Qi Ce — the six books of the Strategies of Qi

The Strategies of the Warring States (Zhanguo Ce) is Liu Xiang's Han-dynasty compilation, arranged by state, of the persuasions, stratagems, and anecdotes that Warring States wandering counselors used to move the courts of their age. These six books, the Strategies of Qi (Qi Ce), carry the record of the great eastern state, from Lord Jingguo's parable of the great fish who is safe only so long as it keeps the water of Qi around it, told to talk him out of walling his own fief at Xue, through his son Lord Mengchang's long career as the state's most celebrated chancellor and host of retainers — the ivory bed he was talked out of accepting in Chu by his retainer Gongsun Shu, and his patient toleration of a disliked but faithful client, Xiahou Zhang, who slandered him on purpose to make him look magnanimous.

The books carry Zou Ji's discovery, comparing his own face to the handsome Xu Gong in his mirror, that flattery from a partial wife, a fearful concubine, and an interested guest can blind even an honest man, and the edict it moved him to issue opening the king's court to open criticism; Su Qin's and Zhang Yi's rival persuasions of the king of Qi for the Vertical and Horizontal alliances, and Su Qin's later essay to King Min of Qi on the leverage of circumstance in war and peace, warning against being the first to strike and against making oneself the owner of another state's grudges; and, after Qi's near-destruction by Yan, Tian Dan's recovery of the state from the last two cities left to it, defended in the field by Lu Zhonglian's letter persuading the general of Yan to abandon a hopeless siege and, at court, by Diao Bo's speech that saved Tian Dan from nine slandering ministers. The books close with the bloodless surrender of the last king of Qi, King Jian, to the First Emperor of Qin, and his death of hunger among the pines and cypresses at Gong.

Each persuasion or anecdote stands under its own heading drawn from the episode it records. Names of persons and states are given in Hanyu pinyin without tone marks, with the Chinese characters supplied at first appearance; the ruler of the small neighboring state of Wey (衛) is kept distinct throughout from the much larger state of Wei (魏), following the house convention of this shelf. The commentary of Bao Biao and Yao Hong travels with the source text below in its own untranslated layer, along with the collation notes set in 〔 〕.

Translated for the Good Works Library directly from the classical Chinese, which is printed in full below. J. I. Crump's Chan-kuo Ts'e (1970; revised 1996) is the standing complete English translation of the Strategies of the Warring States; it is named here as a control-in-existence but was not consulted, and this translation makes no claim of firstness.

Contents

• Strategies of Qi, 1 (齊策一)
  • King Wei of Chu Wins a Battle at Xuzhou (楚威王戰勝於徐州)
  • Qi Is About to Enfeoff Tian Ying at Xue (齊將封田嬰於薛)
  • Lord Jingguo Is About to Wall Xue (靖郭君將城薛)
  • Lord Jingguo Speaks to the King of Qi (靖郭君謂齊王)
  • Lord Jingguo Is Fond of Qi Maobian (靖郭君善齊貌辨)
  • The Crisis at Handan (邯鄲之難)
  • The Crisis at Nanliang (南梁之難)
  • Zou Ji, Marquis of Cheng, Is Chancellor of Qi (成侯鄒忌為齊相)
  • Tian Ji Is General of Qi (田忌為齊將)
  • Tian Ji Flees Qi and Goes to Chu (田忌亡齊而之楚)
  • Zou Ji Serves King Xuan (鄒忌事宣王)
  • Zou Ji Was Over Eight Chi Tall (鄒忌脩八尺有餘)
  • Qin Borrows a Road Through Han and Wei to Attack Qi (秦假道韓魏以攻齊)
  • Chu Is About to Attack Qi (楚將伐齊)
  • Qin Attacks Wei (秦伐魏)
  • Su Qin, Forming the Vertical Alliance for Zhao, Persuades King Xuan of Qi (蘇秦為趙合從說齊宣王)
  • Zhang Yi, Forming the Horizontal Alliance for Qin, Addresses the King of Qi (張儀為秦連橫齊王)
• Strategies of Qi, 2 (齊策二)
  • Han and Qi Are Allied States (韓齊為與國)
  • Zhang Yi Serves King Hui of Qin (張儀事秦惠王)
  • Xishou Takes Liang Against Qi at Chengkuang and Does Not Win (犀首以梁為齊戰於承匡而不勝)
  • Zhao Yang Attacks Wei for Chu (昭陽為楚伐魏)
  • Qin Attacks Zhao (秦攻趙)
  • The Crisis at Quan: Qi and Yan at War (權之難齊燕戰)
  • Qin Attacks Zhao at Changping (秦攻趙長平)
  • Someone Speaks to the King of Qi (或謂齊王)
• Strategies of Qi, 3 (齊策三)
  • The King of Chu Dies (楚王死)
  • The Wife of the King of Qi Died (齊王夫人死)
  • Lord Mengchang Was About to Enter Qin (孟嘗君將入秦)
  • Lord Mengchang Was at Xue (孟嘗君在薛)
  • Lord Mengchang Maintained Xiahou Zhang (孟嘗君奉夏侯章)
  • Lord Mengchang Sat at a Feast (孟嘗君讌坐)
  • One of Lord Mengchang's Retainers Was in Love with His Lordship's Lady (孟嘗君舍人有與君之夫人相愛者)
  • Lord Mengchang Had a Retainer Whom He Did Not Like (孟嘗君有舍人而弗悅)
  • Lord Mengchang Traveled Through the States and Came to Chu (孟嘗君出行國至楚)
  • Chunyu Kun Presented Seven Men to King Xuan in a Single Day (淳于髡一日而見七人於宣王)
  • Qi Wished to Attack Wei (齊欲伐魏)
  • Guozi Said: Qin Broke the Army of the Lord of Mafu (國子曰秦破馬服君之師)
• Strategies of Qi, 4 (齊策四)
  • There Was a Man of Qi Named Feng Xuan (齊人有馮諼者)
  • Lord Mengchang Formed the Vertical Alliance (孟嘗君為從)
  • Lu Zhonglian Said to Lord Mengchang (魯仲連謂孟嘗)
  • Lord Mengchang Was Driven Out of Qi and Returned Again (孟嘗君逐於齊而復反)
  • King Xuan of Qi Received Yan Chu (齊宣王見顏斶)
  • Master Wang Dou Came to the Gate Wishing to See King Xuan of Qi (先生王斗造門而欲見齊宣王)
  • The King of Qi Sent an Envoy to Inquire After Queen Dowager Wei of Zhao (齊王使使者問趙威后)
  • A Man of Qi Went to See Tian Pian (齊人見田駢)
  • Guan Yan Gave Offense to the King of Qi (管燕得罪齊王)
  • Su Qin Went from Yan to Qi (蘇秦自燕之齊)
  • Su Qin Said to the King of Qi (蘇秦謂齊王)
• Strategies of Qi, 5 (齊策五)
  • Su Qin Persuades King Min of Qi (蘇秦說齊閔王)
• Strategies of Qi, 6 (齊策六)
  • Among the People of Qi Living Against the Outer Wall There Was One Hu Xuan (齊負郭之民有孤狐咺者)
  • Wang Sun Jia at Fifteen Served King Min (王孫賈年十五事閔王)
  • Yan Attacked Qi and Took More Than Seventy Cities (燕攻齊取七十餘城)
  • Yan Attacked Qi and Qi Was Broken (燕攻齊齊破)
  • Diao Bo Was Always Speaking Ill of Tian Dan (貂勃常惡田單)
  • Tian Dan Was About to Attack Di (田單將攻狄)
  • The Affair at Pushang (濮上之事)
  • When King Min of Qi Met His Death (齊閔王之遇殺)
  • King Jian of Qi Went to Court in Qin (齊王建入朝於秦)
  • Qi, Because of the Disorder of Lord Nao (齊以淖君之亂)

Translation

Strategies of Qi, 1 (齊策一)

King Wei of Chu Wins a Battle at Xuzhou (楚威王戰勝於徐州)

King Wei of Chu won a battle at Xuzhou and wanted Master Ying (嬰子, Tian Ying 田嬰) driven out of Qi. Master Ying was afraid. Zhang Chou (張丑) said to the king of Chu: "Your Majesty won the battle at Xuzhou because Master Pan (盼子, Tian Pan 田盼) was not being employed. Master Pan has merit toward the state, and the common people will exert themselves for him. Master Ying is not on good terms with him, and so employs Shen Zhuan. Shen Zhuan is a man for whom neither the great ministers nor the common people will exert themselves — that is why Your Majesty defeated him. If Master Ying is now driven out, Master Pan will certainly be employed. He would set his soldiers in order again and meet Your Majesty in the field, and that would certainly not be to Your Majesty's advantage." The king of Chu accordingly did not drive him out.

Qi Is About to Enfeoff Tian Ying at Xue (齊將封田嬰於薛)

Qi was about to enfeoff Tian Ying at Xue. When the king of Chu heard of it he was greatly angered and was going to attack Qi. The king of Qi began to have thoughts of stopping. Gongsun Han (公孫閈) said: "Whether the enfeoffment goes through or not does not rest with Qi; it will rest with Chu. Let me persuade the king of Chu, and I will make him desire your enfeoffment, my lord, even more than Qi does." Master Ying said: "I would entrust the matter to you."

Gongsun Han accordingly said to the king of Chu: "The reason Lu and Song serve Chu while Qi does not is that Qi is large and Lu and Song are small. Your Majesty finds advantage in the smallness of Lu and Song alone — why then do you not hate the largeness of Qi? Now Qi is cutting off territory to enfeoff Tian Ying, and this is the very thing that will make her weak. I beg you not to stop it." The king of Chu said: "Good." And so he did not stop it.

Lord Jingguo Is About to Wall Xue (靖郭君將城薛)

Lord Jingguo (靖郭君, Tian Ying) was about to wall Xue, and many of his retainers remonstrated against it. Lord Jingguo told his usher to let no retainer through. A man of Qi asked to be received, saying: "Your servant asks leave for three words and no more. If I add one word, I ask to be boiled." Lord Jingguo therefore received him. The retainer hurried forward and said: "Sea. Great. Fish." Then he turned and walked away. The lord said: "Stay here, sir." The retainer said: "Your humble servant does not dare make sport of death." The lord said: "No — say more of it." He replied: "Has my lord not heard of the great fish? Nets cannot hold it and hooks cannot draw it in; but let it thrash about and lose the water, and mole crickets and ants have their will of it. Now Qi is my lord's water. So long as my lord has the shelter of Qi, what use is Xue? But lose Qi, and though you raise the walls of Xue to the height of heaven, it will still be of no benefit." The lord said: "Good." And he stopped walling Xue.

Lord Jingguo Speaks to the King of Qi (靖郭君謂齊王)

Lord Jingguo said to the king of Qi: "The accounts of the five offices must be heard daily and looked over often." The king said: "You have explained the five, and I am weary of them." And the accounts were now handed to Lord Jingguo.

Lord Jingguo Is Fond of Qi Maobian (靖郭君善齊貌辨)

Lord Jingguo was fond of Qi Maobian (齊貌辨). Qi Maobian was a man of many faults, and the retainers of the household did not like him. Shi Wei remonstrated with Lord Jingguo about it; Lord Jingguo would not listen, and Shi Wei took his leave and departed. Lord Mengchang (孟嘗君, Tian Wen 田文) also privately remonstrated, and Lord Jingguo was greatly angered and said: "Though it cut down your whole kin and ruin my house, if there is anything that can content Qi Maobian, I will not refuse to do it." So he lodged him in the finest quarters, ordered his eldest son to wait upon him, and had food brought in morning and evening.

Several years later King Wei passed away and King Xuan was set up. Lord Jingguo's relations were very bad with King Xuan; he took his leave and went to Xue, and Qi Maobian stayed there with him. Before long, Qi Maobian took his leave and set out, asking to see King Xuan. Lord Jingguo said: "The king's dislike of me, Ying, is extreme. If you go, you will surely meet your death there." Qi Maobian said: "I certainly do not seek to live. I beg leave to go all the same." Lord Jingguo could not stop him.

Qi Maobian traveled to Qi. When King Xuan heard of it, he stored up his anger and waited for him. Qi Maobian had audience with King Xuan, and the king said: "You are the one Lord Jingguo listens to and loves!" Qi Maobian said: "That he loved me is so; that he listened to me was never so. When Your Majesty was still heir apparent, I, Bian, said to Lord Jingguo: 'The heir apparent's face is not the face of a humane man. His jaw juts out and he has the sidelong stare of a boar. A man of that kind will turn against you. Better to depose the heir apparent and set up instead Jiaoshi, the young son of the lady of Wey.' Lord Jingguo wept and said: 'It cannot be. I could not bear it.' Had he listened to Bian and done it, he would certainly not have the trouble he has today. That is the first case. When he had gone to Xue, Zhao Yang asked to exchange land several times its size for Xue, and Bian again said: 'You must agree to it.' Lord Jingguo said: 'I received Xue from the former king. Though I be detested by the later king, what could I say to the former king? Moreover the former king's ancestral temple stands at Xue. How could I hand the former king's temple over to Chu?' Again he would not listen to Bian. That is the second case." King Xuan sighed deeply, and his face changed, and he said: "Was Lord Jingguo's feeling toward me as deep as this? I was young, and knew nothing at all of it. Would you, sir, be willing to bring Lord Jingguo back for me?" Qi Maobian replied: "Respectfully, I will."

Lord Jingguo put on King Wei's robes, wore his cap and girded on the sword the king had given him. King Xuan went out in person to meet Lord Jingguo in the outskirts, and wept at the sight of him. When Lord Jingguo arrived, the king asked him to be chancellor. Lord Jingguo declined, and only under compulsion accepted. After seven days he pleaded illness and resigned insistently. Lord Jingguo's resignation was not permitted; after three days the king consented.

At that time Lord Jingguo may be said to have been able to know men by his own judgment. Because he could know men by his own judgment, the censure of others did not check him. This is why Qi Maobian held his own life as a thing outside himself, took joy in trouble, and hurried toward danger.

The Crisis at Handan (邯鄲之難)

In the crisis at Handan, Zhao sought rescue from Qi. The Marquis of Tian summoned his great ministers and deliberated, saying: "Which is better, to rescue Zhao or not to rescue her?" Master Zou (鄒子, Zou Ji 鄒忌) said: "Better not to rescue." Duangan Lun (段干綸) said: "If we do not rescue her, it will not be to our advantage." The Marquis of Tian said: "How so?" — "If the house of Wei annexes Handan, what advantage is there in that for Qi?" The Marquis of Tian said: "Good." He then raised troops and said: "Encamp in the outskirts of Handan." Duangan Lun said: "What I meant by advantage and disadvantage was not this. To rescue Handan by encamping in its outskirts means that Zhao will not be taken and Wei will remain whole. Better, then, to attack Xiangling in the south and so wear Wei down; when Handan has fallen, we follow up on Wei's exhaustion. Then Zhao will be broken and Wei weakened." The Marquis of Tian said: "Good." So he raised troops and attacked Xiangling in the south. In the seventh month Handan fell. Qi thereupon followed up Wei's exhaustion and greatly defeated her at Guiling.

The Crisis at Nanliang (南梁之難)

In the crisis at Nanliang, the house of Han asked Qi for rescue. The Marquis of Tian summoned his great ministers and deliberated, saying: "Which is the more advantageous, to rescue them early or to rescue them late?" Zhang Gai (張丐) replied: "If we rescue them late, Han will bend and go over to Wei. Better to rescue them early." Tian Chensi (田臣思) said: "That will not do. If the troops of Han and Wei are not yet worn down and we rescue Han, we shall be taking Han's place in receiving Wei's blows, and shall on the contrary find ourselves taking our orders from Han. Moreover Wei is bent on breaking Han. When Han sees that she is about to perish, she will certainly appeal eastward to Qi. Let us then secretly bind Han's friendship to us, and follow up late upon Wei's exhaustion: then the state can be made weighty, advantage can be got, and our name can be honored." The Marquis of Tian said: "Good." So he secretly gave his word to Han's envoy and sent him away.

