Althias, the Seventy Huns, and Aurasium

This Good Works Translation continues the Procopius Wars steppe and Black Sea dossier from the Greek.

The unit gives the full chapter because the Hunnic episode is embedded in a larger account of water, captives, mountain warfare, allied unreliability, and imperial frontier logistics. Procopius' seventy Huns are not decorative auxiliaries here; they are the instrument through which Althias turns a vast Moorish force by command of water and by a single mounted encounter.

The translation is newly made from the Greek source text printed below. Dewing's public-domain English translation was used only as a control.

Translation

Wars 4.13.1-45

While these things were taking place in Byzacium, Iaudas, who ruled the Moors in Aurasium, took with him more than thirty thousand fighting men, plundered the country toward Numidia, and enslaved many of the Libyans.

Althias happened to be keeping guard at Centuriae over the forts in that region. Eager to take back some of the captives from the enemy, he went outside the fort with the Huns who followed him, about seventy in number.

He reasoned that with seventy men he was not able to come to grips with so great a multitude of Moors. He wished to seize some narrow place, so that when the enemy were passing through it on the road he might be able to snatch away some of the captives.

Since there is no such road there, for level plains lie open everywhere in those places, he devised the following plan.

There is a city somewhere near by, named Tigisis. At that time it was unwalled, but it had a certain great spring in a very confined place.

Althias resolved to seize this spring, reckoning that the enemy, compelled by thirst, would certainly come there. There was hardly any other water anywhere near.

To everyone who calculated the disparity of numbers, his thought seemed irrational and mad.

But the Moors, worn by much toil and by great stifling heat in summer, and held, as was likely, by a very great thirst because of it, came running hard to the spring, with no obstacle at all in their minds.

When they found the water held by the enemy, they all stopped in perplexity, most of their strength already spent by longing for the water.

Therefore Iaudas came to parley with Althias and agreed to give him a third part of the booty, on condition that all the Moors should drink.

But Althias was in no way willing to accept the proposal. Instead, he demanded to fight him in single combat for these things.

When Iaudas accepted this challenge, it was agreed that, if Althias should happen to be defeated, the Moors would drink.

The whole army of the Moors rejoiced and was full of hope, since Althias was thin and not large in body, while Iaudas was the finest-looking and most warlike of all the Moors.

Both men happened to be mounted. Iaudas hurled his spear first; as it came against him, Althias, beyond expectation, was able to catch it with his right hand, and struck Iaudas and the enemy with astonishment.

With his left hand, since he was ambidextrous, he immediately bent his bow and struck Iaudas' horse, killing it.

When the horse fell, the Moors brought another horse for their commander. Iaudas sprang onto it and immediately fled, and the Moorish army followed him in no order at all.

Althias, having taken away from them both the captives and all the booty, gained a great name from this deed throughout all Libya. So these events went in this way.

Solomon, after spending a little time in Carthage, led the army against Mount Aurasium and Iaudas. He charged Iaudas with having plundered many places in Numidia while the Roman army was occupied in Byzacium; and this was true.

Other Moorish commanders, Massonas and Ortaias, also urged Solomon against Iaudas because of their own enmities. Massonas did so because Iaudas, though related to him by marriage, had killed his father Mephanias by treachery. Ortaias did so because Iaudas, together with Mastinas, who led the barbarians in Mauretania, had planned to drive him and the Moors he ruled out of the land where they had lived from ancient times.

The Roman army, with Solomon leading it, and all the Moors who had come into alliance with them, encamped at the river Abigas, which flows along Aurasium and waters the country there.

But to Iaudas it seemed unprofitable to array himself against the enemy in the plain. He prepared matters in Aurasium in whatever way seemed likely to make the greatest difficulty for those who came against him.

This mountain is about thirteen days' journey from Carthage, and is the greatest of all mountains known to us.

Its circuit there is a journey of three days for a lightly-equipped man. For anyone wishing to go onto it, the mountain is hard to approach and terribly wild; but when one has ascended and come upon the level ground, plains appear, many springs making rivers, and a great abundance of parks, wonderful to see.

The grain that grows there, and every fruit, is twice as large as it is naturally produced in all the rest of Libya.

There are also forts somewhere there, neglected because they do not seem necessary to those who live in that place.

