Amalasuntha, Huns from Libya, and the Gothic War Opening

This Good Works Translation opens the Gothic War portion of the Procopius Wars steppe dossier from the Greek.

The unit gives full chapters because the Hunnic details belong to the diplomatic and military machinery by which the Gothic War begins: ten Huns from the Libyan army become one grievance in Justinian's formal case, the Gepaeds and Sirmium mark the Danubian frontier, and Belisarius sails with two hundred Huns among his allies.

The translation is newly made from the Greek source text printed below. Dewing's public-domain English translation was used only as a control.

Translation

Wars 5.3.1-30

Among the Goths there was a certain man named Theodahad, the son of Amalafrida, Theoderic's sister. He had already come to an advanced age. He had taken part in Latin literature and Platonic doctrines, but had no practice in war.

This Theodahad had become master of most of the lands in Tuscany, and was eager to use force and take the remaining properties away from their owners. For to have Theodahad as a neighbor was a kind of misfortune to all men.

Amalasuntha was urgent in restraining this zeal in him. Because of this he was always displeased with her and bore it heavily.

He was therefore planning to give Tuscany over to the emperor Justinian, on condition that he should receive much money and senatorial rank from him and spend the rest of his life in Byzantium.

When Theodahad had formed this plan, envoys came from Byzantium to the chief priest of Rome: Hypatius, priest of Ephesus, and Demetrius from Philippi in Macedonia. They had come because of the reputation Christians hold, disputing with one another about their faith.

I know the disputed questions, but I shall mention them as little as possible; for I hold it to be a kind of mad recklessness to investigate what the nature of God may be.

For I think that not even human things can be grasped precisely by a human being, much less those things that concern the nature of God. Let these things be safely passed over by me, in only not disbelieving what is honored.

For I would say nothing else whatever about God except that he is altogether good and has all things in his own power.

Let each person speak about these things as he thinks he understands them, priest and private man alike. Theodahad met secretly with these envoys and ordered them to announce to the emperor Justinian the things he had decided.

At this time Atalaric had fallen into boundless drunken excess and was seized by a wasting disease.

Therefore Amalasuntha was in perplexity. She had no confidence in her son's judgment, since he had been driven into such disorder; and if Atalaric himself should be removed from among men, she did not think that life would be safe for her, since she had offended the most notable Goths.

For this reason she wished to hand over the rule of the Goths and Italians to the emperor Justinian, so that she herself might be saved.

Alexander, a man of the senate, happened to have come there together with Demetrius and Hypatius.

For when the emperor heard that Amalasuntha's ship was anchored in the harbor of Epidamnus, but that she herself was still delaying, although much time had passed, he sent Alexander so that he might investigate and report the things concerning her.

In the formal account, however, the emperor sent Alexander as an envoy because he was disturbed by the affairs around Lilybaeum, which I have already set forth in the preceding books; and because ten Huns from the army in Libya had deserted and come to Campania, and Uliaris, who was guarding Naples, had received them, not at all against Amalasuntha's will; and because the Goths, while warring against the Gepaeds around Sirmium, had treated Gratiana, a city situated at the end of Illyricum, as hostile.

Accusing Amalasuntha of these things, he wrote a letter and sent Alexander. When Alexander came to Rome, he left the priests there to conduct the business for which they had come. He himself was brought to Ravenna and delivered the letter to Amalasuntha.

The writing declared these things: "You have taken and hold by force the fortress at Lilybaeum, which is ours; and after receiving barbarians who had become deserters from me, you have not yet chosen to return them, even now. You have also done what did not concern you in the matter of Gratiana.

"It is therefore time for you to consider what end may come from these things."

When the woman read the letter that had been brought to her, she replied as follows: "A great emperor, and one claiming a share in virtue, should rather support an orphaned child who understands least of all what is being done, not trouble him.

"For a contest, unless it is set against an opponent, does not bring even a fair victory.

"But you brandish Lilybaeum at Atalaric, and ten fugitives, and the error of soldiers who by some ignorance came into a friendly city when they were marching against their own enemies.

"Do not do this, emperor, no indeed. Remember that, when you were campaigning against the Vandals, we not only did not stand in your way, but provided you with a road against the enemy and a market for the most necessary things, with great good will.

"Yet one would justly be called an ally and friend not merely because he displays fellow-feeling in battle against neighbors, but also because he is seen furnishing to another in each war whatever he may need.