Han, believing that she had Qi's state wholly at her disposal, fought five battles and lost all five, and appealed eastward to Qi. Qi thereupon raised troops and struck Wei, and greatly defeated her at Maling. Wei was broken and Han weakened, and the rulers of Han and Wei, through Tian Ying, faced north and paid court to the Marquis of Tian.

Zou Ji, Marquis of Cheng, Is Chancellor of Qi (成侯鄒忌為齊相)

Zou Ji, Marquis of Cheng, was chancellor of Qi and Tian Ji (田忌) was general, and they were not on good terms. Gongsun Han said to Zou Ji: "Why do you not plan for the king an attack on Wei? If he wins, it will have been your plan, my lord, and you can claim the merit; and if he fights and does not win, then either Tian Ji will not press forward, or, if he fights and does not die, he will be executed for having flinched in the field." Zou Ji thought this right, and so persuaded the king to send Tian Ji to attack Wei.

Tian Ji fought three battles and won all three. Zou Ji reported this to Gongsun Han, and Gongsun Han then sent a man with ten pieces of gold to have a divination made in the marketplace, saying: "I am a man of Tian Ji's. We have fought three battles and won all three, and our fame overawes the world. We wish to undertake a great affair. Is it auspicious or not?" When the diviner came out, Gongsun Han had men seize the man who had performed the divination, and had his words verified before the king. Tian Ji thereupon fled.

Tian Ji Is General of Qi (田忌為齊將)

Tian Ji was general of Qi. He took captive Shen, the heir apparent of Liang, and made a prisoner of Pang Juan (龐涓). Master Sun (孫子, Sun Bin 孫臏) said to Tian Ji: "Can the general undertake a great affair?" Tian Ji said: "How?" Master Sun said: "Let the general not disband his troops before entering Qi. Set your worn and exhausted men and your weak troops to hold Zhu. Zhu is a road that runs in a single rut, where linchpins strike and carriages scrape as they pass one another. Set your worn and exhausted men and your weak to hold Zhu, and one man will surely be a match for ten, ten for a hundred, and a hundred for a thousand. Then, with Mount Tai at your back, the Ji on your left and Tiantang on your right, let your baggage train follow on to Gaowan, and send light chariots and picked cavalry to charge the Yong Gate. If you do this, then the ruler of Qi can be set right and the Marquis of Cheng can be put to flight. If you do not, then the general will not be permitted to enter Qi at all." Tian Ji would not listen, and as a result he did not enter Qi.

Tian Ji Flees Qi and Goes to Chu (田忌亡齊而之楚)

Tian Ji fled Qi and went to Chu, and Zou Ji took his place as chancellor. Qi feared that Tian Ji would use Chu's power to return to Qi. Du He (杜赫) said: "Let your servant keep him in Chu for you."

He said to the king of Chu: "The reason Zou Ji is not well disposed toward Chu is that he fears Tian Ji will use Chu's power to return to Qi. Your Majesty would do better to enfeoff Tian Ji south of the Jiang, so as to show that Tian Ji will not go back to Qi; then Zou Ji will make Qi serve Chu generously. Tian Ji is a fugitive, and if he receives a fief he will certainly be grateful to Your Majesty. And if he does go back to Qi, he will certainly make Qi serve Chu. This is the way to make use of both the Jis." Chu did indeed enfeoff him south of the Jiang.

Zou Ji Serves King Xuan (鄒忌事宣王)

Zou Ji served King Xuan and placed many men in office, and King Xuan was not pleased. Yan Shou (晏首) was honored and placed few men in office, and the king was pleased with him. Zou Ji said to King Xuan: "I, Ji, have heard it held that having the filial devotion of one son is not so good as having the filial devotion of five sons. Now how many men has Shou put forward for office?" Thereupon King Xuan held it against Yan Shou that he blocked and shut men out.

Zou Ji Was Over Eight Chi Tall (鄒忌脩八尺有餘)

Zou Ji was over eight chi tall, and his form and face were radiant. Putting on his court robes and cap, he looked into the mirror and said to his wife: "Which of us is the handsomer, I or Master Xu of the north quarter?" His wife said: "You are handsome in the extreme. How could Master Xu come near you!" Master Xu of the north quarter was the handsomest man in the state of Qi. Ji did not believe it of himself, and asked his concubine again: "Which of us is the handsomer, I or Master Xu?" The concubine said: "How could Master Xu come near you!" The next day a guest came in from outside, and while they sat and talked Ji asked the guest: "Which of us is the handsomer, I or Master Xu?" The guest said: "Master Xu is not so handsome as you!"

The day after, Master Xu came. Ji looked at him closely and judged himself the lesser; he looked into the mirror and looked at himself, and found himself far the lesser. That evening he lay down and thought about it, saying: "My wife calls me handsome because she is partial to me; my concubine calls me handsome because she fears me; my guest calls me handsome because he wants something of me."

So he went to court and had audience with King Wei, saying: "Your servant truly knows that he is not so handsome as Master Xu. But my wife is partial to me, my concubine fears me, and my guest wants something of me, and so all of them made me out handsomer than Master Xu. Now the land of Qi is a thousand li square, with a hundred and twenty walled towns. Among the palace women and your attendants there is none who is not partial to Your Majesty; among the ministers of the court there is none who does not fear Your Majesty; within the four borders there is none who does not want something of Your Majesty. Looking at it from this, Your Majesty is very much shut in!" The king said: "Good." And he sent down an order: "Among the assembled ministers, officers, and commoners, whoever can point out my faults to my face shall receive the highest reward; whoever submits a written remonstrance to me shall receive the middle reward; and whoever can criticize me in the market or at court so that it reaches my ears shall receive the lowest reward."

When the order first came down, the assembled ministers came forward with remonstrances, and the gate and courtyard were like a marketplace. After some months, they came only now and then, with gaps between. After a full year, though a man might wish to speak, there was nothing left to bring forward. Yan, Zhao, Han, and Wei heard of it, and all came to court in Qi. This is what is called winning a battle in the court.

Qin Borrows a Road Through Han and Wei to Attack Qi (秦假道韓魏以攻齊)

Qin borrowed a road through Han and Wei in order to attack Qi, and King Wei of Qi sent Zhangzi (章子) to take command and meet them. They pitched camp with their gates facing Qin's, and messengers went back and forth repeatedly between them. Zhangzi changed his men's insignia so as to mingle them with the Qin army. A scout reported that Zhangzi had taken Qi over to Qin; King Wei made no answer. A little while after, a scout again reported that Zhangzi had surrendered Qi's troops to Qin; King Wei made no answer. This happened three times. The officer in charge asked: "Those who say Zhangzi has gone over are different men saying the same thing. Why does Your Majesty not send out a general and strike him?" The king said: "It is clear that this man is not betraying me. Why should I strike him?"

A little while after, word came that Qi's troops had won a great victory and the Qin army had been heavily defeated. Thereupon the king of Qin did obeisance as a vassal of the western marches and made his apologies to Qi. Those about the king said: "How did you know?" He said: "Zhangzi's mother, Qi, offended his father, and his father killed her and buried her beneath the horse stalls. When I sent Zhangzi out as general, I urged him on, saying: 'With your strength, sir, when you come back with your army whole I shall have the general's mother reburied.' He replied: 'It is not that your servant cannot rebury his late mother. My mother, Qi, offended my father. My father died without leaving any instruction about it. To rebury my mother without having my father's instruction would be to deceive my dead father. Therefore I do not dare.' Now a man who as a son will not deceive his dead father — would he as a subject deceive his living lord?"

Chu Is About to Attack Qi (楚將伐齊)

Chu was about to attack Qi, and Lu was friendly with Chu, and the king of Qi was troubled by it. Zhang Gai said: "Let your servant make Lu stand neutral." So on Qi's behalf he had audience with the ruler of Lu. The ruler of Lu said: "Is the king of Qi afraid?" He said: "That is not something your servant knows. I have come to offer you my condolences." The ruler of Lu said: "Condolences for what?" He said: "Your plan is mistaken. You side not with the winner but with the one who will not win. What is the reason for that?" The ruler of Lu said: "Which do you take to be the winner, Qi or Chu?" He replied: "Even the ghosts do not know." "Then why do you offer me condolences?" He said: "Qi and Chu are evenly matched in power; it makes no difference whether Lu is in it or not. Would you not do better to keep your host whole and join whichever of the two states is left afterward? If Chu greatly defeats Qi, her good officers and picked soldiers will surely be killed, and her remaining troops will be barely enough to face the world; if Qi is the victor, her good officers and picked soldiers will likewise be killed. And if my lord brings the host of Lu to join in once the battle has been decided, the favor you do will be great indeed, and the gratitude you receive will likewise be great." The ruler of Lu thought this right and withdrew his army in person.

Qin Attacks Wei (秦伐魏)

Qin attacked Wei. Chen Zhen (陳軫) brought the Three Jin together and went east to say to the king of Qi: "When the kings of antiquity made war, they wished by it to set the world right and to establish merit and a name for later ages. Now the six states of Qi, Chu, Yan, Zhao, Han, and Liang attack one another by turns most severely. This is not enough to establish merit and a name; it is only enough to strengthen Qin and to weaken themselves. It is not the best plan for the lands east of the mountains. What can endanger the lands east of the mountains is a strong Qin. Not to worry about a strong Qin, but to wear one another out and weaken one another by turns, and so to deliver both states over to Qin — this is why your servant counts it a calamity for the lands east of the mountains. The world carves itself up on Qin's behalf, and Qin does not put out so much as its strength; the world boils itself on Qin's behalf, and Qin does not put out so much as the firewood. How is it that Qin is so wise and the lands east of the mountains so foolish? I would have Your Majesty look into it.

"When the Five Emperors, the Three Kings, and the Five Hegemons of antiquity made war, they made war upon those who had no way. Qin's war upon the world today is not so: she means to reverse all that. Rulers must die in disgrace, and the people must die as captives. Today the eyes of Han and Liang are never dry, and only the people of Qi are not so — not because Qi is close to Qin and Han and Liang are distant from her, but because Qi is far from Qin and Han and Liang are near. And now Qi is about to be near! At present Qin wishes to attack Jiang and Anyi of Liang. If Qin gets Jiang and Anyi and goes down the He eastward, she will surely hold the He on both sides and attack Qi in the east, taking Qi all the way to the sea, facing south to isolate Chu, Han, and Liang, and facing north to isolate Yan and Zhao; and Qi will have nowhere to put forth a plan. I would have Your Majesty ponder it well.

"Now the Three Jin have already joined together and have again made a compact of brothers, and have sent out picked troops to garrison Jiang and Anyi of Liang. This is a plan for ten thousand generations. If Qi does not urgently join the Three Jin with picked troops, there will surely be trouble afterward. If the Three Jin are joined, Qin will certainly not dare attack Liang and will certainly attack Chu in the south. When Chu and Qin have joined in war, the Three Jin, angry that Qi did not side with them, will certainly attack Qi in the east. This is what your servant means in saying that Qi will surely have great trouble. Better to join your troops urgently to the Three Jin."

The king of Qi respectfully assented, and did indeed join his troops to the Three Jin.

Su Qin, Forming the Vertical Alliance for Zhao, Persuades King Xuan of Qi (蘇秦為趙合從說齊宣王)

Su Qin (蘇秦), forming the Vertical Alliance on behalf of Zhao, persuaded King Xuan of Qi, saying: "Qi has Mount Tai to the south, Langye to the east, the Qing River to the west, and the Bohai to the north. This is what is called a state barred on four sides. The land of Qi is two thousand li square, with several hundred thousand men in armor and grain heaped like hills. The excellence of Qi's chariots and the troops of the Five Households are swift as an awl-headed arrow, fight like thunder and lightning, and scatter like wind and rain. Even when there has been military service, they have never had to put Mount Tai at their backs, cross the Qing River, or ford the Bohai. Within Linzi there are seventy thousand households. Your servant has privately reckoned it: at the lowest count three grown men to a household, three times seven makes two hundred and ten thousand — and so, without waiting for a levy from the distant counties, the soldiers of Linzi alone already number two hundred and ten thousand. Linzi is exceedingly rich and full, and among its people there is not one who does not blow the yu pipes, strum the se, strike the zhu, pluck the qin, match cocks, race dogs, play liubo, or kick the ball. On the roads of Linzi the wheel hubs knock together and shoulders rub; the joined lapels make a curtain, the raised sleeves make a canopy, and the flung sweat makes rain. Households are thriving and rich, and spirits are high and soaring. With Your Majesty's worthiness and the strength of Qi, the world cannot stand against you. And yet you now face west and serve Qin — your servant is privately ashamed of it on Your Majesty's behalf.

"Moreover, the reason Han and Wei fear Qin is that their borders touch Qin's. Once the troops go out and face each other, in less than ten days the pivot of victory, of survival or extinction, is decided. If Han and Wei fight and defeat Qin, half their army is broken and their four borders cannot be held; if they fight and do not win, ruin follows immediately behind. This is why Han and Wei count it a heavy thing to fight Qin and a light thing to become her subjects.

"But it is not so when Qin attacks Qi. She must have the lands of Han and Wei at her back, must come by way of Wey along the road of Yangjin, and must pass the defile of Kangfu, where chariots cannot go two abreast and horses cannot walk side by side, and where a hundred men holding the narrows can keep a thousand from passing. Even if Qin wished to penetrate deep, she would look about her like a wolf, fearing that Han and Wei would plot behind her. Therefore she blusters in fear and threatens emptily, posturing high and not daring to advance — and so it is already plain that Qin cannot harm Qi. Not to reckon deeply that Qin can do nothing to us, and yet to wish to face west and serve Qin — this is the error of your ministers' counsel. At present you are without the name of serving Qin as a subject and yet have the substance of a strong state. Your servant therefore wishes Your Majesty to give the matter a little thought."

The king of Qi said: "I am not quick of understanding. Now Your Lordship instructs me with the teaching of the king of Zhao. I respectfully offer up my altars of soil and grain and follow."

Zhang Yi, Forming the Horizontal Alliance for Qin, Addresses the King of Qi (張儀為秦連橫齊王)

Zhang Yi (張儀), forming the Horizontal Alliance on behalf of Qin, said to the king of Qi: "Among the strong states of the world none surpasses Qi; in the abundance, wealth, and ease of her great ministers and noble kin none surpasses Qi. Yet those who make plans for Your Majesty all speak for the moment and pay no regard to the advantage of ten thousand generations. Those of the Vertical party who persuade Your Majesty are sure to say that Qi has strong Zhao to the west and Han and Wei to the south, that she is a state with the sea at her back, that her land is broad and her people many, her soldiers strong and her officers brave, and that though there were a hundred Qins they could do nothing to her. Your Majesty takes in their argument and does not examine its actual truth.

"The men of the Vertical party make factions and cliques, and there is none of them who does not hold the Vertical to be feasible. Your servant has heard this: Qi and Lu fought three battles and Lu won all three, and by it her state was endangered and ruin followed behind, so that though she had the name of victory she had the substance of ruin. What was the reason? Qi was large and Lu was small. Now Zhao stands to Qin as Qi did to Lu. Qin and Zhao fought on the He and the Zhang, and twice they fought and twice Zhao defeated Qin; they fought below Panwu, and twice they fought and twice Zhao defeated Qin. After the four battles Zhao had lost several hundred thousand soldiers, and Handan barely survived. Though she had the name of having defeated Qin, her state was broken. What was the reason? Qin was strong and Zhao was weak. Now Qin and Chu marry off their sons and take each other's daughters and have become states of elder and younger brother. Han has presented Yiyang, Wei has offered up Hewai, and Zhao has gone to court at Mianchi and cut off Hejian in order to serve Qin. If Your Majesty does not serve Qin, Qin will drive Han and Wei to attack Qi's southern lands, will bring the whole force of Zhao across the river passes and point it at Boguan, and Linzi and Jimo will no longer be Your Majesty's. Once the state is attacked in a single day, though you should wish to serve Qin you will not be able to. Therefore I would have Your Majesty consider it carefully."

The king of Qi said: "Qi is remote and mean, secluded and set upon the eastern sea, and has never heard of the long advantage of the altars of soil and grain. Now the great guest has been so good as to instruct me. I beg to offer up my altars of soil and grain and to serve Qin." And he presented three hundred li of fish-and-salt land to Qin.