For since the time when the Moors took Aurasium away from the Vandals, no enemy had yet come against it or brought the barbarians into fear. The Moors even emptied the populous city of Tamougadis, which lay near the mountain, at the beginning of the plain toward the rising sun, and razed it to the ground, so that the enemy would not be able to camp there, nor even use the city as a pretext for coming near the mountain.

The Moors of that region also held the country to the west of Aurasium,

a country both large and good. Beyond these, other nations of Moors lived, ruled by Ortaias, who, as was said before, came as an ally to Solomon and the Romans.

I heard this man say that beyond the country he ruled no human beings live, but desert land extends for a very great distance; and beyond this there are people, not dark in complexion like the Moors, but very white in body and blond in hair. So these things stand in this way.

Solomon, after giving great sums of money to the Moorish allies and making many exhortations, began to ascend Mount Aurasium with the whole army drawn up as for battle. He thought that on that day he would go through battle with the enemy and settle the matter with them in whatever way fortune wished.

For the soldiers did not bring provisions with them, except a little, either for themselves or for their horses.

After marching through much rough country for about fifty stades, they made camp.

They accomplished this much road on each day, and on the seventh day came to a place where there was an ancient fort and a certain perennial river. The Romans call the place Shield Mountain in their own language.

They had been told that the enemy were encamped there. When they came to this place and no enemy met them, they encamped, prepared themselves as for battle, and remained there. Three days' time was spent by them in that place.

When the enemy kept entirely out of their way and their provisions had failed, it occurred to Solomon and to the whole army that there had been some plot against them by the Moorish allies.

For those men were not inexperienced in the journey through Aurasium, and probably knew what the enemy had decided. They were said to have been secretly going out to meet them every day; and although they had often been sent by the Romans to the enemy for reconnaissance, they had resolved to report nothing sound, so that the Romans, without foreknowledge, would ascend Mount Aurasium with provisions for too short a time and without making the other preparations that would have been best.

In general, suspecting that an ambush had been made for them by men who were their allies, the Romans came into fear. They reasoned that the Moors are said to be by nature untrustworthy, especially whenever they march as allies with Romans, or with any others, against Moors.

Thinking of these things, and at the same time pressed by hunger, they withdrew from there quickly without accomplishing anything. When they came into the plain, they made a stockade.

After this Solomon stationed a part of the army in Numidia for guard duty, since it was already winter, and went with the rest to Carthage.

There he arranged and ordered every matter, so that at the beginning of spring he might again march against Aurasium with greater equipment and, if he could, without Moorish allies.

At the same time he was preparing generals, another army, and a fleet of ships against the Moors who had settled on the island of Sardinia.

For that island is large and otherwise prosperous, stretching to about two thirds the size of Sicily; for the perimeter of the land is a journey of twenty days for a lightly-equipped man. Since it lies between Rome and Carthage, it was being harried by the Moors who lived there.

The Vandals in ancient times, being angry at these barbarians, had sent a few of them with their wives to Sardinia and shut them in there.

As time went on, they took possession of the mountains somewhere near Caranalis. At first they made hidden raids upon the people living around them; but when they became no fewer than three thousand, they ran down openly too, no longer caring to escape notice, and plundered all the places there. They were called Barbaricini by the local people.

It was against these Moors, then, that Solomon was preparing the fleet during that winter. So events in Libya were proceeding in this way.

Colophon

This Good Works Translation was prepared for the Scythian shelf by the New Tianmu Anglican Church from the Greek source text printed below. The Greek text was downloaded from the PerseusDL canonical Greek repository as tlg4029.tlg001.perseus-grc2.xml and inspected locally. Dewing's public-domain English, preserved in the local ToposText capture and Ready archival dossier, was used only as a control.

This is the ninth unit in the Procopius Wars steppe and Black Sea translation dossier, and the second Book 4 unit.

Compiled and formatted for the Good Work Library by the New Tianmu Anglican Church, 2026.

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Source Text: Procopius, Wars 4.13.1-45

Greek source text from Procopius, Wars 4.13. Presented here for reference, study, and verification alongside the English translation above.

