Sclaveni, Antae, and the False Chilbudius

This Good Works Translation continues the Book 7 Procopius dossier passages from the Greek.

The unit belongs to the Scythian shelf because it preserves one of Procopius' major accounts of Sclaveni and Antae society: their crossings of the Ister, the fall of Chilbudius, the false Chilbudius affair, their assembly politics, religion, arms, language, appearance, Massagetae comparison, Hunnic character, and Justinian's attempt to settle them at Turris as a barrier against the Huns.

The translation is newly made from the Greek source text printed below. Dewing's public-domain English translation was used only as a control.

Translation

Wars 7.13.1-26

After these things Totila marched against Rome; and when he came near the city he settled into a siege. Yet he did no injury to the farmers, either there or throughout all Italy, but ordered them to cultivate the land without fear, as they had always done, bringing to him the taxes which they had previously brought to the public treasury and to the owners of the estates.

When certain Goths came very close to the circuit-wall of Rome, Artasires and Barbation, drawing a large number of their followers after them, made a sally against them, though Bessas in no way approved of it.

At once they killed many of them and turned the rest to flight. But as they followed them and let the pursuit carry them a very long way, they ran into ambushes set by the enemy.

There they lost most of their men, and they themselves escaped with difficulty, accompanied by only a few. After that they no longer dared to go out against their opponents, even when the enemy pressed them hard.

From this time a cruel famine held the Romans, since they were no longer able to bring in necessities from the country, and the traffic by sea had been cut off.

For after the Goths had captured Naples, they had stationed a fleet of many light vessels there, and at the so-called Aeolian islands, and at the other islands lying off that shore, and by means of these they kept close watch over the sea passage.

Therefore every ship that put out from Sicily and began to sail toward the harbor of Rome fell into the hands of these patrols, crews and all.

Totila now sent an army into Aemilia, ordering it to take the city of Placentia, either by assault or by agreement.

This is the leading city in the country of Aemilia. It is strongly fortified, lies on the river Eridanus, and was the only city still left in that region under Roman power.

When this army came near Placentia, they offered terms to the garrison there, so that they might hand the city over by agreement to Totila and the Goths.

But when they got nowhere, they made camp there and began a siege, seeing that the people inside the city were short of provisions.

At that time a suspicion of treason against Cethegus, a patrician and leader of the Roman senate, arose among the commanders of the emperor's army in Rome. For this reason he hurried away to Centumcellae.

Belisarius, meanwhile, became anxious both for Rome and for the whole Roman cause, since there was no way to aid them from Ravenna in any case, and least of all with a small army. He therefore decided to leave that place and take possession of the district around Rome, so that by being near at hand he might be able to assist those who were in trouble there.

Indeed he repented that he had ever come to Ravenna at all. He had done this earlier because Vitalius persuaded him, and not to the advantage of the emperor's cause; for by shutting himself up in that place he had given the enemy freedom to arrange the war as they wished.

To me it seemed either that Belisarius chose the worse course because it was fated then that the Romans should fare badly, or that he had indeed resolved upon the better course, but God, intending to assist Totila and the Goths, stood in his way, so that even Belisarius' best plans turned out completely contrary to his expectation.

For those upon whom fortune blows from a favorable quarter, even if they make the worst plans, meet with no disaster, because Heaven changes those plans and brings them to an altogether fortunate issue.

But a man who lies under hostile fortune, I think, has no power at all to plan wisely; his understanding and his insight into the truth are stripped from him by the fact that he is fated to suffer ill.

And if he should ever devise a plan fitted to the need, fortune at once breathes against him after the plan has been made, and twists the wise intention into the most disastrous result.

Whether this is so or otherwise, I cannot say.

Belisarius therefore appointed Justinus commander of the garrison in Ravenna, and he himself, with only a few men, went from there through Dalmatia and the neighboring lands to Epidamnus. There he remained quiet, expecting an army from Byzantium.

He wrote a letter to the emperor and reported the present situation. Not long afterward, therefore, the emperor sent him John, the nephew of Vitalian, and Isaac the Armenian, brother of Aratius and Narses, together with an army of barbarian and Roman soldiers.

These troops reached Epidamnus and joined Belisarius there. The emperor also sent Narses the eunuch to the rulers of the Eruli, in order to persuade most of them to march to Italy.

Many of the Eruli followed him, under the command of Philemuth and certain others, and came with him into the land of Thrace. The plan was that, after spending the winter there, they would be sent to Belisarius at the opening of spring.

John also accompanied them, the man whom they called the Glutton. On this journey an unexpected chance befell them, and brought great good to the Romans.

For a large throng of barbarian Sclaveni had recently crossed the river Ister, plundered the lands on that side, and enslaved a very great multitude of Romans.

The Eruli suddenly came to blows with them and, contrary to expectation, defeated men who exceeded them by a great measure in number. They killed them, and released all the captives to go back to their own homes.

At that time Narses also found a man who was making fraudulent use of the name of Chilbudius, an illustrious man who had once served as general of the Romans, and he was easily able to expose the plot. What this matter was, I shall explain at once.

Wars 7.14.1-36

There was a certain Chilbudius from the household of the Emperor Justinian, exceedingly vigorous in war and at the same time so superior to money that, instead of a very great estate among his possessions, he possessed nothing at all.

When the emperor was in the fourth year of his rule, he proclaimed this Chilbudius general of Thrace and stationed him to guard the river Ister. He ordered him to keep watch so that the river would no longer be passable for the barbarians there, since the Huns, Antae, and Sclaveni had already crossed it many times and had done irreparable harm to the Romans.

Chilbudius became so terrifying to the barbarians that for the space of three years, so long as he spent his time there with this office, not only was no one able to cross the Ister against the Romans, but the Romans themselves often crossed with Chilbudius into the mainland opposite, and killed and enslaved the barbarians there.

