χρῆν γὰρ τοὺς μὲν ἄλλους ἅπαντας ἐν χωρίῳ Ἀμμώδιος ἀπολιπεῖν, αὐτῷ δὲ ξὺν ὀλίγοις τισὶν ἐς πόλιν Δάρας ἐσιτητὰ εἶναι.

§ 2.28.36 ὁ μὲν οὖν Ἰσδιγούσνας ἠγανάκτει τε καὶ δυσφορουμένῳ ἐῴκει, ἅτε περιυβρισμένος οὐ δέον, καίπερ ἐπὶ πρεσβείᾳ παρὰ τὸν Ῥωμαίων βασιλέα στελλόμενος.

§ 2.28.37 Γεώργιος δέ οἱ οὐ προσέχων τὸν νοῦν ἠγριωμένῳ διεσώσατο τὴν πόλιν Ῥωμαίοις. ξὺν γὰρ ἀνδράσιν εἴκοσι μόνοις τῇ πόλει τὸν Ἰσδιγούσναν ἐδέξατο.

§ 2.28.38 Ταύτης οὖν τῆς πείρας ἀποτυχὼν ὁ βάρβαρος οὗτος ὡς πρεσβεύων ἐς Βυζάντιον ἦλθε, τήν τε γυναῖκα καὶ θυγατέρας ἐπαγόμενος δύο ʽτοῦτο γὰρ ἦν αὐτῷ τὸ παραπέτασμα τοῦ ξυνεληλυθότος ὁμίλοὐ, τῷ τε βασιλεῖ ἐς ὄψιν ἥκων ἀμφὶ μὲν τῶν σπουδαίων τινὶ οὐ μέγα οὐ μικρὸν ἴσχυσεν εἰπεῖν, καίπερ οὐχ ἧσσον ἢ μῆνας δέκα κατατρίψας ἐν Ῥωμαίων τῇ γῇ.

§ 2.28.39 τὰ μέντοι δῶρα παρὰ Χοσρόου, ᾗπερ εἴθισται, καὶ γράμματα βασιλεῖ ἔδωκε, δι’ ὧν ὁ Χοσρόης Ἰουστινιανὸν βασιλέα σημῆναι ἠξίου εἴ οἱ τὸ σῶμα ὑγιείας πέρι ὡς ἄριστα ἔχοι.

§ 2.28.40 τοῦτον μέντοι τὸν Ἰσδιγούσναν Ἰουστινιανὸς βασιλεὺς μάλιστα πρέσβεων ἁπάντων ὧν ἡμεῖς ἴσμεν ξύν τε πολλῇ φιλοφροσύνῃ εἶδε καὶ διὰ τιμῆς ἱκανῶς ἤγαγεν.

§ 2.28.41 ὥστε καὶ ἡνίκα δὴ αὐτὸν ἑστιῴη, Βραδούκιον, ὅσπερ αὐτῷ ἑρμηνεὺς εἵπετο, ξὺν αὐτῷ ἐπὶ τῆς στιβάδος κατέκλινε, πρᾶγμα πώποτε οὐ γεγονὸς πρότερον ἐκ τοῦ παντὸς χρόνου.

§ 2.28.42 ἑρμηνέα γὰρ οὐδὲ τῶν τινι καταδεεστέρων ἀρχόντων, μή τί γε δὴ βασιλεῖ ὁμοτράπεζον γεγονότα οὐδείς ποτε εἶδεν.

§ 2.28.43 ἀλλὰ καὶ μεγαλοπρεπέστερον ἢ κατὰ πρεσβευτὴν τὸν ἄνδρα τοῦτον ἐδέξατό τε καὶ ἀπεπέμψατο, καίπερ ἐπ’ οὐδενὶ ἔργῳ τὴν πρεσβείαν,

§ 2.28.44 ὥσπερ μοι εἴρηται, πεποιημένον. ἢν γάρ τις τάς τε δαπάνας διαριθμήσαιτο καὶ τὰ δῶρα ὅσα ἐνθένδε κεκομισμένος Ἰσδιγούσνας ἀπιὼν ᾤχετο, πλέον αὐτὰ κατατείνοντα ἢ ἐς χρυσοῦ κεντηνάρια δέκα εὑρήσει. τὰ μὲν οὖν τῆς ἐς Δάρας πόλιν ἐπιβουλῆς τῷ Χοσρόῃ ἐς τοῦτο ἐτελεύτα.