"Consider that at that time your fleet had nowhere else out of the sea to put in except Sicily, and could not go to Libya without what had been bought from there.

"Therefore the chief cause of your victory comes from us; for the one who gives a solution to impossibilities justly receives the outcome that follows from it.

"What could be sweeter to a man than mastery over enemies, emperor? Yet we happen to be diminished in no small matters, since we have not even received a share of the spoils according to the law of war.

"Now you even demand that we be stripped of Lilybaeum in Sicily, which from ancient times belonged to the Goths: one rock, emperor, worth not even a piece of silver, which it would have been reasonable for you to set against the service Atalaric performed for you while your dominion was in danger."

These things Amalasuntha wrote openly to the emperor. Secretly, however, she agreed to hand all Italy over to him.

The envoys returned to Byzantium and reported everything to the emperor Justinian: Alexander what seemed good to Amalasuntha, and Demetrius and Hypatius what they had heard Theodahad say.

Made very glad by these things, the emperor immediately sent Peter, an Illyrian by birth and from Thessalonica, to Italy. Peter was one of the rhetors in Byzantium, and otherwise intelligent and gentle.

Wars 5.5.1-19

Meanwhile it happened that Belisarius had won renown against Gelimer and the Vandals. When the emperor learned what had happened concerning Amalasuntha, he immediately entered upon the war, in the ninth year of his reign.

First he ordered Mundus, the general of Illyricum, to go to Dalmatia, which was subject to the Goths, and to make trial of Salonae. Mundus was barbarian by birth, but exceptionally loyal to the emperor and able in deeds of war. Then he sent Belisarius by sea with four thousand soldiers from the regular forces and the foederati, and about three thousand Isaurians.

The commanders were men of note: Constantinus and Bessas from the country of Thrace; and Peranius from Iberia near Media, a man born from the royal house of the Iberians, but one who had earlier deserted to the Romans because of enmity toward the Persians. The cavalry rolls were commanded by Valentinus, Magnus, and Innocentius; the infantry by Herodian, Paulus, Demetrius, and Ursicinus; and Ennes led the Isaurians.

Two hundred Huns also followed as allies, and three hundred Moors. Belisarius was general with supreme command over all, and had many approved spear-bearers and shield-bearers.

Photius also followed him, the son of Antonina his wife from an earlier marriage. He was still a young man with his first beard, but was very intelligent and showed a strength of nature beyond his age.

The emperor instructed Belisarius to say that he was being sent to Carthage; but when they came to Sicily, they were to disembark there as though some necessity required it, and test the island.

If it was possible to bring it under control without any labor, they were to hold it and no longer let it go. But if any obstacle should meet them, they were to sail to Libya with speed, giving no one any perception of the plan.

The emperor also sent to the leaders of the Franks and wrote these things: "The Goths took our Italy by force and have in no way chosen to restore it; beyond this, they have added wrongs against us that are neither bearable nor slight.

"For this reason we have been compelled to campaign against them. It is reasonable for you to carry through this war with us, a war that correct belief makes common to us, since it rejects the Arian judgment, and that our kinship with one another also makes common."

The emperor wrote these things. After giving them money, he agreed to give more when they should come to action. They promised to ally with him with much eagerness.

Mundus and the army with him came to Dalmatia, met the Goths there in hand-to-hand fighting, defeated them in the encounter, and took Salonae.

Belisarius sailed down to Sicily and took Catana. Setting out from there, he brought Syracuse and the other cities over by agreement without any labor, except that the Goths stationed in Panormus did not yield to him.

Belisarius, judging it impossible to take the place by land, ordered the fleet to sail into the harbor, which extended all the way to the wall.

For the harbor was outside the circuit-wall and entirely empty of men. When the ships had anchored there, it happened that their masts were higher than the battlements.

At once, therefore, he filled all the small boats of the ships with archers and hung them from the tops of the masts.

From there the enemy, struck from above, came into an irresistible fear and immediately delivered Panormus to Belisarius by agreement.

From this point the emperor held all Sicily subject to tribute. Then there happened to Belisarius a success greater than speech can tell.

For he had received the dignity of consul because he had defeated the Vandals; and while he still held it, after bringing all Sicily under control, he rode into Syracuse on the last day of his consulship, greeted by the whole army and by the Sicilians, who scattered gold coins before him.

