Maeotis, Attila, and the Massagetae in Africa

This Good Works Translation begins the Book 3 Procopius steppe and Black Sea dossier from the Greek.

The chapters matter for the Scythian shelf because Procopius carries northern peoples into the Vandal War. He frames the Roman world by the Euxine, the Ister, Maeotis, and Phasis; gives the Vandals a Maeotic origin and Alan company; names Attila's army as Massagetae and other Scythians; and shows Massagetae/Hun cavalry serving Belisarius in Africa.

The selected dossier has been expanded to full chapters where the relevant notices occur, preserving Procopius' larger imperial, geographic, diplomatic, and tactical argument.

The translation is newly made from the Greek source text printed below. Dewing's public-domain English translation was used only as a control.

Translation

Wars 3.1.1-19

Such, then, was the end of the Persian War for the emperor Justinian. I now come to tell what he did against the Vandals and the Moors. First I shall say where the Vandal army came from when it fell upon Roman land.

When Theodosius, the Roman emperor, had vanished from among men, after proving himself one of the justest of men and good in war, both his sons succeeded to his empire: Arcadius, the elder, to the eastern share, and Honorius, the younger, to the western.

The Roman power had been divided in this way from the time of Constantine and his sons. Constantine transferred the empire to Byzantium, made the city greater and much more renowned, and allowed it to be named from himself.

Ocean surrounds the earth in a circle, either the whole of it or the greater part; for we do not yet know anything clear about this. A certain outflow from it, entering at the western part and making the sea we know, splits the earth in two into two continents, beginning from Gadeira and extending as far as the Maeotic Lake itself.

Of these two continents, the one on the right as one sails into the sea, up to the lake, has been called Asia, beginning from Gadeira and from the other of the Pillars of Heracles.

The people of the place call the fortress there Septem, since seven hills appear there; for septem means seven in the Latin tongue.

The whole land opposite this has been called Europe. The strait there separates each continent by about eighty-four stades. From there onward they stand apart from one another by great seas as far as the Hellespont.

There they come together again around Sestus and Abydus, and again at Byzantium and Chalcedon as far as the rocks anciently called the Cyanean Rocks, where the place now called Hieron is. In these places the continents are separated from one another by a measure of ten stades or even less.

From the one Pillar of Heracles to the other, if one goes along the shore and does not go around the Ionian Gulf and the so-called Euxine Pontus, but crosses from Chalcedon to Byzantium and from Dryus to the mainland opposite, the journey is two hundred and eighty-five days for a lightly-equipped man.

For it was impossible to describe precisely all the places around the Euxine Pontus, which runs from Byzantium to the lake, since the barbarians beyond the river Ister, which they also call Danube, make the shore there least of all passable for the Romans. This much only may be said: from Byzantium to the mouths of the Ister is a journey of twenty-two days, which one must add when reckoning Europe.

On the side of Asia, the journey from Chalcedon to the river Phasis, which flows down from the country of the Colchians into the Pontus, is accomplished in forty days.

Thus the whole Roman dominion, at least by the road along the sea, comes to a measure of three hundred and forty-seven days, if, as has been said, one ferries across the Ionian Gulf, which extends about eight hundred stades from Dryus.

The passage across the gulf itself stretches to a journey of no less than four days. Such, then, was the extent of Roman rule in ancient times.

To the one who held the power of the west there fell most of Libya, extending to a journey of ninety days, for so much is the distance from Gadeira to the boundaries of Tripolis in Libya. In Europe he received a share of seventy-five days' journey.

For such is the distance from the other of the Pillars of Heracles to the Ionian Gulf. One might add also the circuit around the gulf.

The emperor of the east received a lot of one hundred and twenty days' journey, from the boundaries of Cyrene in Libya as far as Epidamnus, which lies on the Ionian Gulf and is now called Dyrrachium, and also whatever land around the Euxine Pontus is under the Romans, as has been said before.

One day's journey extends to two hundred and ten stades, as far as going from Athens to Megara. In this way, then, the Roman emperors divided each continent between themselves.

Of the islands, Britain, outside the Pillars of Heracles and by far the largest of all islands, was assigned, as was likely, with the western share. Inside them were Ebusa, lying in the sea as in a Propontis after the entrance from Ocean and extending to a journey of about seven days, and two other islands around it, called Majorica and Minorica by the people of the country.

Each of the islands in the sea fell to whichever of the two emperors had the boundaries within which it happened to lie.

Wars 3.3.1-36

The Vandals, who were living around the Maeotic Lake, were pressed by hunger and moved toward the Germans, now called Franks, and the river Rhine, having attached to themselves the Alans, a Gothic nation.

Then from there, with Godigisclus leading them, they settled in Spain, which is the first country of the Roman empire from the side of Ocean. At that time Honorius made an agreement with Godigisclus that they should settle there on the condition that it would not be for the ruin of the country.

There was a Roman law that, if people did not have their own possessions under their own hands and a period of thirty years passed, they should no longer have authority to go against those who had taken them by force, but entrance to the court should be cut off for them by prescription. Honorius wrote a law so that the time of the Vandals, for as long as they should spend it within the Roman dominion, should not count at all toward this thirty-year prescription.

Honorius died by disease when the western empire had been driven to this condition. Constantius had earlier held the empire together with Honorius. He was the husband of Placidia, the sister of Arcadius and Honorius; but after living only a few days in the office, he fell badly ill and then died while Honorius was still alive, having been able neither to say nor to do anything worth mention. The time he lived in the empire was not enough for him.

The son of this Constantius was Valentinian. He had only just left the nurse and was being reared in the palace of Theodosius. The men of the emperor's court in Rome chose as emperor one of the soldiers there, a man named John.

John was gentle, had good understanding, and knew how to lay claim to excellence.

At any rate, he held the tyranny for five years and guided it moderately. He neither offered his ear to slanderers, nor willingly committed unjust murder, nor set his hand to seizure of money. But he was not able to do anything at all against the barbarians, since war from Byzantium was upon him.

Against this John, Theodosius son of Arcadius sent a great army and the generals Aspar and Ardaburius, the son of Aspar. He deprived John of the tyranny and handed the empire over to Valentinian, who was still a child.

Valentinian took John alive, brought him into the hippodrome of Aquileia after one of his hands had been cut off, led him in procession mounted on a donkey, and, after John had suffered and heard many things from the actors there, killed him. In this way Valentinian received the western empire.

Placidia, his mother, reared and trained this emperor in a softened education and manner of life, and from childhood onward he became full of vice.

He spent most of his time with sorcerers and those who pried into the stars; he was madly eager for the love of other men's wives, and he used much lawlessness in his way of life, although he lived with a wife who was exceedingly fair to look upon.

For these reasons he recovered for the empire none of the things that had earlier been taken from it, but lost Libya besides and was himself destroyed.

When he died, it happened that his wife and daughters became captives taken by the spear. The disaster in Libya came about in this way.

There were two Roman generals, Aetius and Boniface, both as strong as any men and experienced in many wars, inferior to no one of that time.

These two men became opposed in political affairs, but they reached such a height of high spirit and other excellence that, if someone called either of them the last Roman man, he would not miss the mark. So it happened that all Roman excellence had been separated off into these two men.

Placidia appointed one of them, Boniface, general of all Libya. This was not what Aetius wanted, yet he by no means made public that it was displeasing to him. Their hostility had not yet come into the light, but was hidden under each man's face.

When Boniface had gone out of his way, Aetius slandered him to Placidia, saying that Boniface was attempting tyranny, depriving both her and the emperor of all Libya. He said it would be easy for her to discover the truth: if she summoned Boniface to Rome, he would never come.

When the woman heard this, Aetius seemed to her to have spoken well, and she acted accordingly. But Aetius went first and wrote secretly to Boniface, saying that the emperor's mother was plotting against him and wanted to remove him.

He warned him that there would be a great proof of the plot: for no reason at all he would very soon be summoned. This was what the letter declared.

Boniface did not disregard what had been written. As soon as those who summoned him as to the emperor arrived, he refused to obey the emperor and his mother, revealing Aetius' advice to no one.

When Placidia heard this, she thought Aetius especially well-disposed toward the emperor's affairs and took counsel about what came from Boniface.

Boniface, since it seemed to him neither possible to set himself against the emperor nor safe to go away to Rome, considered how, if he could, he might have an alliance in arms with the Vandals, who, as has been said before, had settled in Spain not far from Libya.

Godigisclus had died there, and his sons had succeeded to the rule: Gontharis, born from his lawful wife, and Gizeric, a bastard.

The one was still a child and had little energy; but Gizeric was trained for war in the best way and was the cleverest of all men.

Boniface sent to Spain those especially close to himself and made an equal and like agreement with each of the sons of Godigisclus: each should have a third part of Libya and rule the people around him; and if anyone should come to war against one of them, they should resist the attackers in common.

On this agreement the Vandals crossed the strait at Gadeira and came into Libya. In later time the Visigoths settled in Spain.

In Rome, Boniface's friends, considering the man's character and reckoning how strange the story was, were greatly amazed if Boniface was attempting tyranny. Some of them, at Placidia's urging, came to Carthage.

There they met with Boniface, saw Aetius' letters, heard the whole account, and returned to Rome with all speed, reporting to her how Boniface stood.

The woman was struck with amazement. She did nothing displeasing to Aetius and did not reproach him for what he had dared against the emperor's house, but disclosed to Boniface the whole business and begged him to come to aid the emperor's affairs.

Boniface immediately repented of what he had done, and he begged the barbarians earnestly to depart from Libya, promising that he would give them whatever money they might ask.

But the Vandals, since they would not consent to these proposals, Boniface stood against them in battle, was defeated, and, being besieged in Hippo Regius, a strong city in the land of Numidia on the seashore, called in the Romans from Byzantium and from Rome.

Aspar came with a great army from Byzantium, and with him came Ardaburius his son. They joined Boniface and battled the Vandals, but were badly defeated by the enemy. From this point Aspar went home, and Boniface came to Placidia. When Boniface accused Aetius, he was thought to be speaking the truth.

Placidia wished to put Aetius to death, but Aetius learned this beforehand and set out for the barbarians who lived in Pannonia. From there he returned not long afterward with a great army and made himself master of the western empire.

Boniface stood against him in battle, defeated Aetius, and died soon after from a disease. Aetius thus came to power in the West by force, while the Vandals, having now no one to stand against them, gained possession of Libya.

Gizeric, after the death of Gontharis, had become sole ruler of the Vandals. He was the cleverest of all men. He took possession of the whole of Libya, made Carthage his royal city, and held the country as his own.

Wars 3.4.1-35

In this way, then, the Vandals wrested Libya from the Romans and made it their own. Those of the enemy whom they took alive they reduced to slavery and kept under guard.

Among these was Marcian, who later, after the death of Theodosius, took up the imperial power. At that time, however, Gizeric ordered the captives to be brought into the king's court, so that by looking at them he might know what master each of them could serve without degradation.

When they had been gathered in the open air about midday, in the season of summer, they were distressed by the sun and sat down. Somewhere among them Marcian, neglected entirely, was sleeping.

Then an eagle flew over him, spreading its wings; and, as they say, always remaining in the same place in the air, it cast a shadow over Marcian alone.

Gizeric, seeing from the upper story what was happening, and being a most discerning man, suspected that the thing was a divine manifestation. He summoned the man and asked who he was.

Marcian answered that he was a confidential man of Aspar; the Romans call such a person a domesticus in their own tongue.

When Gizeric heard this and considered first the meaning of the bird's deed, and then remembered how great power Aspar had in Byzantium, it became plain to him that the man was being led toward royal power.

Therefore he by no means thought it right to kill him. He reasoned that, if he removed him from the world, the thing done by the bird would plainly be nothing, since it would not have honored with its shadow a king who was immediately going to die.

And if it was fated that in later times the man would become king, it would never be in his power to inflict death on him; for what has been decided by God could never be prevented by a man's decision.

Instead he bound Marcian with oaths that, if it should ever be in his power, he would not take up arms against the Vandals at least.

In this way Marcian was released and came to Byzantium; and when Theodosius later died, he received the empire. In all other respects he proved himself a good emperor, but he took no thought at all for affairs in Libya. These things, however, happened later.

At that time Gizeric, after conquering Aspar and Boniface in battle, displayed a forethought worthy of record, by which he made his good fortune very secure.

He feared that, if an army should again come against him from both Rome and Byzantium, the Vandals might not be able to use the same strength and enjoy the same fortune. Human affairs are accustomed to be overturned by God and to fail through the weakness of men's bodies.

Therefore he was not lifted up by the fortune that had come to him, but became moderate through fear. He made a treaty with the emperor Valentinian, agreeing that every year he would pay tribute from Libya to the emperor, and he gave over one of his sons, Honoric, as a hostage to make the agreement firm.

Thus Gizeric both showed himself a brave man in the battle and guarded the victory as securely as possible. When the friendship between the two peoples had grown great, he received his son Honoric back.

Placidia had died in Rome before this. After her, Valentinian her son also died, having no male child; but two daughters had been born to him from Eudoxia, the daughter of Theodosius. I shall now tell in what way Valentinian died.

There was a certain Maximus, a Roman senator, from the house of that Maximus who had usurped the imperial power, had been overthrown by the elder Theodosius, and had been put to death. Because of him the Romans also celebrate the yearly festival named from the defeat of Maximus.

This younger Maximus was married to a woman prudent in her ways and exceedingly famous for beauty. For this reason a desire came upon Valentinian to have her.

Since, though he wished it greatly, it was impossible for him to meet her, he plotted an unholy deed and brought it to completion.

He summoned Maximus to the palace and sat down with him to a game of draughts. A certain sum was set as the penalty for the loser.

The emperor won in this game, took Maximus' ring as a pledge for the agreed sum, and sent it to his house, ordering the messenger to tell the wife of Maximus that her husband bade her come to the palace as quickly as possible to greet the empress Eudoxia.

She judged from the ring that the message came from Maximus, entered her litter, and was carried to the emperor's court.

She was received by those whom the emperor had appointed for this service and was led into a certain room far removed from the women's quarters. There Valentinian met her and violated her, much against her will.

After the outrage, she went to her husband's house weeping and suffering the deepest possible grief over her misfortune. She cast many curses on Maximus as the cause of what had been done.

Maximus, being deeply pained by what had happened, immediately entered into a plot against the emperor. But when he saw that Aetius had great power, and that Aetius had just defeated Attila, who had invaded the Roman dominion with a great army of Massagetae and other Scythians, it came into his mind that Aetius would be an obstacle to what he was doing.

As he considered these things, it seemed better to him to remove Aetius first, though he took no account of the fact that the whole hope of the Romans rested on that man.