But three years later Chilbudius crossed the river, as he was accustomed to do, with a small army, and the Sclaveni came against him with their whole people.

A fierce battle took place. Many of the Romans fell, and with them Chilbudius the general.

From that time the river became easy for the barbarians to cross whenever they wished, and the possessions of the Romans lay ready to their hands. The whole Roman empire proved unable to match the excellence of one man in this task.

Later the Antae and the Sclaveni fell into hostility with one another and joined battle. In this battle it happened that the Antae were defeated by their opponents.

In that fight one of the Sclaveni took captive a young enemy named Chilbudius, whose beard was just beginning to grow, and led him away to his own home.

As time went on this Chilbudius became devoted to his master beyond all measure, and proved a bold man in war against the enemy.

For many times he put himself in danger on behalf of his master, and by displaying deeds of courage he became very famous.

About this same time the Antae made a descent upon Thrace, plundered it, and enslaved many of the Roman inhabitants, whom they led away with them when they returned to their native country.

By chance one of these captives came into the hands of a master who was kindly and gentle.

This man was a great rogue, able to get round and deceive those who fell in his way.

Since he could find no device by which to return to the land of the Romans, although he strongly desired it, he contrived the following scheme.

Coming before his master, he praised him for his kindness and said that because of it God would grant him great blessings; he himself, he said, would not prove ungrateful to so good a master.

If only the master were willing to listen to the excellent advice he had to offer, he would shortly put him in possession of a great sum of money.

For among the nation of the Sclaveni, he said, there was one Chilbudius, formerly a general of the Romans, living in slavery, while all the barbarians were ignorant of who in the world he was.

If, then, the master were willing to pay the price demanded for Chilbudius and bring the man into the land of the Romans, it was likely that he would gain from the emperor not only a splendid reputation but also an immense amount of money.

With these words the Roman quickly persuaded his master, and he went with him into the midst of the Sclaveni. For these barbarians were by now at peace with one another and mixed together without fear.

Thus they were able, after paying a large sum of money to the master of Chilbudius, to purchase the man, and they departed at once with him.

When they had reached their own country, the man who had bought him asked whether he himself was Chilbudius, the Roman general.

He did not hesitate to tell the whole truth in order. He said that he too was by birth one of the Antae; that, while fighting with his fellow-countrymen against the Sclaveni, who were then at war with them, he had been captured by one of the enemy; and that now, since he had come into his native land, he too would from that time on be free according to the law.

At this, the man who had paid gold for him was struck speechless with vexation, seeing that he had failed of no small hope.

But the Roman, wishing to encourage the man and to fight down the truth, so that no obstacle might arise to prevent his own return home, still insisted that this man was in fact that Chilbudius. Plainly, he said, because he was among the barbarians, he was afraid and therefore quite unwilling to reveal the whole truth; but if he should come into the land of the Romans, he would not only cease concealing the truth, but in all likelihood would even glory in that very name.

At first these things were done without the knowledge of the other barbarians.

But when the report was carried about and reached the whole nation, nearly all the Antae gathered to deliberate about the matter.

They demanded that the affair be made public, believing that great advantage would come to them from the fact that they had now become masters of Chilbudius, the Roman general.

For these nations, the Sclaveni and the Antae, are not ruled by one man; they have lived from ancient times under a popular government, and for this reason everything that concerns their advantage, whether good or bad, is brought before the people.

In almost all other matters too these two barbarian peoples have had the same institutions and customs from olden times.

They believe that one god, the maker of the lightning, is the only lord of all things, and they sacrifice cattle and all other victims to him.

As for fate, they neither know it nor admit in any way that it has power among men. Whenever death stands close beside them, either when they are seized by sickness or when they are entering upon war, they promise that, if they escape, they will at once make a sacrifice to the god in return for their life.

If they escape, they sacrifice what they promised, and suppose that their safety has been bought by that same sacrifice.

They also revere rivers and nymphs and certain other spirits; they sacrifice to all of these as well, and they make their divinations in connection with these sacrifices.

They live in miserable huts, which they set up far apart from one another, and in general each man is always changing the place where he lives.

When they enter battle, most of them go against the enemy on foot, carrying small shields and javelins in their hands, but they never put on corselets.

Some of them do not even wear a tunic or cloak, but draw their trousers up only as far as their private parts and so enter battle against their opponents.

Both peoples also have the same language, a wholly barbarian tongue.

Nor do they differ from one another at all in appearance. They are all exceptionally tall and strong men; their bodies and hair are neither very fair or blond, nor do they altogether tend toward the dark, but all are somewhat ruddy in color.

They live a hard life, taking no account of bodily comforts, just as the Massagetae do, and like them they are at all times covered with dirt. Yet they are in no way wicked or malicious; instead they preserve the Hunnic character in its simplicity.

Indeed in ancient times the Sclaveni and the Antae had one name, for both were formerly called Spori, because, I suppose, since they live scattered, one apart from another, they inhabit their land in a dispersed fashion.

Because of this they also hold a great amount of land; for they alone inhabit the greater part of the northern bank of the Ister.

So much may be said concerning these peoples.

On the present occasion, then, the Antae assembled, as has been said, and tried to compel this man to agree with them that he was Chilbudius himself, the Roman general. They threatened to punish him if he denied it.

While this matter was proceeding in the way described, the Emperor Justinian meanwhile sent envoys to these same barbarians, through whom he declared his desire that they should all settle in an ancient city named Turris, which lies north of the river Ister.

This city had been built in earlier times by the Roman emperor Trajan, but for a long time it had stood uninhabited, after it had been plundered by the barbarians of that region.

The Emperor Justinian agreed to give them this city and the land around it, on the ground that it had belonged to the Romans from the beginning. He also agreed to help them with all his power in settling there, and to give them large sums of money, on condition that, as treaty partners from that time onward, they should always stand in the way of the Huns whenever these wished to invade Roman territory.