He had not done this by design. Rather, some fortune happened to the man, after he had saved the whole island for the Romans, so that he rode into Syracuse on that day and laid down the office of consul there.

Colophon

This Good Works Translation was prepared for the Scythian shelf by the New Tianmu Anglican Church from the Greek source text printed below. The Greek text was downloaded from the PerseusDL canonical Greek repository as tlg4029.tlg001.perseus-grc2.xml and inspected locally. Dewing's public-domain English, preserved in the local ToposText capture and Ready archival dossier, was used only as a control.

This is the eleventh unit in the Procopius Wars steppe and Black Sea translation dossier, and the first Book 5 unit.

Compiled and formatted for the Good Work Library by the New Tianmu Anglican Church, 2026.

🌲

Source Text: Procopius, Wars 5.3.1-30 and 5.5.1-19

Greek source text from Procopius, Wars 5.3 and 5.5. Presented here for reference, study, and verification alongside the English translation above.

Wars 5.3

§ 5.3.1 Ἦν δέ τις ἐν Γότθοις Θευδάτος ὄνομα, τῆς Θευδερίχου ἀδελφῆς Ἀμαλαφρίδης υἱός, πόρρω που ἤδη ἡλικίας ἥκων, λόγων μὲν Λατίνων μεταλαχὼν καὶ δογμάτων Πλατωνικῶν, πολέμων δὲ ἀμελετήτως παντάπασιν ἔχων, μακράν τε ἀπολελειμμένος τοῦ δραστηρίου, ἐς μέντοι φιλοχρηματίαν δαιμονίως ἐσπουδακώς.

§ 5.3.2 οὗτος ὁ Θευδάτος πλείστων μὲν τῶν ἐν Τούσκοις χωρίων κύριος ἐγεγόνει, βιαζόμενος δὲ καὶ τὰ λειπόμενα τοὺς κεκτημένους ἀφαιρεῖσθαι ἐν σπουδῇ εἶχε. γείτονα γὰρ ἔχειν συμφορά τις Θευδάτῳ ἐδόκει εἶναι.

§ 5.3.3 ταύτην αὐτῷ Ἀμαλασοῦνθα τὴν προθυμίαν ἀναστέλλειν ἠπείγετο, καὶ ἀπ’ αὐτοῦ ἤχθετό τε αὐτῇ ἐς ἀεὶ καὶ χαλεπῶς εἶχεν.

§ 5.3.4 ἐβουλεύετο οὖν Ἰουστινιανῷ βασιλεῖ Τουσκίαν ἐνδοῦναι, ἐφ’ ᾧ χρήματά τε πολλὰ καὶ βουλῆς πρὸς αὐτοῦ ἀξίωμα κομισάμενος ἐν Βυζαντίῳ τὸ λοιπὸν διατρίβοι.

§ 5.3.5 ταῦτα Θευδάτου βεβουλευμένου πρέσβεις ἐκ Βυζαντίου παρὰ τὸν Ῥώμης ἀρχιερέα ἧκον, ὅ τε τῆς Ἐφέσου ἱερεὺς Ὑπάτιος καὶ Δημήτριος ἐκ τῶν ἐν Μακεδόσι Φιλίππων, δόξης ἕνεκεν ἣν Χριστιανοὶ ἐν σφίσιν αὐτοῖς ἀντιλέγουσιν ἀμφιγνοοῦντες.

§ 5.3.6 τὰ δὲ ἀντιλεγόμενα ἐγὼ ἐξεπιστάμενος ὡς ἥκιστα ἐπιμνήσομαι· ἀπονοίας γὰρ μανιώδους τινὸς ἡγοῦμαι εἶναι διερευνᾶσθαι τὴν τοῦ θεοῦ φύσιν, ὁποία ποτέ ἐστιν.

§ 5.3.7 ἀνθρώπῳ γὰρ οὐδὲ τὰ ἀνθρώπεια ἐς τὸ ἀκριβὲς οἶμαι καταληπτά, μή τί γε δὴ τὰ εἰς θεοῦ φύσιν ἥκοντα. ἐμοὶ μὲν οὖν ταῦτα ἀκινδύνως σεσιωπήσθω μόνῳ τῷ μὴ ἀπιστεῖσθαι τὰ τετιμημένα.