Since the eunuchs attending the emperor were favorable to him, Maximus persuaded the emperor through their devices that Aetius was attempting revolutionary things.

Valentinian, judging the account true from nothing other than the power and valor of Aetius, killed the man.

Then a certain Roman won good repute by a saying. When the emperor asked him whether Aetius' death had been well done, he answered that he could not know whether this had been done well or otherwise, but that he knew one thing most certainly: the emperor had cut off his own right hand with the other.

After Aetius died, Attila, having no one opposed to him, plundered all Europe with no labor and held both imperial courts obedient under tribute. Tribute payments were sent to him from the emperors every year.

At that time, when Attila was besieging Aquileia, a great and very populous city, on the shore but outside the Ionian Gulf, they say the following good fortune happened to him.

They say that, since he was unable to take the place either by force or in any other way, he gave up on the siege, which had already gone on for a very long time, and ordered the whole army to make ready at once for departure, so that on the next day all would rise from there with the rising sun.

On the following day, around sunrise, the barbarians had lifted the siege and were already beginning the departure. Then one stork, which had a nest on a tower of the city's circuit-wall and was rearing nestlings there, suddenly rose from there with its young.

The father stork flew, while the young storks, since they were not yet fully able to fly, partly shared in his flight and partly were carried on their father's back. Thus they flew away and came very far from the city.

When Attila saw this, for he was exceedingly clever at understanding and putting all things together, he ordered the army to remain again in the same place. He added that the bird would never have flown away from there with its nestlings at random, unless it were foretelling that some evil would soon happen to the place.

In this way, they say, the army of the barbarians again settled into the siege. Not long afterward, a portion of the circuit-wall, the very part that held this bird's nest, suddenly fell down without any evident cause, and there the enemy had an entrance into the city. Thus Aquileia was taken by force. Such, then, were the events concerning Aquileia.

Wars 3.11.1-31

Meanwhile the emperor, not yet having learned these things, was preparing four hundred soldiers under Cyril as commander to assist Godas in guarding the island.

Justinian already had in readiness, together with those men, the expedition against Carthage: ten thousand foot soldiers and five thousand horsemen, gathered from soldiers and foederati.

In earlier times only barbarians were enrolled among the foederati, those who had come into the Roman polity not as slaves, since they had not been defeated by the Romans, but on equal and like terms.

For the Romans call treaties with enemies foedera. At the present time nothing prevents all men from taking up this name, since time least of all agrees to preserve designations for the things on which they were set; affairs are always shifting in the direction men wish to lead them, and men neglect the earlier meanings they had given to names.

The commanders of the foederati were Dorotheus, general of the troops in Armenia, and Solomon, who managed Belisarius' generalship.

The Romans call such a man a domesticus. This Solomon was a eunuch, but his privates had not been cut off by a human plot; some accident while he was in swaddling clothes had assigned this fate to him. There were also Cyprian, Valerian, Martinus, Althias, John, Marcellus, and Cyril, whom I mentioned before.

Of the cavalry soldiers, the commanders were Rufinus and Aigan, who were of Belisarius' household, and Barbatus and Pappus. Of the infantry, the commanders were Theodorus, whom they surnamed Cteanus, Terentius, Zaidus, Marcian, and Sarapis.

A certain John, from Epidamnus, now called Dyrrachium, stood over all the leaders of the infantry.

Of all these men, Solomon happened to be an eastern man from the very frontier of the Romans, where the city Daras now stands; Aigan was by birth a Massagete, whom they now call Huns.

The rest almost all lived in the regions of Thrace.

Four hundred Eruli followed them, led by Pharas, and about six hundred barbarian allies from the nation of the Massagetae, all mounted archers.

Their leaders were Sinnion and Balas, men who had reached the highest point of courage and endurance.

For the whole force five hundred ships were required. No one of them could carry more than fifty thousand medimni, and none less than three thousand.

In all the ships together there were thirty thousand sailors, for the most part Egyptians, Ionians, and Cilicians. One commander was appointed over all the ships, Calonymus of Alexandria.

They also had ships of war prepared as if for sea-fighting, ninety-two in number. These were single-banked ships covered with decks, so that the men rowing them might, if possible, not be exposed to the missiles of the enemy.

People of the present time call such boats dromones, because they are able to run at great speed.

In these sailed two thousand men of Byzantium, all at once rowers and fighting men; for there was not a single superfluous man among them.

Archelaus also was sent, a man of patrician standing who had already been praetorian prefect both in Byzantium and in Illyricum. At that time he held the office of prefect of the army, for this is the name given to the official charged with maintaining the army.

As general with supreme power over all, the emperor sent Belisarius, who was holding command of the troops of the East for the second time.

Many spear-bearers and many shield-bearers followed him, men who were capable in war and thoroughly practiced in the dangers of battle.

The emperor gave him written instructions, bidding him do everything as seemed best to him and declaring that whatever he did would be final, as if the emperor himself had done it.

The writing in fact gave him the power of a king. Belisarius was a native of Germania, which lies between Thrace and Illyricum.

These things, then, took place in this way. Gelimer, however, deprived of Tripolis by Pudentius and of Sardinia by Godas, scarcely had hope of recovering Tripolis, since it lay far away and the rebels were already being assisted by the Romans, against whom just then it seemed best to him not to take the field.

But he was eager to get to the island before any army sent by the emperor for his enemies should arrive there.

Therefore he picked five thousand Vandals and one hundred and twenty of the swiftest ships, appointed his brother Tzazon general over them, and sent them off.

They were sailing with great zeal and eagerness against Godas and Sardinia.

Meanwhile the emperor Justinian sent Valerian and Martinus ahead of the others, so that they might await the rest of the army in the Peloponnesus.

When these two had gone aboard their ships, it came into the emperor's mind that there was something he wished to command them, a thing he had wanted to say earlier, but he had been busy with the other matters about which he had to speak, and his mind had been occupied by them, so that this subject had been driven out.

Accordingly he summoned them, intending to say what he wished. But when he considered the matter, he saw that it would not be auspicious for them to interrupt their journey.

Therefore he sent men to forbid them either to return to him or to disembark from their ships.

When these men came near the ships, they ordered them with much shouting and loud cries by no means to turn back. To those who were present it seemed that what had happened was no good omen, and that none of the men in those ships would ever return from Libya to Byzantium. Besides the omen, they suspected that a curse too had come upon the men from the emperor, though not at all by his will, so that they would not return.

If someone should interpret the incident in this way concerning the two commanders, Valerian and Martinus, he will find the first opinion untrue. But there was a certain man among the guards of Martinus, named Stotzas, who was destined to become an enemy of the emperor, to attempt tyranny, and not at all to return to Byzantium; one might suspect that the divine power brought that curse to fall upon him.

But whether these things stand in this way or otherwise, I leave each person to reckon as he wishes. I now come to tell how the general Belisarius and the army were sent.

Wars 3.18.1-19

On that day Gelimer ordered his nephew Gibamundus to go ahead of the rest of the army on the left with two thousand Vandals, so that Ammatas from Carthage, Gelimer himself from behind, and Gibamundus from the places on the left might come together into the same place and make the encirclement of the enemy more easily and with less trouble.

In this struggle it came into my mind to marvel at things divine and human alike: how God, seeing from far away the things that will be, marks out the way in which it seems good to him that events should turn out; while human beings, whether they fail or take the right counsel, do not know that they have stumbled, if that happens, or that they have acted correctly, so that a path may be made for fortune, which surely bears things toward what was decided before.

For if Belisarius had not arranged the formation in this way, ordering the men around John to go first and the Massagetae to go on the left of the army, we would never have been able to escape the Vandals.

And even with these things planned in this way by Belisarius, if Ammatas had kept the proper time and had not arrived before it by about a quarter of a day, the affairs of the Vandals would never have been ruined in this way.

But as it was, Ammatas came ahead to Decimum around midday, with us and the Vandal army far away. He erred not only by failing to arrive at the right time, but also by leaving the mass of the Vandals in Carthage and ordering them to come to Decimum as quickly as possible, while he himself, with a few men not even chosen from the best, came to hand-to-hand fighting with the men around John.

He killed twelve of the best men fighting in the front ranks, but he himself fell, having shown himself a brave man in this action.

When Ammatas fell, the rout became brilliant. The Vandals, fleeing at full speed, threw into confusion all those coming from Carthage to Decimum.

They were traveling in no order and not arrayed as for battle, but by companies, and small ones at that; they were going by thirties or twenties.

Seeing the Vandals around Ammatas fleeing, and supposing that those pursuing them were a very great multitude, they turned their backs and fled with them.

John and those with him killed whomever they met and came as far as the gates of Carthage.

The slaughter of Vandals in those seventy stades became so great that those who looked on could suppose it to be the work of twenty thousand enemies.

At the same time Gibamundus and his two thousand came to the Plain of Salt, which is forty stades from Decimum on the left as one goes to Carthage. It is deserted of people and trees and anything else, since the saltness of the water permits nothing except salt to grow there. There they fell in with the Huns and all perished.

There was a certain man among the Massagetae, well endowed with courage and strength, and leading a few men. This man had an honor from his fathers and ancestors: in all Hunnic armies he was the first to charge into the enemy.

For it was not lawful for a Massagete man, after striking first in battle, to take any of the enemy before someone from this house had made the first beginning of hands against the enemy.

When the armies had come not far from one another, this man rode out his horse and stood alone as close as possible to the camp of the Vandals.

The Vandals, either struck with wonder at the man's courage or suspecting that the enemy were contriving some device against them, resolved neither to move nor to shoot the man.

I think that since they had never yet had experience of battle with the Massagetae, and had heard that the nation was very warlike, they were terrified in this way by the danger.

The man turned back to his own people and said that God had sent them these strangers as ready food.

When the Massagetae then charged, the Vandals did not withstand them, but broke their order, looked least of all to courage, and were all shamefully destroyed.

Wars 3.19.1-33

But we, having learned nothing at all of what had happened, were going on to Decimum. Belisarius saw a place sufficiently fit for a camp, thirty-five stades from Decimum. He put around it a very well-made stockade, stationed all the infantry there, called together the whole army, and spoke as follows.

"Fellow soldiers, the time of struggle is already here. I perceive that the enemy are coming toward us. The nature of the place has carried the ships as far as possible from us, and the hope of safety has come around to stand in our hands.

"There is no friendly city, no other stronghold, in which we may trust and have confidence for ourselves.

"But if we become brave men, it is reasonable that we shall prevail over our opponents in the war. If we give way to softness, it will be left for us to fall under the Vandals and be shamefully destroyed.

"Yet we have many provisions toward victory: justice, with which we have come against our enemies, for we are here to recover our own things, and the hatred of the Vandals toward their own tyrant.

"For the alliance of God naturally joins itself to those who put forward just things, and a soldier ill-disposed toward the man ruling him does not know how to perform brave deeds.

"Apart from these things, we have spent all our time with Persians and Scythians, while the Vandals, since they gained control of Libya, have seen no enemy except naked Moors.

"Who does not know that, in every work, practice leads to experience, while idleness leads to ignorance? The stockade from which we must carry on the war has been made for us in the best possible way.

"Here we may put down our weapons and all the other things that we cannot carry as we go, and when we return here nothing necessary will be lacking for us.

"I pray that each of you, remembering both his own courage and the people at home, will then march against the enemy with contempt."

After saying these things and adding a prayer, Belisarius left his wife and the stockade to the infantry and rode out himself with all the cavalry.

It did not seem advantageous to him at present to risk danger with the whole army, but rather, after skirmishing first with the cavalry and testing the strength of the enemy, only then to fight with the whole force.

So he sent ahead the commanders of the foederati, and he himself followed with the rest of the army and his own spear-bearers and shield-bearers.

When the foederati with their leaders came to Decimum, they saw the bodies of those who had fallen: twelve companions from the men with John, and near them Ammatas and some Vandals.

After hearing the whole account from the people who lived there, they were vexed, being at a loss as to where they should go. While they were still at a loss and looking out from the hills over all the country there, dust appeared from the south, and a little later an enormous body of Vandal horsemen.

They sent to Belisarius, asking him to come as quickly as possible, since the enemy were pressing upon them. The opinions of the commanders were divided.

Some thought they should go to meet those who were attacking; others said that their force was not sufficient for this.

As the commanders were disputing these things with one another, the barbarians came near, led by Gelimer, who used a road between the one Belisarius held and the one by which the Massagetae who had fought with Gibamundus had come.

Since there were hilly places on either side, they did not allow him to see either the disaster of Gibamundus or Belisarius' palisaded camp, nor even the road along which Belisarius' men were marching.

When they had come near one another, a contest fell upon each army over which would master the highest of all the hills there.

It seemed suitable for making camp, and both sides chose from there to come to hands with the enemy.

The Vandals got there first, seized the hill by using pressure, and turned the enemy, having already become frightening to them.

The Romans fled and came to a place seven stades from Decimum, where Uliaris, Belisarius' spear-bearer, happened to be with eight hundred shield-bearers.

They all thought that Uliaris and his men would receive them, make a stand, and go with them against the Vandals. But when they came together, contrary to expectation they all now fled at full speed and went running toward Belisarius.

From this point I cannot say what Gelimer suffered, when he had the mastery of the war in his hands and voluntarily let it go to the enemy, unless one must refer it to God and to the things of folly. When God intends some evil to happen to a man, he first touches his reasoning and does not allow useful things to come into his counsel.

For if Gelimer had immediately made the pursuit, I do not think Belisarius himself could have withstood him, but all our affairs would have been utterly destroyed.

So great did the multitude of the Vandals appear, and so great the fear of them against the Romans. Or, if he had ridden straight to Carthage, he would easily have killed all those with John, since they were wandering in the plain one by one and two by two, without care, stripping the dead.

He would have saved the city together with its money, mastered our ships, which had come not far away, and wholly cut off from us the hope both of sailing away and of victory. But he did neither of these things.

Instead, he went down from the hill at a walk. When he reached the level ground and saw his brother's corpse, he turned to lamentations; and, taking care for the burial, he blunted the sharp moment of opportunity, which he could no longer seize again.

Belisarius met the fugitives and ordered them to stand. He arranged them all in good order and rebuked them at length. Then, after he had heard of Ammatas' death and John's pursuit, and had learned what he wanted about the place and the enemy, he moved at a run against Gelimer and the Vandals.

The barbarians, now disordered and unprepared, did not withstand them as they came on, but fled at full speed, losing many men there.

The battle ended at night. The Vandals fled neither to Carthage nor to Byzacium, from which they had come, but toward the plain of Boulla and the road leading into Numidia.