Strategies of Qi, 2 (齊策二)

Han and Qi Are Allied States (韓齊為與國)

Han and Qi were allied states. Zhang Yi used Qin and Wei to attack Han. The king of Qi said: "Han is our ally. Qin is attacking her, and I shall rescue her." Tian Chensi said: "Your Majesty's plan is mistaken. Better to let it happen. Zikuai gave his state to Zizhi; the common people do not support him and the feudal lords do not side with him. When Qin attacks Han, Chu and Zhao will certainly rescue her — this is the world making a present of Yan to us." The king said: "Good." So he gave his word to Han's envoy and sent him away.

Han, believing that she had secured Qi's friendship, then went to war with Qin. Chu and Zhao did indeed raise troops at once and rescue Han, and Qi thereupon raised troops and attacked Yan, and in thirty days took the state of Yan.

Zhang Yi Serves King Hui of Qin (張儀事秦惠王)

Zhang Yi served King Hui of Qin. King Hui died and King Wu was set up. Those about the king spoke ill of Zhang Yi, saying: "Yi served the former king without loyalty." Before these words had ended, a reproach from Qi arrived as well.

Zhang Yi heard of it and said to King Wu: "Yi has a foolish plan, which he would offer to Your Majesty." The king said: "What is it?" He said: "For one who plans for the altars of soil and grain, only when there is a great upheaval in the east can Your Majesty cut off much territory. Now the king of Qi greatly hates Zhang Yi, and wherever Yi is he will surely raise troops and attack it. Therefore Yi begs leave to take his unworthy person to Liang, and Qi will certainly raise troops and attack Liang. When the troops of Qi and Liang are locked together beneath the walls and cannot get free of one another, Your Majesty may use the interval to attack Han, enter the Three Rivers region, send out troops through Hangu without needing to fight, and so come up against Zhou. The sacrificial vessels will surely come out, and with the Son of Heaven in your grasp and the maps and registers under your hand — this is the work of a true king." The king said: "Good." So he made ready thirty leather war chariots and delivered him to Liang.

Qi did indeed raise troops and attack Liang. The king of Liang was greatly alarmed. Zhang Yi said: "Let Your Majesty not be troubled. I beg leave to have Qi's troops withdrawn." So he sent his retainer Feng Xi (馮喜) to Chu, and, borrowing Chu's commission as envoy, sent him on to Qi. When the business between Qi and Chu was finished, he accordingly said to the king of Qi: "Your Majesty greatly hates Zhang Yi. And yet how generously Your Majesty has commended Yi to the king of Qin!" The king of Qi said: "I greatly hate Yi, and wherever Yi is I will surely raise troops and attack it. How have I commended Yi?" He replied: "That is precisely how Your Majesty has commended Yi. When Yi left Qin he made a compact with the king of Qin, saying: 'For one who plans for Your Majesty, only when there is a great upheaval in the east can Your Majesty cut off much territory. The king of Qi greatly hates Yi, and wherever Yi is he will surely raise troops and attack it. Therefore Yi begs leave to take his unworthy person to Liang, and Qi will certainly raise troops and attack Liang. When the troops of Liang and Qi are locked together beneath the walls and cannot get free, Your Majesty may use the interval to attack Han, enter the Three Rivers region, send out troops through Hangu without needing to fight, and so come up against Zhou. The sacrificial vessels will surely come out, and with the Son of Heaven in your grasp and the maps and registers under your hand — this is the work of a true king.' The king of Qin thought this right, gave him thirty leather war chariots, and delivered Yi to Liang. And now you have indeed attacked her. This means that Your Majesty is wearing yourself out within, attacking an allied state, enlarging a neighbor-enemy and bringing him down upon yourself — and making Yi trusted by the king of Qin. This is what your servant meant by saying Your Majesty has commended Yi." The king said: "Good." And he stopped.

Xishou Takes Liang Against Qi at Chengkuang and Does Not Win (犀首以梁為齊戰於承匡而不勝)

Xishou (犀首, Gongsun Yan 公孫衍) took Liang against Qi and fought at Chengkuang and did not win. Zhang Yi told the king of Liang that it was through not using his servant's advice that the state had been endangered. The king of Liang thereupon made Yi chancellor, and Yi went with Qin and Liang to Qi to bind a Horizontal friendship. Xishou wished to wreck it, and said to the ruler of Wey (衛): "It is not that Yan has any grudge against Yi; it is only that what we happen to do for our states differs. My lord must reconcile Yan with him." The ruler of Wey spoke to Yi on his behalf; Yi consented, and then the three of them sat together before the ruler of Wey. Xishou went forward on his knees and offered Yi a toast for a thousand autumns. The next day Master Zhang set out, and Xishou escorted him as far as the border of Qi. When the king of Qi heard of it, he was angry at Yi and said: "Yan is my enemy, and Yi keeps company with him. He must be plotting with Yan to sell my state." And so he would not listen to him.

Zhao Yang Attacks Wei for Chu (昭陽為楚伐魏)

Zhao Yang (昭陽) attacked Wei on behalf of Chu, overthrew her army, killed her general, and took eight cities; then he moved his troops to attack Qi. Chen Zhen, on an embassy for the king of Qi, had audience with Zhao Yang, bowed twice in congratulation on the victory, then rose and asked: "By the law of Chu, what office and rank go to one who overthrows an army and kills its general?" Zhao Yang said: "The office is Senior Pillar of the State, and the rank is Senior Holder of the Jade Baton." Chen Zhen said: "And what is more honorable than this?" He said: "Only the chief minister." Chen Zhen said: "The chief minister is honorable indeed! But the king does not set up two chief ministers. Let your servant offer you a comparison, my lord. A man of Chu who made a sacrifice gave his retainers a beaker of wine. The retainers said to one another: 'For several men to drink it is not enough; for one man to drink it is more than enough. Let us draw snakes on the ground, and the one who finishes first shall drink the wine.' One man's snake was finished first, and he drew the wine over and was about to drink it. Then, holding the beaker in his left hand, he went on drawing the snake with his right and said: 'I can even give it feet.' Before he had finished, another man's snake was done, and that man snatched the beaker away, saying: 'A snake has no feet at all. How can you give it feet?' And he drank the wine. The man who gave the snake feet lost his wine in the end. Now, my lord, you are chancellor of Chu and have attacked Wei, broken her army, killed her general, and taken eight cities; and your troops are not weakened, and you wish to attack Qi. Qi fears you greatly. What you have in this is name enough as it stands, and above your office there is no further weight to be had. To fight and never lose and yet not know when to stop is to lose your own life and to have your rank revert to another afterward — which is the same as giving the snake feet." Zhao Yang thought this right, disbanded his army, and went away.

Qin Attacks Zhao (秦攻趙)

Qin attacked Zhao. Zhao sent Lou Huan (樓緩) to sue for terms with Qin with five cities and to join Qin in attacking Qi. The king of Qi was afraid, and therefore sent a man to sue for terms with Qin with ten cities. Master Lou was afraid, and therefore promised the king of Qin the twenty-four districts of Shangdang. Zhao Zu (趙足) went to Qi and said to the king of Qi: "Does Your Majesty wish Qin and Zhao to be pulled apart? Better to join the Vertical alliance with Zhao. Zhao will then certainly turn her back on Qin; and once she has turned her back on Qin, Qi will have nothing to fear."

The Crisis at Quan: Qi and Yan at War (權之難齊燕戰)

In the crisis at Quan, Qi and Yan went to war. Qin sent Wei Ran (魏冉) to Zhao to have troops sent out to help Yan strike Qi. Lord Xue sent Wei Chu (魏處) to Zhao, and he said to Li Xiang (李向): "If you help Yan strike Qi, Qi will be hard pressed; and being hard pressed she will certainly make peace with Yan by ceding land, and will then turn and fight Zhao herself. In that case you will have marched your troops east on Yan's behalf and taken land for Yan. Therefore, in planning for you, it would be better to hold your troops back and not send them out. Qi will then be given ease; and being given ease, she will certainly fight Yan again. If she fights and wins, her troops will be worn out and Zhao can take Tang and Quni; if she fights and does not win, her fate hangs upon Zhao. In that case we shall stand neutral and carve up an exhausted Qi and a wearied Yan, and the balance of power over both states will come into your hands."

Qin Attacks Zhao at Changping (秦攻趙長平)

Qin attacked Zhao at Changping, and Qi and Chu came to the rescue. Qin reckoned thus: "If Qi and Chu, in rescuing Zhao, are close, then we shall withdraw our troops; if they are not close, we shall go on and attack."

Zhao had nothing to eat and asked Qi for grain, and Qi would not agree. Su Qin said to the king of Qi: "Better to agree, and so drive Qin's troops back. If you do not agree, Qin's troops will not be driven back; then Qin's plan will have hit its mark, and the plan of Qi and Yan will have failed. Moreover Zhao is a screen and a shelter to Yan and Qi, as the lips are to the teeth: when the lips are gone the teeth are cold. Lose Zhao today, and tomorrow it reaches Qi and Chu. And the business of rescuing Zhao should be gone about as one carries a leaking jar or pours water on a scorched cauldron. To rescue Zhao is high righteousness; to drive back Qin's troops is a conspicuous name. To rescue a perishing Zhao in righteousness and by awe drive back the troops of a strong Qin — not to work at this, but to work at hoarding grain, is an error in one who plans for a state."

Someone Speaks to the King of Qi (或謂齊王)

Someone said to the king of Qi: "Zhou and Han have strong Qin to the west and Zhao and Wei to the east. When Qin attacks Zhou and Han from the west, Zhao and Wei do not join the attack, and Zhou and Han cede territory: Han is driven back, and Zhou takes the harm. And when Han has been driven back and Zhou has ceded, Zhao and Wei too will not escape trouble with Qin. Now if Qi joins Qin in attacking Zhao and Wei, that is not compelled in the way that Zhao and Wei were compelled to comply with Qin in attacking Zhou and Han. Let Qi go over to Qin and attack Zhao and Wei; and once Zhao and Wei have perished, Qin will face east and attack Qi — and how then will Qi find rescue in the world?"

Strategies of Qi, 3 (齊策三)

The King of Chu Dies (楚王死)

The king of Chu died, and the heir apparent was in Qi as a hostage. Su Qin said to Lord Xue (薛公, Tian Ying): "Why does my lord not keep the heir apparent of Chu here, and trade him for the Lower Eastern Territory?" Lord Xue said: "That will not do. If I keep the heir apparent, they will set up a king in Ying, and then I shall be holding an empty hostage and acting without righteousness before the world." Su Qin said: "Not so. If they set up a king in Ying, my lord may then say to their new king: 'Give me the Lower Eastern Territory and I will kill the heir apparent for Your Majesty. Otherwise I shall join the three states in setting him up.' Then the Lower Eastern Territory can certainly be got."

Su Qin's handling of the affair was such that he could ask leave to go; could make the king of Chu hand over the Lower Eastern Territory at once; could get still more land cut off from Chu; could be loyal to the heir apparent and yet make Chu hand over still more land; could get the heir apparent driven off on the king of Chu's behalf; could be loyal to the heir apparent and make him leave at once; could get Su Qin blackened before Lord Xue; could get a fief in Chu requested for Su Qin; could have a man persuade Lord Xue to be well disposed toward Master Su; and could have Master Su clear himself before Lord Xue.

Su Qin said to Lord Xue: "Your servant has heard that when a plan leaks out the undertaking has no success, and when a scheme is not decided the name is not achieved. Now my lord is keeping the heir apparent in order to trade him for the Lower Eastern Territory. If you do not get the Lower Eastern Territory quickly, Chu's calculation will change; and when it changes, my lord will be holding an empty hostage and bearing a bad name before the world." Lord Xue said: "Good. What is to be done about it?" He replied: "Let your servant go to Chu for you and make them hand over the land of the Lower Eastern Territory at once. If Chu is granted the settlement, my lord will have suffered no defeat." Lord Xue said: "Good." And he sent him off.

He said to the king of Chu: "Qi wishes to support the heir apparent and set him up. As your servant observes it, Lord Xue is keeping the heir apparent in order to trade him for the Lower Eastern Territory. If Your Majesty does not hand over the Lower Eastern Territory at once, the heir apparent will offer double what Your Majesty would cede and get Qi to support him." The king of Chu said: "I respectfully receive your command." And he presented the Lower Eastern Territory. Hence it is said: he could make Chu hand over the land at once.

He said to Lord Xue: "Chu's position is such that more can be cut off from her." Lord Xue said: "How?" — "Let me tell the heir apparent how the matter stands and have the heir apparent report it to my lord himself. This shows loyalty to the heir apparent, and when the king of Chu hears of it, still more land can be brought in." Hence it is said: he could get more cut off from Chu.

He said to the heir apparent: "Qi would support the heir apparent and set him up. The king of Chu has offered to cede land in order to have the heir apparent kept here, and Qi thinks the land too little. Why does the heir apparent not double the cession Chu offers and make it over to Qi? Then Qi will certainly support the heir apparent." The heir apparent said: "Good." And he doubled Chu's cession and extended it to Qi. When the king of Chu heard of it he was afraid, and cut off still more land and presented it, and even then was afraid the business would not go through. Hence it is said: he could make Chu hand over still more land.

He said to the king of Chu: "The reason Qi dares to cut off so much land is that she holds the heir apparent. Now that she has the land and still does not stop demanding, it is because she uses the heir apparent to outweigh Your Majesty. Therefore your servant is able to get the heir apparent away. Once the heir apparent is gone, Qi will have no pretext and will certainly not double her demands on Your Majesty. Your Majesty may then hasten to make friends with a strong Qi; and when Qi puts her case, she will certainly listen to Your Majesty. In that case Your Majesty will be rid of an enemy and will gain Qi's friendship." The king of Chu was greatly pleased and said: "I beg to rely upon you with my whole state." Hence it is said: he could get the heir apparent away at once on the king of Chu's behalf.

He said to the heir apparent: "The one who controls Chu is the king; the one who trades upon an empty name is the heir apparent. Qi will not necessarily trust the heir apparent's word, whereas Chu's performance is already visible. When the friendship with Chu is concluded, the heir apparent will certainly be in danger. Let the heir apparent consider it." The heir apparent said: "I respectfully receive your command." And he had his carriage harnessed and left at dusk. Hence it is said: he could make the heir apparent leave in haste.

Su Qin sent a man to make representations to Lord Xue: "The one who urged keeping the heir apparent was Su Qin. Su Qin was not truly acting for my lord; he was acting for Chu's convenience. Su Qin feared that my lord would find this out, and so he cut much land from Chu in order to wipe out his tracks. And now the one who has urged the heir apparent away is again Su Qin, and my lord does not know it. Your servant privately harbors doubts of him on my lord's behalf." Lord Xue was greatly angered at Su Qin. Hence it is said: he could have a man blacken Su Qin before Lord Xue.

He again sent a man to say to the king of Chu: "The one who made Lord Xue keep the heir apparent was Su Qin; the one who supported Your Majesty and had you set up in the Chu heir apparent's place was again Su Qin; the one who fixed the compact over the ceded land was again Su Qin; the one who was loyal to Your Majesty and drove off the heir apparent was again Su Qin. Now men are blackening Su Qin before Lord Xue, because he has been thin toward Qi and generous toward Chu. I would have Your Majesty know it." The king of Chu said: "I respectfully receive your command." And he enfeoffed Su Qin as Lord Wuzhen. Hence it is said: he could get a fief in Chu requested for Su Qin.

He also had Jing Li (景鯉) speak to the Lord of Xue, saying: "What makes you weighty in the world is that you can win the officers of the world and that you hold power in Qi. Now Su Qin (蘇秦) is the finest persuader in the world, and few in this age are his match. If for this reason you fail to treat Su Qin well, you will be hedging in and blocking the officers of the world and making the road of persuasion unprofitable. Those who wish you ill will take Su Qin up, and your affairs will then be in danger. Su Qin now stands well with the king of Chu, and if you do not befriend him early, you make of yourself an enemy of Chu. Better, then, to take this occasion to befriend him, to honor him and hold him weighty; and so you will have Chu." The Lord of Xue accordingly treated Su Qin well. Therefore it is said: one may, on Su Qin's own behalf, persuade the Lord of Xue to treat Su Qin well.