§ 5.3.8 ἐγὼ γὰρ οὐκ ἂν οὐδὲν ἄλλο περὶ θεοῦ ὁτιοῦν εἴποιμι ἢ ὅτι ἀγαθός τε παντάπασιν εἴη καὶ ξύμπαντα ἐν τῇ ἐξουσίᾳ τῇ αὑτοῦ ἔχει.

§ 5.3.9 λεγέτω δὲ ὥς πη ἕκαστος γινώσκειν ὑπὲρ αὐτῶν οἴεται, καὶ ἱερεὺς καὶ ἰδιώτης. Θευδάτος δὲ ξυγγενόμενος λάθρα τοῖς πρέσβεσι τούτοις ἀγγέλλειν ἐπέστελλεν Ἰουστινιανῷ βασιλεῖ ἅπερ αὐτῷ βεβουλευμένα εἴη, ἐξειπὼν ὅσα μοι ἄρτι δεδήλωται.

§ 5.3.10 Ἐν τούτῳ δὲ Ἀταλάριχος ἐς κραιπάλην ἐμπεπτωκὼς ὅρον οὐκ ἔχουσαν νοσήματι μαρασμοῦ ἥλω.

§ 5.3.11 διὸ δὴ Ἀμαλασοῦνθα διηπορεῖτο· οὔτε γὰρ ἐπὶ τῇ τοῦ παιδὸς γνώμῃ τὸ θαρσεῖν εἶχεν, εἰς τοῦτο ἀτοπίας ἐληλακότος, ἤν τε αὐτὸς Ἀταλάριχος ἐξ ἀνθρώπων ἀφανίζηται, οὐκ ᾤετο αὐτῇ τὸν βίον ἐν τῷ ἀσφαλεῖ τὸ λοιπὸν ἔσεσθαι, Γότθων τοῖς λογιμωτάτοις προσκεκρουκυίᾳ.

§ 5.3.12 διὸ δὴ τὸ Γότθων τε καὶ Ἰταλιωτῶν κράτος ἐνδιδόναι Ἰουστινιανῷ βασιλεῖ, ὅπως αὐτὴ σώζοιτο, ἤθελεν.

§ 5.3.13 ἐτύγχανε δὲ Ἀλέξανδρος, ἀνὴρ ἐκ βουλῆς, σύν τε Δημητρίῳ καὶ Ὑπατίῳ ἐνταῦθα ἥκων.

§ 5.3.14 ἐπειδὴ γὰρ τὸ μὲν Ἀμαλασούνθης πλοῖον ἐν τῷ Ἐπιδάμνου λιμένι ὁρμίζεσθαι βασιλεὺς ἤκουσεν, αὐτὴν δὲ μέλλειν ἔτι, καίπερ χρόνου τριβέντος συχνοῦ, ἔπεμψε τὸν Ἀλέξανδρον, ἐφ’ ᾧ κατασκεψάμενος ἅπαντα τὰ ἀμφὶ τῇ Ἀμαλασούνθῃ ἀγγείλειε·

§ 5.3.15 τῷ δὲ λόγῳ πρεσβευτὴν τὸν Ἀλέξανδρον βασιλεὺς ἔπεμψε, τοῖς τε ἀμφὶ τῷ Λιλυβαίῳ ξυνταραχθεὶς ʽἅπερ μοι ἐν τοῖς ἔμπροσθεν λόγοις δεδήλωταἰ καὶ ὅτι Οὖννοι δέκα ἐκ τοῦ ἐν Λιβύῃ στρατοπέδου, δρασμοῦ ἐχόμενοι, ἐς Καμπανίαν ἀφίκοντο, Οὐλίαρίς τε αὐτούς, ὃς Νεάπολιν ἐφύλασσεν, Ἀμαλασούνθης οὔτι ἀκουσίου ὑπεδέξατο, Γότθοι τε Γήπαισι τοῖς ἀμφὶ Σίρμιον πολεμοῦντες, πόλει Γρατιανῇ, ἐν τῇ Ἰλλυριῶν ἐσχατιᾷ κειμένῃ, ὡς πολεμίᾳ ἐχρήσαντο.