The men around John and the Massagetae returned to us around lamp-lighting. After learning all that had happened and reporting what they had done, they spent the night with us at Decimum.

Colophon

This Good Works Translation was prepared for the Scythian shelf by the New Tianmu Anglican Church from the Greek source text printed below. The Greek text was downloaded from the PerseusDL canonical Greek repository as tlg4029.tlg001.perseus-grc2.xml and inspected locally. Dewing's public-domain English, preserved in the local ToposText capture and Ready archival dossier, was used only as a control.

This is the seventh unit in the Procopius Wars steppe and Black Sea translation dossier, and the first Book 3 unit.

Compiled and formatted for the Good Work Library by the New Tianmu Anglican Church, 2026.

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Source Text: Procopius, Wars 3.1, 3.3, 3.4, 3.11, 3.18, and 3.19

Greek source text from Procopius, Wars 3.1, 3.3, 3.4, 3.11, 3.18, and 3.19. Presented here for reference, study, and verification alongside the English translation above.

Wars 3.1

§ 3.1.1 Ὁ μὲν οὖν Μηδικὸς πόλεμος Ἰουστινιανῷ βασιλεῖ ἐς τοῦτο ἐτελεύτα· ἐγὼ δὲ ὅσα ἔς τε Βανδίλους καὶ Μαυρουσίους αὐτῷ εἴργασται φράσων ἔρχομαι. λελέξεται δὲ πρῶτον ὅθεν ὁ Βανδίλων στρατὸς τῇ Ῥωμαίων ἐπέσκηψε χώρᾳ.

§ 3.1.2 ἐπειδὴ Θεοδόσιος ὁ Ῥωμαίων αὐτοκράτωρ ἐξ ἀνθρώπων ἠφάνιστο, ἀνὴρ δίκαιος ἐν τοῖς μάλιστα γεγονὼς καὶ ἀγαθὸς τὰ πολέμια, διεδεξάσθην αὐτοῦ τὴν βασιλείαν ἄμφω τὼ παῖδε, Ἀρκάδιος μὲν ὁ πρεσβύτερος τὴν ἑῴαν μοῖραν, τὴν ἑσπερίαν δὲ Ὁνώριος ὁ νεώτερος.

§ 3.1.3 διῄρητο δὲ ὧδε τὸ Ῥωμαίων κράτος ἄνωθεν ἀπό τε Κωνσταντίνου καὶ τῶν αὐτοῦ παίδων, ὃς τὴν βασιλείαν ἐς Βυζάντιον μεταθέμενος μείζω τε τὴν πόλιν καὶ πολλῷ ἐπιφανεστέραν καταστησάμενος ἀπ’ αὐτοῦ ἀφῆκε προσαγορεύεσθαι.

§ 3.1.4 Περιλαμβάνει μὲν κύκλῳ τὴν γῆν ὠκεανὸς ἢ ξύμπασαν ἢ τὴν πολλήν· οὐ γάρ πω σαφές τι ἀμφ’ αὐτῷ ἴσμεν· σχίζει δὲ αὐτὴν δίχα ἐς ἠπείρους δύο ἐκροή τις ἀπ’ αὐτοῦ κατὰ τὴν ἑσπέριον εἰσβάλλουσα μοῖραν καὶ ταύτην δὴ ποιουμένη τὴν θάλασσαν, ἀπὸ Γαδείρων μὲν ἀρξαμένη, ἐς αὐτὴν δὲ τὴν Μαιῶτιν διήκουσα λίμνην.

§ 3.1.5 ταύταιν ταῖν ἠπείροιν ἁτέρα μὲν ἐν δεξιᾷ εἰσπλέοντι τὴν θάλασσαν μέχρι καὶ ἐς τὴν λίμνην Ἀσία κέκληται, ἀπό τε Γαδείρων καὶ τῆς ἑτέρας τῶν Ἡρακλέους στηλῶν.

§ 3.1.6 Σέπτον καλοῦσι τὸ ἐκείνῃ φρούριον οἱ ἐπιχώριοι, λόφων τινῶν ἑπτὰ φαινομένων ἐνταῦθα· τὸ γὰρ σέπτον ἑπτὰ τῇ Λατίνων φωνῇ δύναται.

§ 3.1.7 ἡ δὲ ἀντιπέρας αὐτῇ ξύμπασα Εὐρώπη ἐκλήθη. καὶ ὁ μὲν ταύτῃ πορθμὸς τέτταρσι καὶ ὀγδοήκοντα σταδίοις μάλιστα ἤπειρον ἑκατέραν διείργει, τὸ δὲ ἐντεῦθεν πελάγεσι μεγάλοις ἀλλήλαιν διέχετον μέχρις Ἑλλησπόντου.

§ 3.1.8 ταύτῃ γὰρ ξυνίασιν αὖθις ἀμφὶ Σηστόν τε καὶ Ἄβυδον, καὶ πάλιν ἔν τε Βυζαντίῳ καὶ Καλχηδόνι μέχρι τῶν πάλαι Κυανέων λεγομένων πετρῶν, οὗ καὶ νῦν Ἱερὸν ὀνομάζεται. ἐν τούτοις γὰρ δὴ τοῖς χωρίοις μέτρῳ δέκα σταδίων τε καὶ τούτου ἐλάσσονι διείργεσθον ἀλλήλαιν.

§ 3.1.9 Ἀπὸ δὲ τῆς ἑτέρας τῶν Ἡρακλέους στηλῶν μέχρι ἐς τὴν ἑτέραν διὰ τῆς ἠιόνος ἰόντι καὶ οὐ περιερχομένῳ κόλπον τε τὸν Ἰόνιον καὶ τὸν Εὔξεινον καλούμενον Πόντον, ἀλλ’ ἔκ τε Καλχηδόνος ἐς Βυζάντιον ἔκ τε Δρυοῦντος ἐς ἤπειρον τὴν ἀντιπέρας καταίροντι, πέντε καὶ ὀγδοήκοντα καὶ διακοσίων ὁδὸς ἡμερῶν ἐστιν εὐζώνῳ ἀνδρί.

§ 3.1.10 τὰ γὰρ ἀμφὶ τὸν Εὔξεινον Πόντον, ὃς ἐκ Βυζαντίου χωρεῖ εἰς τὴν λίμνην, ἅπαντα ἀκριβολογεῖσθαι ἀμήχανα ἦν, βαρβάρων τῶν ὑπὲρ ποταμὸν Ἴστρον, ὃν καὶ Δανούβιον καλοῦσι, Ῥωμαίοις βατὴν ἥκιστα ποιουμένων τὴν ἐκείνῃ ἀκτήν, πλήν γε δὴ ὅτι ἐκ Βυζαντίου μὲν ἐς τὰς τοῦ Ἴστρου ἐκβολὰς ἡμερῶν ἐστιν ὁδὸς δύο καὶ εἴκοσιν, ἅσπερ τῇ Εὐρώπῃ λογιζομένους ἐντιθέναι προσήκει.

§ 3.1.11 κατὰ δὲ τὴν τῆς Ἀσίας μοῖραν, εἴη δ’ ἂν ἐκ Καλχηδόνος ἐς ποταμὸν Φᾶσιν, ὃς ῥέων ἐκ Κόλχων κάτεισιν ἐς τὸν Πόντον, ἀνύεται τεσσαράκοντα ὁδὸς ἡμερῶν.

§ 3.1.12 ὥστε ξύμπασα ἡ Ῥωμαίων ἐπικράτεια κατά γε τὴν ἐπὶ θαλάσσῃ ὁδὸν ἐς ἑπτὰ καὶ τεσσαράκοντα καὶ τριακοσίων ἡμερῶν ξύνεισι μέτρον, ἤν τις, ὅπερ εἴρηται, τὸν Ἰόνιον κόλπον ἐς ὀκτακοσίους μάλιστα διήκοντα σταδίους ἐκ Δρυοῦντος διαπορθμεύηται.

§ 3.1.13 ἡ γὰρ τοῦ κόλπου πάροδος ἐς ὁδὸν ἡμερῶν διήκει οὐχ ἧσσον ἢ τεσσάρων. τοσαύτη μὲν ἡ Ῥωμαίων ἀρχὴ κατά γε τὸν παλαιὸν ἐγένετο χρόνον.

§ 3.1.14 Ἐπέβαλλε δὲ τῷ μὲν τὸ τῆς ἑσπερίας ἔχοντι κράτος Λιβύης τὰ πλεῖστα διήκοντα ἐς ἐνενήκοντα ὁδὸν ἡμερῶν· τοσοῦτον γὰρ τὸ ἐκ Γαδείρων ἐς τὰ ὅρια τῆς ἐν Λιβύῃ Τριπόλεώς ἐστιν· ἐν δὲ δὴ τῇ Εὐρώπῃ πέντε καὶ ἑβδομήκοντα ὁδὸν ἡμερῶν ἔλαχε·

§ 3.1.15 τοσαύτη γὰρ ἡ ἐκ τῆς ἑτέρας τῶν Ἡρακλεους στηλῶν ἐς κόλπον τὸν Ἰόνιον τυγχάνει οὖσα. προσθείη δὲ ἄν τις καὶ τὴν τοῦ κόλπου περίοδον.

§ 3.1.16 βασιλεὺς δὲ ὁ τῆς ἕω ἡμερῶν εἴκοσι καὶ ἑκατὸν ὁδὸν ἐκληρώσατο ἐκ τῶν Κυρήνης ὁρίων τῆς ἐν Λιβύῃ μέχρι Ἐπιδάμνου, ἣ πρὸς αὐτῷ κεῖται τῷ Ἰονίῳ κόλπῳ, Δυρράχιον τανῦν καλουμένη, καὶ ὅση ἀμφὶ τὸν Εὔξεινον Πόντον, ὡς ἔμπροσθεν εἴρηται, ὑπὸ Ῥωμαίοις ἐστί.

§ 3.1.17 μιᾶς δὲ ἡμέρας ὁδὸς ἐς δέκα καὶ διακοσίους διήκει σταδίους, ὅσον Ἀθήνηθεν Μέγαράδε ἰέναι. οὕτω μὲν ἤπειρον ἑκατέραν οἱ Ῥωμαίων αὐτοκράτορες διείλοντο σφίσι.

§ 3.1.18 τῶν δὲ δὴ νήσων Βρεττανία μέν, ἡ ἐκτὸς στηλῶν τῶν Ἡρακλείων νήσων πασῶν μεγίστη παρὰ πολὺ οὖσα, μετὰ τῆς ἑσπερίας, ὥς γε τὸ εἰκός, ἐτάττετο μοίρας· ἐντὸς δὲ αὐτῶν Ἔβουσα, ὥσπερ ἐν Προποντίδι τῇ μετὰ τὴν ὠκεανοῦ ἐσβολὴν ἐν θαλάσσῃ κειμένη, ἐς ἑπτὰ ἡμερῶν ὁδὸν μάλιστα διήκουσα, καὶ δύο ἀμφ’ αὐτὴν ἕτεραι, Μαϊορίκα τε καὶ Μινορίκα ἐπιχωρίως καλούμεναι.

§ 3.1.19 τῶν δὲ κατὰ θάλασσαν νήσων ἑκάστη θατέρῳ τοῖν βασιλέοιν ἐπέβαλεν, ὡς αὐτῇ ἐντός που τῶν ἐκείνου ὁρίων ξυνέβαινε κεῖσθαι.

Wars 3.3

§ 3.3.1 Βανδίλοι δὲ ἀμφὶ τὴν Μαιῶτιν ᾠκημένοι λίμνην, ἐπειδὴ λιμῷ ἐπιέζοντο, ἐς Γερμανούς τε, οἳ νῦν Φράγγοι καλοῦνται, καὶ ποταμὸν Ῥῆνον ἐχώρουν,

§ 3.3.2 Ἀλανοὺς ἑταιρισάμενοι, Γοτθικὸν ἔθνος. εἶτα ἐνθένδε, ἡγουμένου αὐτοῖς Γωδιγίσκλου, ἐν Ἱσπανίᾳ ἱδρύσαντο, ἣ πρώτη ἐστὶν ἐξ ὠκεανοῦ χώρα τῆς Ῥωμαίων ἀρχῆς. τότε ξυμβαίνει Γωδιγίσκλῳ Ὁνώριος ἐφ’ ᾧ δὴ οὐκ ἐπὶ λύμῃ τῆς χώρας ἐνταῦθα ἱδρύσονται.

§ 3.3.3 νόμου δὲ ὄντος Ῥωμαίοις, ἤν τινες οὐχ ὑπὸ ταῖς οἰκείαις χερσὶ τὰ σφέτερα αὐτῶν ἔχοιεν καὶ τρίβοιτο χρόνος εἰς τριάκοντα ἐνιαυτοὺς ἥκων, τούτοις δὴ οὐκέτι εἶναι κυρίοις ἐπὶ τοὺς βιασαμένους ἰέναι, ἀλλ’ ἐς παραγραφὴν αὐτοῖς ἀποκεκρίσθαι τὴν ἐς τὸ δικαστήριον εἴσοδον, νόμον ἔγραψεν ὅπως ὁ τῶν Βανδίλων χρόνος, ὃν ἂν ἔν γε τῇ Ῥωμαίων ἀρχῇ διατρίβοιεν, ἐς ταύτην δὴ τὴν τριακοντοῦτιν παραγραφὴν ἥκιστα φέροιτο.

§ 3.3.4 Ὁνώριος μέν, ἐς τοῦτό οἱ τῆς ἑσπερίας ἐληλαμένης, ἐτελεύτησε νόσῳ. ἐτύγχανε δὲ πρότερον ξὺν τῷ Ὁνωρίῳ τὴν βασιλείαν Κωνστάντιος ἔχων, τῆς Ἀρκαδίου τε καὶ Ὁνωρίου ἀδελφῆς Πλακιδίας ἀνήρ, ὃς ἡμέρας τῇ ἀρχῇ ἐπιβιοὺς ὀλίγας, πονήρως τε νοσήσας εἶτα ἀπέθανεν, Ὁνωρίου ζῶντος, οὐδὲν οὔτε εἰπεῖν λόγου ἄξιον οὔτε πρᾶξαι ἰσχύσας· οὐ γὰρ αὐτῷ ἐπήρκει ὁ χρόνος ὃν ἐν τῇ βασιλείᾳ ἐβίου.

§ 3.3.5 τούτου δὴ τοῦ Κωνσταντίου παῖς Βαλεντινιανός, ἄρτι τοῦ τιτθοῦ ἀπαλλαγείς, ἐν τοῖς Θεοδοσίου βασιλείοις ἐτρέφετο, οἱ δὲ τῆς ἐν Ῥώμῃ βασιλέως αὐλῆς τῶν τινα ἐκείνῃ στρατιωτῶν, Ἰωάννην ὄνομα, βασιλέα αἱροῦνται.