The Wife of the King of Qi Died (齊王夫人死)

The wife of the king of Qi died. There were seven young women of the harem, all of whom enjoyed his favor. The Lord of Xue wished to know whom the king wished to install in her place, and so presented seven sets of ear-jewels, one of them finer than the rest. The next day he looked to see where the fine ear-jewels were, and urged the king to install that woman as his wife.

Lord Mengchang Was About to Enter Qin (孟嘗君將入秦)

Lord Mengchang (孟嘗君) was about to go into Qin. Those who tried to stop him numbered in the thousands, but he would not listen. Su Qin wished to stop him. Lord Mengchang said, "The affairs of men I already know entirely; the only thing I have not heard of is the affairs of ghosts." Su Qin said, "In coming here I would certainly not presume to speak of the affairs of men. It is precisely on the affairs of ghosts that I come to see you."

Lord Mengchang received him. He said to Lord Mengchang: "As I came here today I passed along the Zi River (淄), and there was a clay figure of a man talking with a peachwood figure. The peachwood figure said to the clay figure, 'You are earth of the western bank; they kneaded you into a man. When the eighth month of the year comes and the rains come down and the waters of the Zi rise, you will be ruined.' The clay figure said, 'Not so. I am earth of the western bank; if I go back to earth, I simply go back to the western bank. But you are a peachwood figure from the country in the east; they carved and pared you into a man. When the rains come down and the waters of the Zi rise, they will float you away — and then, bobbing along, what will become of you?' Now Qin is a land closed by barriers on four sides, like a tiger's mouth; and if you enter it, I do not know how you are to come out." Lord Mengchang then stopped.

Lord Mengchang Was at Xue (孟嘗君在薛)

Lord Mengchang was at Xue, and the men of Jing (荊) attacked it. Chunyu Kun (淳于髡) had gone as an envoy of Qi to Jing, and on his way back he passed through Xue. Lord Mengchang had his people receive him with full ceremony and went out himself to meet him in the suburbs. He said to Chunyu Kun, "The men of Jing are attacking Xue. If you, master, will not trouble yourself over it, then I, Wen, shall have no way to wait upon you again." Chunyu Kun said, "I respectfully hear your command."

When he reached Qi he made his full report. The king said, "What did you see in Jing?" He replied, "Jing is very obstinate, and Xue for its part does not measure its own strength." The king said, "What do you mean?" He replied, "Xue does not measure its strength, and yet it has set up a pure temple for the former king. Jing is obstinate and attacks it, and the pure temple is certain to be endangered. So I say that Xue does not measure its strength, and that Jing too is very obstinate." The king of Qi softened his expression and said, "Ah! The temple of my late lord is there!" He quickly raised troops and rescued it.

A plea made stumbling and falling, an audience begged with bows from afar — even if it gains its object, it is a thin thing. One who is good at persuading sets out the shape of the case and states the plan; another man's urgency becomes to him as though he himself were in the narrow and hard-pressed place. What use has he for force?

Lord Mengchang Maintained Xiahou Zhang (孟嘗君奉夏侯章)

Lord Mengchang maintained Xiahou Zhang (夏侯章) with provision for four horses and food for a hundred men, and treated him with great cordiality. Yet Xiahou Zhang never spoke without disparaging Lord Mengchang. Someone reported this to Lord Mengchang, and Lord Mengchang said, "I, Wen, have my own reasons for serving Master Xiahou. Say nothing of it; keep watch over it."

Fan Jing (繁菁) asked Master Xiahou about it, and Master Xiahou said: "Lord Mengchang, weighty though he is, is no feudal lord, and yet he maintains me with provision for four horses and food for a hundred men. I have not an inch or a fraction of merit, and yet I receive this. So I disparage him in order to do something for him. The reason he is able to be counted a man of large heart is that I disparage him. I give my own person for Lord Mengchang's sake — how should I stop at words?"

Lord Mengchang Sat at a Feast (孟嘗君讌坐)

Lord Mengchang was sitting at a feast, and said to three elders, "I should like to hear from you gentlemen whatever may make good my shortcomings."

One of them said, "Among the rulers of the world, should one displease you and encroach upon you, I ask leave to spatter his lapels with my blood."

Tian Mao (田瞀) said, "As far as wheel-tracks can reach, I ask leave to cover over your shortcomings and to proclaim your strengths, so that rulers of a thousand chariots and chancellors of ten thousand chariots will want to have you as men who have been sent for you and fear they will not arrive in time."

Sheng […] said, "I should like to use the goods and wealth of your treasury to gather in the officers of the world — men able to resolve doubts for you and to meet sudden emergencies, as Marquis Wen of Wei had Tian Zifang (田子方) and Duan Ganmu (段干木). This is what I would take for my lord."

One of Lord Mengchang's Retainers Was in Love with His Lordship's Lady (孟嘗君舍人有與君之夫人相愛者)

Among Lord Mengchang's retainers there was one who was in love with his lordship's lady. Someone told Lord Mengchang of it, saying, "To be your retainer and yet within the household to be in love with your lady is a very great breach of righteousness. My lord should put him to death." His lordship said, "To see a face and be pleased with it is human feeling. Set the matter aside and say nothing of it."

A full year later, his lordship summoned the man who loved his lady and said to him, "You have followed me a long while now. A high office is not to be had, and a small office you yourself do not want. The ruler of Wey (衛) and I were friends in plain cloth. Let me have carriage and horses, hides and bolts of silk made ready for you; I should like you to go with these and attend upon the ruler of Wey." In Wey he came to be much esteemed.

Relations between Qi and Wey turned bad, and the ruler of Wey greatly wished to bind the troops of the world together to attack Qi. This man said to the ruler of Wey: "Lord Mengchang did not know that I was unworthy, and so deceived you with me. Moreover I have heard that the former lords of Qi and Wey slaughtered a horse and killed a sheep and swore a covenant, saying, 'Let there be no attacking one another between Qi and Wey in later generations; and if any does attack the other, let his life be as this.' Now you would bind the troops of the world together to attack Qi. That is to turn your back on your former lord's covenant and to deceive Lord Mengchang. I would have you put Qi out of your heart. If you listen to me, well and good; if you do not listen to me, then, unworthy as I am, I shall at once spatter your collar with the blood of my throat." The ruler of Wey then desisted.

The men of Qi heard of it and said, "Lord Mengchang may be called skilled in the management of affairs: he turned disaster into merit."

Lord Mengchang Had a Retainer Whom He Did Not Like (孟嘗君有舍人而弗悅)

Lord Mengchang had a retainer whom he did not like, and wished to drive him out. Lu Lian (魯連) said to Lord Mengchang: "If gibbons and macaques leave the trees and take to the water, they are no match for fish and turtles. In crossing rough ground and mounting dangerous heights, the finest steed is no match for a fox. When Cao Mo (曹沫) brandished his three-foot sword, a whole army could not withstand him; but let Cao Mo lay down his three-foot sword and take up spade and weeding-hoe among the farmers in the furrowed fields, and he would be no match for a farmer. So when a thing sets aside what it is good at and goes to what it is bad at, even Yao would fall short. Now if you employ a man and he cannot do the work, you call him unworthy; if you teach a man and he cannot learn, you call him clumsy. The clumsy you dismiss and the unworthy you cast out; and when a man has been cast out and driven off, so that others will not keep company with him, and he comes back to do harm in requital — would that not be to lead the age in setting up such a teaching?" Lord Mengchang said, "Good," and did not drive him out.

Lord Mengchang Traveled Through the States and Came to Chu (孟嘗君出行國至楚)

Lord Mengchang went out to travel among the states, and when he came to Chu he was presented with an ivory bed. The Dengtu of Ying (郢), whose turn of duty it was, was to escort it, but did not wish to go. He saw Gongsun Shu (公孫戍), a retainer of Lord Mengchang's gate, and said to him: "I am the Dengtu of Ying, and it has fallen to me to escort the ivory bed. The bed is worth a thousand in gold, and if I damage it by so much as a floating hair, selling my wife and children would not be enough to make it good. If you, sir, can arrange that I need not go, I have a treasured sword of my forefathers, and I should like to present it to you." Gongsun said, "Agreed."

He went in and saw Lord Mengchang, and said, "Surely my lord is not going to accept Chu's ivory bed?" Lord Mengchang said, "I am." Gongsun Shu said, "I would have my lord not accept it." Lord Mengchang said, "Why?" Gongsun Shu said: "The reason the small states have all sent you the chancellor's seal is that they have heard that in Qi you can raise up and bring forward the poor and destitute, and that you have the righteousness of preserving what is perishing and continuing what has been cut off. The heroes and paragons among the officers of the small states all lay the business of their states upon you, because they truly delight in your righteousness and admire your integrity. Now if you come to Chu and accept an ivory bed, how will the states you have not yet reached treat you? I, Shu, would have you not accept it." Lord Mengchang said, "Agreed."

Gongsun Shu hurried away. Before he had gone out, when he had reached the inner gate, his lordship called him back and said, "You have taught me not to accept the ivory bed, and that was very good. But why do you lift your feet so high and carry your spirit so lofty?" Gongsun Shu said, "I have three great joys, and on top of them a treasured sword." Lord Mengchang said, "What do you mean?" Gongsun Shu said: "The retainers of your gate number in the hundreds, and none dared come in to remonstrate; I alone came in to remonstrate — that is my first joy. My remonstrance was heeded — that is my second joy. My remonstrance stopped my lord in a fault — that is my third joy. And as for the delivery of the ivory bed, the Dengtu of Ying did not wish to go, and promised me a treasured sword of his forefathers." Lord Mengchang said, "Good. Have you accepted it?" Gongsun Shu said, "I have not dared." He said, "Accept it at once." And thereupon he wrote on the board at his gate: "Whoever can spread the name of Wen and stop the faults of Wen, though he privately gets treasure abroad for it, let him come in quickly and remonstrate."

Chunyu Kun Presented Seven Men to King Xuan in a Single Day (淳于髡一日而見七人於宣王)

Chunyu Kun presented seven men to King Xuan in a single day. The king said, "Come here. I have heard that if in a thousand li there is one officer, it is as though they stood shoulder to shoulder, and that if in a hundred generations there is one sage, it is as though they came heel upon heel. Now you have presented seven officers in a single morning. Are officers not then plentiful?"

Chunyu Kun said: "Not so. Birds of the same wing flock together; beasts of the same foot walk together. If you look now for bupleurum and balloon-flower root in a marsh, you will not get one of them in whole generations of searching; but go to the northern slopes of Gaoshu and Liangfu, and you may tip back the cart and load them. Every kind of thing has its own kind, and I, Kun, am of the kind of the worthy. For the king to seek officers from me is like drawing water from the Yellow River or taking fire from a burning-mirror. I shall present others yet — how should it stop at seven officers?"

Qi Wished to Attack Wei (齊欲伐魏)

Qi wished to attack Wei. Chunyu Kun said to the king of Qi: "Han Zilu (韓子盧) was the swiftest hound in the world, and Dongguo Jun (東郭逡) was the craftiest hare within the seas. Han Zilu chased Dongguo Jun three times around a mountain and five times up over it. The hare was spent in front and the hound broken down behind; hound and hare alike were exhausted, and each died where it lay. A farmer who came upon them had none of the labor and weariness, yet took the whole gain for himself. Now Qi and Wei have long stood locked against each other, blunting their arms and wearing out their multitudes. I fear that mighty Qin and great Chu will come up behind them and have the farmer's gain." The king of Qi took fright, dismissed his generals, and rested his troops.

Guozi Said: Qin Broke the Army of the Lord of Mafu (國子曰秦破馬服君之師)

Guozi (國子) said: "Qin broke the army of the Lord of Mafu (馬服君) and laid siege to Handan. Qi and Wei also assisted Qin in attacking Handan, Qi taking Zishu and Wei taking Yishi. The noble Wuji (公子無忌) acted for the world upon a plan of expedience: he killed Jin Bi (晉鄙) and led the troops of Wei to raise the siege of Handan, so that Qin did not possess it and lost the world. This was the achievement of Qi's going in with Wei and rescuing Handan.

"Anyi is the pillar of the state of Wei; Jinyang is the pillar of the state of Zhao; Yan and Ying are the pillar of the state of Chu. Because these three states share a land border with Qin, Qin attacked Wei and took Anyi, attacked Zhao and took Jinyang, attacked Chu and took Yan and Ying. It has pressed hard upon the rulers of the three states, annexed the lands of the two Zhou, raised its arms against the house of Han and taken its territory — very nearly half the world. Now it further coerces Zhao and Wei, sunders the Middle States from one another, marks off the eastern fields of Wey, annexes Wei's land south of the Yellow River, and cuts off Zhao's Dongyang. Then Zhao and Wei too are in danger; and if Zhao and Wei are in danger, that is no advantage to Qi.

"The purpose of Han, Wei, Zhao, and Chu is this: they fear that Qin will annex the world and make subjects of their rulers, and therefore they concentrate their arms and unite their will to withstand Qin. The three states share a land border with Qin and their trouble is urgent; Qi shares no land border with Qin and its trouble is remote. Therefore, such being the configuration of the world, none of them can help but serve Qi. So if Qin gets Qi, its power will be the weightier among the Middle States; and if Zhao, Wei, and Chu get Qi, they will be enough to match Qin. Thus Qin, Zhao, and Wei are heavy when they have Qi and light when they lose it. Qi has this configuration, and yet cannot make itself weighty in the world. Why? Because there is a fault in the men it employs."

Strategies of Qi, 4 (齊策四)

There Was a Man of Qi Named Feng Xuan (齊人有馮諼者)

There was a man of Qi named Feng Xuan (馮諼). He was poor and destitute and could not keep himself alive, and he had someone commend him to Lord Mengchang, asking to be fed among the retainers of his gate. Lord Mengchang said, "What does the guest like?" The answer was, "The guest likes nothing." He said, "What can the guest do?" The answer was, "The guest can do nothing." Lord Mengchang laughed and received him, saying, "Agreed." Those about him, thinking his lordship held the man cheap, fed him on coarse fare.

After a while he leaned against a pillar, struck his sword, and sang, "Long sword, let us go home! There is no fish in the food." Those about him reported it. Lord Mengchang said, "Feed him on a level with the guests of my gate." After a while he struck his sword-hilt again and sang, "Long sword, let us go home! There is no carriage to go out in." Those about him all laughed at him, and reported it. Lord Mengchang said, "Get a carriage harnessed for him, on a level with the carriage-guests of my gate." Then he rode in his carriage and shouldered his sword, and calling on his friends he said, "Lord Mengchang treats me as a guest." Some time after, he struck the hilt of his sword again and sang, "Long sword, let us go home! There is nothing to keep a household on." Those about him all disliked him, holding him greedy and not one to know when he had enough. Lord Mengchang asked, "Has Master Feng parents?" The answer was, "He has an aged mother." Lord Mengchang sent people to supply her with food and necessaries, so that she should lack nothing. Thereupon Feng Xuan sang no more.

Later Lord Mengchang put out a notice, asking the guests of his gate, "Who among you is versed in accounts and can collect the debts at Xue for me, Wen?" Feng Xuan signed it, saying, "I can." Lord Mengchang thought this strange and said, "Who is this?" Those about him said, "It is the one who sang, 'Long sword, let us go home.'" Lord Mengchang laughed and said, "So the guest has abilities after all. I have wronged him, and I have never yet received him." He invited him and received him, and apologized, saying, "I, Wen, am worn out with business and muddled with cares; my nature is weak and stupid, and I am sunk in the affairs of the state, so that I have given offense to you, sir. You are not ashamed of me, and mean to collect the debts at Xue for me?" Feng Xuan said, "That is my wish." Thereupon he had a carriage made ready and his baggage packed, loaded up the tallies and bonds, and set out. As he took his leave he said, "When the debts have all been collected, what shall I buy with them and bring back?" Lord Mengchang said, "Look at what my house has little of."

He drove to Xue and had the officers summon all the people who owed payment, so that they all came to match their tallies. When the tallies had all been matched, he rose and, feigning his lordship's command, made a gift of the debts to the people, and burned the bonds. The people cried, "Ten thousand years!"