§ 5.3.16 ἅπερ Ἀμαλασούνθῃ ἐπικαλῶν γράμματά τε γράψας τὸν Ἀλέξανδρον ἔπεμψεν. Ὃς ἐπειδὴ ἐν Ῥώμῃ ἐγένετο, τοὺς μὲν ἱερεῖς αὐτοῦ εἴασε πράσσοντας ὧν ἕνεκα ἦλθον, ἐς δὲ Ῥάβενναν αὐτὸς κομισθεὶς καὶ Ἀμαλασούνθῃ ἐς ὄψιν ἥκων, τούς τε βασιλέως λόγους ἀπήγγειλε λάθρα καὶ τὰ γράμματα ἐς τὸ ἐμφανὲς ἐνεχείρισεν.

§ 5.3.17 ἐδήλου δὲ ἡ γραφὴ τάδε· “Τὸ ἐν Λιλυβαίῳ φρούριον, ἡμέτερον ὄν, βίᾳ λαβοῦσα ἔχεις, καὶ βαρβάρους δραπέτας ἐμοὺς γεγενημένους δεξαμένη ἀποδοῦναι οὔπω καὶ νῦν ἔγνωκας, ἀλλὰ καὶ Γρατιανὴν τὴν ἐμὴν τὰ ἀνήκεστα,

§ 5.3.18 οὐδέν σοι προσῆκον, εἰργάσω. ὅθεν ὥρα σοι ἐκλογίζεσθαι ποία ποτὲ τούτοις τελευτὴ γένοιτο.”

§ 5.3.19 ταῦτα ὡς ἀπενεχθέντα ἡ γυνὴ τὰ γράμματα ἀνελέξατο, ἀμείβεται τοῖσδε· “Βασιλέα μέγαν τε καὶ ἀρετῆς μεταποιούμενον, ὀρφανῷ παιδὶ καὶ ὡς ἥκιστα τῶν πρασσομένων ἐπαισθανομένῳ μᾶλλον ξυλλαβέσθαι εἰκὸς ἢ ἐξ οὐδεμιᾶς αἰτίας διάφορον εἶναι.

§ 5.3.20 ἀγὼν γάρ, ἢν μὴ ἐκ τοῦ ἀντιπάλου ξυσταίη, οὐδὲ τὴν νίκην εὐπρεπῆ φέρει.

§ 5.3.21 σὺ δὲ τὸ Λιλύβαιον Ἀταλαρίχῳ ἐπανασείεις καὶ φυγάδας δέκα καὶ στρατιωτῶν ἐπὶ πολεμίους τοὺς σφετέρους ἰόντων ἁμαρτάδα ξυμπεσοῦσαν ἀγνοίᾳ τινὶ ἐς πόλιν φιλίαν.

§ 5.3.22 μὴ δῆτα, μὴ σύ γε, ὦ βασιλεῦ, ἀλλ’ ἐνθυμοῦ μὲν ὡς, ἡνίκα ἐπὶ Βανδίλους ἐστράτευες, οὐχ ὅσον σοι ἐμποδὼν ἔστημεν, ἀλλὰ καὶ ὁδὸν ἐπὶ τοὺς πολεμίους καὶ ἀγορὰν τῶν ἀναγκαιοτάτων σὺν προθυμίᾳ πολλῇ ἔδομεν, ἄλλων τε καὶ ἵππων τοσούτων τὸ πλῆθος, ἀφ’ ὧν σοι ἡ τῶν ἐχθρῶν ἐπικράτησις μάλιστα γέγονε.

§ 5.3.23 καίτοι ξύμμαχος ἂν καὶ φίλος δικαίως καλοῖτο οὐχ ὃς ἂν τὴν ὁμαιχμίαν ἐς τοὺς πέλας προΐσχοιτο μόνον, ἀλλὰ καὶ ὃς ἄν τῳ ἐς πόλεμον ἕκαστον ὅτου ἂν δέοιτο ὑπουργῶν φαίνοιτο.

§ 5.3.24 ἐκλογίζου δὲ ὡς τηνικαῦτα ὁ στόλος ὁ σὸς οὔτε ἀλλαχῆ ἐκ τοῦ πελάγους εἶχεν ὅτι μὴ Σικελίᾳ προσχεῖν οὔτε τῶν ἐνθένδε ὠνηθέντων χωρὶς εἰς Λιβύην ἰέναι.

§ 5.3.25 ὥστε σοι τὸ τῆς νίκης κεφάλαιον ἐξ ἡμῶν ἐστιν· ὁ γὰρ τοῖς ἀπόροις τὴν λύσιν διδοὺς καὶ τὴν ἐντεῦθεν ἀπόβασιν φέρεσθαι δίκαιος.