When the barbarians heard these things, they approved and promised to do everything, provided that he would restore Chilbudius to the generalship of the Romans and give him to them as fellow-founder of the settlement, firmly maintaining, because they wished it to be so, that this man was Chilbudius.

Lifted up by these hopes, the man himself now also wished and claimed to be Chilbudius, the Roman general. As he was being sent to Byzantium for this purpose, Narses encountered him on this journey.

When Narses met him and found the man playing the impostor, although he spoke the Latin tongue and had already learned many of Chilbudius' distinguishing marks and was able to imitate them well, he confined him in prison and compelled him to tell the whole story. Then he brought him to Byzantium in his own train.

But I shall return to the point from which I have digressed.

Colophon

This Good Works Translation was prepared for the Scythian shelf by the New Tianmu Anglican Church from the Greek source text printed below. The Greek text was downloaded from the PerseusDL canonical Greek repository as tlg4029.tlg001.perseus-grc2.xml and inspected locally. Dewing's public-domain English, preserved in the local ToposText capture and Ready archival dossier, was used only as a control.

This is the twentieth unit in the Procopius Wars steppe and Black Sea translation dossier, and the fourth Book 7 unit.

Compiled and formatted for the Good Work Library by the New Tianmu Anglican Church, 2026.

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Source Text: Procopius, Wars 7.13.1-26 and 7.14.1-36

Greek source text from Procopius, Wars 7.13-14. Presented here for reference, study, and verification alongside the English translation above.

Wars 7.13

§ 7.13.1 Μετὰ δὲ Τουτίλας ἐπὶ Ῥώμην ᾔει, καὶ ἐπεὶ ἀγχοῦ ἐγένετο, ἐς πολιορκίαν καθίστατο· τοὺς μέντοι γεωργοὺς οὐδὲν ἄχαρι ἀνὰ πᾶσαν τὴν Ἰταλίαν εἰργάσατο, ἀλλὰ τὴν γῆν ἀδεῶς ἐκέλευεν, ᾗπερ εἰώθασιν, ἐς ἀεὶ γεωργεῖν, τοὺς φόρους αὐτῷ ἀποφέροντας ὅσους τὸ πρότερον ἔς τε τὸ δημόσιον καὶ ἐς τοὺς κεκτημένους ἀποφέρειν ἠξίουν.

§ 7.13.2 Γότθων δέ τινων ἄγχιστα τοῦ Ῥώμης περιβόλου ἀφικομένων Ἀρτασίρης τε καὶ Βαρβατίων, πολλούς τε τῶν ἑπομένων ἐπαγαγόμενοι, Βέσσα ὡς ἥκιστα ἐπαινοῦντος, ἐπεκδρομὴν ἐπ’ αὐτοὺς ἐποιήσαντο.

§ 7.13.3 καὶ πολλοὺς μὲν εὐθὺς ἔκτειναν, τοὺς δὲ λοιποὺς ἐς φυγὴν ἔτρεψαν. οἷς δὴ ἐπισπόμενοι, ἔς τε τὴν δίωξιν ἐπὶ πλεῖστον ἐκπεπτωκότες ἐνέδραις ὑπὸ τῶν πολεμίων ἐνέτυχον.

§ 7.13.4 οὗ δὴ τοὺς πλείστους ἀποβαλόντες αὐτοὶ ξὺν ὀλίγοις τισὶ διέφυγον μόλις, καὶ τὸ λοιπὸν ἐπεξιέναι τοῖς ἐναντίοις, καίπερ ἐγκειμένοις, οὐκέτι ἐτόλμων.

§ 7.13.5 Καὶ ἀπ’ αὐτοῦ λιμός τις ἀκριβὴς τοὺς Ῥωμαιους ἐπίεζεν, οὐκέτι δυναμένους τι τῶν ἀναγκαίων ἐκ τῶν ἀγρῶν εἰσκομίζεσθαι, καὶ τῶν ἐκ θαλάσσης ἀποκεκλεισμένων φορτίων.

§ 7.13.6 ἐπειδὴ γὰρ Γότθοι Νεάπολιν εἷλον, ναυτικὸν ἐνταῦθα καταστησάμενοι ἀκάτων πολλῶν κἀν ταῖς νήσοις ταῖς Αἰόλου καλουμέναις καὶ ὅσαι ἄλλαι τῇδε ἐπίκεινται, ἐς τὸ ἀκριβὲς τὸν διάπλουν ἐφύλασσον.

§ 7.13.7 ὅσαι οὖν νῆες ἐκ Σικελίας ἀναγόμεναι ἔπλεον ἐπὶ τὸν Ῥωμαίων λιμένα, πᾶσαι γεγόνασιν αὐτοῖς ἀνδράσιν ὑπὸ ταῖς ἐκείνων χερσί.

§ 7.13.8 Τουτίλας δὲ στράτευμα ἐς Αἰμιλίαν πέμψας, πόλιν Πλακεντίαν ἐξελεῖν ἢ βίᾳ ἢ ὁμολογίᾳ ἐκέλευεν.

§ 7.13.9 αὕτη δὲ πρώτη μέν ἐστιν Αἰμιλίων τῆς χώρας, ὀχύρωμα ἰσχυρὸν ἔχουσα. πρὸς δὲ τῷ ποταμῷ Ἠριδανῷ κεῖται καὶ μόνη τῶν τῇδε χωρίων Ῥωμαίων κατήκοος οὖσα ἔτι ἐλέλειπτο.

§ 7.13.10 ἐπεὶ δὲ ὁ στρατὸς οὗτος Πλακεντίας ἀγχοῦ ἐγένοντο, λόγους προὔφερον τοῖς ἐνταῦθα φρουροῖς, ὅπως τὴν πόλιν ὁμολογίᾳ Τουτίλᾳ τε καὶ Γότθοις ἐνδοῖεν.