Wars 4.13

§ 4.13.1 Ἐν ᾧ δὲ ταῦτα ἐν Βυζακίῳ ἐγένετο, ἐν τούτῳ Ἰαύδας ὃς τῶν ἐν Αὐρασίῳ Μαυρουσίων ἦρχε, πλέον ἢ τρισμυρίους ἄνδρας μαχίμους ἐπαγόμενος ἐληίζετο τὰ ἐπὶ Νουμιδίας χωρία, ἠνδραπόδιζέ τε τῶν Λιβύων πολλούς.

§ 4.13.2 ἐτύγχανε δὲ Ἀλθίας ἐν Κεντουρίαις τῶν ἐκείνῃ φρουρίων φυλακὴν ἔχων· ὃς τῶν αἰχμαλώτων τινὰς ἀφελέσθαι τοὺς πολεμίους ἐν σπουδῇ ἔχων ξὺν Οὔννοις τοῖς αὐτῷ ἑπομένοις, ἑβδομήκοντα μάλιστα οὖσιν, ἔξω τοῦ φρουρίου ἐγένετο.

§ 4.13.3 λογισάμενός τε ὡς οὐχ οἷός τέ ἐστι πλήθει Μαυρουσίων τοσούτῳ ξὺν ἀνδράσιν ἑβδομήκοντα ἐς χεῖρας ἰέναι, στενοχωρίαν καταλαβεῖν τινα ἤθελεν, ὅπως ἂν δι’ αὐτῆς ὁδῷ ἰόντων τῶν πολεμίων τῶν τινας αἰχμαλώτων ἀναρπάσαι δυνατὸς εἴη.

§ 4.13.4 καὶ ʽοὐ γάρ ἐστι τοιαύτη τις ἐνταῦθα ὁδός, ἐπεὶ πεδία ὕπτια πανταχῆ τῶν ἐκείνῃ χωρίων ἐστὶν’ ἐπενόει τάδε.

§ 4.13.5 Πόλις ἔστι που πλησίον Τίγισις ὄνομα, τότε μὲν ἀτείχιστος οὖσα, κρήνην δὲ μεγάλην τινὰ ἐν στενοχωρίᾳ πολλῇ ἔχουσα.

§ 4.13.6 ταύτην Ἀλθίας τὴν κρήνην καταλαβεῖν ἔγνω, λογισάμενος ὡς δίψῃ ἀναγκαζόμενοι ἐνταῦθα πάντως ἀφίξονται οἱ πολέμιοι· ἄλλο γὰρ ὕδωρ ἄγχιστά πη ὡς ἥκιστά ἐστι.

§ 4.13.7 πᾶσι μὲν οὖν τὸ τοῦ πλήθους ἐκλογιζομένοις παράλογον ἔδοξε μανιώδης αὐτοῦ ἡ ἔννοια εἶναι.

§ 4.13.8 οἱ δὲ Μαυρούσιοι κόπῳ τε πολλῷ καὶ πνίγει μεγάλῳ θέρους ὥρᾳ ὡμιληκότες, δίψῃ τε, ὡς τὸ εἰκός, ἀπ’ αὐτοῦ μεγίστῃ ἐχόμενοι, παρὰ τὴν κρήνην δρόμῳ πολλῷ ἦλθον, οὐδὲν ἐναντίωμα ἐν νῷ ἔχοντες.

§ 4.13.9 ἐπειδὴ δὲ τὸ ὕδωρ πρὸς τῶν πολεμίων ἐχόμενον εὗρον, ἀπορούμενοι ξύμπαντες ἔστησαν, τοῦ πλείστου τῆς ἰσχύος ἤδη δαπανηθέντος σφίσι τῇ τοῦ ὕδατος ἐπιθυμίᾳ.

§ 4.13.10 διὸ δὴ Ἰαύδας τῷ Ἀλθίᾳ εἰς λόγους ἥκων τὸ τριτημόριόν οἱ δώσειν ὡμολόγει τῆς λείας, ἐφ’ ᾧ δὴ Μαυρούσιοι πίωσιν ἅπαντες.

§ 4.13.11 ὁ δὲ τὸν μὲν λόγον ἐνδέχεσθαι οὐδαμῇ ἤθελε, μονομαχεῖν δὲ πρὸς αὐτὸν ὑπὲρ τούτων ἠξίου.