§ 3.3.6 ἦν δὲ οὗτος ἀνὴρ πρᾷός τε καὶ ξυνέσεως εὖ ἥκων καὶ ἀρετῆς μεταποιεῖσθαι ἐξεπιστάμενος.

§ 3.3.7 πέντε γοῦν ἔτη τὴν τυραννίδα ἔχων μετρίως ἐξηγήσατο, καὶ οὔτε τοῖς διαβάλλουσι τὴν ἀκοὴν ὑπέσχεν οὔτε φόνον ἄδικον εἰργάσατο ἑκών γε εἶναι οὔτε χρημάτων ἀφαιρέσει ἐπέθετο· ἐς δὲ βαρβάρους οὐδὲν ὅ τι καὶ πρᾶξαι οἷός τε ἐγεγόνει, ἐπεί οἱ τὰ ἐκ Βυζαντίου πολέμια ἦν.

§ 3.3.8 ἐπὶ τοῦτον τὸν Ἰωάννην Θεοδόσιος ὁ Ἀρκαδίου στρατὸν πολὺν πέμψας καὶ στρατηγοὺς Ἄσπαρά τε καὶ Ἀρδαβούριον, τὸν Ἄσπαρος υἱόν, αὐτόν τε ἀφαιρεῖται τὴν τυραννίδα καὶ Βαλεντινιανῷ ἔτι παιδὶ ὄντι τὴν βασιλείαν παρέδωκε.

§ 3.3.9 ζῶντα δὲ Βαλεντινιανὸς Ἰωάννην λαβὼν ἔν τε τῷ Ἀκυληίας ἱπποδρομίῳ τὴν ἑτέραν ταῖν χεροῖν ἀποκοπέντα εἰσῆγεν ἐπόμπευσέ τε ὄνῳ ὀχούμενον, καὶ πολλὰ παρὰ τῶν ἀπὸ σκηνῆς ἐνταῦθα παθόντα τε καὶ ἀκούσαντα ἔκτεινεν. οὕτω μὲν Βαλεντινιανὸς τὸ τῆς ἑσπερίας παρέλαβε κράτος.

§ 3.3.10 Πλακιδία δὲ ἡ αὐτοῦ μήτηρ θηλυνομένην παιδείαν τε καὶ τροφὴν τὸν βασιλέα τοῦτον ἐξέθρεψέ τε καὶ ἐξεπαίδευσε, καὶ ἀπ’ αὐτοῦ κακίας ἔμπλεως ἐκ παιδὸς γέγονε.

§ 3.3.11 φαρμακεῦσί τε γὰρ τὰ πολλὰ καὶ τοῖς ἐς τὰ ἄστρα περιέργοις ὡμίλει, ἔς τε ἀλλοτρίων γυναικῶν ἔρωτας δαιμονίως ἐσπουδακὼς πολλῇ ἐχρῆτο ἐς τὴν δίαιταν παρανομίᾳ, καίπερ γυναικὶ ξυνοικῶν εὐπρεπεῖ τὴν ὄψιν ἐς ἄγαν οὔσῃ.

§ 3.3.12 ταῦτά τοι οὐδέ τι ἀνεσώσατο τῇ βασιλείᾳ ὧν ἀφῄρητο πρότερον, ἀλλὰ καὶ Λιβύην προσαπώλεσε καὶ αὐτὸς ἐφθάρη.

§ 3.3.13 καὶ ἐπειδὴ ἐτελεύτησε, τῇ τε γυναικὶ ταῖς τε παισὶ δορυαλώτοις γενέσθαι ξυνέπεσε. γέγονε δὲ ὧδε τὸ ἐν Λιβύῃ πάθος.

§ 3.3.14 Στρατηγὼ δύο Ῥωμαίων ἤστην, Ἀέτιός τε καὶ Βονιφάτιος, καρτερώ τε ὡς μάλιστα καὶ πολλῶν πολέμων ἐμπείρω τῶν γε κατ’ ἐκεῖνον τὸν χρόνον οὐδενὸς ἧσσον.

§ 3.3.15 τούτω τὼ ἄνδρε διαφόρω μὲν τὰ πολιτικὰ ἐγενέσθην, ἐς τοσοῦτον δὲ μεγαλοψυχίας τε καὶ τῆς ἄλλης ἀρετῆς ἡκέτην ὥστε, εἴ τις αὐτοῖν ἑκάτερον ἄνδρα Ῥωμαίων ὕστατον εἴποι, οὐκ ἂν ἁμάρτοι· οὕτω τὴν Ῥωμαίων ἀρετὴν ξύμπασαν ἐς τούτω τὼ ἄνδρε ἀποκεκρίσθαι τετύχηκε.

§ 3.3.16 τούτοιν τὸν ἕτερον Βονιφάτιον ἡ Πλακιδία στρατηγὸν ἀπέδειξε Λιβύης ἁπάσης. τοῦτο δὲ οὐ βουλομένῳ ἦν Ἀετίῳ, ἀλλ’ ἥκιστά γε ὡς αὐτὸν οὐκ ἀρέσκει ἐξήνεγκεν. οὔπω γὰρ αὐτοῖν ἡ ἔχθρα ἐς φῶς ἐληλύθει, ἀλλ’ ὑπὸ τῷ προσώπῳ ἑκατέρῳ ἐκρύπτετο.

§ 3.3.17 ἐπεὶ δέ οἱ Βονιφάτιος ἐκποδὼν ἐγεγόνει, διέβαλεν αὐτὸν ἐς τὴν Πλακιδίαν ὡς τυραννοίη, ἀποστερήσας αὐτήν τε καὶ βασιλέα Λιβύης ἁπάσης, ῥᾴδιόν τε εἶναι αὐτῇ ἔλεγε τἀληθὲς ἐξευρεῖν· ἢν γὰρ μεταπέμποιτο Βονιφάτιον ἐς Ῥώμην, οὐ μή ποτε ἔλθῃ.

§ 3.3.18 ἐπεὶ δὲ ταῦτα ἤκουσεν ἡ γυνή, εὖ τέ οἱ εἰπεῖν Ἀέτιος ἔδοξε καὶ κατὰ ταῦτα ἐποίει. προτερήσας δὲ Ἀέτιος ἔγραψε πρὸς Βονιφάτιον λάθρα ὡς ἐπιβουλεύοι αὐτῷ ἡ βασιλέως μήτηρ καὶ βούλοιτο αὐτὸν ἐκποδὼν ποιήσασθαι.

§ 3.3.19 καί οἱ τεκμήριον τῆς ἐπιβουλῆς προηγόρευεν ἔσεσθαι μέγα· ἐξ αἰτίας γὰρ οὐδεμιᾶς αὐτίκα μάλα μετάπεμπτος ἔσται. ταῦτα μὲν ἡ ἐπιστολὴ ἐδήλου.

§ 3.3.20 Βονιφάτιος δὲ οὐκ ἀλογήσας τὰ γεγραμμένα, ἐπειδὴ τάχιστα παρῆσαν οἳ αὐτὸν ὡς βασιλέα ἐκάλουν, ἀπεῖπε τὸ μὴ βασιλεῖ τε καὶ τῇ αὐτοῦ μητρὶ ἐπακούειν, οὐδενὶ τὴν Ἀετίου ὑποθήκην ἐκφήνας.

§ 3.3.21 Πλακιδία μὲν οὖν ὡς ταῦτα ἤκουσεν, Ἀέτιόν τε τοῖς βασιλέως πράγμασιν εὔνουν ἐς τὰ μάλιστα ᾤετο εἶναι καὶ τὰ ἀπὸ Βονιφατίου ἐν βουλῇ εἶχε.

§ 3.3.22 Βονιφάτιος δὲ ʽκαὶ γάρ οἱ οὔτε βασιλεῖ ἐδόκει ἀντιτάξασθαι οἵῳ τε εἶναι ἐς Ῥώμην τε ἀπιόντι οὐδεμία σωτηρία ἐφαίνετὀ βουλεύεται ὅπως οἱ, ἢν δύνηται, ὁμαιχμία ἐς τοὺς Βανδίλους ἔσται, οἳ ἐν Ἱσπανίᾳ, ὡς πρόσθεν εἴρηται, οὐ πόρρω Λιβύης ἱδρύσαντο.

§ 3.3.23 ἔνθα δὴ Γωδίγισκλος μὲν ἐτεθνήκει, διεδέξαντο δὲ τὴν ἀρχὴν οἱ ἐκείνου παῖδες, Γόνθαρις μὲν ἐκ γυναικὸς αὐτῷ γαμετῆς γεγονώς, Γιζέριχος δὲ νόθος.

§ 3.3.24 ἀλλ’ ὁ μὲν ἔτι ἦν παῖς καὶ τὸ δραστήριον οὐ σφόδρα ἔχων, Γιζέριχος δὲ τά τε πολέμια ὡς ἄριστα ἐξήσκητο καὶ δεινότατος ἦν ἀνθρώπων ἁπάντων.

§ 3.3.25 πέμψας οὖν ἐς Ἱσπανίαν Βονιφάτιος τοὺς αὑτῷ μάλιστα ἐπιτηδείους ἑκάτερον τῶν Γωδιγίσκλου παίδων ἐπὶ τῇ ἴσῃ καὶ ὁμοίᾳ προσεποιήσατο, ἐφ’ ᾧ αὐτῶν ἕκαστον τὸ Λιβύης τριτημόριον ἔχοντα τῶν κατ’ αὐτὸν ἄρχειν· ἢν δέ τις ἐπ’ αὐτῶν τινα ἴοι πολεμήσων,

§ 3.3.26 κοινῇ τοὺς ἐπιόντας ἀμύνασθαι. ἐπὶ ταύτῃ τῇ ὁμολογίᾳ Βανδίλοι τὸν ἐν Γαδείροις πορθμὸν διαβάντες ἐς Λιβύην ἀφίκοντο καὶ Οὐισίγοτθοι ἐν τῷ ὑστέρῳ χρόνῳ ἐν Ἱσπανίᾳ ἱδρύσαντο.

§ 3.3.27 ἐν δὲ τῇ Ῥώμῃ οἱ Βονιφατίῳ ἐπιτήδειοι, τοῦ τε τρόπου ἐνθυμούμενοι τοῦ ἀνθρώπου ἐκλογιζόμενοί τε ἡλίκος ὁ παράλογος ἦν, ἐν θαύματι μεγάλῳ ἐποιοῦντο, εἰ Βονιφάτιος τυραννοίη, τινὲς δὲ αὐτῶν Πλακιδίας ἐπαγγελλούσης ἐς Καρχηδόνα ἦλθον.

§ 3.3.28 ἔνθα δὴ Βονιφατίῳ συγγενόμενοι τά τε Ἀετίου γράμματα εἶδον καὶ τὸν πάντα λόγον ἀκούσαντες ἐς Ῥώμην τε ὡς εἶχον τάχους ἀνέστρεφον καὶ ὅπως αὐτῇ Βονιφάτιος ἔχοι ἀπήγγελλον.

§ 3.3.29 καταπλαγεῖσα δὲ ἡ γυνὴ Ἀέτιον μὲν εἰργάσατο οὐδὲν ἄχαρι οὐδέ τι ὠνείδισεν ὧν αὐτῷ ἐς τὸν βασιλέως οἶκον ἐπέπρακτο, ἐπεὶ αὐτός τε δυνάμει μεγάλῃ ἐχρῆτο καὶ τὰ τῆς βασιλείας πράγματα πονηρὰ ἤδη ἦν· τοῖς δὲ Βονιφατίου φίλοις τήν τε Ἀετίου ὑποθήκην ἔφραζε καὶ πίστεις παρεχομένη καὶ ὅρκια ἔχρῃζεν αὐτῶν ὅπως τὸν ἄνδρα, ἢν δύνωνται, πείσουσιν ἐπανήκειν ἐς τὰ πάτρια ἤθη, οὐ περιιδόντα ὑπὸ βαρβάροις κειμένην τὴν Ῥωμαίων ἀρχήν.

§ 3.3.30 ἐπεὶ δὲ ὁ Βονιφάτιος ἤκουσε ταῦτα, τῆς τε πράξεως αὐτῷ καὶ τῆς ἐς τοὺς βαρβάρους ὁμολογίας μετέμελε, καὶ αὐτοὺς ἐλιπάρει μύρια πάντα ὑποδεχόμενος ἀπὸ Λιβύης ἀνίστασθαι.

§ 3.3.31 τῶν δὲ οὐκ ἐνδεχομένων τοὺς λόγους, ἀλλὰ περιυβρίζεσθαι οἰομένων, ἐς χεῖρας αὐτοῖς ἐλθεῖν ἠναγκάσθη καὶ ἡσσηθεὶς τῇ μάχῃ ἐς Ἱππονερέγιον ἀνεχώρησε, πόλιν ὀχυρὰν ἐν Νουμιδίᾳ τῇ ἐπὶ θαλάσσῃ κειμένην.

§ 3.3.32 ἔνθα δὴ οἱ Βανδίλοι στρατοπεδευσάμενοι Γιζερίχου σφίσιν ἡγουμένου ἐπολιόρκουν· Γόνθαρις γὰρ ἤδη ἐτεθνήκει. φασὶ δὲ αὐτὸν πρὸς τοῦ ἀδελφοῦ ἀπολέσθαι.

§ 3.3.33 Βανδίλοι δὲ τούτοις οὐχ ὁμολογοῦντες Γόνθαρίν φασιν ἐν Ἱσπανίᾳ πρὸς Γερμανῶν ξυλληφθέντα ἐν μάχῃ ἀνασκολοπισθῆναι, καὶ Γιζέριχον ἤδη αὐτοκράτορα ὄντα Βανδίλοις ἐς Λιβύην ἡγήσασθαι.

§ 3.3.34 ταῦτα μὲν δὴ οὕτω πρὸς Βανδίλων ἀκήκοα. χρόνου δὲ πολλοῦ διελθόντος, ἐπεὶ οὔτε βία οὔτε ὁμολογίᾳ τὸ Ἱππονερέγιον παραστήσασθαι οἷοί τε ἦσαν καὶ τῷ λιμῷ ἐπιέζοντο, τὴν προσεδρείαν διέλυσαν.