§ 7.13.11 ὡς δὲ οὐδὲν σφίσι προὐχώρει, αὐτοῦ ἐνστρατοπεδευσάμενοι ἐς πολιορκίαν καθίσταντο, τῶν ἐπιτηδείων ἐνδεῖν τοὺς ἐν τῇ πόλει αἰσθόμενοι.

§ 7.13.12 Τότε τοῖς ἐν Ῥώμῃ τοῦ βασιλέως στρατοῦ ἄρχουσιν ὑποψία προδοσίας πέρι ἐγένετο ἐς Κέθηγον, πατρίκιον ἄνδρα καὶ πρῶτον τῆς Ῥωμαίων βουλῆς. διὸ δὴ ἐς Κεντουκέλλας ἀπιὼν ᾤχετο.

§ 7.13.13 Βελισάριος δὲ περί τε τῇ Ῥώμῃ καὶ τοῖς ὅλοις πράγμασι δείσας, ἐπεὶ ἐκ Ῥαβέννης ἀμύνειν ἄλλως τε καὶ στρατῷ ὀλίγῳ ἀδύνατα ἦν, ἀπανίστασθαί τε ἐνθένδε καὶ τὰ ἐπὶ Ῥώμης χωρία καταλαβεῖν ἔγνω, ὅπως δὴ ἀγχοῦ γενόμενος τοῖς ταύτῃ κάμνουσιν ἐπιβοηθεῖν οἷός τε εἴη.

§ 7.13.14 καί οἱ τὸ κατ’ ἀρχὰς ἐς Ῥάβενναν ἀφικομένῳ μετέμελεν, ἃ δὴ Βιταλίῳ ἀναπεισθεὶς ἔδρασε πρότερον οὐκ ἐπὶ τῷ τῶν βασιλέως πραγμάτων ξυμφόρῳ, ἐπεὶ ἐνταῦθα καθείρξας αὑτὸν ἐδεδώκει τοῖς πολεμίοις κατ’ ἐξουσίαν τὴν τοῦ πολέμου διοικεῖσθαι ῥοπήν.

§ 7.13.15 καί μοι ἔδοξεν ἢ Βελισάριον ἑλέσθαι τὰ χείρω, ἐπεὶ χρῆν τότε Ῥωμαίοις γενέσθαι κακῶς, ἢ βεβουλεῦσθαι μὲν αὐτὸν τὰ βελτίω, ἐμπόδιον δὲ τὸν θεὸν γεγονέναι, Τουτίλᾳ τε καὶ Γότθοις ἐπικουρεῖν ἐν νῷ ἔχοντα, καὶ ἀπ’ αὐτοῦ τῶν βουλευμάτων τὰ βέλτιστα ἐς πᾶν τοὐναντίον Βελισαρίῳ ἀποκεκρίσθαι.

§ 7.13.16 οἷς μὲν γὰρ ἐπιπνεῖ ἐξ οὐρίας τὸ πνεῦμα τῆς τύχης καὶ τὰ χείριστα βουλευομένοις οὐδὲν ἀπαντιάσει δεινόν, ἀντιπεριάγοντος αὐτὰ τοῦ δαιμονίου ἐς πᾶν ξύμφορον·

§ 7.13.17 ἀνδρὶ δέ, οἶμαι, κακοτυχοῦντι εὐβουλία οὐδαμῆ πάρεστι, παραιρουμένου αὐτὸν ἐπιστήμην τε καὶ ἀληθῆ δόξαν τοῦ χρῆναι παθεῖν.

§ 7.13.18 ἢν δέ τι καὶ βουλεύσηταί ποτε τῶν δεόντων, ἀλλὰ πνέουσα τῷ βουλεύσαντι ἀπ’ ἐναντίας εὐθὺς ἡ τύχη ἀντιστρέφει αὐτῷ τὴν εὐβουλίαν ἐπὶ τὰ πονηρότατα τῶν ἀποβάσεων.

§ 7.13.19 ἀλλὰ ταῦτα μὲν εἴτε ταύτῃ εἴτε ἐκείνῃ ἔχει οὐκ ἔχω εἰπεῖν. Βελισάριος δὲ Ἰουστῖνον ἐπὶ τῇ Ῥαβέννης φυλακῇ καταστησάμενος ξὺν ὀλίγοις τισὶν αὐτὸς ἐνθένδε διά τε Δαλματίας καὶ τῶν ταύτῃ χωρίων κομίζεται ἐς Ἐπίδαμνον, ἵνα δὴ στράτευμα ἐκ Βυζαντίου καραδοκῶν ἡσυχῆ ἔμενε. γράψας τε βασιλεῖ γράμματα, τύχας τὰς παρούσας ἐσήγγελλεν.

§ 7.13.20 ὁ δέ οἱ οὐ πολλῷ ὕστερον Ἰωάννην τε τὸν Βιταλιανοῦ ἀνεψιὸν καὶ Ἰσαάκην Ἀρμένιον Ἀρατίου τε καὶ Ναρσοῦ ἀδελφὸν ξὺν στρατῷ ἔπεμψε βαρβάρων τε καὶ Ῥωμαίων στρατιωτῶν.

§ 7.13.21 οἳ δὴ ἐς Ἐπίδαμνον ἀφικόμενοι Βελισαρίῳ ξυνέμιξαν. Καὶ Ναρσῆν δὲ τὸν εὐνοῦχον παρὰ τῶν Ἐρούλων τοὺς ἄρχοντας ἔπεμψεν, ἐφ’ ᾧ δὴ αὐτῶν τοὺς πολλοὺς πείσει ἐς Ἰταλίαν στρατεύεσθαι.