§ 4.13.12 τοῦ δὲ Ἰαύδα ταύτην δὴ δεξαμένου τὴν πρόκλησιν, ξυνέκειτο ἡσσηθέντος, ἂν οὕτω τύχῃ, τοῦ Ἀλθία Μαυρουσίους πιεῖν.

§ 4.13.13 ἔχαιρέ τε ἅπας ὁ τῶν Μαυρουσίων στρατός, εὐέλπιδες ὄντες, ἐπεὶ Ἀλθίας μὲν ἰσχνός τε ἦν καὶ οὐ μέγας τὸ σῶμα, Ἰαύδας δὲ κάλλιστός τε ἦν καὶ μαχιμώτατος Μαυρουσίων ἁπάντων.

§ 4.13.14 ἄμφω μὲν οὖν ἱππεῖς ἐτύγχανον ὄντες. ὁ δὲ Ἰαύδας τὸ δοράτιον ἠκόντισε πρῶτος, οὗπερ Ἀλθίας ἐπ’ αὐτὸν ἰόντος χειρὶ λαβέσθαι τῇ δεξιᾷ παρὰ δόξαν ἰσχύσας Ἰαύδαν τε καὶ τοὺς πολεμίους κατέπληξε.

§ 4.13.15 τῇ δὲ λαιᾷ χειρὶ τὸ τόξον ἐντείνας αὐτίκα, ἐπεὶ ἀμφιδέξιος ἦν, τὸν Ἰαύδα ἵππον βαλὼν ἔκτεινε.

§ 4.13.16 πεσόντος τε αὐτοῦ ἵππον ἕτερον τῷ ἄρχοντι Μαυρούσιοι ἦγον, ἐφ’ ὃν ἀναθορὼν Ἰαύδας εὐθὺς ἔφυγε· καί οἱ κόσμῳ οὐδενὶ ὁ τῶν Μαυρουσίων στρατὸς εἵπετο.

§ 4.13.17 ὅ τε Ἀλθίας τούς τε αἰχμαλώτους καὶ τὴν λείαν ἀφελόμενος ξύμπασαν ὄνομα μέγα ἐκ τοῦ ἔργου τούτου ἀνὰ πᾶσαν Λιβύην ἔσχε. ταῦτα μὲν οὖν τῇδε ἐχώρησε.

§ 4.13.18 Σολόμων δὲ ἐν Καρχηδόνι ὀλίγον τινὰ διατρίψας χρόνον, ἐπί τε ὄρος τὸ Αὐράσιον καὶ Ἰαύδαν ἐπῆγε τὸ στράτευμα, ἐπενεγκὼν αὐτῷ ὅτι, ἡνίκα ὁ Ῥωμαίων στρατὸς τὴν ἐν Βυζακίῳ ἀσχολίαν εἶχε, πολλὰ ἐληίσατο τῶν ἐν Νουμιδίᾳ χωρίων. καὶ ἦν δὲ οὕτως.

§ 4.13.19 ὥρμων δὲ Σολόμωνα ἐπὶ τὸν Ἰαύδαν Μαυρουσίων ἄρχοντες ἕτεροι, Μασσωνᾶς τε καὶ Ὀρταΐας, τῆς σφετέρας ἔχθρας ἕνεκα· Μασσωνᾶς μέν, ὅτι οἱ τὸν πατέρα Μεφανίαν κηδεστὴς ὢν Ἰαύδας δόλῳ ἔκτεινεν, ὁ δὲ ἕτερος, ὅτι ξὺν τῷ Μαστίνᾳ, ὃς τῶν ἐν Μαυριτανίᾳ Βαρβάρων ἡγεῖτο, ἐξελάσαι αὐτόν τε καὶ Μαυρουσίους ὧν ἦρχεν ἐκ τῆς χώρας ἐβούλευσεν, ἔνθα δὴ ἐκ παλαιοῦ ᾤκηντο.

§ 4.13.20 ὁ μὲν οὖν Ῥωμαίων στρατός, ἡγουμένου αὐτοῖς Σολόμωνος, καὶ Μαυρουσίων ὅσοι σφίσιν ἐς ξυμμαχίαν ἦλθον, ἐστρατοπεδεύσαντο ἐς ποταμὸν Ἀβίγαν, ὃς τὸ Αὐράσιον παραρρέων ἀρδεύει τὰ ἐκείνῃ χωρία.