Wars 2.29

§ 2.29.1 Ἔς τε Λαζικὴν πρῶτα μὲν ξύλα παμπληθῆ ἐς νηῶν ποίησιν ἐπιτηδείως ἔχοντα ἔπεμψεν, οὐδενὶ φράσας ἐφ’ ὅτῳ δὴ αὐτὰ πέμψειεν, ἀλλὰ τῷ λόγῳ μηχανὰς ἐν Πέτρας τῷ περιβόλῳ καταστησόμενος ταῦτα ἔστελλεν.

§ 2.29.2 ἔπειτα δὲ Περσῶν μαχίμους τριακοσίους ἀπολεξάμενος, Φάβριζόν τε, οὗπερ ἀρτίως ἐπεμνήσθην, αὐτοῖς ἐπιστήσας ἐνταῦθα στέλλει, ᾧ δὴ ἐπήγγελλε Γουβάζην ὡς λαθραιότατα διαχρήσασθαι· τὸ γὰρ ἐνθένδε αὐτῷ μελήσειν.

§ 2.29.3 τὰ μὲν οὖν ξύλα ταῦτα ἐπεὶ ἐς Λαζικὴν ἐκομίσθη, κεραυνόβλητα ἐξαπιναίως γενόμενα τετεφρῶσθαι ξυνέβη· Φάβριζος δὲ ξὺν τοῖς τριακοσίοις ἐς Λαζικὴν ἀφικόμενος ἔπρασσεν ὅπως δὴ ἀμφὶ Γουβάζῃ τὰ πρὸς τοῦ Χοσρόου ἐπηγγελμένα ὑποτελοίη.

§ 2.29.4 ἐτύγχανε δὲ τῶν τις ἐν Κόλχοις λογίμων, Φαρσάνσης ὄνομα, τῷ Γουβάζῃ προσκεκρουκὼς ἐς μέγα τέ οἱ ἀπ’ αὐτοῦ ἐμπεπτωκὼς ἔχθος καὶ ὡς ἥκιστα θαρσῶν τῷ βασιλεῖ ἐς ὄψιν ἥκειν.

§ 2.29.5 ὅπερ ἐπεὶ ὁ Φάβριζος ἔγνω, τὸν Φαρσάνσην μεταπεμψάμενος ἐκοινολογεῖτό τε καὶ τὸν ἅπαντα λόγον ἐξενεγκὼν ἀνεπυνθάνετο τοῦ ἀνθρώπου ὅπη οἱ ἐπιχειρητέα ἐς τὴν πρᾶξιν εἴη.

§ 2.29.6 ἔδοξε τοίνυν σφίσιν ἐπὶ κοινῆς βουλευσαμένοις Φάβριζον μὲν ἐν Πέτρᾳ τῇ πόλει γενέσθαι, μεταπέμψασθαι δὲ Γουβάζην ἐνταῦθα, ὅπως οἱ ἀγγέλλοι ὅσα δὴ βασιλεῖ ἀμφὶ τῷ ξυνοίσοντι Λαζοῖς δοκοῦντα εἴη.

§ 2.29.7 ἀλλ’ ὁ Φαρσάνσης κρύφα τῷ Γουβάζῃ ἐσήμηνε τὰ πρασσόμενα. διὸ δὴ Γουβάζης παρὰ μὲν Φάβριζον οὐδαμῆ ἦλθεν, ἐκ δὲ τοῦ ἐμφανοῦς ἐς ἀπόστασιν εἶδε.

§ 2.29.8 Φάβριζος δὲ Πέρσαις μὲν τοῖς ἄλλοις τοῦ ἐν Πέτρᾳ φυλακτηρίου ἐπιμελεῖσθαι πάσῃ δυνάμει ἐπέστελλε καὶ τὰ ἐς πολιορκίαν ὡς ἀσφαλέστατα ἐξαρτύεσθαι, αὐτὸς δὲ ξὺν τοῖς τριακοσίοις ἐπ’ οἴκου ἄπρακτος ἀνεχώρησε.