§ 7.13.22 καὶ αὐτῷ τῶν Ἐρούλων πολλοὶ εἵποντο, ὧν ἄλλοι τε καὶ Φιλημοὺθ ἦρχον καὶ ξὺν αὐτῷ ἐς τὰ ἐπὶ Θρᾴκης χωρία ἦλθον. ἐνταῦθα γὰρ διαχειμάσαντες ἔμελλον ἅμα ἦρι ἀρχομένῳ παρὰ Βελισάριον στέλλεσθαι.

§ 7.13.23 ξυνῆν δὲ αὐτοῖς καὶ Ἰωάννης, ὃν ἐπίκλησιν ἐκάλουν Φαγᾶν. καὶ αὐτοῖς ἐν ταύτῃ τῇ πορείᾳ ξυνέβη τις τύχη μεγάλα Ῥωμαίους ἀγαθὰ ἐκ τοῦ ἀπροσδοκήτου ἐργάσασθαι.

§ 7.13.24 βαρβάρων γὰρ Σκλαβηνῶν πολὺς ὅμιλος ἔτυχον ἔναγχος διαβάντες μὲν ποταμὸν Ἴστρον, ληϊσάμενοι δὲ τὰ ἐκείνῃ χωρία καὶ Ῥωμαίων ἐξανδραποδίσαντες πάμπολυ πλῆθος.

§ 7.13.25 οἷς δὴ Ἔρουλοι ἐκ τοῦ αἰφνιδίου ἐς χεῖρας ἐλθόντες, νικήσαντές τε παρὰ δόξαν μέτρῳ σφᾶς πολλῷ ὑπεραίροντας, αὐτούς τε κτείνουσι καὶ τοὺς αἰχμαλώτους ἐς τὰ οἰκεῖα ξύμπαντας ἀφῆκαν ἰέναι.

§ 7.13.26 τότε δὲ ὁ Ναρσῆς καί τινα εὑρὼν ἐπιβατεύοντα τοῦ Χιλβουδίου ὀνόματος, ἀνδρὸς ἐπιφανοῦς καὶ Ῥωμαίων ποτὲ στρατηγήσαντος, διελέγξαι τὴν ἐπιβουλὴν ῥᾳδίως ἔσχε. τοῦτο δὲ ὅ τί ποτε ἦν αὐτίκα δηλώσω.

Wars 7.14

§ 7.14.1 Χιλβούδιος ἦν τις ἐκ τῆς Ἰουστινιανοῦ βασιλέως οἰκίας ἐσάγαν μὲν δραστήριος τὰ πολέμια, ἐς τόσον δὲ χρημάτων κρείσσων ὥστε ἀντὶ μεγίστου κτήματος ἐν τῇ οὐσίᾳ τῇ αὑτοῦ εἶχε τὸ κεκτῆσθαι μηδέν·

§ 7.14.2 τοῦτον βασιλεὺς τὸν Χιλβούδιον, ὅτε δὴ τέταρτον ἔτος τὴν αὐτοκράτορα εἶχεν ἀρχήν, Θρᾴκης στρατηγὸν ἀνειπών, ἐπὶ τῇ τοῦ Ἴστρου ποταμοῦ φυλακῇ κατεστήσατο, φυλάσσειν κελεύσας ὅπως μηκέτι τοῖς ταύτῃ βαρβάροις ὁ ποταμὸς διαβατὸς ἔσται, ἐπεὶ αὐτοῦ τὴν διάβασιν πολλάκις ἤδη Οὖννοί τε καὶ Ἄνται καὶ Σκλαβηνοὶ πεποιημένοι ἀνήκεστα Ῥωμαίους ἔργα εἰργάσαντο.

§ 7.14.3 Χιλβούδιος δὲ οὕτω τοῖς βαρβάροις φοβερὸς γέγονεν ὥστε ἐς τριῶν ἐνιαυτῶν χρόνον, ὅσον ξὺν ταύτῃ δὴ τῇ τιμῇ τὴν διατριβὴν ἐνταῦθα εἶχεν, οὐχ ὅσον διαβῆναι τὸν Ἴστρον ἐπὶ τοὺς Ῥωμαίους οὐδεὶς ἴσχυσεν, ἀλλὰ καὶ Ῥωμαῖοι ἐς ἤπειρον τὴν ἀντιπέρας σὺν Χιλβουδίῳ πολλάκις ἰόντες ἔκτεινάν τε καὶ ἠνδραπόδισαν τοὺς ταύτῃ βαρβάρους.

§ 7.14.4 ἐνιαυτοῖς δὲ τρισὶν ὕστερον διέβη μὲν ὁ Χιλβούδιος τὸν ποταμὸν ᾗπερ εἰώθει ξὺν ὀλίγῳ στρατῷ, Σκλαβηνοὶ δὲ πανδημεὶ ὑπηντίαζον.

§ 7.14.5 μάχης τε καρτερᾶς γενομένης Ῥωμαίων τε πολλοὶ ἔπεσον καὶ Χιλβούδιος ὁ στρατηγός.

§ 7.14.6 καὶ τὸ λοιπὸν ὅ τε ποταμὸς ἐσβατὸς ἀεὶ τοῖς βαρβάροις κατ’ ἐξουσίαν καὶ τὰ Ῥωμαίων πράγματα εὐέφοδα γέγονε, ξύμπασά τε ἡ Ῥωμαίων ἀρχὴ ἀνδρὸς ἑνὸς ἀρετῇ ἀντίρροπος γενέσθαι ἐν τῷ ἔργῳ τούτῳ οὐδαμῆ ἴσχυσε.