§ 4.13.21 τῷ δὲ Ἰαύδᾳ ἐς μὲν τὸ πεδίον τοῖς πολεμίοις ἀντιτάξασθαι ἀξύμφορον εἶναι ἐφαίνετο, τὰ δὲ ἐν Αὐρασίῳ ἐξηρτύετο ὅπη οἱ ἐδόκει τοῖς ἐπιοῦσιν ὡς δυσκολώτατα ἔσεσθαι.

§ 4.13.22 τοῦτο δὲ τὸ ὄρος ἡμερῶν μὲν ὁδῷ δέκα καὶ τριῶν μάλιστα Καρχηδόνος διέχει, μέγιστον δὲ ἁπάντων ἐστὶν ὧν ἡμεῖς ἴσμεν.

§ 4.13.23 ἡμερῶν γὰρ τριῶν ἐνταῦθα εὐζώνῳ ἀνδρὶ περίοδός ἐστι. καὶ τῷ μὲν ἐς αὐτὸ ἰέναι βουλομένῳ δύσοδόν τέ ἐστι καὶ δεινῶς ἄγριον, ἄνω δὲ ἥκοντι καὶ ἐν τῷ ὁμαλεῖ γενομένῳ πεδία τε φαίνεται καὶ κρῆναι πολλαὶ ποταμούς τε ποιοῦσαι καὶ παραδείσων πολύ τι χρῆμα θαυμάσιον οἷον.

§ 4.13.24 καὶ ὅ τε σῖτος ὃς ἐνταῦθα φύεται ἥ τε ὀπώρα ἑκάστη διπλασία τὸ μέγεθός ἐστιν ἢ ἐν τῇ ἄλλῃ ἁπάσῃ Λιβύῃ γίνεσθαι πέφυκεν.

§ 4.13.25 ἔστι δὲ καὶ φρούρια ἐνταῦθά πη ἀπημελημένα, τῷ μὴ δοκεῖν ἀναγκαῖα τοῖς ταύτῃ ᾠκημένοις εἶναι.

§ 4.13.26 ἐξ ὅτου γὰρ τὸ Αὐράσιον Μαυρούσιοι Βανδίλους ἀφείλοντο, οὐδείς πω ἐς αὐτὸ πολέμιος ἦλθεν οὐδὲ ἐς δέος τοὺς βαρβάρους κατέστησεν, ἀλλὰ καὶ πόλιν Ταμούγαδιν, ἣ πρὸς τῷ ὄρει ἐν ἀρχῇ τοῦ πεδίου πρὸς ἀνίσχοντα ἥλιον πολυάνθρωπος οὖσα ᾤκητο, ἔρημον ἀνθρώπων οἱ Μαυρούσιοι ποιησάμενοι ἐς ἔδαφος καθεῖλον, ὅπως μὴ ἐνταῦθα ᾖ δυνατὰ ἐνστρατοπεδεύσασθαι τοῖς πολεμίοις, ἀλλὰ μηδὲ κατὰ πρόφασιν τῆς πόλεως ἄγχι ἐς τὸ ὄρος ἰέναι.

§ 4.13.27 εἶχον δὲ οἱ ταύτῃ Μαυρούσιοι καὶ τὴν πρὸς ἑσπέραν τοῦ Αὐρασίου χώραν,

§ 4.13.28 πολλήν τε καὶ ἀγαθὴν οὖσαν. καὶ τούτων ἐπέκεινα Μαυρουσίων ἔθνη ἕτερα ᾤκηντο, ὧν ἦρχεν Ὀρταΐας, ὃς Σολόμωνί τε καὶ Ῥωμαίοις,

§ 4.13.29 ὡς ἔμπροσθεν ἐρρήθη, ξύμμαχος ἦλθε. τούτου τοῦ ἀνθρώπου ἐγὼ λέγοντος ἤκουσα ὡς ὑπὲρ τὴν χώραν ἧς αὐτὸς ἄρχοι, οὐδένες ἀνθρώπων οἰκοῦσιν, ἀλλὰ γῆ ἔρημος ἐπὶ πλεῖστον διήκει, ταύτης τε ἐπέκεινα ἄνθρωποί εἰσιν οὐχ ὥσπερ οἱ Μαυρούσιοι μελανόχροοι, ἀλλὰ λευκοί τε λίαν τὰ σώματα καὶ τὰς κόμας ξανθοί. ταῦτα μὲν δὴ ὧδέ πη ἔχει.