§ 3.3.35 ὀλίγῳ δὲ ὕστερον χρόνῳ Βονιφάτιός τε καὶ οἱ ἐν Λιβύῃ Ῥωμαῖοι, ἐπεὶ αὐτοῖς ἔκ τε Ῥώμης καὶ Βυζαντίου πολὺς στρατὸς ἦλθε καὶ στρατηγὸς Ἄσπαρ, ἀναμαχέσασθαί τε ἠξίουν καὶ μάχης καρτερᾶς γενομένης παρὰ πολὺ ἡσσημένοι τῶν πολεμίων ὅπη ἕκαστος ἐδύναντο ἐς φυγὴν ὥρμηντο.

§ 3.3.36 καὶ ὅ τε Ἄσπαρ ἐπ’ οἴκου ἀπεκομίσθη καὶ Βονιφάτιος ὡς Πλακιδίαν ἀφικόμενος τὴν ὑποψίαν διέλυεν, ὡς οὐκ ἐξ ἀληθοῦς αἰτίας ἐς αὐτὸν γένοιτο.

Wars 3.4

§ 3.4.1 Τὴν μὲν δὴ Λιβύην οὕτω Βανδίλοι Ῥωμαίους ἀφελόμενοι ἔσχον. τῶν δὲ πολεμίων οὓς λάβοιεν ζῶντας ἐν ἀνδραπόδων ποιούμενοι μοίρᾳ ἐν φυλακῇ εἶχον.

§ 3.4.2 ἐν τούτοις δὲ καὶ Μαρκιανὸν ξυνέπεσεν εἶναι, ὃς ὕστερον τελευτήσαντος Θεοδοσίου τὴν βασιλείαν παρέλαβε.

§ 3.4.3 τότε μέντοι Γιζέριχος ἐν τῇ βασιλέως αὐλῇ παρεῖναι τοὺς αἰχμαλώτους ἐκέλευεν, ὅπως οἱ εἰδέναι σκοπουμένῳ ἐξῇ ὅτῳ ἂν δεσπότῃ αὐτῶν ἕκαστος οὐκ ἀπὸ τῆς αὑτοῦ ἀξίας δουλεύοι.

§ 3.4.4 καὶ ἐπειδὴ ξυνελέγησαν αἴθριοι, ἀμφὶ ἡμέραν μέσην ὥρᾳ θέρους ἀχθόμενοι τῷ ἡλίῳ ἐκάθηντο. ἐν αὐτοῖς δὲ καὶ Μαρκιανὸς ὅπου δὴ ἀπημελημένως ἐκάθευδε.

§ 3.4.5 καί τις αὐτοῦ ἀετὸς ὑπερίπτατο, τὰ πτερά, ὡς λέγουσι, διαπετάσας, ἀεί τε μένων ἐν τῇ αὐτῇ τοῦ ἀέρος χώρᾳ μόνον τὸν Μαρκιανὸν ἐπεσκίαζεν.

§ 3.4.6 ἐκ δὲ τῶν ὑπερῴων τὸ ποιούμενον ἰδὼν Γιζέριχος, ἀγχίνους τις ὢν μάλιστα, θεῖόν τε εἶναι τὸ πρᾶγμα ὑπώπτευσε καὶ τὸν ἄνθρωπον μεταπεμψάμενος ἐπυνθάνετο αὐτοῦ ὅστις ποτὲ εἴη.

§ 3.4.7 ὁ δὲ τῶν ἀπορρήτων Ἄσπαρι ἔφη κοινωνὸς εἶναι· δομέστικον δὲ τοῦτον τῇ σφετέρᾳ γλώσσῃ καλοῦσι Ῥωμαῖοι.

§ 3.4.8 ταῦτα Γιζερίχῳ ἀκούσαντι καὶ ξυμβαλλομένῳ μὲν τὸ τοῦ ὄρνιθος ἔργον, τὴν δὲ Ἄσπαρος δύναμιν ἐν νῷ ἔχοντι ὅσῃ ἐν Βυζαντίῳ ἐχρῆτο, καταφανὲς ἐγίνετο ὡς εἰς βασιλείαν ὁ ἀνὴρ ἄγοιτο.

§ 3.4.9 κτεῖναι μὲν οὖν αὐτὸν ἥκιστα ἐδικαίου, ἐκλογιζόμενος ὡς, ἢν μὲν ἐξ ἀνθρώπων αὐτὸν ἀφανίζῃ, εὔδηλον ἔσται ὡς οὐδὲν ἂν τὸ τῷ ὄρνιθι ποιηθὲν εἴη ʽοὐ γὰρ βασιλέα τῇ σκιᾷ θεραπεύοι, ὅς γε αὐτίκα δὴ ἀπολεῖσθαι ἔμελλἐ, λόγῳ τε αὐτὸν οὐδενὶ κτείνοι· ἢν δέ γε χρῆν ἐν τῷ ὑστέρῳ χρόνῳ βασιλεῦσαι τὸν ἄνθρωπον, οὐ μήποτέ οἱ θανάτῳ καταληπτὸς ἔσται· τὰ γὰρ τοῦ θεοῦ ἐς βουλὴν ἥκοντα οὐκ ἂν δύναιτο ἀνθρώπου γνώμῃ κωλυτὰ εἶναι.

§ 3.4.10 ὅρκοις δὲ αὐτὸν καταλαμβάνει ὡς, ἢν ἐπ’ αὐτῷ ἔσται, οὔποτε πρός γε Βανδίλους ἐν ὅπλοις γένηται. οὕτω δὴ Μαρκιανὸς ἀφειμένος ἐς Βυζάντιον ἀφίκετο καὶ Θεοδοσίου χρόνῳ ὕστερον τελευτήσαντος ἐδέξατο τὴν βασιλείαν.

§ 3.4.11 καὶ τὰ μὲν ἄλλα ξύμπαντα βασιλεὺς ἐγεγόνει ἀγαθός, τὰ δὲ ἀμφὶ Λιβύην ἐν οὐδενὶ ἐποιήσατο λόγῳ. ἀλλὰ ταῦτα μὲν ἐν τῷ ὑστέρῳ χρόνῳ ἐγένετο.

§ 3.4.12 Γιζέριχος δὲ τότε Ἄσπαρά τε καὶ Βονιφάτιον μάχῃ νικήσας πρόνοιάν τε ἐπιδειξάμενος ἀφηγήσεως ἀξίαν, τὴν εὐτυχίαν ὡς μάλιστα ἐκρατύνατο.

§ 3.4.13 δείσας γάρ, ἢν καὶ αὖθις ἔκ τε Ῥώμης καὶ Βυζαντίου στρατὸς ἐπ’ αὐτὸν ἴοι, μὴ οὐχ οἷοί τε ὦσιν οἱ Βανδίλοι τῇ τε ῥώμῃ καὶ τῇ τύχῃ ὁμοίᾳ χρῆσθαι, ἐπεὶ τὰ ἀνθρώπεια τοῖς τε θείοις σφάλλεσθαι καὶ τοῖς σώμασι φιλεῖ ἐλασσοῦσθαι, οὐχ οἷς εὐημέρησεν ἐπηρμένος, ἀλλ’ οἷς ἔδεισε μέτριος γεγονώς, σπονδὰς πρὸς βασιλέα Βαλεντινιανὸν ποιεῖται ἐφ’ ᾧ ἐς ἕκαστον ἔτος δασμοὺς ἐκ Λιβύης βασιλεῖ φέρειν, ἕνα τε τῶν παίδων Ὁνώριχον ἐν ὁμήρου μοίρᾳ ἐπὶ ταύτῃ δὴ τῇ ὁμολογίᾳ παρέδωκε.

§ 3.4.14 Γιζέριχος μὲν οὖν ἔν τε τῇ μάχῃ ἐγένετο ἀνὴρ ἀγαθὸς καὶ τὴν νίκην ὡς ἀσφαλέστατα διεφύλαξε καὶ Ὁνώριχον τὸν παῖδα τῆς φιλίας αὐτοῖς ἐπὶ μέγα χωρούσης ἀπέλαβεν.

§ 3.4.15 ἐν δὲ δὴ Ῥώμῃ Πλακιδία μὲν πρότερον ἐτελεύτα, ἔπειτα δὲ Βαλεντινιανὸς ὁ ταύτης υἱός, ἄπαις ἀρσενογόνου, θυγατέρε μέντοι αὐτῷ δύο ἐξ Εὐδοξίας τῆς Θεοδοσίου παιδὸς ἐγενέσθην. ὅτῳ δὲ τρόπῳ Βαλεντινιανὸς ἐτελεύτα, λέξων ἔρχομαι.

§ 3.4.16 Μάξιμός τις ἦν ἐκ γερουσίας ἀνὴρ Ῥωμαῖος, ἐκ τῆς ἐκείνου Μαξίμου οἰκίας ὃν ὁ πρεσβύτερος Θεοδόσιος τυραννοῦντα καθελὼν ἔκτεινεν· ὑπὲρ οὗ δὴ καὶ τὴν ἐνιαύσιον ἑορτὴν ἄγουσι Ῥωμαῖοι τῆς τοῦ Μαξίμου ἥσσης ἐπώνυμον.

§ 3.4.17 οὗτος ὁ νεώτερος Μάξιμος γυναικὶ ξυνῴκει σώφρονί τε τὸν τρόπον καὶ τὸ κάλλος διαβοήτῳ ἐς ἄγαν οὔσῃ. διὸ δὴ αὐτῇ ἐς κοίτην ἐλθεῖν Βαλεντινιανῷ τις ἐπιθυμία ἐγένετο.

§ 3.4.18 καὶ ἐπεὶ βουλομένῳ αὐτῇ ξυγγενέσθαι ἀμήχανα ἦν, ἐβούλευσέ τε ἀνόσια ἔργα καὶ ἐπιτελῆ ταῦτα ἐποίησε.

§ 3.4.19 μεταπεμψάμενος γὰρ τὸν Μάξιμον ἐς παλάτιον ξὺν αὐτῷ ἐς τὸ πεττεύειν καθίστατο, καὶ χρυσίον ῥητὸν ἐτέτακτο ἡ ζημία τῷ ἡσσηθέντι·

§ 3.4.20 νενικηκὼς δὲ ὁ βασιλεὺς ἐν τούτῳ τῷ ἔργῳ καὶ τὸν Μαξίμου δακτύλιον ἐνέχυρον τῷ ξυγκειμένῳ κεκομισμένος ἐς τὴν ἐκείνου οἰκίαν πέμπει, εἰπεῖν ἐπιστείλας τῇ γυναικὶ ὅτι δὴ αὐτὴν κελεύει Μάξιμος ὡς τάχιστα ἐς παλάτιον ἥκειν τὴν βασιλίδα Εὐδοξίαν ἀσπασομένην.

§ 3.4.21 καὶ ἡ μὲν τὸν λόγον τῷ δακτυλίῳ τεκμηραμένη Μαξίμου εἶναι ἐσβᾶσα εἰς τὸ φορεῖον κομίζεται ἐς τὴν βασιλέως αὐλήν.

§ 3.4.22 λαβόντες δὲ αὐτὴν οἷς δὴ αὕτη ἐκ βασιλέως ἡ ὑπουργία ἐπέκειτο, εἰσάγουσιν εἴς τι δωμάτιον τῆς γυναικωνίτιδος μακρὰν ἄποθεν, οὗ δὴ αὐτῇ ὁ Βαλεντινιανὸς ἐντυχὼν οὔτι ἑκουσίαν βιάζεται.

§ 3.4.23 ἡ δὲ μετὰ τὴν ὕβριν ἐς τοῦ ἀνδρὸς τὴν οἰκίαν ἐλθοῦσα δεδακρυμένη τε καὶ τῇ συμφορᾷ ὡς ἔνι μάλιστα περιαλγοῦσα πολλὰς ἐπέβαλε τῷ Μαξίμῳ ἀράς, ἅτε τοῖς πεπραγμένοις τὴν αἰτίαν παρασχομένῳ.

§ 3.4.24 περιώδυνος τοίνυν ὁ Μάξιμος τοῖς ξυμπεσοῦσι γενόμενος αὐτίκα μὲν εἰς ἐπιβουλὴν τοῦ βασιλέως καθίστατο· ὡς δὲ τὸν Ἀέτιον ἑώρα μέγα δυνάμενον, ὃς καὶ Ἀττίλαν ἄρτι ἐνενικήκει στρατῷ μεγάλῳ Μασσαγετῶν τε καὶ τῶν ἄλλων Σκυθῶν ἐς τὴν Ῥωμαίων ἀρχὴν ἐσβαλόντα, ἐνθύμιόν οἱ ἐγένετο ὥς οἱ Ἀέτιος ἐς τὰ πρασσόμενα ἐμπόδιος ἔσται.

§ 3.4.25 ταῦτά τε διανοουμένῳ ἄμεινον ἔδοξεν εἶναι τὸν Ἀέτιον ἐκποδὼν ποιήσασθαι πρότερον, οὐδὲν ποιησαμένῳ ὅτι ἐς αὐτὸν περιέστηκε πᾶσα ἡ Ῥωμαίων ἐλπίς.

§ 3.4.26 τῶν δὲ ἀμφὶ τὴν βασιλέως θεραπείαν εὐνούχων εὐνοϊκῶς οἱ ἐχόντων, ἀνέπεισε ταῖς αὐτῶν μηχαναῖς βασιλέα ὡς νεωτέροις πράγμασιν ἐγχειροίη Ἀέτιος.

§ 3.4.27 Βαλεντινιανὸς δὲ ἄλλῳ οὐδενὶ ὅτι μὴ τῇ Ἀετίου δυνάμει τε καὶ ἀρετῇ τεκμηριώσας τὸν λόγον ὑγιᾶ εἶναι κτείνει τὸν ἄνδρα.

§ 3.4.28 ὅτε δὴ καὶ Ῥωμαίων τις ἔπος εἰπὼν ηὐδοκίμησεν. ἐρομένου γὰρ αὐτὸν βασιλέως εἴ οἱ καλῶς ὁ τοῦ Ἀετίου θάνατος ἐργασθείη, ἀπεκρίνατο λέγων οὐκ ἔχειν μὲν εἰδέναι τοῦτο εἴτε εὖ εἴτε πη ἄλλῃ αὐτῷ εἴργασται, ἐκεῖνο μέντοι ὡς ἄριστα ἐξεπίστασθαι, ὅτι αὑτοῦ τὴν δεξιὰν τῇ ἑτέρᾳ χειρὶ ἀποτεμὼν εἴη.

§ 3.4.29 Ἀετίου γοῦν τελευτήσαντος Ἀττίλας, οὐδενός οἱ ἀντιπάλου ὄντος, Εὐρώπην τε ξύμπασαν πόνῳ οὐδενὶ ἐληίζετο καὶ βασιλείαν ἑκατέραν ἐπακούουσαν ἐς φόρου ἀπαγωγὴν ἔσχε. δασμοὶ γὰρ αὐτῷ πρὸς τῶν βασιλέων ἐπέμποντο ἀνὰ πᾶν ἔτος.