§ 5.3.26 τί δὲ ἀνθρώπῳ ἥδιον ἂν ἐχθρῶν ἐπικρατήσεως, ὦ βασιλεῦ, γένοιτο; καὶ μὴν ἐλασσοῦσθαι οὐκ ἐν μετρίοις ἡμῖν ξυμβαίνει, οἵ γε οὐχὶ κατὰ τὸν τοῦ πολέμου νόμον τὸ τῶν λαφύρων νεμόμεθα μέρος.

§ 5.3.27 νῦν δὲ καὶ τὸ Σικελίας Λιλύβαιον, ἄνωθεν Γότθοις προσῆκον, ἀξιοῖς ἀφαιρεῖσθαι ἡμᾶς, πέτραν, ὦ βασιλεῦ, μίαν ὅσον οὐδὲ ἀργυρίου ἀξίαν, ἣν ἀνθυπουργεῖν σε Ἀταλαρίχῳ εἰκός γε ἦν, ἐν τοῖς ἀναγκαιοτάτοις ξυναραμένῳ, εἴπερ ἄνωθεν τῆς

§ 5.3.28 σῆς βασιλείας οὖσα ἐτύγχανε.” ταῦτα μὲν ἐκ τοῦ ἐμφανοῦς Ἀμαλασοῦνθα βασιλεῖ ἔγραψε· λάθρα δὲ αὐτῷ ξύμπασαν Ἰταλίαν ἐγχειριεῖν ὡμολόγησεν.

§ 5.3.29 οἱ δὲ πρέσβεις ἐς Βυζάντιον ἐπανήκοντες ἅπαντα Ἰουστινιανῷ βασιλεῖ ἤγγειλαν· Ἀλέξανδρος μὲν ἅπερ τῇ Ἀμαλασούνθῃ δοκοῦντα εἴη, Δημήτριος δὲ καὶ Ὑπάτιος ὅσα Θευδάτου λέγοντος ἤκουσαν, καὶ ὡς δυνάμει μεγάλῃ ἐν Τούσκοις ὁ Θευδάτος χρώμενος, χώρας τε ἐνταῦθα τῆς πολλῆς κύριος γεγονώς, πόνῳ ἂν οὐδενὶ τὰ ὡμολογημένα ἐπιτελεῖν οἷός τε εἴη.

§ 5.3.30 οἷς δὴ περιχαρὴς γεγονὼς βασιλεὺς Πέτρον, Ἰλλυριὸν γένος, ἐκ Θεσσαλονίκης ὁρμώμενον, ἐς τὴν Ἰταλίαν εὐθὺς ἔστελλεν, ἕνα μὲν ὄντα τῶν ἐν Βυζαντίῳ ῥητόρων, ἄλλως δὲ ξυνετόν τε καὶ πρᾷον καὶ ἐς τὸ πείθειν ἱκανῶς πεφυκότα.

Wars 5.5

§ 5.5.1 Ἐν τούτῳ δὲ Βελισάριον ηὐδοκιμηκέναι κατὰ Γελίμερός τε καὶ Βανδίλων τετύχηκε. βασιλεὺς δὲ τὰ ἀμφὶ Ἀμαλασούνθῃ ξυνενεχθέντα μαθὼν εὐθὺς καθίστατο ἐς τὸν πόλεμον, ἔνατον ἔτος τὴν βασιλείαν ἔχων.

§ 5.5.2 καὶ Μοῦνδον μὲν τὸν Ἰλλυριῶν στρατηγὸν ἔς τε Δαλματίαν ἰέναι, τὴν Γότθων κατήκοον, καὶ Σαλώνων ἀποπειράσασθαι ἐκέλευεν ʽἦν δὲ ὁ Μοῦνδος γένος μὲν βάρβαρος, διαφερόντως δὲ τοῖς τε βασιλέως πράγμασιν εὔνους καὶ ἀγαθὸς τὰ πολέμιἀ, Βελισάριον δὲ ναυσὶν ἔστελλε, στρατιώτας ἐκ μὲν καταλόγων καὶ φοιδεράτων τετρακισχιλίους, ἐκ δὲ Ἰσαύρων τρισχιλίους μάλιστα ἔχοντα.