§ 4.13.30 Σολόμων δὲ Μαυρουσίων τε τοὺς ξυμμάχους δωρησάμενος χρήμασι μεγάλοις καὶ πολλὰ παρακελευσάμενος παντὶ τῷ στρατῷ ἐς ὄρος τὸ Αὐράσιον ὡς ἐς μάχην διατεταγμένος ἀνέβαινεν, οἰόμενος ἐκείνῃ τῇ ἡμέρᾳ τοῖς τε πολεμίοις διὰ μάχης ἰέναι καὶ ἀπ’ αὐτῶν διακρίνεσθαι, ὅπη ἂν ᾖ βουλομένῃ τῇ τύχῃ.

§ 4.13.31 οὐ γὰρ οὖν οὐδὲ τροφάς, ὅτι μὴ ὀλίγας, σφίσι τε καὶ τοῖς ἵπποις τοῖς σφετέροις οἱ στρατιῶται ἐπήγοντο.

§ 4.13.32 πορευθέντες δὲ ἐν δυσχωρίᾳ πολλῇ πεντήκοντα μάλιστα σταδίους ηὐλίσαντο.

§ 4.13.33 τοσαύτην τε ὁδὸν ἐς ἡμέραν ἑκάστην ἀνύοντες ἑβδομαῖοι ἀφικνοῦνται ἐς χῶρον ἔνθα φρούριόν τε παλαιὸν ἦν καὶ ποταμός τις ἀένναος. Ὄρος Ἀσπίδος τῇ σφετέρᾳ γλώσσῃ καλοῦσι Λατῖνοι τὸν χῶρον.

§ 4.13.34 ἐνταῦθα σφίσι στρατοπεδεύεσθαι ἠγγέλλοντο οἱ πολέμιοι, καὶ ἐπειδὴ ἐν τῷ χωρίῳ τούτῳ ἐγένοντο πολέμιόν τε οὐδὲν ἀπήντα, στρατοπεδευσάμενοι καὶ ὡς ἐς μάχην παρασκευασάμενοι αὐτοῦ ἔμενον, ἡμερῶν τε αὐτοῖς ἐνταῦθα τριῶν χρόνος ἐτρίβη.

§ 4.13.35 ὡς δὲ οἵ τε πολέμιοι τὸ παράπαν σφίσιν ἐκποδὼν ἵσταντο καὶ τὰ ἐπιτήδεια ἐπελελοίπει, ἐνθύμιον Σολόμωνἰ τε καὶ τῇ στρατιᾷ πάσῃ ἐγένετο, ὡς ἄρα τις πρὸς Μαυρουσίων τῶν ξυμμάχων ἐπιβουλὴ ἐς αὐτοὺς γίνοιτο·

§ 4.13.36 οἵ γε, καίπερ οὐκ ἀμελετήτως τῆς ἐν Αὐρασίῳ πορείας ἔχοντες, ἐπιστάμενοί τε, ὡς τὸ εἰκός, ὅσα τοῖς πολεμίοις βεβουλευμένα ἐτύγχανεν, ἐς ἑκάστην μὲν αὐτοῖς ἡμέραν λάθρα ἐπειγόμενοι, ὥσπερ ἐλέγετο, πολλάκις δὲ καὶ κατασκοπῆς ἕνεκα ἐς αὐτοὺς πρὸς Ῥωμαίων σταλέντες, οὐδὲν ἀγγεῖλαι ὑγιὲς ἔγνωσαν, ὅπως δὴ μὴ προμαθόντες τροφάς τε σφίσιν ἐς χρόνον πλείω ἔχοντες ἐς ὄρος τὸ Αὐράσιον ἀναβαίνοιεν καὶ τὰ ἄλλα παρασκευάσαιντο ὅπη ἄριστα ἔσεσθαι ἔμελλεν.