§ 7.14.7 Χρόνῳ δὲ ὕστερον Ἄνται καὶ Σκλαβηνοὶ διάφοροι ἀλλήλοις γενόμενοι ἐς χεῖρας ἦλθον, ἔνθα δὴ τοῖς Ἄνταις ἡσσηθῆναι τῶν ἐναντίων τετύχηκεν.

§ 7.14.8 ἐν ταύτῃ δὲ τῇ μάχῃ Σκλαβηνὸς ἀνὴρ τῶν τινα πολεμίων ἄρτι γενειάσκοντα, Χιλβούδιον ὄνομα, αἰχμάλωτον εἷλεν, ἔς τε τὰ οἰκεῖα λαβὼν ᾤχετο.

§ 7.14.9 οὗτος ὁ Χιλβούδιος προϊόντος τοῦ χρόνου εὔνους τε ὡς ἔνι μάλιστα τῷ κεκτημένῳ ἐγένετο καὶ τὰ ἐς τοὺς πολεμίους δραστήριος.

§ 7.14.10 πολλάκις τε τοῦ δεσπότου προκινδυνεύσας ἠρίστευσέ τε διαφερόντως καὶ κλέος ἴσχυσε περιβαλέσθαι ἀπ’ αὐτοῦ μέγα.

§ 7.14.11 ὑπὸ δὲ τὸν χρόνον τοῦτον Ἄνται ἐπισκήψαντες εἰς τὰ ἐπὶ Θράκης χωρία πολλοὺς ἐληΐσαντο καὶ ἠνδραπόδισαν τῶν ἐκείνῃ Ῥωμαίων. οὕσπερ ἐπαγόμενοι ἀπεκομίσθησαν εἰς τὰ πάτρια ἤθη.

§ 7.14.12 Τούτων δὲ ἕνα τῶν αἰχμαλώτων εἰς φιλάνθρωπόν τινα ἤγαγεν ἡ τύχη καὶ πρᾷον δεσπότην. ἦν δὲ οὗτος ἀνὴρ κακοῦργός τε λίαν καὶ οἷος ἀπάτῃ τοὺς ἐντυχόντας περιελθεῖν.

§ 7.14.13 ἐπειδή τε βουλόμενος ἐπανήκειν ἐς Ῥωμαίων τὴν γῆν οὐδεμιᾷ μηχανῇ εἶχεν, ἐπενόει τοιάδε. τῷ κεκτημένῳ ἐς ὄψιν ἥκων τῆς τε φιλανθρωπίας ἐπῄνεσε καὶ πολλὰ μέν οἱ διὰ τοῦτο πρὸς τοῦ θεοῦ ἰσχυρίσατο τἀγαθὰ ἔσεσθαι, καὶ αὐτὸν δὲ οὐδαμῆ ἀχάριστον δεσπότῃ φιλανθρωποτάτῳ φανήσεσθαι, ἀλλ̓, ἤν γε αὐτῷ τὰ βέλτιστα εἰσηγουμένῳ ἐπακούειν ἐθέλῃ, κύριον αὐτὸν οὐκ εἰς μακρὰν καταστήσεσθαι χρημάτων μεγάλων.

§ 7.14.14 εἶναι γὰρ ἐν τῷ Σκλαβηνῶν ἔθνει Χιλβούδιον, τὸν Ῥωμαίων στρατηγήσαντα, ἐν ἀνδραπόδων λόγῳ, πάντας βαρβάρους λανθάνοντα ὅστις ποτέ ἐστιν.

§ 7.14.15 ἢν τοίνυν αὐτῷ βουλομένῳ εἴη προέσθαι τε τὰς τοῦ Χιλβουδίου τιμὰς καὶ διακομίζειν τὸν ἄνθρωπον ἐς Ῥωμαίων τὴν γῆν, δόξαν τε ἀγαθὴν καὶ πλούτου αὐτὸν πάμπολυ χρῆμα περιβαλέσθαι πρὸς βασιλέως οὐκ ἀπεικὸς εἶναι.

§ 7.14.16 ταῦτα ὁ Ῥωμαῖος εἰπὼν τὸν κεκτημένον εὐθὺς ἔπεισε, καὶ ξὺν αὐτῷ γίνεται ἐν Σκλαβηνοῖς μέσοις· ἐπεκηρυκεύοντο γὰρ ἤδη καὶ ἀλλήλοις ἀνεμίγνυντο ἀδεῶς οἱ βάρβαροι οὗτοι. χρήματα γοῦν πολλὰ τῷ Χιλβούδιον κεκτημένῳ προέμενοι τὸν ἄνδρα ὠνοῦντο καὶ ξὺν αὐτῷ ἀπιόντες εὐθὺς ᾤχοντο.

§ 7.14.17 ἐπεί τε ἐν ἤθεσι τοῖς σφετέροις ἐγένοντο, ἀνεπυνθάνετο τοῦ ἀνθρώπου ὁ πριάμενος, εἰ Χιλβούδιος αὐτὸς ὁ Ῥωμαίων στρατηγὸς εἴη.

§ 7.14.18 καὶ ὃς οὐκ ἀπηξίου τὰ ὄντα καταλέγειν ξὺν τῷ ἀληθεῖ λόγῳ ἐφεξῆς ἅπαντα, ὡς εἴη μὲν καὶ αὐτὸς Αντης τὸ γένος, μαχόμενος δὲ ξὺν τοῖς ὁμογενέσι πρὸς Σκλαβηνούς, τότε πολεμίους σφίσιν ὄντας, πρός του τῶν ἐναντίων ἁλῴη, τανῦν δέ, ἐπεὶ ἀφίκετο ἐς τὰ πάτρια ἤθη, ἐλεύθερος τὸ λοιπὸν κατά γε τὸν νόμον καὶ αὐτὸς ἔσται.