He drove straight back to Qi and asked at dawn to be received. Lord Mengchang, surprised at his speed, put on cap and robe and received him, saying, "Are the debts all collected? How quickly you have come!" He said, "They are all collected." "And what have you bought and brought back?" Feng Xuan said, "My lord said, 'Look at what my house has little of.' I reckoned privately that my lord's palace is heaped with precious things, that dogs and horses fill the outer stables, and that beautiful women crowd the lower ranks of the household. What your house has little of is righteousness. So I privately bought righteousness for my lord." Lord Mengchang said, "And how does one buy righteousness?" He said, "My lord now holds the small place of Xue, and instead of caring for its people and making children of them, you treat them as merchandise and take profit from them. So I privately feigned my lord's command, made a gift of the debts to the people, and burned the bonds, and the people cried, 'Ten thousand years!' That is how I bought righteousness for my lord." Lord Mengchang was not pleased, and said, "Very well; rest yourself, sir."

A full year later the king of Qi said to Lord Mengchang, "I do not presume to take a servant of a former king for my own servant." Lord Mengchang went to his fief at Xue. He was still a hundred li away when the people, supporting the old and leading the young by the hand, came out to meet him on the road. Lord Mengchang turned and said to Feng Xuan, "The righteousness you bought for me, sir — today I have seen it."

Feng Xuan said, "The crafty hare has three burrows, and with them barely escapes death. My lord now has one burrow, and cannot yet sleep with his pillow high. Let me dig two more burrows for you." Lord Mengchang gave him fifty carriages and five hundred catties of gold, and he traveled west to Liang, where he said to King Hui, "Qi has cast out its great minister Lord Mengchang among the feudal lords. Whichever lord welcomes him first will be rich and strong in arms." Thereupon the king of Liang emptied the highest place, made his former chancellor supreme general, and sent envoys with a thousand catties of gold and a hundred carriages to invite Lord Mengchang. Feng Xuan drove ahead and warned Lord Mengchang, "A thousand in gold is a heavy gift; a hundred carriages is a conspicuous embassy. Qi will surely have heard of it." The envoys of Liang came three times, and Lord Mengchang firmly declined and would not go.

The king of Qi heard of it, and ruler and ministers alike were afraid. He sent the Grand Tutor bearing a thousand catties of gold, two teams of four horses with painted carriages, and one sword of his own wearing, and with them a sealed letter of apology to Lord Mengchang, saying: "I am unblessed, stricken by a curse from the ancestral temple and sunk among flattering and fawning servants, and I have given offense to you. I am not worth serving. But will you have regard for the ancestral temple of the former kings, and for the present come back to the state and take charge of its ten thousand people?" Feng Xuan warned Lord Mengchang, "Ask for the sacrificial vessels of the former kings, and set up an ancestral temple at Xue." When the temple was finished, he returned and reported to Lord Mengchang, "The three burrows are made. My lord may now sleep with his pillow high and take his ease."

Lord Mengchang was chancellor for several tens of years and suffered not the smallest calamity. This was owing to the designs of Feng Xuan.

Lord Mengchang Formed the Vertical Alliance (孟嘗君為從)

Lord Mengchang formed the vertical alliance. Gongsun Hong (公孫弘) said to Lord Mengchang, "Why does my lord not send someone first to observe the king of Qin? Suppose the king of Qin is a ruler of the emperor's and the king's stamp: then you may fear you will not even be allowed to be his subject — what leisure would you have to make trouble for him with an alliance? And suppose the king of Qin is an unworthy ruler: then to make trouble for him with an alliance will still not be too late." Lord Mengchang said, "Good. Let me then ask you, sir, to go."

Gongsun Hong respectfully agreed and went to Qin with ten carriages. King Zhao heard of it and wished to put him to shame with words. When Gongsun Hong was received, King Zhao said, "The land of the Lord of Xue — how large is it?" Gongsun Hong answered, "A hundred li." King Zhao laughed and said, "My own land is several thousand li, and even so I have not dared to make trouble for anyone. Now Lord Mengchang's land is a hundred li square, and on that ground he means to make trouble for me. Can that be?" Gongsun Hong answered, "Lord Mengchang loves men; your majesty does not love men." King Zhao said, "And how does Lord Mengchang love men?" Gongsun Hong said: "Men who in righteousness will not be subjects to the Son of Heaven nor friends to the feudal lords; who, if they gain their aim, are not ashamed to be lords of men, and if they do not gain it, will not consent to be another's servant — of such he has three. Men whose government could make them teachers to Guan Zhong (管仲) and Shang Yang (商鞅), and whose righteous counsels, being heard and acted upon, can bring the thing to accomplishment — of such he has five. And men who, when a stern lord of ten thousand chariots has insulted their master's envoy, would withdraw and cut their own throats, and would be sure to soak that lord's robe with their blood — of such as I there are ten." King Zhao laughed and made his apologies, saying, "Why should my guest speak so? I was merely talking with my guest. I am on good terms with Lord Mengchang, and I want my guest by all means to make my mind plain to him." Gongsun Hong said, "I respectfully agree."

Gongsun Hong may be called a man who could not be encroached upon. King Zhao was of a great state; Lord Mengchang was a house of a thousand chariots. To uphold the righteousness of a thousand-chariot house so that it could not be overborne — this may be called being fit to serve as an envoy.

Lu Zhonglian Said to Lord Mengchang (魯仲連謂孟嘗)

Lu Zhonglian (魯仲連) said to Lord Mengchang, "Do you love officers, my lord? Yongmen maintained Jiao Yi, and Yangdezi maintained his own man; they shared food and drink, clothing and furs with them, and both got their men's deaths for them. Now your house is richer than those two gentlemen's, and yet no officer has given you the whole of his friendship." His lordship said, "It is because I, Wen, have not got such two men. If I had those two men, would I alone fail to get the whole of it?"

He replied: "Your lordship's stables hold horses for a hundred teams, and there is not one of them but is covered with embroidered cloth and fed on beans and grain — but is there a Qilin or a Lü'er among them? Your inner palace has ten consorts, all clothed in white silk and fine ramie and fed on the best grain and meat — but is there a Mao Qiang or a Xi Shi among them? Beauty and horses you take from the present age. Why must you wait upon antiquity for officers? Therefore I say that my lord does not yet love officers."

Lord Mengchang Was Driven Out of Qi and Returned Again (孟嘗君逐於齊而復反)

Lord Mengchang was driven out of Qi and came back again. Tan Shizi (譚拾子) met him at the border and said to Lord Mengchang, "Surely my lord bears some resentment against the officers and grandees of Qi?" Lord Mengchang said, "I do." "Would it content you to put them to death?" Lord Mengchang said, "It would." Tan Shizi said, "There are things that must come, and there are principles that are so of themselves. Does my lord know them?" Lord Mengchang said, "I do not." Tan Shizi said: "The thing that must come is death. The principle that is so of itself is this: where there is wealth and rank, men go toward it; where there is poverty and low estate, they go away from it. This is the thing that must come and the principle that is so of itself. Let me take the market to illustrate it. The market is full in the morning and empty in the evening. It is not that men love the market in the morning and hate it in the evening: what they seek is there, and so they go; it is gone, and so they leave. Let my lord hold no resentment." Lord Mengchang then took the five hundred slips on which he had written the names of those he resented and scraped them away, and never presumed to speak of the matter again.

King Xuan of Qi Received Yan Chu (齊宣王見顏斶)

King Xuan of Qi received Yan Chu (顏斶) and said, "Chu, come forward!" Chu likewise said, "King, come forward!" King Xuan was displeased. Those about him said, "The king is the lord of men; Chu is a subject. When the king says, 'Chu, come forward,' is it right for Chu also to say, 'King, come forward'?" Chu replied, "For Chu to come forward would be to court power; for the king to come forward would be to seek out an officer. Rather than have Chu court power, better to have the king seek out an officer." The king flushed with anger and said, "Is the king the honorable one, or is the officer the honorable one?" He replied, "The officer is honorable; the king is not honorable." The king said, "Have you an argument for it?" Chu said: "I have. Formerly, when Qin attacked Qi, it gave out an order: 'Whoever dares to cut firewood within fifty paces of the grave-mound of Liuxia Ji (柳下季) shall die without pardon.' And it gave out an order: 'Whoever can obtain the head of the king of Qi shall be enfeoffed as a marquis of ten thousand households and given a thousand yi of gold.' Looking at the matter from this, the head of a living king is not worth so much as the grave-mound of a dead officer." King Xuan was silent and displeased.

Those about him all said: "Come, Chu, come! The great king holds a land of a thousand chariots and has set up bells of a thousand stone and bell-stands of ten thousand stone. The officers of the world, men of benevolence and righteousness, all come here to serve; men of eloquence and knowledge come forward together, and there is none but comes to speak; east, west, south, and north, none dares not submit. Of the ten thousand things he seeks, there is none that is not fully provided, and among the hundred families there is none that does not attach itself to him. But now the highest of officers is called only a common fellow, going about on foot and living among the fields, and the lower sort are in the outlying hamlets and the open country, gatekeepers and men of the wards and lanes. The lowliness of officers is very great indeed!"

Chu replied: "Not so. I have heard that in the time of the great Yu of old there were ten thousand states of feudal lords. Why? Because the way of abundant virtue obtained the strength that comes of honoring officers. So Shun rose from the fields and came out of the wild country, and became Son of Heaven. By the time of Tang there were three thousand feudal lords. In the present age, those who face south and call themselves 'the solitary one' are twenty-four. Looking at the matter from this, is it not a question of getting the right policy or losing it? Little by little they are cut down and destroyed; and when a man's line has perished and he has no clan left, though he should wish to be a gatekeeper or a man of the wards and lanes, how could he come to have it?

"Therefore does not the Commentary on the Changes say: 'One who occupies a high place, has not attained the substance of it, and yet takes pleasure in having the name of it, will surely make arrogance and extravagance his conduct. Where there is haughtiness, indolence, arrogance, and extravagance, disaster follows after. Therefore one who has not the substance and yet takes pleasure in the name will be cut away; one who has no virtue and yet looks for the blessing will come to straits; one who has no merit and yet receives the emolument will be disgraced; and calamity will hold him fast.' So it is said: 'Merit that is boasted of is never established; a wish that is empty never comes.' All these are men who take a happy pleasure in the name of a thing, showy and without the substance of virtue.

"Thus Yao had nine assistants, Shun had seven friends, Yu had five aides, and Tang had three supporters; and from antiquity to the present there has never been one who could make his name in the world out of emptiness. Therefore the ruler is not ashamed to ask often and does not blush to learn from those below him. And so those who perfected their way and virtue and carried their merit and name to later ages were Yao, Shun, Yu, Tang, and King Wen of Zhou.

"So it is said: 'The formless is the lord of forms; that which has no beginning-point is the root of affairs.' When above one sees the source and below one penetrates to its stream, and one comes to the clear learning of the sage — what could there be in that but good fortune?

"Laozi said, 'Though honored, one must take the lowly as the root; though high, one must take the low as the foundation.' That is why marquises and kings call themselves the orphaned, the solitary, the unworthy. Is this not taking lowliness as the root? For orphaned and solitary are the words for a man in distress, of low estate and in a mean position, and yet marquises and kings call themselves so. Is this not to put oneself below others and to honor and value officers? Yao handed on to Shun, Shun handed on to Yu, and King Cheng of Zhou entrusted his affairs to the Duke of Zhou, Dan; and generation after generation has called them enlightened rulers. By this it is clear that officers are the honorable ones."

King Xuan said, "Alas! How can a gentleman be slighted? I have brought this sickness upon myself. Only now do I hear the words of a gentleman; only now do I hear how petty men behave. I beg to be received as your disciple. And if Master Yan will keep company with me, his food shall always be the great sacrificial fare, he shall always ride in a carriage when he goes out, and his wife and children shall have beautiful and splendid clothing."

Yan Chu took his leave and said: "Jade is born in the mountains; cut it, and it is broken. It is not that it is not treasured and honored — but the uncut stone is no longer whole. An officer is born in the wild country; recommend and choose him, and he takes a salary. It is not that he fails to gain honor and advancement — but his form and spirit are no longer whole. Chu asks leave to go home. A late meal shall serve him for meat, a quiet walk shall serve him for a carriage, freedom from guilt shall serve him for honor, and purity, stillness, and uprightness shall be his own delight. It is the king who gives commands; it is Chu who gives loyal and straight speech. What I had to say of the essential way has all been said. I ask to be granted my return, to walk quietly back to my village and my house." Then he bowed twice and took his leave.

Chu knew when he had enough. Going back to the uncut stone, he was to the end of his life without disgrace.

Master Wang Dou Came to the Gate Wishing to See King Xuan of Qi (先生王斗造門而欲見齊宣王)

Master Wang Dou (王斗) came to the gate wishing to see King Xuan of Qi, and King Xuan had the usher bring him in. Wang Dou said, "For Dou to hurry in to see the king would be to love power; for the king to hurry out to see Dou would be to love officers. Which does the king prefer?" The messenger went back and reported this. The king said, "Let the master go slowly; I beg to come to him." King Xuan then hurried out and met him at the gate, and went in with him, saying, "I uphold the ancestral temple of my forebears and guard the altars of soil and grain. I have heard that you, master, speak straight and remonstrate uprightly without reserve." Wang Dou replied, "What the king has heard is more than the fact. Dou was born in a disordered age and serves a disordered ruler. How should he dare to speak straight and remonstrate uprightly?" King Xuan flushed with anger and was not pleased.

After a while Wang Dou said, "Formerly the late lord Duke Huan had his likings, and he gathered the feudal lords nine times and set the world right at a stroke; the Son of Heaven granted him the register, and he was established as chief of the great lords. Now the king has four of them." King Xuan was pleased and said, "I am stupid and mean, and in guarding the state of Qi I fear only to let it slip away. How could I have four of them?" Wang Dou said: "No. The late lord loved horses, and the king too loves horses. The late lord loved dogs, and the king too loves dogs. The late lord loved wine, and the king too loves wine. The late lord loved beauty, and the king too loves beauty. The late lord loved officers — and here the king does not love officers."

King Xuan said, "In the present age there are no officers. What am I to love?" Wang Dou said, "The age has no Qilin or Lü'er, yet the king's teams of four are complete. The age has no Dongguo Jun, no hound of the Lu clan, yet the king's coursing dogs are all provided. The age has no Mao Qiang or Xi Shi, yet the king's palace is full. It is simply that the king does not love officers. Why fret that there are none?" The king said, "I am anxious for the state and love the people, and I certainly wish to get officers to govern it."

Wang Dou said, "The king's anxiety for the state and love of the people are not equal to the king's love of a foot of crepe silk." The king said, "What do you mean?" Wang Dou said, "When the king has a cap made, he does not employ his flattering favorites but employs a craftsman. Why? Because the craftsman can do it. Now in governing Qi the king employs no one but his flattering favorites. So I say it is not equal to his love of a foot of crepe silk."

King Xuan apologized, saying, "I have committed a fault against the state." Thereupon he raised up five officers and gave them office, and the state of Qi was greatly well governed.

The King of Qi Sent an Envoy to Inquire After Queen Dowager Wei of Zhao (齊王使使者問趙威后)

The king of Qi sent an envoy to inquire after Queen Dowager Wei of Zhao (趙威后). The letter had not yet been opened when the queen dowager asked the envoy, "And is the harvest well? And are the people well? And is the king well?" The envoy was displeased and said, "I bear a commission as envoy to the queen dowager, and now you do not ask about the king but ask first about the harvest and the people. Is this to put the mean first and the honored last?" The queen dowager said, "Not so. If there is no harvest, how are there to be people? If there are no people, how is there to be a ruler? Is there any asking that sets aside the root and asks after the branch?"

Then she went on and questioned him: "Qi has a gentleman out of office named Zhongli Zi (鍾離子). Is he well? He is a man such that he feeds those who have grain and feeds those who have none, and clothes those who have clothes and clothes those who have none. In this he helps the king to nourish his people. Why to this day has he no place and calling?