§ 4.13.37 ὅλως δὲ ἐνέδραν σφίσι πρὸς ἀνδρῶν ξυμμάχων γεγενῆσθαι ὑποτοπήσαντες ἐς δέος ἦλθον, λογιζόμενοι ὡς ἄπιστοι λέγονται εἶναι Μαυρούσιοι φύσει, ἄλλως τε ἡνίκα Ῥωμαίοις ἢ ἄλλοις τισὶ ξυμμαχοῦντες ἐπὶ Μαυρουσίους στρατεύονται.

§ 4.13.38 ὧν δὴ ἐνθυμηθέντες, ἅμα δὲ καὶ λιμῷ πιεζόμενοι, ἐνθένδε τε κατὰ τάχος ἀναχωροῦσιν ἄπρακτοι καὶ ἐς τὸ πεδίον ἀφικόμενοι χαράκωμα ἐποιήσαντο.

§ 4.13.39 Μετὰ δὲ Σολόμων τοῦ στρατοῦ μοῖράν τινα φυλακῆς ἕνεκα ἐν Νουμιδίᾳ καταστησάμενος ʽχειμὼν γὰρ ἤδη ἦν’ ξὺν τοῖς ἐπιλοίποις ἐς Καρχηδόνα ᾔει.

§ 4.13.40 ἔνθα δὴ ἕκαστα διεῖπέ τε καὶ διεκόσμει, ὅπως ἅμα ἦρι ἀρχομένῳ πλείονι παρασκευῇ καί, ἢν δύνηται, ξυμμάχων Μαυρουσίων ἐκτὸς ἐπὶ τὸ Αὐράσιον αὖθις στρατεύοι.

§ 4.13.41 ἅμα δὲ καὶ στρατηγούς τε καὶ στρατιὰν ἄλλην καὶ νηῶν στόλον ἐπὶ Μαυρουσίους ἐξηρτύετο οἳ ἐν Σαρδοῖ τῇ νήσῳ ἵδρυνται·

§ 4.13.42 αὕτη γὰρ ἡ νῆσος μεγάλη μέν ἐστι καὶ ἄλλως εὐδαίμων, ἐς τὰς δύο μάλιστα τῆς Σικελίας κατατείνουσα μοίρας ʽἡμερῶν γὰρ ὁδὸν εἴκοσιν εὐζώνῳ ἀνδρὶ τὸ τῆς γῆς περίμετρον ἔχεἰ, Ῥωμης τε καὶ Καρχηδόνος ἐν μέσῳ κειμένη πρὸς Μαυρουσίων τῶν ταύτῃ ᾠκημένων πιέζεται.

§ 4.13.43 Βανδίλοι γὰρ τὸ παλαιὸν ἐς τούτους τοὺς βαρβάρους ὀργῇ χρώμενοι ὀλίγους δή τινας σὺν ταῖς γυναιξὶν ἐς Σαρδὼ πέμψαντες ἐνταῦθα εἷρξαν.

§ 4.13.44 χρόνου δὲ προϊόντος τὰ ὄρη καταλαμβάνουσιν ἃ Καρανάλεως ἐγγύς πού ἐστι, τὰ μὲν πρῶτα λῃστείας ἐκ τοῦ ἀφανοῦς ἐς τοὺς περιοίκους ποιούμενοι, ἐπεὶ δὲ οὐχ ἧσσον ἐγένοντο ἢ τρισχίλιοι, καὶ ἐς τοὐμφανὲς καταθέοντες, λανθάνειν τε ἥκιστα ἀξιοῦντες ἅπαντα ἐληίζοντο τὰ ἐκείνῃ χωρία, Βαρβαρικῖνοι πρὸς τῶν ἐπιχωρίων καλούμενοι.

§ 4.13.45 ἐπὶ τούτους δὴ τοὺς Μαυρουσίους ὁ Σολόμων ἐν τούτῳ τῷ χειμῶνι τὸν στόλον ἡτοίμαζε. ταῦτα μὲν οὖν ἐν Λιβύῃ ἐφέρετο τῇδε.

Source Colophon

Greek source text from the PerseusDL canonical Greek repository file tlg4029.tlg001.perseus-grc2.xml, inspected locally for this translation unit.

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