§ 3.4.30 τότε τῷ Ἀττίλᾳ πόλιν Ἀκυληίαν πολιορκοῦντι μεγάλην τε καὶ ἀτεχνῶς πολυάνθρωπον, παραλίαν μέν, ἐκτὸς δὲ κόλπου τοῦ Ἰονίου οὖσαν,

§ 3.4.31 τοιόνδε φασὶν εὐτύχημα ξυνενεχθῆναι. λέγουσι γὰρ αὐτόν, ἐπειδὴ οὔτε βίᾳ οὔτε τῳ ἄλλῳ τρόπῳ οἷός τε ἦν τὸ χωρίον ἑλεῖν, πρός τε τὴν προσεδρείαν ἀπειπεῖν, ἤδη ἐπὶ μακρότατον γεγενημένην, καὶ ἅπαν κελεῦσαι τὸ στράτευμα τὰ ἐς τὴν ἀναχώρησιν ἐν παρασκευῇ αὐτίκα δὴ μάλα ποιήσασθαι, ὅπως δὴ τῇ ὑστεραίᾳ ἐνθένδε ἅπαντες ἐξανιστῶνται ἅμα ἡλίῳ ἀνίσχοντι.

§ 3.4.32 ἡμέρᾳ δὲ τῇ ἐπιγινομένῃ ἀμφὶ ἡλίου ἀνατολὰς λύσαντας μὲν τὴν προσεδρείαν τοὺς βαρβάρους τῆς ἀφόδου ἔχεσθαι ἤδη, ἕνα δὲ πελαργὸν ἐπὶ πύργου τινὸς τοῦ τῆς πόλεως περιβόλου καλιάν τε ἔχοντα καὶ νεοττοὺς τρέφοντα ἐνθένδε ἐκ τοῦ αἰφνιδίου ξὺν τοῖς τέκνοις ἐξαναστῆναι.

§ 3.4.33 καὶ τὸν μὲν πατέρα πελαργὸν ἵπτασθαι, τοὺς δὲ πελαργιδεῖς, ἅτε οὔπω ἐκπετησίμους παντάπασιν ὄντας, τὰ μὲν αὐτῷ μετέχειν τῆς πτήσεως, τὰ δὲ ἐπὶ τοῦ νώτου τοῦ πατρὸς φέρεσθαι, οὕτω τε ἀποπτάντας τῆς πόλεως ἑκαστάτω γενέσθαι.

§ 3.4.34 ὃ δὴ Ἀττίλαν κατιδόντα ʽἦν γὰρ δεινότατος ξυνεῖναί τε καὶ ξυμβαλεῖν ἅπαντἀ κελεῦσαι τὸν στρατὸν αὖθις ἐν χώρῳ τῷ αὐτῷ μένειν, ἐπειπόντα οὐκ ἄν ποτε εἰκῆ ἐνθένδε ἀποπτάντα ξὺν τοῖς νεοττοῖς τὸν ὄρνιν οἴχεσθαι, εἰ μή τι ἐμαντεύετο φλαῦρον οὐκ εἰς μακρὰν τῷ χωρίῳ ξυμβήσεσθαι.

§ 3.4.35 οὕτω μὲν τὸ τῶν βαρβάρων στρατόπεδον αὖθις ἐς τὴν πολιορκίαν καταστῆναί φασι, τοῦ δὲ περιβόλου μοῖράν τινα οὐ πολλῷ ὕστερον ἐκείνην ἣ τὴν τοῦ ὄρνιθος τούτου καλιὰν εἶχεν, ἀπ̓οὐδεμιᾶς αἰτίας ἐξαπιναίως καταπεσεῖν καὶ τοῖς πολεμίοις ταύτῃ ἐσιτητὰ ἐς τὴν πόλιν γενέσθαι, οὕτω τε τὴν Ἀκυληίαν κατὰ κράτος ἁλῶναι. τὰ μὲν οὖν ἀμφὶ τῇ Ἀκυληίᾳ ταύτῃ πη ἔσχεν.

§ 3.4.36 Ὕστερον δὲ καὶ βασιλέα οὐδενὶ πόνῳ ἔκτεινε Μάξιμος καὶ τὴν τυραννίδα ἔσχε, τῇ τε Εὐδοξίᾳ ξυγγέγονε βίᾳ. γυνὴ γὰρ ἥπερ αὐτῷ ξυνῴκει τετελευτήκει οὐ πολλῷ πρότερον. καί ποτε αὐτῇ ἐν τῇ κοίτῃ προσέφερε λόγον ὡς τοῦ αὐτῆς ἔρωτος εἵνεκα πάντα εἴη διαπεπραγμένος ἃ εἴργαστο.

§ 3.4.37 τήν τε Εὐδοξίαν ἀχθομένην Μαξίμῳ καὶ πρότερον τίσασθαί τε αὐτὸν τῆς ἐς Βαλεντινιανὸν ἀδικίας ἐπιθυμοῦσαν ἔτι μᾶλλον εἰς αὐτὸν οἰδαίνειν ὁ λόγος ἐποίησεν, ἔς τε τὴν ἐπιβουλὴν ἐνῆγεν, ἐπεὶ τῷ ἀνδρὶ αὐτῆς ἕνεκα ξυμβῆναι τὴν συμφορὰν Μαξίμου λέγοντος ἤκουσε.

§ 3.4.38 καὶ ἐπειδὴ τάχιστα ἡμέρα ἐγένετο, πέμπει ἐς Καρχηδόνα δεομένη Γιζερίχου τιμωρεῖν Βαλεντινιανῷ ὑπ’ ἀνδρὸς ἀνοσίου διαφθαρέντι, αὐτοῦ τε ἀναξίως καὶ τῆς βασιλείας, καὶ αὐτὴν ῥύεσθαι πάσχουσαν πρὸς τοῦ τυράννου ἀνόσια.

§ 3.4.39 ἐπέσκηπτε δὲ ὡς φίλῳ τε καὶ ξυμμάχῳ ὄντι Γιζερίχῳ καὶ τηλικοῦδε πάθους ἐς οἶκον τὸν βασιλέως ξυμβάντος τὸ μὴ οὐχὶ τιμωρῷ γενέσθαι οὐχ ὅσιόν ἐστιν. ἐκ Βυζαντίου γὰρ τιμωρίαν οὐδεμίαν ᾤετο ἔσεσθαι, Θεοδοσίου μὲν ἤδη ἐξ ἀνθρώπων ἀφανισθέντος, Μαρκιανοῦ δὲ τὴν βασιλείαν παραλαβόντος.

Wars 3.11

§ 3.11.1 Ταῦτα βασιλεὺς οὔπω πεπυσμένος τετρακοσίους τε στρατιώτας καὶ ἄρχοντα Κύριλλον ὡς τὴν νῆσον ξυμφυλάξοντας Γώδᾳ ἡτοίμαζεν.

§ 3.11.2 ἤδη δὲ ξὺν αὐτοῖς καὶ τὴν ἐς Καρχηδόνα στρατείαν ἐν παρασκευῇ εἶχε, πεζοὺς μὲν στρατιώτας μυρίους, ἱππέας δὲ πεντακισχιλίους, ἔκ τε στρατιωτῶν καὶ φοιδεράτων συνειλεγμένους.

§ 3.11.3 ἐν δὲ δὴ φοιδεράτοις πρότερον μὲν μόνοι βάρβαροι κατελέγοντο, ὅσοι οὐκ ἐπὶ τῷ δοῦλοι εἶναι, ἅτε μὴ πρὸς Ῥωμαίων ἡσσημένοι, ἀλλ’ ἐπὶ τῇ ἴσῃ καὶ ὁμοίᾳ ἐς τὴν πολιτείαν ἀφίκοιντο·

§ 3.11.4 φοίδερα γὰρ τὰς πρὸς τοὺς πολεμίους σπονδὰς καλοῦσι Ῥωμαῖοι· τὸ δὲ νῦν ἅπασι τοῦ ὀνόματος τούτου ἐπιβατεύειν οὐκ ἐν κωλύμῃ ἐστί, τοῦ χρόνου τὰς προσηγορίας ἐφ’ ὧν τέθεινται ἥκιστα ἀξιοῦντος τηρεῖν, ἀλλὰ τῶν πραγμάτων ἀεὶ περιφερομένων, ᾗ ταῦτα ἄγειν ἐθέλουσιν ἄνθρωποι, τῶν πρόσθεν αὐτοῖς ὠνομασμένων ὀλιγωροῦντες.

§ 3.11.5 ἄρχοντες δὲ ἦσαν φοιδεράτων μὲν Δωρόθεός τε, ὁ τῶν ἐν Ἀρμενίοις καταλόγων στρατηγός, καὶ Σολόμων, ὃς τὴν Βελισαρίου ἐπετρόπευε στρατηγίαν·

§ 3.11.6 ʽδομέστικον τοῦτον καλοῦσι Ῥωμαῖοι. ὁ δὲ Σολόμων οὗτος εὐνοῦχος μὲν ἦν, οὐκ ἐξ ἐπιβουλῆς δὲ ἀνθρώπου τὰ αἰδοῖα ἐτύγχανεν ἀποτμηθείς, ἀλλά τις αὐτῷ τύχη ἐν σπαργάνοις ὄντι τοῦτο ἐβράβευσε·̓ καὶ Κυπριανὸς καὶ Βαλεριανὸς καὶ Μαρτῖνος καὶ Ἀλθίας καὶ Ἰωάννης καὶ Μάρκελλος καὶ Κύριλλος, οὗ πρόσθεν ἐμνήσθην·

§ 3.11.7 στρατιωτῶν δὲ ἱππέων μὲν Ῥουφῖνός τε καὶ Ἀϊγάν, ἐκ τῆς Βελισαρίου οἰκίας ὄντες, καὶ Βαρβᾶτος καὶ Πάππος, πεζῶν δὲ Θεόδωρος, ὅνπερ Κτεάνον ἐπίκλησιν ἐκάλουν, καὶ Τερέντιός τε καὶ Ζάϊδος καὶ Μαρκιανὸς καὶ Σάραπις.

§ 3.11.8 Ἰωάννης δέ τις ἐξ Ἐπιδάμνου ὁρμώμενος, ἣ νῦν Δυρράχιον καλεῖται, τοῖς τῶν πεζῶν ἡγεμόσιν ἅπασιν ἐφειστήκει.

§ 3.11.9 τούτων ἁπάντων Σολόμων μὲν ἑῷος ἐτύγχανεν ὢν ἐκ τῆς Ῥωμαίων ἐσχατιᾶς αὐτῆς, οὗ νῦν πόλις οἰκεῖται Δάρας, Ἀϊγὰν δὲ ἦν Μασσαγέτης γένος, οὓς νῦν Οὔννους καλοῦσιν·

§ 3.11.10 οἱ δὲ λοιποὶ σχεδόν τι ἅπαντες τὰ ἐπὶ τῆς Θρᾴκης χωρία ᾤκουν.

§ 3.11.11 εἵποντο δὲ αὐτοῖς Ἔρουλοι τετρακόσιοι, ὧν Φάρας ἦρχε, καὶ ξύμμαχοι βάρβαροι ἑξακόσιοι μάλιστα ἐκ τοῦ Μασσαγετῶν ἔθνους, ἱπποτοξόται πάντες·

§ 3.11.12 ὧν δὴ ἡγοῦντο Σιννίων τε καὶ Βάλας, ἀνδρίας τε καὶ καρτερίας ἐς ἄκρον ἥκοντε.

§ 3.11.13 ναῦς δὲ ἡ σύμπασα στρατιὰ πεντακοσίας ἦγε, καὶ αὐτῶν οὐδεμία πλέον ἢ κατὰ μυριάδας πέντε μεδίμνων φέρειν οἵα τε ἦν, οὐ μὴν οὐδὲ ἔλασσον ἢ κατὰ τρισχιλίους.

§ 3.11.14 ναῦται δὲ τρισμύριοι ἐπέπλεον ἁπάσαις, Αἰγύπτιοί τε καὶ Ἴωνες οἱ πλεῖστοι καὶ Κίλικες, ἀρχηγός τε εἷς ἐπὶ ταῖς ναυσὶν ἁπάσαις Καλώνυμος Ἀλεξανδρεὺς ἀπεδέδεικτο.

§ 3.11.15 ἦσαν δὲ αὐτοῖς καὶ πλοῖα μακρά, ὡς ἐς ναυμαχίαν παρεσκευασμένα, ἐνενήκοντα δύο, μονήρη μέντοι καὶ ὀροφὰς ὕπερθεν ἔχοντα, ὅπως οἱ ταῦτα ἐρέσσοντες πρὸς τῶν πολεμίων ἥκιστα βάλλοιντο.

§ 3.11.16 δρόμωνας καλοῦσι τὰ πλοῖα ταῦτα οἱ νῦν ἄνθρωποι· πλεῖν γὰρ κατὰ τάχος δύνανται μάλιστα. ἐν τούτοις δὴ Βυζάντιοι δισχίλιοι ἔπλεον, αὐτερέται πάντες· περίνεως γὰρ ἦν ἐν τούτοις οὐδείς.

§ 3.11.17 ἐστέλλετο δὲ καὶ Ἀρχέλαος, ἀνὴρ ἐς πατρικίους τελῶν, ἤδη μὲν τῆς αὐλῆς ἔπαρχος ἔν τε Βυζαντίῳ καὶ Ἰλλυριοῖς γεγονώς, τότε δὲ τοῦ στρατοπέδου καταστὰς ἔπαρχος· οὕτω γὰρ ὁ τῆς δαπάνης χορηγὸς ὀνομάζεται.

§ 3.11.18 στρατηγὸν δὲ αὐτοκράτορα ἐφ’ ἅπασι Βελισάριον βασιλεὺς ἔστελλεν, ὃς τῶν ἑῴων αὖθις καταλόγων ἦρχε.

§ 3.11.19 καὶ αὐτῷ πολλοὶ μὲν δορυφόροι, πολλοὶ δὲ ὑπασπισταὶ εἵποντο, ἄνδρες τε ἀγαθοὶ τὰ πολέμια καὶ τῶν περὶ ταῦτα κινδύνων ἀτεχνῶς ἔμπειροι.

§ 3.11.20 γράμματά τε αὐτῷ βασιλεὺς ἔγραφε, δρᾶν ἕκαστα ὅπη ἂν αὐτῷ δοκῇ ἄριστα ἔχειν, ταῦτά τε κύρια εἶναι ἅτε αὐτοῦ βασιλέως αὐτὰ διαπεπραγμένου. βασιλέως γὰρ αὐτῷ ῥοπὴν τὰ γράμματα ἐποίει.