§ 2.29.9 Γουβάζης δὲ ἀνενεγκὼν ἐς Ἰουστινιανὸν βασιλέα τὰ παρόντα σφίσι τῶν μὲν τὰ πρότερα πεπραγμένων Λαζοῖς ἐδεῖτο συγγνώμονα εἶναι, ἀμῦναι δὲ σφίσι δυνάμει τῇ πάσῃ ἀπαλλαξείουσι τῆς Μήδων ἀρχῆς. οὐ γὰρ κατὰ μόνας δυνήσεσθαι Κόλχους ἀποκρούσασθαι τὴν Περσῶν δύναμιν.

§ 2.29.10 Ταῦτα ἐπεὶ βασιλεὺς Ἰουστινιανὸς ἤκουσε, περιχαρὴς γενόμενος ἄνδρας ἑπτακισχιλίους καὶ Δαγισθαῖον ἄρχοντα καὶ Τζάνους χιλίους ἐς ἐπικουρίαν Λαζοῖς ἔπεμψεν.

§ 2.29.11 οἳ δὴ ἐν γῇ τῇ Κολχίδι γενόμενοι ἅμα Λαζοῖς τε καὶ τῷ Γουβάζῃ ἐνστρατοπεδευσάμενοι ἀμφὶ τὸν Πέτρας περίβολον ἐς πολιορκίαν καθίσταντο.

§ 2.29.12 Περσῶν δὲ τῶν ἐνταῦθα ὄντων καρτερώτατα ἐκ τοῦ περιβόλου ἀμυνομένων, χρόνον τῇ προσεδρείᾳ πολὺν τετρίφθαι ξυνέβη, ἐπεὶ καὶ τὰ ἐδώδιμα ἐναποθέμενοι σφίσιν οἱ Πέρσαι διαρκῶς ἔτυχον.

§ 2.29.13 τούτοις δὲ ὁ Χοσρόης ξυνταραχθεὶς στρατιὰν πολλὴν ἱππέων τε καὶ πεζῶν ἐπ’ αὐτοὺς ἔστελλεν, οἷς δὴ ἄρχοντα Μερμερόην ἐπέστησεν. ὧνπερ ὁ Γουβάζης αἰσθόμενος τῷ Δαγισθαίῳ ἐπίκοινα βουλευσάμενος ἐποίει τάδε.

§ 2.29.14 Βόας ὁ ποταμὸς ἔξεισιν ἄγχιστά πη τῶν Τζανικῆς ὁρίων ἐν Ἀρμενίοις οἳ δὴ ἀμφὶ τὸ Φαράγγιον ᾤκηνται. καὶ τὰ μὲν πρῶτα ἐν δεξιᾷ ἐπὶ πλεῖστον χωρεῖ, βραχύς τε ἰὼν καὶ πόνῳ οὐδενὶ γινόμενος ἐσβατὸς ἅπασιν ἄχρι ἐς χῶρον οὗ δὴ ἐν δεξιᾷ μὲν Ἰβήρων τὰ ὅριά ἐστι, καταντικρὺ δὲ τελευτᾷ ὄρος ὁ Καύκασος.

§ 2.29.15 ἐνταῦθα ἔθνη ἄλλα τε πολλὰ καὶ Ἀλανοί τε καὶ Ἀβασγοὶ ᾤκηνται Χριστιανοί τε καὶ Ῥωμαίοις φίλοι ἐκ παλαιοῦ ὄντες, Ζῆχοί τε καὶ μετ’ αὐτοὺς Οὖννοι,

§ 2.29.16 οἳ Σάβειροι ἐπικαλοῦνται. ἐπειδὰν δὲ ὁ ποταμὸς οὗτος ἀφίκηται ἵνα δὴ τοῦ τε Καυκάσου καὶ Ἰβηρίας τὰ ὅριά ἐστιν, ἐνταῦθα ἐπιγινομένων οἱ καὶ ἄλλων ὑδάτων μείζων τε παρὰ πολὺ γίνεται καὶ Φᾶσις ἀντὶ Βόα τὸ ἐνθένδε καλούμενος φέρεται, ναυσίπορος γεγενημένος ἄχρι ἐς τὸν Εὔξεινον καλούμενον πόντον, οὗ δή οἱ καὶ τὰς ἐκβολὰς ξυμβαίνει εἶναι, καὶ αὐτοῦ ἐφ’ ἑκάτερα Λαζική ἐστιν.