§ 7.14.19 Ὁ μὲν οὖν ὑπὲρ αὐτοῦ χρυσίον προέμενος εἰς ἀφασίαν ἐμπεπτωκὼς ἤσχαλλεν, ἐλπίδος ἀποτυχὼν οὐ μετρίας τινός.

§ 7.14.20 ὁ δὲ Ῥωμαῖος τόν τε ἄνθρωπον παρηγορεῖν τήν τε ἀλήθειαν ἐκκρούειν ἐθέλων, ὡς μή τι αὐτῷ τῆς ἐς τὴν οἰκείαν ἐπανόδου χαλεπὸν εἴη, Χιλβούδιον μὲν ἐκεῖνον ἔτι τοῦτον δὴ τὸν ἄνδρα ἰσχυρίζετο εἶναι, δεδιότα δὲ ἅτε δὴ ὄντα ἐν μέσοις βαρβάροις ὡς ἥκιστα ἐθέλειν ἀποκαλύψαι τὸν πάντα λόγον, ἢν μέντοι γένηται ἐν γῇ τῇ Ῥωμαίων, οὐχ ὅσον οὐκ ἀποκρύψεσθαι τὸν ἀληθῆ λόγον, ἀλλὰ καὶ φιλοτιμήσεσθαι, ὡς τὸ εἰκός, ἐπὶ τούτῳ δὴ τῷ ὀνόματι. τὰ μὲν οὖν πρῶτα κρύφα ταῦτα ἐπράσσετο τῶν ἄλλων βαρβάρων.

§ 7.14.21 Ἐπεὶ δὲ ὁ λόγος περιφερόμενος ἐς ἅπαντας ἦλθεν, ἠγείροντο μὲν ἐπὶ τούτῳ Ἄνται σχεδὸν ἅπαντες, κοινὴν δὲ εἶναι τὴν πρᾶξιν ἠξίουν, μεγάλα σφίσιν οἰόμενοι ἀγαθὰ ἔσεσθαι, κυρίοις ἤδη τοῦ Ῥωμαίων στρατηγοῦ Χιλβουδίου γεγενημένοις.

§ 7.14.22 τὰ γὰρ ἔθνη ταῦτα, Σκλαβηνοί τε καὶ Ἄνται, οὐκ ἄρχονται πρὸς ἀνδρὸς ἑνός, ἀλλ’ ἐν δημοκρατίᾳ ἐκ παλαιοῦ βιοτεύουσι, καὶ διὰ τοῦτο αὐτοῖς τῶν πραγμάτων ἀεὶ τά τε ξύμφορα καὶ τὰ δύσκολα ἐς κοινὸν ἄγεται. ὁμοίως δὲ καὶ τὰ ἄλλα ὡς εἰπεῖν ἅπαντα ἑκατέροις ἐστί τε καὶ νενόμισται τούτοις ἄνωθεν τοῖς βαρβάροις.

§ 7.14.23 θεὸν μὲν γὰρ ἕνα τὸν τῆς ἀστραπῆς δημιουργὸν ἁπάντων κύριον μόνον αὐτὸν νομίζουσιν εἶναι, καὶ θύουσιν αὐτῷ βόας τε καὶ ἱερεῖα πάντα· εἱμαρμένην δὲ οὔτε ἴσασιν οὔτε ἄλλως ὁμολογοῦσιν ἔν γε ἀνθρώποις ῥοπήν τινα ἔχειν, ἀλλ’ ἐπειδὰν αὐτοῖς ἐν ποσὶν ἤδη ὁ θάνατος εἴη, ἢ νόσῳ ἁλοῦσιν ἢ ἐς πόλεμον καθισταμένοις, ἐπαγγέλλονται μέν, ἢν διαφύγωσι, θυσίαν τῷ θεῷ ἀντὶ τῆς ψυχῆς αὐτίκα ποιήσειν, διαφυγόντες δὲ θύουσιν ὅπερ ὑπέσχοντο, καὶ οἴονται τὴν σωτηρίαν ταύτης δὴ τῆς θυσίας αὐτοῖς ἐωνῆσθαι.

§ 7.14.24 σέβουσι μέντοι καὶ ποταμούς τε καὶ νύμφας καὶ ἄλλα ἄττα δαιμόνια, καὶ θύουσι καὶ αὐτοῖς ἅπασι, τάς τε μαντείας ἐν ταύταις δὴ ταῖς θυσίαις ποιοῦνται. οἰκοῦσι δὲ ἐν καλύβαις οἰκτραῖς διεσκηνημένοι πολλῷ μὲν ἀπ’ ἀλλήλων, ἀμείβοντες δὲ ὡς τὰ πολλὰ τὸν τῆς ἐνοικήσεως ἕκαστοι χῶρον.

§ 7.14.25 ἐς μάχην δὲ καθιστάμενοι πεζῇ μὲν ἐπὶ τοὺς πολεμίους οἱ πολλοὶ ἴασιν ἀσπίδια καὶ ἀκόντια ἐν χερσὶν ἔχοντες, θώρακα δὲ οὐδαμῆ ἐνδιδύσκονται.

§ 7.14.26 τινὲς δὲ οὐδὲ χιτῶνα οὐδὲ τριβώνιον ἔχουσιν, ἀλλὰ μόνας τὰς ἀναξυρίδας ἐναρμοσάμενοι μέχρι ἐς τὰ αἰδοῖα, οὕτω δὴ ἐς ξυμβολὴν τοῖς ἐναντίοις καθίστανται. ἔστι δὲ καὶ μία ἑκατέροις φωνὴ ἀτεχνῶς βάρβαρος.

§ 7.14.27 οὐ μὴν οὐδὲ τὸ εἶδος ἐς ἀλλήλους τι διαλλάσσουσιν. εὐμήκεις τε γὰρ καὶ ἄλκιμοι διαφερόντως εἰσὶν ἅπαντες, τὰ δὲ σώματα καὶ τὰς κόμας οὔτε λευκοὶ ἐσάγαν ἢ ξανθοί εἰσιν οὔτε πη ἐς τὸ μέλαν αὐτοῖς παντελῶς τέτραπται, ἀλλ’ ὑπέρυθροί εἰσιν ἅπαντες.