"Is Master Yeyang (葉陽子) well? He is a man such that he grieves for widowers and widows, has pity on orphans and the childless, relieves the hard-pressed and destitute, and makes up what is lacking. In this he helps the king to increase his people. Why to this day has he no place and calling?

"Is the daughter of the Beigong family, Ying'er Zi (嬰兒子), well? She has taken off her rings and ear-jewels, and to old age has not married, in order to care for her father and mother. In this she leads the people out into filial feeling. Why to this day is she not received at court?

"These two officers have no place and calling, and this one woman is not received at court. How then is he to be king over the state of Qi and be a father to its ten thousand people?

"Is Zizhong of Yuling (於陵子仲) still alive? He is a man such that above he will not be a subject to the king, below he will not govern his household, and between he seeks no dealings with the feudal lords. This is to lead the people out into uselessness. Why to this day has he not been put to death?"

A Man of Qi Went to See Tian Pian (齊人見田駢)

A man of Qi went to see Tian Pian (田駢) and said, "I have heard of your lofty discourse, that you make a profession of not taking office; and I should like to serve you." Tian Pian said, "Where did you hear it?" He replied, "I heard it from my neighbor's daughter." Tian Pian said, "What do you mean?" He replied: "My neighbor's daughter made a profession of not marrying, and in her thirtieth year she had seven children. Unmarried she was and unmarried she remained — but she had gone clean past marrying. Now you, sir, make a profession of not taking office; yet your maintenance is a thousand zhong and your followers a hundred men. Unofficed you are — but in wealth you have gone clean past office." Master Tian made his apologies to him.

Guan Yan Gave Offense to the King of Qi (管燕得罪齊王)

Guan Yan (管燕) gave offense to the king of Qi. He said to those about him, "Which of you will go with me to the feudal lords?" Those about him were silent and none answered. Guan Yan wept, the tears running down, and said, "How sad! How easy officers are to get and how hard to use!" Tian Xu (田需) answered him: "Officers do not get their fill at three meals, while my lord's geese and ducks have food to spare. The women of the lower palace go mixed about in gauze and white silk and trail figured silk and crepe, while officers cannot get so much as a hem-border out of it. Wealth is what my lord holds light, and death is what officers hold heavy. My lord will not give officers what he holds light, and yet requires officers to serve him with what they hold heavy. It is not that officers are easy to get and hard to use."

Su Qin Went from Yan to Qi (蘇秦自燕之齊)

Su Qin went from Yan to Qi and was received at the south gate of Huazhang. The king of Qi said, "Ah, you have come! Qin has sent Wei Ran (魏冉) to offer me the title of Di, emperor. What do you make of it?" He replied: "Your majesty's question to me comes suddenly, and the source from which the trouble will grow is a small thing. If you now do not consent, you make Qin resentful; if you consent, you make the world resentful. Better to consent, and so let Qin's business be finished, and then not use the title, and so act for the world. If Qin takes the title and the world submits to it, your majesty may take it too: as to which came first and which after, the name of emperor will take no hurt. If Qin takes the title and the world does not submit, then your majesty need not take it; and as a means of gathering in the world, this will be a great asset."

Su Qin Said to the King of Qi (蘇秦謂齊王)

Su Qin said to the king of Qi, "If Qi and Qin are both set up as emperors, does your majesty think the world will honor Qin, or that it will honor Qi?" The king said, "It will honor Qin." "And if you lay the title of emperor aside, will the world love Qi, or will it love Qin?" The king said, "It will love Qi and hate Qin." "If the two emperors are set up and you make a compact to attack Zhao, how does that compare in advantage with attacking Song?"

He answered: "To be emperor along with Qin under such a compact — and the world will honor Qin alone and hold Qi light. If Qi lays the title aside, the world will love Qi and hate Qin. And attacking Zhao is not so advantageous as attacking Song. So I would have your majesty openly lay aside the title of emperor and thereby draw the world to you; break the compact and reject Qin, and do not let there be a contest of weight between you; and in that interval your majesty may take Song. Once Song is yours, Wey's Yangcheng is in danger; once Huaibei is yours, Chu's eastern territory is in danger; once the land west of the Ji is yours, Zhao's Hedong is in danger; once Yin and Pinglu are yours, the gates of Liang will not open. So lay aside the title of emperor and set against it the business of attacking Song: then the state will be weighty and its name honored, Yan and Chu will submit before your very appearance, the world will not dare to disobey, and this will be a deed of the kind of Tang and Wu. Show respect to Qin for the name of it, and afterward make the world hate it: this is what is called exchanging the lowly for the honored. I would have your majesty consider it well."

Strategies of Qi, 5 (齊策五)

Su Qin Persuades King Min of Qi (蘇秦說齊閔王)

Su Qin persuaded King Min of Qi (齊閔王), saying: "I have heard that one who uses arms and delights to go before the world will have grief, and that one who binds alliances and delights to be the master of others' resentment will be left alone. He who rises last has support to lean upon; he who keeps resentment far off has the season with him. Therefore when the sage undertakes affairs he always leans upon the weight of circumstance and works to rise with the season. Weight and support are the leaders of the ten thousand things; season and configuration are the chief of the hundred affairs. Therefore few, having neither weight nor support and going against the season and the configuration, have been able to bring their affairs to completion.

"Now even Ganjiang and Moye, if they do not get the strength of a man's arm, cannot cut or wound. A stiff arrow with keen metal, if it does not get the advantage of the bowstring and the trigger, cannot kill at a distance. It is not that the arrow is not sharp, nor that the sword is not keen. Why, then? Because the leverage of circumstance is not in them.

"How do I know this is so? Formerly the Zhao clan fell upon Wey (衛). The masters of the chariots had no rest from the relays, and inside its walls Wey cut off territory to sue for peace; of Wey's eight gates, all were banked up with earth and two had been thrown down. This was the shape of a state about to perish. The ruler of Wey went barefoot and carried his complaint to Wei (魏). The king of Wei himself put on armor and whetted his sword, challenged Zhao, and demanded battle. Within Handan there was wild running about, and between the Yellow River and the mountains there was disorder. Wey, having got this leverage, gathered up the armored men it had left and faced north: it wrecked Gangping and threw down the outer wall of Zhongmou. It was not that Wey was stronger than Zhao. Compare it thus: Wey was the arrow, and Wei was the bowstring and the trigger. Borrowing the strength of Wei, it took possession of the lands of Hedong. The Zhao clan was afraid. The men of Chu rescued Zhao and attacked Wei: they fought west of Zhou, went out by the Liang gate, encamped their army in Linzhong, and watered their horses at the Great River. Zhao, having got this leverage, in its turn fell upon Wei's lands north of the river, burned Jigou, and cast down Huangcheng. So the wrecking of Gangping, the throwing down of Zhongmou, the casting down of Huangcheng, the burning of Jigou — none of these was what Zhao or Wei wanted. Yet the two states were driven to carry them out. Why? Because Wey saw clearly the leverage that the moment lends.

"Those who run states in the present age are not like this. Their soldiers are weak, and they love to match themselves against the strong. Their states are exhausted, and they love to multiply enemies. Their undertakings have failed, and they love to press them to the last. Their soldiers are weak, and they hate to put themselves below other men. Their lands are narrow, and they love to match themselves against the great. Their undertakings have failed, and they love to add to their deceits. To practice these six things and seek the hegemony — that is far off indeed.

"Your servant has heard that one who is good at running a state follows the mind of the people and measures what his soldiers can do, and only afterward takes his place behind the world. Therefore in his alliances he does not become the owner of other men's grudges, and in his attacks he does not break the strong for other men. In this way troops are not wasted, his weight is not made light, his land can be broadened, and his desires can be accomplished. Formerly, when Qi joined Han and Wei in attacking Qin and Chu, the fighting was not especially hard, and Qi's portion in the division of land was no greater than Han's or Wei's. Yet the world laid the blame on Qi alone. Why? Because Qi had made itself the owner of Han's and Wei's grudges.

"Moreover the whole world was at war. Qi and Yan fought; the Zhao clan annexed Zhongshan; Qin and Chu fought Han and Wei without ceasing; and Song and Yue used their armies as they pleased. These ten states all had it in mind to match one another, and yet it was against Qi alone that they set their hearts. Why? Because in alliance Qi loved to be the owner of grudges, and in attack it loved to break the strong.

"Further, the calamity of the strong and great always comes of setting their minds on being king over other men; the disaster of the weak and small always comes of counting the scheming against other men as profit. This is why great states fall into danger and small states are wiped out. For a great state no plan is better than to rise afterward and to be weighty in punishing the unrighteous. When one rises afterward, his supports and allies are many and his soldiers stout; then the business is one of the many and strong meeting the exhausted and few, and his arms must prevail. If his undertaking does not stop up the heart of the world, then advantage must attach itself to him. When a great state does this, titles and names come to it without being snatched at, and hegemony and kingship stand established without being worked for.

"As for the condition of a small state, nothing is better than to be careful and quiet and to put little trust in the feudal lords. Careful and quiet, its four neighbors do not turn against it; trusting the lords little, the world does not sell it. Not sold abroad and not turned against at home, its calamities are kept off, its stores moulder and rot without being used, and its silks and cloths dry out and are eaten by worms without ever being worn. If a small state travels this road, then without sacrificing it is blessed, and without borrowing it finds itself sufficient. Therefore it is said: he who takes benevolence for his ancestor becomes king; he who sets up righteousness becomes hegemon; he who exhausts himself in the use of arms perishes.

"How do I know this is so? Formerly King Fuchai of Wu, being strong and great, put himself at the head of the world. By force he fell upon Ying and penned Yue up on its mountain, and the rulers of the feudal lords followed at his heels. Yet in the end he died and his state perished, and he was slaughtered for all the world to see. Why? Because in his ordinary living Fuchai schemed to be king, and being strong and great he delighted to go before the world — and so went first into the world's calamity. Formerly Lai and Ju loved scheming, and Chen and Cai loved deceit. Ju relied on Yue and was wiped out; Cai relied on Jin and perished. All of these were the disasters of nourishing deceit within and trusting the feudal lords without. Looking at it from this, the calamities of the strong and the weak, the great and the small, may be seen in the affairs of the past.

"The saying goes: 'When the thoroughbred grows feeble, the worn-out nag gets ahead of it; when Meng Ben grows tired, a woman overcomes him.' Now the nag and the woman are not better than the thoroughbred and Meng Ben in sinew, bone, and strength. Why, then? It is the leverage of rising afterward. In the dealings of the world today, states are not all destroyed together. If there is one that can hold his soldiers in place and rise afterward, that lodges his grievance with another and has the crooked punished by another's hand, that uses arms sparingly and lodges his cause in righteousness — then the world may be had in the time it takes to draw up one's foot and wait.

"Those who are clear about the affairs of the feudal lords and discerning in the principles of the ground swear no pacts of intimacy, exchange no hostages, and yet are firm; they do not hurry, and yet they are swift; they join in many undertakings, and yet do not turn upon one another; they cut and exchange territory, and yet do not hate one another; both grow strong, and closeness is added on top of it. Why? Because their situations share one anxiety and their armies run toward one advantage.

"How do I know this is so? Formerly Qi and Yan fought at the bend of Huan. Yan did not win, and a host of a hundred thousand was used up. The Hu people fell upon several counties of Yan at Loufan and carried off their oxen and horses. Now the Hu and Qi were no old intimates, and in using their arms they had sworn no pact and exchanged no hostages to plot against Yan; yet they ran together better than sworn allies. Why? Because their situations shared one anxiety and their armies ran toward one advantage. Looking at it from this: to make one's pact with those whose situation is the same brings long advantage, and by rising afterward the feudal lords may be made to run and do one's service.

"Therefore, if an enlightened ruler and a discerning chancellor truly wish to set their will upon hegemony and kingship, battle and assault are not the things to put first. War is the wrecking of a state and the expense of its cities and counties. When wrecking and expense have gone first, few are able to draw the feudal lords after them.

"As for the way war wrecks a state: when the officers hear that there is to be war they pour out their private wealth to enrich the army market; they send in food and drink to provide for the men sworn to die; they have the chariot shafts broken up and cook with them; they kill oxen and pour wine for the soldiers. This is the road that strips a ruler bare. The people within pray and make invocation; the ruler keeps ale brewing under cover against the day of return; in the great cities and the small counties altars of the soil are set up; and in every town that has a market there is none that does not stop its business to serve the king. This is the plan that hollows out the interior.

"On the day after a battle the dead are laid out and the wounded held up. Even if there seems to have been merit, the army going out has its cost and within there is weeping, and this wounds the ruler's heart. Those who died break their households to bury them; those who were wounded empty their goods to supply medicine; those who came through whole hold great drinking at home and make lavish music. So the cost of these is equal to the cost of the dead and wounded. Thus what the people spend, ten years of farming will not repay.

"What the army sends out: spears and halberds are broken, ring-fittings and bowstrings snapped, crossbows damaged, chariots smashed, horses worn out, and the greater part of the arrows lost. The gear of armor and weapons is what the offices put out at their own charge, what the officers and grandees hide away, what the grooms and serving men steal; and ten years of farming will not repay it. When the world has these two expenses, few are able to draw the feudal lords after them.

"The cost of assaulting a city: the hundred families mend their aprons and screens, raise up the ram-carts and the siege towers, whole households are thrown together into the work, men burrow underground, and within, the state is worn out by blades and metal. The officers are ground down at earthworks; the general does not take off his armor; and to bring a city down within a term of months counts as haste. Those above grow weary of drilling, and the officers are cut down by the weapons. So of those who bring down three cities, few are still able to overcome the enemy. Therefore it is said: battle and assault are not the things to put first.

"How do I know this is so? Formerly Zhi Bo Yao attacked the Fan and the Zhonghang clans, killed their lords, and wiped out their states, and then besieged Jinyang in the west. He swallowed two houses whole and had but one lord left to trouble him. This was the height of the use of arms. Yet in the end Zhi Bo's body died and his house perished, and he was laughed at by the world. Why do we say this happened? Because he put battle and assault first with his arms, and his calamity lay in his having wiped out those two masters.

"In former days Zhongshan raised all its forces to meet Yan and Zhao. In the south it fought at Changzi and defeated the Zhao clan; in the north it fought within Zhongshan, overcame the army of Yan, and killed its general. Now Zhongshan was a state of a thousand chariots, and it faced two states of ten thousand chariots, and in two battles it won twice. This was the highest grade in the use of arms. Yet its state perished all the same, and its ruler became a subject in Qi. Why? Because it was not sparing of the calamity of battle and assault. Looking at it from this, the ruin brought by battle and assault may be seen in the affairs of the past.

"Those whom the present age calls good at using arms fight to the end and win time after time, and hold what cannot be taken; the world calls it good, and a state that gets such a man leans upon him. But this is not the profit of a state. Your servant has heard that when a battle is greatly won, many of the soldiers die and the army grows the weaker; and that when a defense cannot be taken, the hundred families are exhausted and the walls stand bare. Soldiers dying abroad, the people wrecked at home, and the walls standing bare on the border — this is no joy for a king.

"Now the target on the butt has committed no crime against anyone, yet men fit the bow and draw the crossbow and shoot at it; he who hits it is pleased with himself and he who misses is ashamed; and young and old, noble and base, are of one mind in wanting to pierce it. Why? Because they hate its showing men something hard. Now to fight to exhaustion and win time after time, and to hold what can never be taken, is not merely to show men something hard: it is to harm them as well. In that case the world will surely make an enemy of you.

"To wear out one's officers and lay one's state bare, and to make many enemies of the world — an enlightened ruler does not dwell there. To keep a strong army in constant use and so weaken it — a discerning chancellor does not busy himself with that. The enlightened ruler and the discerning chancellor: without moving the five weapons the feudal lords follow them, and while they are still declining gifts the heavy bribes arrive. So when an enlightened ruler makes war, armor and weapons never leave the camp and yet the enemy state is beaten; ram-carts and siege towers are never set up and yet the frontier city surrenders; his officers and people know nothing of it, and yet the work of kingship arrives. When an enlightened ruler goes about his affairs, he spends little wealth, and though the days stretch far off, his profit is long. Therefore it is said: if the army rises afterward, the feudal lords may be made to run and do one's service.