§ 2.29.17 ἀλλ’ ἐν δεξιᾷ μὲν ξύμπασα ἐπὶ πλεῖστον ἡ χώρα πρὸς τῶν τῇδε ἀνθρώπων οἰκεῖται μέχρι τῶν Ἰβηρίας ὁρίων.

§ 2.29.18 κῶμαί τε γὰρ αἱ Λαζῶν πᾶσαι τοῦ ποταμοῦ ἐντὸς ἐνταῦθά εἰσι καὶ πολίσματα ἐκ παλαιοῦ σφίσι ταύτῃ πεποίηνται, ἐν τοῖς Ἀρχαιόπολις, ἐχυρωτάτη οὖσα, Σεβαστόπολίς τε ἐνταῦθα καὶ τὸ Πιτιοῦντος φρούριόν ἐστι Σκάνδα τε καὶ Σαραπανὶς πρὸς τοῖς Ἰβηρίας ὁρίοις. πόλεις μέντοι ἀξιολογώταται ἐνταῦθά εἰσι Ῥοδόπολις καὶ Μοχήρησις.

§ 2.29.19 τοῦ δὲ ποταμοῦ ἐν ἀριστερᾷ Λαζικῆς μὲν τὰ ὅριά ἐστι μέχρι ἐς ἡμέρας ὁδὸν εὐζώνῳ ἀνδρί, ἔρημον δὲ ξυμβαίνει ἀνθρώπων τὴν χώραν εἶναι. ταύτην προσοικοῦσι Ῥωμαῖοι τὴν χώραν οἳ Ποντικοὶ ἐπικαλοῦνται.

§ 2.29.20 ἐν μὲν οὖν τοῖς Λαζικῆς ὁρίοις, ἔνθα δὴ ἄνθρωποι οὐδαμῆ ᾤκηντο, Πέτραν Ἰουστινιανὸς ὁ βασιλεὺς τὴν πόλιν ἐν τοῖς κατ’ ἐμὲ χρόνοις ἐδείματο.

§ 2.29.21 οὗπερ Ἰωάννης, ὁ Τζίβος ἐπικαλούμενος, τὸ μονοπώλιον καταστησάμενος, ὥσπερ μοι ἐν τοῖς ἔμπροσθεν λόγοις ἐρρήθη, αἴτιος τῆς ἀποστάσεως Λαζοῖς γέγονεν.

§ 2.29.22 ἐκ δὲ Πέτρας πόλεως ἰόντι εὐθὺς πρὸς ἄνεμον νότον οἱ Ῥωμαίων ὅροι ἐκδέχονται, χωρία τε πολυάνθρωπα ἐνταῦθά ἐστι, τό τε Ῥιζαῖον καλούμενον καὶ Ἀθῆναι ἄλλα τε ἄττα μέχρι Τραπεζουντίων.

§ 2.29.23 ἡνίκα μὲν οὖν ἐπηγάγοντο Χοσρόην Λαζοί, Βόαν ποταμὸν διαβάντες τόν τε Φᾶσιν ἐν δεξιᾷ ἔχοντες ἐς Πέτραν ἦλθον, τῷ μὲν λόγῳ προνοήσοντες ὡς μὴ χρόνῳ τε καὶ πόνῳ πολλῷ διαπορθμεύεσθαι ἀναγκάζωνται ποταμὸν Φᾶσιν, οὐ βουλόμενοι δὲ τὰ σφέτερα οἰκία Πέρσαις ἐνδείκνυσθαι.

§ 2.29.24 καίτοι δύσοδος πανταχόθι Λαζική ἐστιν ἐντός τε καὶ ἐκτὸς ποταμοῦ Φάσιδος.

§ 2.29.25 σκόπελοι γὰρ ὑπερφυεῖς ἐφ’ ἑκάτερα τῆς χώρας ὄντες στενωποὺς ἐπὶ μακρότατον ἐνταῦθα ποιοῦνται· κλεισούρας ἑλληνίζοντες τὰς τοιαύτας ὁδοὺς Ῥωμαῖοι καλοῦσιν.

§ 2.29.26 ἀλλ’ ἐπεὶ τότε Λαζικὴ ἀφύλακτος ἐτύγχανεν οὖσα, ῥᾷστα δὴ ἐν Πέτρᾳ ξὺν τοῖς ἡγεμόσι Λαζοῖς ἐγένοντο Πέρσαι.