§ 5.5.3 ἄρχοντες δὲ ἦσαν λόγιμοι μὲν Κωνσταντῖνός τε καὶ Βέσσας, ἐκ τῶν ἐπὶ Θρᾴκης χωρίων, Περάνιος δὲ ἐξ Ἰβηρίας τῆς ἄγχιστα Μήδων, γενόμενος μὲν τῶν ἐκ βασιλέως Ἰβήρων, αὐτόμολος δὲ πρότερον ἐς Ῥωμαίους κατὰ ἔχθος τὸ Περσῶν ἥκων, καταλόγων δὲ ἱππικῶν μὲν Βαλεντῖνός τε καὶ Μάγνος καὶ Ἰννοκέντιος, πεζῶν δὲ Ἡρωδιανός τε καὶ Παῦλος καὶ Δημήτριος καὶ Οὐρσικῖνος, ἀρχηγὸς δὲ Ἰσαύρων Ἔννης.

§ 5.5.4 εἵποντο δὲ καὶ Οὖννοι ξύμμαχοι διακόσιοι καὶ Μαυρούσιοι τριακόσιοι. στρατηγὸς δὲ αὐτοκράτωρ ἐφ’ ἅπασι Βελισάριος ἦν, δορυφόρους τε καὶ ὑπασπιστὰς πολλούς τε καὶ δοκίμους ἔχων.

§ 5.5.5 εἵπετο δὲ αὐτῷ καὶ Φώτιος, ὁ τῆς γυναικὸς Ἀντωνίνης υἱὸς ἐκ γάμων προτέρων, νέος μὲν ὢν ἔτι καὶ πρῶτον ὑπηνήτης, ξυνετώτατος δὲ καὶ φύσεως ἰσχὺν ὑπὲρ τὴν ἡλικίαν δηλώσας.

§ 5.5.6 βασιλεύς τε Βελισαρίῳ ἐπέστελλεν ἐς Καρχηδόνα μὲν τῷ λόγῳ στέλλεσθαι, ἐπειδὰν δὲ ἐς Σικελίαν ἀφίκωνται, ὡς δὴ κατὰ χρείαν τινὰ ἐνταῦθα ἀποβάντας πειρᾶσθαι τῆς νήσου.

§ 5.5.7 καὶ ἢν μὲν δυνατὰ ᾖ ὑποχειρίαν αὐτὴν οὐδενὶ πόνῳ ποιήσασθαι, κατέχειν τε καὶ αὐτῆς μηκέτι μεθίεσθαι· ἢν δέ τι ἐμπόδιον ὑπαντιάσῃ, πλεῖν κατὰ τάχος ἐπὶ Λιβύης, οὐδενὶ αἴσθησιν τῆς βουλήσεως παρεχομένους.

§ 5.5.8 Πέμψας δὲ καὶ παρὰ Φράγγων τοὺς ἡγεμόνας ἔγραψε τάδε· “Γότθοι Ἰταλίαν τὴν ἡμετέραν βίᾳ ἑλόντες οὐχ ὅσον αὐτὴν ἀποδιδόναι οὐδαμῆ ἔγνωσαν, ἀλλὰ καὶ προσηδικήκασιν ἡμᾶς οὔτε φορητὰ οὔτε μέτρια.

§ 5.5.9 διόπερ ἡμεῖς μὲν στρατεύειν ἐπ’ αὐτοὺς ἠναγκάσμεθα, ὑμᾶς δὲ εἰκὸς ξυνδιαφέρειν ἡμῖν πόλεμον τόνδε, ὃν ἡμῖν κοινὸν εἶναι ποιεῖ δόξα τε ὀρθή, ἀποσειομένη τὴν Ἀρειανῶν γνώμην, καὶ τὸ ἐς Γότθους ἀμφοτέρων ἔχθος.”

§ 5.5.10 τοσαῦτα μὲν βασιλεὺς ἔγραψε· καὶ χρήμασιν αὐτοὺς δωρησάμενος, πλείονα δώσειν, ἐπειδὰν ἐν τῷ ἔργῳ γένωνται, ὡμολόγησεν. οἱ δὲ αὐτῷ ξὺν προθυμίᾳ πολλῇ ξυμμαχήσειν ὑπέσχοντο.