"What your servant has heard is this. In the way of assault and battle, the man who uses no army defeats a host of a million in his own hall; though the enemy have generals like He Lü and Wu Qi, he takes them captive inside his own door; a wall a thousand zhang long he brings down between the goblet and the meat-stand; a ram a hundred chi long he breaks upon his sitting-mat. So the sound of bells and drums, of reed-pipes and zithers, is never broken off, and yet his land can be broadened and his desires accomplished; the laughter of concerted music, of players and dwarfs, never runs short, and yet the feudal lords can be summoned all on one day. So a name matched with Heaven and Earth is not called honor enough for him, and a profit that commands all within the seas is not called abundance enough.

"Therefore the man who is good at the work of kingship makes the world toil while he himself is at ease, throws the world into disorder while he himself is at peace. When the feudal lords can bring no plan to completion, then his state has no anxiety kept overnight. How do I know this is so? Ease and order with me, toil and disorder in the world — this is the way of a king. When sharp troops come he blocks them; when trouble arrives he goes out to meet it; he brings it about that the feudal lords can complete no plan, and then his state has no anxiety kept overnight.

"How do I know this is so? Formerly the king of Wei held a thousand li of land and three hundred and sixty thousand armored men. In his strength he was able to take Handan, and in the west he besieged Dingyang; he also led twelve feudal lords to court before the Son of Heaven, and looked west to plot against Qin. The king of Qin was afraid of him: he did not rest easy on his mat, and food had no savor for him. He gave orders within his borders that everything inside the battlements should be turned to making gear for war, that the whole land should make ready its defenses, and that generals should be appointed over men sworn to die, so as to await the house of Wei.

"Wey Yang laid a plan before the king of Qin, saying: 'The achievements of the house of Wei are great, and its orders run through the world. It has twelve feudal lords with it and goes to court before the Son of Heaven; its allies must be many. For Qin alone to match great Wei — I fear we are not equal to it. Why does the king not send your servant to see the king of Wei? Then your servant asks leave to rout Wei for certain.' The king of Qin consented.

"Wey Yang saw the king of Wei and said: 'Great king, your achievements are great and your orders run through the world. But the twelve feudal lords who now follow you are Song and Wey, or else Zou, Lu, Chen, and Cai — states you may drive with whip and riding-crop, and not enough to make you king over the world. The great king would do better to take Yan in the north and attack Qi in the east: then Zhao must follow you. Take Qin in the west and attack Chu in the south: then Han must follow you. If the great king has a mind to attack Qi and Chu, and a will to make the world follow him, then the work of kingship will show itself. The great king had best first put on the robes of a king, and only then plan against Qi and Chu.'

"The king of Wei was delighted with Wey Yang's words. Therefore he himself enlarged the ducal palace, had the pillars clothed in vermilion, set up the nine streamers, and followed the banner of the seven stars. These are the estate of the Son of Heaven, and the king of Wei took his place in them. At this Qi and Chu were enraged. The feudal lords ran over to Qi, and the men of Qi attacked Wei, killed its heir apparent, and overturned its army of a hundred thousand. The king of Wei was greatly frightened. He went barefoot, held his troops still within the state, and travelled east to lodge at Qi, and only then did the world let him be. At that time the king of Qin, with his robes hanging and his hands folded, received the lands beyond the West of the River, and owed the king of Wei no thanks for them.

"Therefore it is said: when Wey Yang first laid his plan with the king of Qin, the plan was agreed without their leaving their mats and the words passed between goblet and meat-stand; the scheme was completed in the hall, and the general of Wei was already a captive of Qi; no ram-cart was set up, and the lands beyond the West of the River had already passed to Qin. This is what your servant means by defeating them in the hall, taking their general captive inside the door, bringing cities down between goblet and meat-stand, and breaking the ram upon the sitting-mat."

Strategies of Qi, 6 (齊策六)

Among the People of Qi Living Against the Outer Wall There Was One Hu Xuan (齊負郭之民有孤狐咺者)

Among the people of Qi who lived with their backs against the outer wall there was one Hu Xuan. He argued straightly with King Min, and was cut down at the Tan crossroads; and the hundred families would not cleave to the king. Chen Ju, of the ducal kin of Qi, spoke plainly, and was killed at the East Gate; and the clans of the royal house turned their hearts away. Sima Rangju was one of those who governed, and the king killed him; and the great ministers were no longer close to him. For these reasons Yan raised troops and sent the Lord of Changguo to command them and strike Qi. Qi sent Xiangzi to command its army and answer them. The army of Qi was broken, and Xiangzi fled with a single carriage. Dazi gathered the remnant of the troops and rallied them again and fought Yan; and he sought something with which to recompense the men, but King Min would not give it, and his army was broken and fled.

The king fled to Ju. Nao Chi reckoned up his faults, saying: "Between Qiansheng and Bochang, over some hundreds of li square, it rained blood and soaked men's clothes. Did the king know of it?" The king said, "I did not know." "Between Ying and Bo the ground split open down to the springs. Did the king know of it?" The king said, "I did not know." "There was a man who wept facing the palace gate-towers; when he was sought he could not be found, and when men went away his voice was heard. Did the king know of it?" The king said, "I did not know." Nao Chi said: "That Heaven rained blood and soaked men's clothes was Heaven telling you. That the ground split open down to the springs was Earth telling you. That a man wept facing the gate-towers was Man telling you. Heaven, Earth, and Man have all told you, and yet the king took no warning from it. How can he escape execution?" Thereupon he killed King Min at Guli.

The heir apparent then loosened his robe and put off his proper dress, and fled to the house of the Grand Scribe to water the garden. Queen Junwang (君王后), a daughter of the Grand Scribe's house, knew that he was a man of rank and served him well. Tian Dan (田單), with the city of Jimo and the remnant of the beaten and scattered troops, broke the army of Yan and outwitted Qi Jie, and so restored Qi. He hastened to meet the heir apparent at Ju and set him up as king. When King Xiang took the throne, he made Queen Junwang his queen, and she bore King Jian of Qi.

Wang Sun Jia at Fifteen Served King Min (王孫賈年十五事閔王)

Wang Sun Jia was fifteen years old and served King Min. When the king fled, Jia lost track of where the king was. His mother said: "If you go out in the morning and come back late, I lean against the door and watch for you; if you go out in the evening and do not come back, I lean against the ward gate and watch for you. Now you serve the king; the king has fled, and you do not know where he is. What are you still coming home for?"

Wang Sun Jia then went into the market and said: "Nao Chi has thrown the state of Qi into disorder and killed King Min. Whoever will join me in putting him to death, bare your right shoulder!" Four hundred of the market people followed him, and together with him they put Nao Chi to death, stabbing him and killing him.

Yan Attacked Qi and Took More Than Seventy Cities (燕攻齊取七十餘城)

Yan attacked Qi and took more than seventy cities; only Ju and Jimo did not fall. Tian Dan of Qi, out of Jimo, broke Yan and killed Qi Jie.

At first, a general of Yan attacked and brought down Liaocheng, and someone slandered him. The general of Yan, fearing execution, thereupon held Liaocheng and did not dare go home. Tian Dan attacked him for more than a year; many of his soldiers died, and Liaocheng did not fall.

Lu Lian then wrote a letter, bound it to an arrow, and shot it into the city, sending it to the general of Yan. It said:

"I have heard that the wise man does not turn his back on the moment and throw away advantage; that the brave officer does not shrink from death and blot out his name; that the loyal minister does not put himself first and his ruler after. Now you, sir, act upon the anger of a single morning and give no thought to the king of Yan's being left without a minister: that is not loyalty. To get yourself killed and lose Liaocheng, so that your awe carries no weight with Qi: that is not bravery. To have your achievement wasted and your name blotted out, so that later ages have nothing to praise: that is not wisdom. Therefore the wise man does not reckon twice, and the brave officer does not shrink from death. Now life and death, glory and disgrace, high and low, noble and base — all belong to this one moment. I would have you reckon it out in detail and not go with the common run.

"Moreover, Chu attacks Nanyang and Wei attacks Pinglu, yet Qi has no mind to face south. It reckons that the harm of losing Nanyang is not so great as the profit of gaining Jibei, and so it has fixed its plan and holds firmly to it. Now the men of Qin have sent their troops down and Wei does not dare face east; the horizontal alignment with Qin has come together, and the position of Chu is in danger. Qi will abandon Nanyang, cut away its right-hand ground, and preserve Jibei: by its reckoning it must do so. Now Chu and Wei have both drawn back, and no rescue comes from Yan; Qi has no one in the world plotting against it, and it will hold out with Liaocheng through a full year of wearing down. As I see it, sir, you will not be able to prevail. Qi will surely settle the matter at Liaocheng. Reckon no second time, sir.

"That state of Yan is in great disorder: ruler and ministers have miscalculated, and high and low are bewildered. Li Fu with a host of a million was broken five times abroad; a state of ten thousand chariots was besieged by Zhao; its land was pared away and its lord hard pressed, and it was slaughtered for all the world to see. Have you heard of it, sir? Now the king of Yan stands alone with a chilled heart; his great ministers cannot be relied on; the state's exhaustion is great; and the hearts of the people have nowhere to turn. And now you, sir, with the worn-out people of Liaocheng, hold off the whole army of Qi, and for a full year it has not been lifted: this is the defense of Mo Di. Men eat human flesh and cook with bones, and the officers have no thought of turning their backs: this is the soldiering of Sun Bin and Wu Qi. It has already been shown to the world.

"So in reckoning for you, sir, nothing is better than to disband the troops and rest the men, keep your chariots and armor whole, go home and report to the king of Yan. The king of Yan will surely be pleased. Officers and commoners will look on you as on father and mother; your friends and companions will bare their arms and speak of you before the age; your merit and your work will be made plain. Above, you will support a lonely ruler and so keep the ministers in order; below, you will nourish the hundred families and give the persuaders something to work with. You will straighten the state and reform its customs before the world, and merit and name may be established.

"Or is it your thought instead to cast off Yan and forsake that world, and travel east into Qi? Then let land be cut off and a fief settled upon you, your wealth to match Tao and Wei; generation after generation your house will style itself 'the solitary' and 'the bereft,' and you will endure long together with Qi. That too is one plan. Both of them bring an illustrious name and solid substance. I would have you reckon them through and settle carefully upon one.

"And I have heard that he who is nice about small scruples cannot wield great awe, and that he who hates a small shame cannot set up a glorious name. Formerly Guan Zhong shot Duke Huan and struck his belt-hook: that was usurpation. He abandoned Prince Jiu and could not die with him: that was cowardice. He was bound in fetters and manacles: that was to disgrace his own person. With these three deeds, his village would not keep company with him and no ruler of the age would have him for a minister. Had Guan Zhong stayed pressed down to the end, shut away in prison and never coming out, ashamed and never showing his face, he would have gone through his years to the end of his life and not escaped being counted a disgraced man of base conduct. Yet Master Guan, with the fault of these three deeds all together upon him, took hold of the government of Qi, set the world right at a stroke, gathered the feudal lords nine times, and became the first of the Five Hegemons; his name was lifted high over the world, and its light shone into the neighboring states.

"Cao Mo was general for the ruler of Lu. In three battles he was three times routed, and he lost a thousand li of land. Had Cao's feet never left the ranks, had his reckoning not looked to what came after, had he gone out to die for certain and not to live, he would not have escaped being a general whose army was beaten and who was himself taken. To be a general with a beaten army and himself a captive is not bravery; to have his achievement wasted and his name blotted out, so that later ages have nothing to praise, is not wisdom. So he put away the shame of three routs, withdrew, and took counsel with the ruler of Lu; and Cao took this for his opportunity. Duke Huan of Qi held the world and received the feudal lords at court. Cao, with nothing but the charge of a single sword, seized Duke Huan upon the altar terrace; his color did not change and his words and breath were not disordered. What three battles had lost he won back in a single morning. The world was shaken and struck with fear; his awe carried weight with Wu and Chu, and his name was handed down to later ages.

"These two gentlemen were not unable to keep small scruples or to die for small shames. They held that to kill themselves and cut off their line, leaving merit and name unestablished, would not be wisdom. So they put away the heart of rancor and completed a name that lasted their whole lives; they got rid of the shame that stung them and set up merit for generation upon generation. Their work therefore runs in one current with the Three Kings, and their names will wear away only when Heaven and Earth wear away. Consider it, sir!"

The general of Yan said, "I have respectfully heard your command." Thereupon he disbanded his troops, turned his bow-case upside down, and departed. So the raising of the siege that bound the state of Qi and the saving of the hundred families from death were the work of Zhonglian's persuasion.

Yan Attacked Qi and Qi Was Broken (燕攻齊齊破)

Yan attacked Qi, and Qi was broken. King Min fled to Ju, and Nao Chi killed King Min. Tian Dan held the city of Jimo, broke the army of Yan, and restored the ruins of Qi. King Xiang was vouched for as the heir apparent. Once Qi had broken Yan, Tian Dan's standing was doubted, and the multitude of the state of Qi all supposed that Tian Dan would set himself up. King Xiang was established, and Tian Dan served as his chancellor.

He was crossing the Zi River. There was an old man fording the Zi who grew cold; when he came out he could not walk, and sat down in the sand. Tian Dan saw that he was cold and wished to have the carriages behind him share out clothing; but there was nothing that could be shared, and so Dan took off his own fur robe and clothed him in it. King Xiang hated this and said: "Is Tian Dan's giving meant to take my state from me? If I do not plan against it early, I fear he will get in ahead of me." He looked to left and right and saw no one; but below the cliff there was a stringer of beads. King Xiang called him and asked him: "Did you hear what I said?" He answered, "I heard it." The king said, "What do you make of it?" He answered: "The king had best turn it to his own credit. Let the king commend Dan's goodness and send down an order saying: 'We were troubled at the people's hunger, and Dan gathered them in and fed them; we were troubled at the people's cold, and Dan took off his fur robe and clothed them; we were troubled and toiled for the hundred families, and Dan was troubled for them too — he answers our own intent.' Dan has this goodness and the king commends it: to make Dan's goodness good is also the king's own goodness." The king said, "Good!" Then he bestowed on Dan oxen and wine and commended his conduct.

Some days later the stringer of beads saw the king again and said: "When the day of audience comes, the king should summon Tian Dan and bow to him in the courtyard and thank him with his own mouth. Then let him publish an order calling for those of the hundred families who are hungry and cold, and gather them in and feed them." Then the king sent men to listen in the wards and lanes, and they heard grown men talking […] with one another, and all […] said: "How Tian Dan loves the people! Ah — and this is the moistening of the king's own teaching!"

Diao Bo Was Always Speaking Ill of Tian Dan (貂勃常惡田單)

Diao Bo was always speaking ill of Tian Dan, saying, "The Lord of Anping is a small man." The Lord of Anping heard of it, and therefore set out wine and summoned Diao Bo, and said: "How have I offended you, sir, that you are always praising me at court?" Diao Bo said: "Zhi's dog barks at Yao — not because it holds Zhi noble and Yao base, but because a dog barks by nature at one who is not its master. Suppose now that Master Gongsun were worthy and Master Xu unworthy: if you set Master Gongsun and Master Xu to fight, Master Xu's dog would still seize Master Gongsun by the calf and bite him. And if the dog could leave the unworthy man and be the dog of the worthy man, would it merely seize him by the calf and bite him?" The Lord of Anping said, "I have respectfully heard your command." The next day he had him given office with the king.

The king had a company of nine favored ministers who wished to injure the Lord of Anping. Together they spoke to the king, saying: "When Yan attacked Qi, the king of Chu sent a general with ten thousand men to help Qi. Now that the state is settled and the altars of soil and grain are at peace, why not send an envoy to give thanks to the king of Chu?" The king said, "Which of my attendants will do?" The company of nine said, "Diao Bo will do." Diao Bo went as envoy to Chu. The king of Chu received him and feasted him with wine, and for several days he did not come back.