§ 2.29.27 Νῦν δὲ ὁ Γουβάζης μαθὼν τὴν Περσῶν ἔφοδον τῷ Δαγισθαίῳ ἐπέστελλε πέμψαι μέν τινας οἳ φυλάξουσι τὸν στενωπὸν ἰσχυρότατα ὃς ἐκτὸς Φάσιδος ποταμοῦ ἐστι, τὴν μέντοι προσεδρείαν ὡς ἥκιστα λύειν, ἕως τήν τε Πέτραν καὶ Πέρσας τοὺς ἐνταῦθα ἐξελεῖν δύνωνται.

§ 2.29.28 αὐτὸς δὲ παντὶ τῷ Κόλχων στρατῷ ἐς τὰ Λαζικῆς ἔσχατα ἦλθεν, ὡς τὸν ἐνταῦθα στενωπὸν διαφυλάξων δυνάμει τῇ πάσῃ.

§ 2.29.29 ἐτύγχανε δὲ πολλῷ πρότερον Ἀλανούς τε καὶ Σαβείρους ἐς ξυμμαχίαν ἐπαγόμενος, οἵπερ ὡμολόγησαν κεντηναρίων τριῶν οὐχ ὅσον ἀδῄωτον Λαζοῖς ξυμφυλάξειν τὴν γῆν, ἀλλὰ καὶ Ἰβηρίαν οὕτω καταστήσεσθαι ἀνδρῶν ἔρημον ὡς μηδὲ Πέρσαις ἐνθένδε τὸ λοιπὸν ἰέναι δυνατὰ ἔσεσθαι. ταῦτά τε σφίσι τὰ χρήματα βασιλέα Γουβάζης ὑπέσχετο δώσειν.

§ 2.29.30 αὐτὸς μὲν οὖν ἀνενεγκὼν ἐς βασιλέα Ἰουστινιανὸν τὰ ξυγκείμενα τοῖς τε βαρβάροις τὰ χρήματα ταῦτα ἱκέτευε πέμπειν καὶ Λαζοῖς ἄγαν κεκακωμένοις παραψυχὴν προέσθαι τινά.

§ 2.29.31 ἔφασκε δὲ καί οἱ αὐτῷ τὸ δημόσιον τὰς συντάξεις ὀφείλειν ἐνιαυτῶν δέκα, ἐπεὶ ἐν τοῖς σιλεντιαρίοις ἐν παλατίῳ τασσόμενος οὐδὲν κεκομισμένος ἐνθένδε εἴη, ἐξ οὗ δὴ ἐς γῆν τὴν Κολχίδα Χοσρόης ἦλθε.

§ 2.29.32 βασιλεὺς δὲ Ἰουστινιανὸς ἐπιτελέσειν μὲν διενοεῖτο τὴν αἴτησιν, ἐπιγενομένης δέ οἱ ἀσχολίας τινὸς οὐκ ἔπεμψε τῷ καθήκοντι χρόνῳ τὰ χρήματα. Γουβάζης μὲν οὖν ταῦτα ἐποίει.

§ 2.29.33 Δαγισθαῖος δὲ ʽἦν γάρ τις νεανίας πόλεμόν τε διενεγκεῖν Μηδικὸν οὐδαμῆ ἀξιόχρεωσ̓ τοῖς παροῦσιν οὐκ ἐπιτηδείως ἐχρῆτο.

§ 2.29.34 δέον οὖν ἀμέλει τὸ πλεῖστον τοῦ στρατοῦ ἐς τὸν στενωπὸν στεῖλαι, τάχα δ’ ἄν που καὶ αὐτὸν τῷ ἔργῳ τούτῳ παραγενέσθαι, ἐς ἑκατὸν ἄνδρας, ὥσπερ τι πάρεργον διαχειρίζων, ἔπεμψε μόνους· αὐτὸς δὲ Πέτραν πολιορκῶν παντὶ τῷ στρατῷ οὐδὲν ἤνυσε, καίπερ τῶν πολεμίων ὀλίγων ὄντων. κατ’ ἀρχὰς μὲν γὰρ οὐχ ἥσσους ἢ πεντακόσιοι καὶ χίλιοι ἦσαν,

§ 2.29.35 πρὸς Ῥωμαίων δὲ καὶ Λαζῶν ἐν χρόνῳ πολλῷ τειχομαχούντων βαλλόμενοί τε καὶ ἀρετὴν ἐπιδεικνύμενοι μάλιστα πάντων ὧν ἡμεῖς ἴσμεν, θνήσκουσί τε πολλοὶ καὶ σφίσιν ἐς ὀλίγους κομιδῆ ἀποκεκρίσθαι ξυνέπεσε.