§ 5.5.11 Μοῦνδος μὲν οὖν καὶ ἡ ξὺν αὐτῷ στρατιὰ ἐς Δαλματίαν ἀφικόμενοι καὶ Γότθοις τοῖς ἐκείνῃ ὑπαντιάσασιν ἐς χεῖρας ἐλθόντες, νικήσαντές τε τῇ ξυμβολῇ, Σάλωνας ἔσχον.

§ 5.5.12 Βελισάριος δὲ καταπλεύσας ἐς Σικελίαν Κατάνην ἔλαβεν. ἔνθεν τε ὁρμώμενος Συρακούσας τε ὁμολογίᾳ καὶ πόλεις τὰς ἄλλας παρεστήσατο οὐδενὶ πόνῳ· πλήν γε δὴ ὅτι Γότθοι οἳ ἐν Πανόρμῳ φυλακὴν εἶχον, θαρσοῦντες τῷ περιβόλῳ ʽἦν γὰρ ἐχυρὸν τὸ χωρίον’ προσχωρεῖν τε Βελισαρίῳ ἥκιστα ἤθελον καὶ αὐτὸν ἐνθένδε ἀπάγειν τὸν στρατὸν κατὰ τάχος ἐκέλευον.

§ 5.5.13 Βελισάριος δὲ λογισάμενος ἀμήχανον εἶναι διὰ τῆς ἠπείρου τὸ χωρίον ἑλεῖν ἐσπλεῖν τὸν στόλον ἐς τὸν λιμένα ἐκέλευεν ἄχρι ἐς τὸ τεῖχος διήκοντα.

§ 5.5.14 ἦν γὰρ τοῦ τε περιβόλου ἐκτὸς καὶ παντάπασιν ἀνδρῶν ἔρημος. οὗ δὴ τῶν νηῶν ὁρμισαμένων τοὺς ἱστοὺς ξυνέβαινε τῶν ἐπάλξεων καθυπερτέρους εἶναι.

§ 5.5.15 αὐτίκα οὖν τοὺς λέμβους τῶν νηῶν ἅπαντας τοξοτῶν ἐμπλησάμενος ἀπεκρέμασεν ἄκρων ἱστῶν.

§ 5.5.16 ὅθεν δὴ κατὰ κορυφὴν βαλλόμενοι οἱ πολέμιοι ἐς δέος τι ἄμαχον ἦλθον καὶ Πάνορμον εὐθὺς ὁμολογίᾳ Βελισαρίῳ παρέδοσαν.

§ 5.5.17 βασιλεύς τε ἐκ τοῦδε Σικελίαν ὅλην ἐς φόρου ἀπαγωγὴν κατήκοον εἶχε. τῷ δὲ Βελισαρίῳ τότε κρεῖσσον λόγου εὐτύχημα ξυνηνέχθη γενέσθαι.

§ 5.5.18 τῆς γὰρ ὑπατείας λαβὼν τὸ ἀξίωμα ἐπὶ τῷ Βανδίλους νενικηκέναι, ταύτης ἔτι ἐχόμενος, ἐπειδὴ παρεστήσατο Σικελίαν ὅλην, τῇ τῆς ὑπατείας ὑστάτῃ ἡμέρᾳ ἐς τὰς Συρακούσας εἰσήλασε, πρός τε τοῦ στρατοπέδου καὶ Σικελιωτῶν κροτούμενος ἐς τὰ μάλιστα καὶ νόμισμα χρυσοῦ ῥίπτων ἅπασιν.

§ 5.5.19 οὐκ ἐξεπίτηδες μέντοι αὐτῷ πεποίηται τοῦτο, ἀλλά τις τῷ ἀνθρώπῳ ξυνέβη τύχη πᾶσαν ἀνασωσαμένῳ τὴν νῆσον Ῥωμαίοις ἐκείνῃ τῇ ἡμέρᾳ ἐς τὰς Συρακούσας ἐσεληλακέναι, τήν τε τῶν ὑπάτων ἀρχήν, οὐχ ᾗπερ εἰώθει ἐν τῷ Βυζαντίου βουλευτηρίῳ, ἀλλ’ ἐνταῦθα καταθεμένῳ ἐξ ὑπάτων γενέσθαι. Βελισαρίῳ μὲν οὖν οὕτω δὴ εὐημερῆσαι ξυνέτυχεν.

Source Colophon

Greek source text from the PerseusDL canonical Greek repository file tlg4029.tlg001.perseus-grc2.xml, inspected locally for this translation unit.

🌲