§ 7.14.28 δίαιταν δὲ σκληράν τε καὶ ἀπημελημένην, ὥσπερ οἱ Μασσαγέται, καὶ αὐτοὶ ἔχουσι, καὶ ῥύπου ᾗπερ ἐκεῖνοι ἐνδελεχέστατα γέμουσι, πονηροὶ μέντοι ἢ κακοῦργοι ὡς ἥκιστα τυγχάνουσιν ὄντες, ἀλλὰ κἀν τῷ ἀφελεῖ διασώζουσι τὸ Οὐννικὸν ἦθος.

§ 7.14.29 καὶ μὴν καὶ ὄνομα Σκλαβηνοῖς τε καὶ Ἄνταις ἓν τὸ ἀνέκαθεν ἦν· Σπόρους γὰρ τὸ παλαιὸν ἀμφοτέρους ἐκάλουν, ὅτι δὴ σποράδην, οἶμαι, διεσκηνημένοι τὴν χώραν οἰκοῦσι.

§ 7.14.30 διὸ δὴ καὶ γῆν τινα πολλὴν ἔχουσι· τὸ γὰρ πλεῖστον τῆς ἑτέρας τοῦ Ἴστρου ὄχθης αὐτοὶ νέμονται. τὰ μὲν οὖν ἀμφὶ τὸν λεὼν τοῦτον ταύτῃ πη ἔχει.

§ 7.14.31 Ἄνται δὲ τότε ἀγειρόμενοι, ὥσπερ ἐρρήθη, τὸν ἄνδρα τοῦτον ἠνάγκαζον ὁμολογεῖν σφίσιν ὅτι Χιλβούδιος αὐτὸς ὁ Ῥωμαίων στρατηγὸς εἴη.

§ 7.14.32 ἀρνηθέντα τε κολάζειν ἠπείλουν. ἐν ᾧ δὲ ταῦτα ἐπράσσετο τῇδε, ἐν τούτῳ βασιλεὺς Ἰουστινιανὸς πρέσβεις τινὰς παρὰ τούτους δὴ τοὺς βαρβάρους στείλας ἠξίου ξυνοικίζεσθαι ἅπαντας εἰς πόλιν ἀρχαίαν, Τούρριν ὄνομα, ἣ κεῖται μὲν ὑπὲρ ποταμὸν Ἴστρον, Τραϊανοῦ τοῦ Ῥωμαίων αὐτοκράτορος ἐν τοῖς ἄνω χρόνοις αὐτὴν δειμαμένου, ἔρημος δὲ ἐκ παλαιοῦ ἐτύγχανεν οὖσα, ληϊσαμένων αὐτὴν τῶν ταύτῃ βαρβάρων.

§ 7.14.33 ταύτῃ γὰρ αὐτοὺς καὶ τῇ ἀμφ’ αὐτὴν χώρᾳ Ἰουστινιανὸς βασιλεὺς ἅτε προσηκούσῃ τὸ ἐξ ἀρχῆς Ῥωμαίοις ὡμολόγει δεδωρήσεσθαι καὶ σφίσι ξυνοικιεῖν μὲν δυνάμει τῇ πάσῃ, χρήματα δὲ μεγάλα σφίσι προΐεσθαι, ἐφ’ ᾧ οἱ ἔνσπονδοι τὸ λοιπὸν ὄντες Οὔννοις ἐμπόδιοι ἐς ἀεὶ γένωνται, καταθεῖν βουλομένοις τὴν Ῥωμαίων ἀρχήν.

§ 7.14.34 Ταῦτα ἐπεὶ οἱ βάρβαροι ἤκουσαν, ἐπῄνεσάν τε καὶ πράξειν ἅπαντα ὑπέσχοντο, εἴπερ αὐτοῖς τὸν Χιλβούδιον στρατηγὸν Ῥωμαίων αὖθις καταστησάμενος ξυνοικιστὴν δοίη, αὐτὸν ἐκεῖνον ἰσχυριζόμενοι, ᾗπερ ἠβούλοντο, Χιλβούδιον εἶναι.

§ 7.14.35 ταύταις δὲ ὁ ἄνθρωπος ἐπαρθεὶς ταῖς ἐλπίσιν ἤδη καὶ αὐτὸς ἤθελέ τε καὶ ἔφασκε Χιλβούδιος ὁ Ῥωμαίων στρατηγὸς εἶναι. ἐφ’ οἷς δὴ αὐτὸν στελλόμενον ἐς Βυζάντιον Ναρσῆς ἐν ταύτῃ τῇ πορείᾳ καταλαμβάνει.

§ 7.14.36 καὶ ξυγγενόμενος, ἐπεὶ φενακίζοντα τὸν ἄνθρωπον εὗρε ʽκαίπερ τήν τε Λατίνων ἀφιέντα φωνὴν καὶ τῶν Χιλβουδίου γνωρισμάτων πολλὰ ἐκμαθόντα τε ἤδη καὶ προσποιεῖσθαι ἱκανῶς ἔχοντἀ ἔν τε δεσμωτηρίῳ καθεῖρξε καὶ τὸν πάντα ἐξειπεῖν λόγον ἠνάγκασεν, οὕτω τε ἐς Βυζάντιον ξὺν αὑτῷ ἤγαγεν. ἐγὼ δὲ ὅθενπερ ἐξέβην ἐπάνειμι.

Source Colophon

Greek source text from the PerseusDL canonical Greek repository file tlg4029.tlg001.perseus-grc2.xml, inspected locally for this translation unit.

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