§ 3.11.21 ὥρμητο δὲ ὁ Βελισάριος ἐκ Γερμανίας, ἣ Θρᾳκῶν τε καὶ Ἰλλυριῶν μεταξὺ κεῖται. ταῦτα μὲν οὖν ἐγίνετο τῇδε.

§ 3.11.22 Γελίμερ δὲ Τριπόλεώς τε πρὸς Πουδεντίου καὶ Σαρδοῦς πρὸς Γώδα ἐστερημένος, Τρίπολιν μὲν ἀνασώσασθαι μόλις ἤλπισεν, ἀπωτέρω τε ᾠκημένην καὶ Ῥωμαίων ἤδη τοῖς ἀποστᾶσι ξυλλαμβανόντων, ἐφ’ οὓς δὴ μὴ αὐτίκα στρατεύειν ἔδοξέν οἱ ἄριστα ἔχειν· ἐς δὲ τὴν νῆσον προτερῆσαι ἠπείγετο, πρὶν ἢ καὶ ἐς ταύτην ξυμμαχίαν ἐκ βασιλέως ἥκειν.

§ 3.11.23 ἀπολέξας οὖν Βανδίλων χιλιάδας πέντε καὶ ναῦς εἴκοσι καὶ ἑκατὸν τὰς ἄριστα πλεούσας στρατηγόν τε ἀποδείξας Τζάζωνα τὸν ἀδελφὸν ἔστελλε.

§ 3.11.24 καὶ οἱ μὲν ἐπὶ Γώδαν τε καὶ Σαρδὼ θυμῷ τε πολλῷ καὶ σπουδῇ χρώμενοι ἔπλεον, βασιλεὺς δὲ Ἰουστινιανὸς Βαλεριανόν τε καὶ Μαρτῖνον προτέρους ἔστελλεν, ἐφ’ ᾧ προσδέξονται τὴν ἄλλην στρατιὰν ἐς τὰ ἐν Πελοποννήσῳ χωρία.

§ 3.11.25 καὶ ἐπειδὴ ὲν ταῖς ναυσὶν ἄμφω ἐγενέσθην, ἐνθύμιον βασιλεῖ ἐγένετο ἐντέλλεσθαί τι αὐτοῖν· ὃ καὶ πρότερον ἐθέλοντα λέγειν ἀσχολία τις λόγων ἑτέρων τὴν διάνοιαν περιλαβοῦσα ἐξέκρουσε.

§ 3.11.26 μεταπεμψάμενος οὖν αὐτὼ λέγειν ἔμελλεν ἃ ἐβούλετο, ἀλλὰ ξυμβαλὼν εὕρισκεν ὡς οὐκ ἂν αὐτοῖν αἴσιον εἴη τὴν πορείαν ἐκκόψαι.

§ 3.11.27 ἔπεμπεν οὖν τινας ἀπεροῦντας αὐτοῖν μήτε ἀναστρέφειν ἐς αὐτὸν αὖθις μήτε ἐκ τῶν νεῶν ἀποβαίνειν.

§ 3.11.28 οἱ δέ, ἐπεὶ τῶν νεῶν ἀγχοῦ ἐγένοντο, ἐκέλευον ξὺν βοῇ τε καὶ θορύβῳ πολλῷ μηδαμῶς ἀναστρέφειν, ἔδοξέ τε τοῖς παροῦσιν οἰωνός τε εἶναι οὐκ ἀγαθὸς τὸ γινόμενον καὶ οὔποτε τῶν ἐν ταῖς ναυσὶν ἐκείναις τινὰ ἐκ Λιβύης ἐς Βυζάντιον ἐπανήξειν.

§ 3.11.29 πρὸς γὰρ δὴ τῷ οἰωνῷ καὶ ἀρὰν ἐς αὐτοὺς ἥκειν ἐκ βασιλέως οὔτι ἑκόντος, ὥστε μὴ ἀναστρέφειν ὑπώπτευον. καὶ εἰ μέν τις αὐτὰ ἐς τὼ ἄρχοντε τούτω, Βαλεριανόν τε καὶ Μαρτῖνον, ξυμβάλλοιτο, οὐκ ἀληθῆ εὑρήσει τὰ ἐξ ἀρχῆς δόξαντα.

§ 3.11.30 ἦν δέ τις ἐν τοῖς Μαρτίνου δορυφόροις Στότζας, ὃς δὴ καὶ βασιλεῖ πολέμιος ἔμελλεν ἔσεσθαι καὶ τυραννίδι ἐπιθέσθαι καὶ ἐς Βυζάντιον ἥκιστα ἀναστρέφειν, ἐφ’ ὃν δὴ τὴν ἀρὰν ἐκείνην ὑποπτεύσειεν ἄν τις ξυνενεγκεῖν τὸ δαιμόνιον.

§ 3.11.31 ἀλλὰ ταῦτα μὲν εἴτε ταύτῃ εἴτε πη ἄλλῃ ἔχει, ἀφίημι ἑκάστῳ ὅπη ἄν τις βούληται ἐκλογίζεσθαι. ὅπως δὲ ὅ τε στρατηγὸς Βελισάριος καὶ τὸ στράτευμα ἐστάλη, ἐρῶν ἔρχομαι.

Wars 3.18

§ 3.18.1 Ἐν δὲ δὴ τῇ ἡμέρᾳ ταύτῃ Γελίμερ τὸν ἀνεψιὸν Γιβαμοῦνδον ἐκέλευεν ἅμα Βανδίλων δισχιλίοις φθάνοντα τὸ ἄλλο στράτευμα κατὰ τὸ εὐώνυμον μέρος ἰέναι, ὅπως Ἀμμάτας μὲν ἐκ Καρχηδόνος, Γελίμερ δὲ αὐτὸς ὄπισθεν, Γιβαμοῦνδος δὲ ἐκ τῶν ἐν ἀριστερᾷ χωρίων ἐς ταὐτὸ ξυνιόντες ῥᾷον δὴ καὶ ἀπονώτερον τὴν κύκλωσιν τῶν πολεμίων ποιήσονται.

§ 3.18.2 ἐμοὶ δὲ τά τε θεῖα καὶ τὰ ἀνθρώπεια ἐν τῷ πόνῳ τούτῳ ἐπῆλθε θαυμάσαι, ὅπως ὁ μὲν θεός, πόρρωθεν ὁρῶν τὰ ἐσόμενα, ὑπογράφει ὅπη ποτὲ αὐτῷ τὰ πράγματα δοκεῖ ἀποβήσεσθαι, οἱ δὲ ἄνθρωποι ἢ σφαλλόμενοι ἢ τὰ δέοντα βουλευόμενοι οὐκ ἴσασιν ὅτι ἔπταισάν τι, ἂν οὕτω τύχοι, ἢ ὀρθῶς ἔδρασαν, ἵνα γένηται τῇ τύχῃ τρίβος, φέρουσα πάντως ἐπὶ τὰ πρότερον δεδογμένα.

§ 3.18.3 εἰ μὴ γὰρ Βελισάριος οὕτω διῳκήσατο τὴν παράταξιν, τοὺς μὲν ἀμφὶ τὸν Ἰωάννην προτερῆσαι κελεύσας, τοὺς δὲ Μασσαγέτας ἐν ἀριστερᾷ τῆς στρατιᾶς ἰέναι, οὐκ ἄν ποτε διαφυγεῖν τοὺς Βανδίλους ἰσχύσαμεν.

§ 3.18.4 καὶ τούτων δὲ οὕτω Βελισαρίῳ βεβουλευμένων, εἰ τὸν καιρὸν Ἀμμάτας διεφύλαξε καὶ μὴ τοῦτον τεταρτημορίῳ τῆς ἡμέρας μάλιστα ἔφθασεν, οὐκ ἄν ποτε οὕτω Βανδίλοις διεφθάρη τὰ πράγματα·

§ 3.18.5 νῦν δὲ Ἀμμάτας προτερήσας ἀμφὶ μέσην ἡμέραν ἐς Δέκιμον ἧκε, μακρὰν ἀπολελειμμένων ἡμῶν τε καὶ τοῦ Βανδίλων στρατεύματος, οὐ τοῦτο μόνον ἁμαρτήσας, ὅτι οὐκ ἐν δέοντι ἀφίκετο χρόνῳ, ἀλλὰ καὶ τὸ Βανδίλων πλῆθος ἐν Καρχηδόνι ἀπολιπών, ἀπαγγείλας τε ὡς τάχιστα ἐς τὸ Δέκιμον ἥκειν, αὐτὸς ξὺν ὀλίγοις καὶ οὐδὲ ἀριστίνδην ξυνειλεγμένοις τοῖς ἀμφὶ τὸν Ἰωάννην ἐς χεῖρας ἦλθε.

§ 3.18.6 καὶ κτείνει μὲν τῶν ἀρίστων δώδεκα ἐν τοῖς πρώτοις ἀγωνιζομένους, πίπτει δὲ καὶ αὐτός, ἀνὴρ ἀγαθὸς ἐν τῷ ἔργῳ τούτῳ γενόμενος.

§ 3.18.7 καὶ ἡ μὲν τροπή, ἐπεὶ Ἀμμάτας ἔπεσε, λαμπρὰ ἐγεγόνει, φεύγοντες δὲ κατὰ κράτος οἱ Βανδίλοι ἀνεσόβουν ἅπαντας τοὺς ἐκ Καρχηδόνος ἐς Δέκιμον ἰόντας.

§ 3.18.8 ἐπορεύοντο γὰρ οὐδενὶ κόσμῳ οὐδὲ ὡς ἐς μάχην ξυντεταγμένοι, ἀλλὰ κατὰ συμμορίας, καὶ ταύτας βραχείας· κατὰ τριάκοντα γὰρ ἢ εἴκοσιν ᾔεσαν.

§ 3.18.9 ὁρῶντες δὲ Βανδίλους τοὺς ἀμφὶ τὸν Ἀμμάταν φεύγοντας, καὶ οἰόμενοι τοὺς διώκοντας παμπληθεῖς εἶναι, τρέψαντες τὰ νῶτα συνέφευγον.

§ 3.18.10 Ἰωάννης δὲ καὶ οἱ ξὺν αὐτῷ οἷς ἂν ἐντύχοιεν κτείνοντες ἄχρι ἐς τὰς Καρχηδόνος πύλας ἀφίκοντο.

§ 3.18.11 κα γέγονε φόνος Βανδίλων ἐν τοῖς ἑβδομήκοντα σταδίοις τοσοῦτος ὥστε εἰκάζειν τοὺς θεωμένους δισμυρίων πολεμίων τὸ ἔργον εἶναι.

§ 3.18.12 Κατὰ δὲ τὸν αὐτὸν χρόνον Γιβαμοῦνδός τε καὶ οἱ δισχίλιοι ἧκον ἐς Πεδίον Ἁλῶν, ὅπερ τεσσαράκοντα μὲν σταδίοις τοῦ Δεκίμου ἀπέχει ἐν ἀριστερᾷ εἰς Καρχηδόνα ἰόντι, ἀνθρώπων δὲ καὶ δένδρων καὶ ἄλλου ὁτουοῦν ἔρημόν ἐστι, τῆς τοῦ ὕδατος ἅλμης ἄλλο οὐδὲν ἐνταῦθα πλὴν τοὺς ἅλας ἐώσης γίγνεσθαι· ἔνθα δὴ τοῖς Οὔννοις περιπεπτωκότες ἀπώλοντο πάντες.

§ 3.18.13 ἦν δέ τις ἐν τοῖς Μασσαγέταις ἀνήρ, ἀνδρίας μὲν καὶ ἰσχύος εὖ ἥκων, ὀλίγων δὲ ἡγούμενος ἀνδρῶν· οὗτος εἶχε γέρας ἐκ πατέρων τε καὶ προγόνων ἐν πᾶσι τοῖς Οὐννικοῖς στρατεύμασι πρῶτος εἰς τοὺς πολεμίους εἰσβάλλειν.

§ 3.18.14 οὐ γὰρ ἦν θεμιτὸν ἀνδρὶ Μασσαγέτῃ προτύψαντι ἐν μάχῃ τῶν τινα πολεμίων λαβεῖν, πρίν γε δή τινα ἐκ ταύτης τῆς οἰκίας ἐς τοὺς πολεμίους τῶν χειρῶν ἄρξαι.

§ 3.18.15 οὗτος ἀνήρ, ἐπεὶ τὰ στρατεύματα οὐ πόρρω ἀπ’ ἀλλήλων ἐγένετο, ἐξελάσας τὸν ἵππον, τοῦ τῶν Βανδίλων στρατοπέδου μόνος ὡς ἐγγυτάτω ἔστη.

§ 3.18.16 οἱ δὲ Βανδίλοι, ἢ τὴν τοῦ ἀνδρὸς εὐψυχίαν καταπλαγέντες ἢ καί τι τοὺς πολεμίους ὑποτοπήσαντες ἐς αὐτοὺς μηχανᾶσθαι, οὔτε κινεῖσθαι οὔτε τὸν ἄνδρα βαλεῖν ἔγνωσαν.

§ 3.18.17 οἶμαι δὲ αὐτοὺς οὐπώποτε Μασσαγετῶν μάχην ἐν πείρᾳ ἔχοντας, ἀκούοντας δὲ κομιδῆ μάχιμον τὸ ἔθνος εἶναι, οὕτω δὴ κατορρωδῆσαι τὸν κίνδυνον.

§ 3.18.18 ἀναστρέψας δὲ ἐς τοὺς ὁμοφύλους ὁ ἄνθρωπος ἔλεξεν ὡς ὁ θεὸς σφίσιν ἕτοιμον βρῶσιν τοὺς ξένους τούσδε πέμψειεν.

§ 3.18.19 οὕτω δὴ ὁρμωμένους αὐτοὺς οἱ Βανδίλοι οὐχ ὑπέμειναν, ἀλλὰ λύσαντες τὴν τάξιν καὶ ἥκιστα ἐς ἀλκὴν ἰδόντες ἅπαντες αἰσχρῶς διεφθάρησαν.