§ 2.29.36 Πέρσαι μὲν οὖν ἐς ἀπόγνωσίν τε καὶ ἀπορίαν ἐμπεπτωκότες ἡσυχῆ ἔμενον, Ῥωμαῖοι δὲ ἀμφὶ τὸ τεῖχος διώρυχα ἐν χώρῳ ὀλίγῳ πεποίηνται, ὅ τε ταύτῃ περίβολος εὐθὺς ἔπεσεν.

§ 2.29.37 ἀλλὰ ξυνέβη τούτου δὴ τοῦ χώρου ἐντὸς οἴκημα εἶναι οὐδὲν τοῦ περιβόλου διεστηκός, ὃ δὴ ἐξικνεῖτο ἐς τὸ πεπτωκὸς ἐφεξῆς ὅλον·

§ 2.29.38 καὶ ἀντὶ τοῦ τείχους πολιορκουμένοις γενόμενον ἐν τῷ ἀσφαλεῖ οὐδέν τι ἧσσον αὐτοὺς καθίστη.

§ 2.29.39 ὅπερ Ῥωμαίους ξυνταράξαι οὐδαμῆ ἔσχεν. εὖ γὰρ εἰδότες ὡς αὐτὸ δὴ τοῦτο ἑτέρωθι ἐργαζόμενοι τὴν πόλιν ῥᾷστα αἱρήσουσιν, εὐέλπιδες πολλῷ ἔτι μᾶλλον ἐγένοντο.

§ 2.29.40 διὸ δὴ ὁ Δαγισθαῖος βασιλεῖ μὲν τὰ ξυνενεχθέντα ἐδήλου, ἆθλα δέ οἱ τῆς νίκης ἐν παρασκευῇ εἶναι προὐτείνετο, σημήνας ὅσοις δὴ αὐτόν τε καὶ τὸν ἀδελφὸν τὸν αὐτοῦ χρῆν βασιλέα δωρήσασθαι· Πέρσαν γὰρ αἱρήσειν οὐ πολλῷ ὕστερον.

§ 2.29.41 Πέρσαι μὲν οὖν Ῥωμαίους τε καὶ Τζάνους καρτερώτατα τειχομαχοῦντας παρὰ δόξαν ὑφίσταντο, καίπερ ὀλίγοι ἀπολελειμμένοι ἐς ἄγαν.

§ 2.29.42 ἐπεὶ δὲ Ῥωμαῖοι τειχομαχοῦντες οὐδὲν ἤνυον, ἐπὶ τὸ διορύσσειν αὖθις ἐτράποντο. ἐς τόσον τε τοῦ ἔργου τούτου ἀφίκοντο ὡς μηκέτι ἐπ’ ἐδάφους τὰ τοῦ περιβόλου θεμέλια εἶναι, ἀλλ’ ἐπὶ κενοῦ ἐκ τοῦ ἐπὶ πλεῖστον ἑστάναι, πεσούμενα, ὡς τὸ εἰκός, αὐτίκα δὴ μάλα.

§ 2.29.43 καὶ εἰ μὲν Δαγισθαῖος εὐθὺς ἤθελε πῦρ τοῖς θεμελίοις ἐνάψαι, οἶμαι εὐθυωρὸν σφίσι τὴν πόλιν ἁλῶναι· νῦν δὲ τὰς ἐκ βασιλέως καραδοκῶν ἐλπίδας μέλλων τε ἀεὶ καὶ τρίβων τὸν χρόνον ἡσυχῆ ἔμενε. ταῦτα μὲν οὖν ἐν τῷ Ῥωμαίων στρατοπέδῳ ἐπράσσετο τῇδε.

Source Colophon

Greek source text from the PerseusDL canonical Greek repository file tlg4029.tlg001.perseus-grc2.xml, inspected locally for this translation unit.

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