Wars 3.19

§ 3.19.1 Ἡμεῖς δὲ τῶν γεγονότων οὐδ’ ὁτιοῦν πεπυσμένοι ἐπὶ τὸ Δέκιμον ᾔειμεν. Βελισάριος δὲ χῶρον ἰδὼν ἐς στρατόπεδον ἱκανῶς πεφυκότα, πέντε καὶ τριάκοντα σταδίοις τοῦ Δεκίμου διέχοντα, χαράκωμά τε αὐτῷ περιέβαλεν εὖ μάλα πεποιημένον καὶ τοὺς πεζοὺς ἅπαντας ἐνταῦθα καταστησάμενος ἅπαν τε ξυγκαλέσας τὸ στράτευμα ἔλεξε τοιάδε·

§ 3.19.2 “Ὁ μὲν τῆς ἀγωνίας καιρός, ἄνδρες συστρατιῶται, ἤδη πάρεστιν· αἰσθάνομαι γὰρ προσιόντας ἡμῖν τοὺς πολεμίους· τὰς δὲ ναῦς ὡς πορρωτάτω ἡμῶν ἡ τοῦ τόπου φύσις ἀπήνεγκε· περιέστηκε δὲ ἡμῖν ἡ τῆς σωτηρίας ἐλπὶς ἐν ταῖς χερσὶν οὖσα.

§ 3.19.3 οὐ γάρ ἐστιν οὐ πόλις φιλία, οὐκ ἄλλο οὐδὲν ὀχύρωμα, ὅτῳ δὴ καὶ πιστεύσαντες τὸ θαρρεῖν ὑπὲρ ἡμῶν αὐτῶν ἕξομεν.

§ 3.19.4 ἀλλ’ εἰ μὲν ἄνδρες ἀγαθοὶ γενοίμεθα, εἰκὸς ἂν εἴη καὶ περιέσεσθαι ἡμᾶς τῷ πολέμῳ τῶν ἐναντίων· ἢν δέ τι μαλακιζοίμεθα, λελείψεται ἡμῖν ὑπὸ Βανδίλοις γεγενημένοις αἰσχρῶς διεφθάρθαι.

§ 3.19.5 καίτοι πολλὰ ἡμῖν ἐφόδια πρὸς τὴν νίκην ἐστί· τό τε δίκαιον, μεθ’ οὗ πρὸς τοὺς δυσμενεῖς ἥκομεν ʽτὰ γὰρ ἡμέτερα αὐτῶν κομιούμενοι πάρεσμεν̓, καὶ τὸ τῶν Βανδίλων ἐς τὸν σφῶν αὐτῶν τύραννον ἔχθος.

§ 3.19.6 ἥ τε γὰρ τοῦ θεοῦ ξυμμαχία τοῖς τὰ δίκαια προτεινομένοις προσγίνεσθαι πέφυκε, καὶ στρατιώτης τῷ κρατοῦντι δύσνους ἀνδραγαθίζεσθαι οὐκ ἐπίσταται.

§ 3.19.7 χωρὶς δὲ τούτων ἡμεῖς μὲν Πέρσαις τε καὶ Σκύθαις τὸν ἅπαντα ὡμιλήσαμεν χρόνον, οἱ δὲ Βανδίλοι, ἐξ ὅτου Λιβύης ἐκράτησαν, οὐδένα πολέμιον ὅτι μὴ γυμνοὺς Μαυρουσίους τεθέανται.

§ 3.19.8 τίς δὲ οὐκ οἶδεν ὠς ἔργου παντὸς μελέτη μὲν ἐς ἐμπειρίαν, ἀργία δὲ εἰς ἀμαθίαν φέρει; τὸ μὲν οὖν χαράκωμα, ὅθεν ἡμᾶς τὸν πόλεμον διαφέρειν δεήσει, ὡς ἄριστα ἡμῖν πεποιῆσθαι ξυμβαίνει.

§ 3.19.9 πάρεστι δὲ ἡμῖν τά τε ὅπλα καὶ τὰ ἄλλα πάντα ὅσα φέρειν οὐχ οἷοί τε ἐσμὲν ἐνταῦθα καταθεμένοις ἰέναι, καὶ ἀναστρέψαντας ἂν ἐνθάδε ἡμᾶς οὐδὲν τῶν ἐπιτηδείων ἐπιλίποι.

§ 3.19.10 εὔχομαι δὲ ὑμῶν ἕκαστον τῆς τε οἰκείας ἀρετῆς καὶ τῶν κατὰ τὸν οἶκον ἀναμνησθέντα οὕτω δὴ καταφρονήματι ἐπὶ τοὺς πολεμίους χωρεῖν.”

§ 3.19.11 Τοσαῦτα εἰπὼν Βελισάριος καὶ ἐπευξάμενος τήν τε γυναῖκα καὶ τὸ χαράκωμα τοῖς πεζοῖς ἀπολιπὼν αὐτὸς μετὰ τῶν ἱππέων ἁπάντων ἐξήλασεν.

§ 3.19.12 οὐ γάρ οἱ ἐφαίνετο ἐν τῷ παρόντι ξύμφορον εἶναι τῷ παντὶ διακινδυνεῦσαι στρατῷ, ἀλλὰ ξὺν τοῖς ἱππεῦσι πρῶτον ἀκροβολισαμένῳ καὶ ἀποπειρασαμένῳ τῆς τῶν πολεμίων δυνάμεως οὕτω δὴ τῷ ὅλῳ στρατεύματι διαμάχεσθαι.

§ 3.19.13 στείλας οὖν ἔμπροσθεν τοὺς τῶν φοιδεράτων ἄρχοντας, σὺν τῷ ἄλλῳ στρατῷ καὶ τοῖς οἰκείοις δορυφόροις τε καὶ ὑπασπισταῖς αὐτὸς εἵπετο.

§ 3.19.14 ἐπεὶ δὲ οἱ φοιδερᾶτοι ξὺν τοῖς ἡγεμόσιν ἐγένοντο ἐν τῷ Δεκίμῳ, ὁρῶσι τοὺς τῶν πεπτωκότων νεκρούς, δώδεκα μὲν ἑταίρους τῶν μετὰ Ἰωάννου, πλησίον δὲ αὐτῶν Ἀμμάταν καὶ Βανδίλων τινάς.

§ 3.19.15 παρὰ δὲ τῶν ταύτῃ ᾠκημένων τὸν πάντα λόγον ἀκούσαντες ἤσχαλλον, ἀπορούμενοι ὅπη αὐτοῖς χωρητέα εἴη. ἔτι δὲ αὐτῶν ἀπορουμένων καὶ ἀπὸ τῶν λόφων ἅπαντα περισκοπουμένων τὰ ἐκείνῃ χωρία, κονιορτός τε ἀπὸ μεσημβρίας ἐφαίνετο καὶ μικρὸν ὕστερον Βανδίλων ἱππέων πάμπολυ Χρῆμα.

§ 3.19.16 καὶ πέμπουσι μὲν πρὸς πρὸς Βελισάριον, ὡς τάχιστα ἥκειν αἰτοῦντες, ἅτε δὴ σφίσιν ἐγκειμένων τῶν πολεμίων. τῶν δὲ ἀρχόντων αἱ γνῶμαι δίχα ἐφέροντο.

§ 3.19.17 οἱ μὲν γὰρ ἠξίουν τοῖς ἐπιοῦσιν ὁμόσε ἰέναι, οἱ δὲ οὐκ ἀξιόχρεων σφίσιν ἐς τοῦτο ἔφασκον εἶναι τὴν δύναμιν.

§ 3.19.18 ταῦτα δὲ αὐτοῖς ἐς ἀλλήλους διαφιλονεικοῦσιν οἱ βάρβαροι ἀγχοῦ ἐγένοντο ἡγουμένου αὐτοῖς Γελίμερος καὶ ὁδῷ χρησαμένου μεταξὺ ἧς τε Βελισάριος εἶχε καὶ ἧς οἱ Μασσαγέται ἧκον οἱ Γιβαμούνδῳ ξυμμίξαντες.

§ 3.19.19 λοφώδεις δὲ χῶροι ἐφ’ ἑκάτερα ὄντες οὔτε τὸ Γιβαμούνδου πάθος ἰδεῖν οὔτε τὸ Βελισαρίου χαράκωμα ξυνεχώρησαν, οὐ μὴν οὐδὲ τὴν ὁδὸν ἣν οἱ ἀμφὶ Βελισάριον ἐπορεύοντο.

§ 3.19.20 ἐπεὶ δὲ ἀγχοῦ ἀλλήλων γεγόνασιν, ἔρις τῇ στρατιᾷ ἑκατέρᾳ ἐνέπεσεν, ὁπότεροι τοῦ πάντων ὑψηλοτάτου τῶν ἐκείνῃ λόφων κρατήσουσιν.

§ 3.19.21 ἐδόκει γὰρ ἐνστρατοπεδεύσασθαι ἐπιτήδειος εἶναι, καὶ αὐτοὶ ἑκάτεροι ἐνθένδε ᾑροῦντο τοῖς πολεμίοις εἰς χεῖρας ἰέναι.

§ 3.19.22 προτερήσαντες δὲ οἱ Βανδίλοι τόν τε λόφον καταλαμβάνουσιν ὠθισμῷ χρησάμενοι καὶ τρέπονται τοὺς πολεμίους, ἤδη φοβεροὶ αὐτοῖς γεγονότες.

§ 3.19.23 φεύγοντες δὲ Ῥωμαῖοι ἐς χωρίον ἀφικνοῦνται σταδίους ἑπτὰ τοῦ Δεκίμου ἀπέχον, ἔνθα δὴ Οὐλίαριν τὸν Βελισαρίου δορυφόρον ξὺν ὑπασπισταῖς ὀκτακοσίοις τετύχηκεν εἶναι.

§ 3.19.24 πάντες τε ᾤοντο ὡς σφᾶς οἱ ἀμφὶ τὸν Οὐλίαριν δεξάμενοι στήσονταί τε καὶ ξὺν αὐτοῖς ὁμόσε ἐπὶ τοὺς Βανδίλους χωρήσουσιν· ἀλλ’ ἐπεὶ ἅμα ἐγένοντο, παρὰ δόξαν ἤδη ξύμπαντες ἀνὰ κράτος τε ἔφευγον καὶ δρόμῳ τὴν ἐπὶ Βελισάριον ᾔεσαν.

§ 3.19.25 Ἐνθενδε οὐκ ἔχω εἰπεῖν ὅ τί ποτε παθὼν Γελίμερ, ἐν ταῖς χερσὶν ἔχων τὸ τοῦ πολέμου κράτος, ἐθελούσιος αὐτὸ τοῖς πολεμίοις μεθῆκε, πλὴν εἰ μὴ ἐς τὸν θεὸν καὶ τὰ τῆς ἀβουλίας ἀναφέρειν δεήσει, ὅς, ἡνίκα τι ἀνθρώπῳ συμβῆναι βουλεύηται φλαῦρον, τῶν λογισμῶν ἁψάμενος πρῶτον οὐκ ἐᾷ τὰ ξυνοίσοντα ἐς βουλὴν ἔρχεσθαι.

§ 3.19.26 εἴτε γὰρ τὴν δίωξιν εὐθυωρὸν ἐποιήσατο, οὐδ’ ἂν αὐτὸν ὑποστῆναι Βελισάριον οἶμαι, ἀλλ’ ἄρδην ἅπαντα ἡμῖν διαφθαρῆναι τὰ πράγματα·

§ 3.19.27 τοσοῦτον δὴ τό τε τῶν Βανδίλων πλῆθος τό τε αὐτῶν κατὰ Ῥωμαίων δέος ἐφαινετο· εἴτε καὶ Καρχηδόνος εὐθὺ ἤλασε, τούς τε σὺν Ἰωάννῃ εὐπετῶς ἂν ἅπαντας ἔκτεινεν, οἵ γε κατὰ ἕνα καὶ δύο ἀφροντιστήσαντές τε καὶ περιπάτους ἐν τῷ πεδίῳ ποιούμενοι τοὺς κειμένους ἐσύλων.

§ 3.19.28 καὶ τὴν πόλιν ξὺν τοῖς χρήμασι διασωσάμενος τῶν τε ἡμετέρων νεῶν οὐ πόρρω ἀφικομένων ἐκράτει καὶ ὅλην ἡμῖν ἀνέστελλε τοῦ τε ἀπόπλου καὶ τῆς νίκης ἐλπίδα. ἀλλὰ γὰρ ἔπραξε τούτων οὐδέτερα.

§ 3.19.29 βάδην δὲ κατιὼν ἐκ τοῦ λόφου, ἐπεὶ ἐν τῷ ὁμαλεῖ ἐγένετο καὶ τἀδελφοῦ τὸν νεκρὸν εἶδεν, ἔς τε ὀλοφύρσεις ἐτράπετο καὶ τῆς ταφῆς ἐπιμελούμενος οὕτω δὴ τοῦ καιροῦ τὴν ἀκμὴν ἤμβλυνεν, ἧς γε οὐκέτι ἀντιλαβέσθαι ἐδύνατο.

§ 3.19.30 τοῖς δὲ φεύγουσι Βελισάριος ἀπαντήσας στῆναι κελεύει, κοσμίως τε ἅπαντας διατάξας καὶ πολλὰ ὀνειδίσας, ἐπειδὴ τήν τε Ἀμμάτα τελευτὴν καὶ τὴν Ἰωάννου δίωξιν ἤκουσε καὶ περὶ τοῦ χωρίου καὶ τῶν πολεμίων ἐπύθετο ὅσα ἐβούλετο, δρόμῳ ἐπὶ Γελίμερά τε καὶ Βανδίλους ἐχώρει.

§ 3.19.31 οἱ δὲ βάρβαροι ἄτακτοί τε καὶ ἀπαράσκευοι ἤδη γεγονότες ἐπιόντας αὐτοὺς οὐχ ὑπέμειναν, ἀλλὰ φεύγουσιν ἀνὰ κράτος, πολλοὺς ἐνταῦθα ἀποβαλόντες,

§ 3.19.32 καὶ ἡ μάχη ἐτελεύτα ἐς νύκτα. ἔφευγον δὲ οἱ Βανδίλοι οὐκ ἐς Καρχηδόνα οὐδὲ ἐς Βυζάκιον, ὅθενπερ ἧκον, ἀλλ’ ἐπὶ τὸ Βούλλης πεδίον καὶ τὴν εἰς Νουμίδας ὁδὸν φέρουσαν.

§ 3.19.33 οἱ μὲν οὖν ἀμφὶ τὸν Ἰωάννην καὶ οἱ Μασσαγέται περὶ λύχνων ἁφὰς εἰς ἡμᾶς ἀναστρέψαντες καὶ ἅπαντα τὰ ξυμβεβηκότα μαθόντες τε καὶ ἀναγγείλαντες σὺν ἡμῖν ἐν Δεκίμῳ διενυκτέρευσαν.

Source Colophon

Greek source text from the PerseusDL canonical Greek repository file tlg4029.tlg001.perseus-grc2.xml, inspected locally for this translation unit.

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