The company of nine spoke together to the king, saying: "That a single man's person should hold back and detain the lord of ten thousand chariots — is it not because he leans upon another's power? Besides, in the Lord of Anping's dealings with the king there is no propriety between lord and subject and no distinction between high and low. Further, his will is set on doing what is not good. Within, he herds the hundred families, soothes and settles their hearts, relieves the destitute and makes up what they lack, and spreads his own bounty among the people; without, he draws to himself the Rong and the Di and the worthy men of the world, and secretly binds to himself the bold and outstanding among the feudal lords. His will is set on doing something. We would have the king look into it." On another day the king said, "Summon the chancellor Dan here." Tian Dan took off his cap, went barefoot, bared his flesh, and came forward; then he withdrew and asked to be punished with death. After five days the king said: "You have committed no offense against us. You perform the rites of a subject as a subject; we perform the rites of a king as king. That is all."

Diao Bo came back from Chu, and the king bestowed drink upon him in his presence. When the wine was at its height, the king said, "Summon the chancellor Tian Dan here." Diao Bo left his mat, bowed his head to the ground, and said: "Where did the king get this talk that ruins a state? Taking the highest, how does the king compare with King Wen of Zhou?" The king said, "I am not his equal." Diao Bo said: "Just so; your servant knew well that the king was not his equal. Taking the lowest, how does the king compare with Duke Huan of Qi?" The king said, "I am not his equal." Diao Bo said: "Just so; your servant knew well that the king was not his equal. Then King Wen of Zhou got Lü Shang and made him Grand Duke; Duke Huan of Qi got Guan Yiwu and made him Uncle Zhong; and now the king has got the Lord of Anping and says only 'Dan.' Since Heaven and Earth were split apart and the people were set in order, of those who as ministers have done meritorious service, who has done more than the Lord of Anping? And the king says, 'Dan, Dan.' Where did you get this talk that ruins a state?

"Moreover the king could not hold the altars of his former kings. The men of Yan raised an army and fell upon the ruins of Qi, and the king fled into the mountains of Chengyang. The Lord of Anping, with a trembling Jimo — an inner wall of three li, an outer wall of five li, and seven thousand worn-out soldiers — took their marshal captive and won back the thousand li of Qi. That was the Lord of Anping's achievement. At that time, had he shut off Chengyang and made himself king, neither Chengyang nor the world could have stopped him. Yet he weighed it by the Way and referred it to righteousness and held that it could not be done, and so he built plank roads and timber galleries and went to fetch the king and the queen from the mountains of Chengyang. Only then was the king able to return and stand as a father over the hundred families. Now the state is settled and the people are at peace, and the king says 'Dan.' Even an infant's reckoning would not do this. If the king does not quickly put these nine men to death and make amends to the Lord of Anping, then the state is in danger!" The king thereupon killed the nine and drove out their households, and enlarged the Lord of Anping's fief with the town of Ye and its ten thousand households.

Tian Dan Was About to Attack Di (田單將攻狄)

Tian Dan was about to attack Di, and went to see Master Lu Zhong. Master Zhong said: "General, you will attack Di and be unable to bring it down." Tian Dan said: "With an inner wall of five li and an outer wall of seven li, with the remnant of a beaten and scattered army, I broke Yan of ten thousand chariots and restored the ruins of Qi. Why should I attack Di and not bring it down?" He mounted his carriage and went off without taking leave. Then he attacked Di, and for three months did not overcome it.

The children of Qi sang a rhyme:

Cap as wide as a winnowing-fan,
long sword propping up his chin;
Di he attacks and cannot manage —
one rampart down, one hill gone bare.

Then Tian Dan was afraid, and asked Master Lu Zhong: "You said, sir, that Dan could not bring Di down. Let me hear your reasons." Master Lu Zhong said: "When you were at Jimo, General, you sat and wove straw baskets, and when you stood you leaned upon a spade, and you led the soldiers in the cry: 'We may go forward! The ancestral temples are lost! The day of our ruin has long been upon us! To what village shall we return?' At that time you had a mind to die and your soldiers had no breath of life in them; and hearing such words there was not one who did not wipe away his tears, throw up his arm, and want to fight. That is how you broke Yan. Now, General, in the east you have the revenues of the town of Ye and in the west the pleasures of the Zi; gold lies across your belt, and you gallop between the Zi and the Sheng. You have the joy of living and no mind to die. That is why you do not win." Tian Dan said: "I have the mind for it; you, sir, have marked it well." The next day he roused his spirit and went round the wall, and stood where the arrows and stones fell, and took up the drumstick and beat the drum; and then the men of Di came down.

The Affair at Pushang (濮上之事)

In the affair at Pushang, Zhuizi died and Zhangzi fled. Panzi said to the king of Qi: "It would be better to pass our surplus grain over to Song. The king of Song will surely be pleased, and the Liang will not dare cross Song to attack Qi. Qi is indeed weak, and this is a way of winning Song over with surplus grain. When the state of Qi is strong again, we may demand it back from Song, and that will do; and if Song does not repay it, we may take that for our pretext and attack it, and that will do too."

When King Min of Qi Met His Death (齊閔王之遇殺)

When King Min of Qi met his death, his son Fazhang changed his surname and given name and became a hired laborer in the house of the Grand Scribe at Ju. The daughter of the Grand Scribe Jiao thought Fazhang's face and bearing remarkable and took him for no ordinary man; she pitied him and often gave him clothes and food in secret, and had private relations with him. The men of Ju, together with the ministers of Qi who had fled, gathered and sought out the son of King Min, wishing to set him up. Fazhang then declared himself in Ju, and together they set up Fazhang as King Xiang. When King Xiang was established, he made the daughter of the Grand Scribe's house his queen, and she bore a son, Jian. The Grand Scribe Jiao said: "A daughter who marries without a match being planned is no seed of mine; she has fouled my line." To the end of his life he would not look upon her. Queen Junwang was worthy, and did not, because he would not look upon her, fail in the rites a child owes a parent.

King Xiang died, and his son Jian was established as king of Qi. Queen Junwang served Qin with care and kept faith with the feudal lords, and for this reason, through the more than forty years of Jian's reign, Qi suffered no war.

The First Emperor of Qin once sent an envoy to present Queen Junwang with a pair of linked jade rings, saying: "Qi has much cleverness. Can it undo these rings?" Queen Junwang showed them to her ministers, and the ministers did not know how to undo them. Queen Junwang took up a mallet and smashed them, and thanked the envoy of Qin, saying: "They have been carefully undone."

When Queen Junwang fell ill and was about to die, she admonished Jian, saying: "The ministers who may be employed are such and such." Jian said, "Let me write them down." Queen Junwang said, "Good." He took brush and writing tablet to receive her words. Queen Junwang said: "This old woman has already lost them."

After Queen Junwang died, Hou Sheng became chancellor of Qi. He took much gold and jade from the agents of Qin, and the guests he sent into Qin all came back with twisted words, urging the king to go to court in Qin and not to keep up his preparations for attack and war.

King Jian of Qi Went to Court in Qin (齊王建入朝於秦)

King Jian of Qi was going to court in Qin. The marshal of the Yong Gate came forward and said: "The reason a king is set up — is it for the altars of soil and grain? Or is a king set up for the king's own sake?" The king said, "For the altars of soil and grain." The marshal said: "If you are made lord and king for the sake of the altars of soil and grain, why does the king leave the altars of soil and grain and go into Qin?" The king of Qi turned his carriage about and went back.

The grandee of Jimo heard that the king had listened to the marshal of the Yong Gate's remonstrance, and thought that he was one with whom plans could be laid. He went in at once to see the king of Qi and said: "The land of Qi is several thousand li square, and it has several million armored men. Now the grandees of the three Jin all find Qin no advantage to them, and of those between E and Juan there are some hundreds. Let the king gather them up, give them a host of a million, and send them to recover the old lands of the three Jin: then the pass at Linjin can be entered. The grandees of Yan and Ying do not wish to serve Qin, and of those who have come down south of the city there are some hundreds. Let the king gather them up, give them an army of a million, and send them to recover the old lands of Chu: then the Wu Pass can be entered. If this were done, the awe of Qi could be established and the state of Qin could be brought to nothing. To give up facing south and issuing decrees, and instead to face west and serve Qin — for the great king I hold this is not to be chosen." The king of Qi would not listen.

Qin sent Chen Chi to lure the king of Qi in, promising him five hundred li of land. The king of Qi did not listen to the grandee of Jimo but listened to Chen Chi, and so went into Qin. They lodged him among the pines and cypresses at Gong, and he starved to death. Before this, the men of Qi had made a song about him:

The pines, alas! The cypresses, alas!
He who lodged Jian at Gong — a guest, alas!

Qi, Because of the Disorder of Lord Nao (齊以淖君之亂)

Qi, because of the disorder of Lord Nao, was at enmity with Qin. Afterward Qin wished to win Qi over, and therefore sent Su Juan to Chu and had Ren Gu go to Qi. Qi Ming said to the king of Chu: "The king of Qin wants Chu, but not so badly as he wants Qi. His sending Juan here is to show Qi that he has Chu, and so to give Ren Gu his standing in Qi. When Qi sees that he has Chu, it will surely receive Gu. So the king's listening to Juan would be exactly to drive matters along for Gu and join Qi with Qin; and if Qi and Qin join, that is no advantage to Chu. Moreover the words Juan brings here cannot be the words with which Gu has gone to Qi. The king had better send a man to use the words Juan brought here to give Gu the lie in Qi. Then Qi and Qin will surely not join; and if Qi and Qin do not join, then the king is a man of weight. If the king wishes to gather Qi in and attack Qin, Hanzhong can be got. If the king wishes to use Qin to attack Qi, then the country between the Huai and the Si can be got as well."

Colophon

This file was prepared for the Chinese shelf of the Good Works Library, translated independently from the classical Chinese text printed below. Each persuasion and anecdote keeps its own heading as the 士禮居叢書 text divides it, and speeches are rendered as continuous direct discourse rather than broken into summary. Only the main text is translated; the interlinear commentary of Bao Biao and Yao Hong, together with the collation notes set in 〔 〕, are printed in the source layer but not rendered into English.

J. I. Crump's Chan-kuo Ts'e (1970; revised 1996) is a complete published English translation of the Zhanguo Ce and is named here as a control-in-existence; it was not fetched or consulted in preparing this file, and no claim of firstness is made for this translation.

A note on one distinction: two generations of the same Tian family hold the fief of Xue in these books — Tian Ying, called Lord Jingguo, and his son Tian Wen, called Lord Mengchang — and each is kept to the title by which the source refers to him in a given episode rather than harmonized to a single name throughout.

Prepared for the Good Work Library by the Tianmu Anglican Church with AI-assisted translation and editorial work.

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Source Text: 戰國策 齊策

Classical Chinese text in the Chinese Wikisource transcription of the 士禮居叢書 edition, with the commentary of Bao Biao and Yao Hong and the collation notes set in 〔 〕 as the transcription carries them. Presented complete for reference, study, and verification alongside the English translation above; the commentary is not translated.

齊策 一

〔鮑本齊　東有菑川、東萊、瑯邪、高密、膠東；南有泰山、城陽；北有千乘、清河以南勃海之高樂、高城、重合、信陽；西有濟南、平原。〕

楚威王戰勝於徐州

楚威王〔姚本威王，楚元王之子，懷王之父也。〕戰勝於徐州，〔姚本徐州，或作舒州，是時屬齊。　鮑本「徐」作「俆」，下同。○　後志，魯之薛，六國時曰俆州，事在楚威七年，此十年。補曰：俆，詞余反。正義云，紀年梁惠王三十年，下邳遷于薛，改名俆州。「俆」，左氏作「舒」，說文作「䣄」。　札記丕烈案：史記作「徐」，俆州是也，多誤為「徐」者。正義在孟嘗君列傳。〕欲逐嬰子〔姚本嬰子，田嬰也，號為靖郭君，而封於薛也。〕於齊。〔鮑本逐，使齊逐之。田嬰時未封，故曰嬰子，猶盼子。〕嬰子恐，張丑〔姚本張丑，齊臣也。　鮑本齊人。正曰：丑又見韓、魏、燕、中山等策。〕謂楚王曰：「王戰勝於徐州也，盼子〔姚本盼子，田盼子也。〕不用也。盼子有功於國，〔姚本一「國」下有「而」字。〕百姓為之用。嬰子不善，〔鮑本不與盼善。〕而用申縳。〔姚本史記作申紀。嬰子不善盼子，故不用之而用申縳。　鮑本「縳」作「縛」。○〕申縳者，大臣與〔姚本一本作「弗與」。　鮑本「與」上有「弗」字。○　札記丕烈案：史記作「大臣不附」。〕百姓弗為用，〔姚本言大臣與百姓不為申縳致力盡用也。〕故王勝之也。今嬰子逐，〔姚本「逐子」，曾本，「今王逐嬰子矣」。〕盼子必用。復整其士卒以與王遇，必不便〔姚本遇，敵也。便，利也。〕於王也。」楚王因弗逐。〔姚本弗逐田嬰。　鮑本楚記七年有。〕

齊將封田嬰於薛

齊將封田嬰於薛。〔鮑本定封在此三年。正曰：宣王二十年。又說見後。補曰：索隱云，嬰，諸田之別子，非宣王弟也。〕楚王〔鮑本懷。〕聞之，大怒，將伐齊。齊王有輟〔姚本輟，止也。〕志。公孫閈〔姚本公孫閈，齊之公孫田氏也。〕曰：「封之成與不，非在齊也，又將在楚。閈說楚王，令其欲封公也又甚於齊。」〔姚本公，謂田嬰也。使楚王欲封公甚於齊之欲封公也。〕嬰子曰：「願委之於子。」〔姚本委，付也。子，公孫閈也。〕

公孫閈為〔姚本劉無「為」字。〕謂楚王曰：「魯、宋事楚而齊不事者，齊大而魯、宋小。王獨利魯、宋之小，不惡齊大何也？夫齊〔鮑本「齊」下有「之」字。○〕削〔姚本削，分。〕地而封田嬰，是其所以弱〔姚本弱，小也。〕也。願勿止。」〔姚本齊分薛以封田嬰，則所以使齊小，故曰「勿止」。〕楚王曰：〔札記今本脫「曰」字。〕「善。」因不止。〔姚本不復止齊封田嬰。　鮑本彪謂：此說不可行也。嬰，齊相也，雖得薛，不決裂於外，猶齊地耳。齊、薛為一，如穰侯、應侯之於秦也，何弱小乎其初哉！正曰：史，齊襄王立，而孟嘗君中立為諸侯。王畏君，與連和。後卒，諸子爭立，齊、魏共滅之。鮑謂分封不足以弱齊，未睹末流之害也。〕

靖郭君將城薛

靖郭君〔鮑本田嬰謚。正曰：此據史文。索隱云，靖郭或封邑號，漢齊王舅父駟鈞，封靖郭侯。〕將城薛，客多以諫。〔姚本諫，止之也。〕靖郭君謂謁者，旡為客通。〔姚本無通欲諫者也。〕齊人有請者曰：「臣請三言而已矣！益一言，臣請烹。」〔姚本已，止也。益，猶過也。過言請烹。烹，煮，謂死。　鮑本所謂鼎鑊之誅。〕靖郭君因見之。客趨而進曰：「海大魚。」因反走。〔姚本反，還。〕君曰：「客有於此。」〔姚本於此，止無走也。　鮑本言此，言外應復有。〕客曰：「鄙臣不敢以死為戲。」〔姚本續：淮南子，「戲」作「熙」。〕君曰：「亡，〔姚本亡，無。　鮑本亡，無同。言無此也。〕更言之。」對曰：「君不聞大魚乎？網不能止，〔姚本止，禁。〕鉤不能牽，〔姚本牽，引。續：韓非子，「繳不能絆」。〕蕩而失水，〔鮑本集韻，蕩，放也。言自放肆。〕則螻蟻得意焉。〔姚本得意者，飽滿也。　鮑本螻，螻蛄，一曰𧐜，天螻。得意，飫飽也。〕今夫齊，亦君之水也。君長〔鮑本雄長之長。正曰：見下。〕有齊陰，〔姚本別本無「陰」字。　鮑本無「有」字、「陰」字。　○正曰：一本「君長有齊」。　札記丕烈案：韓子作「君長有齊」，新序作「君已有齊」，與策文不同。此有者，當讀「陰」為「蔭」。〕奚〔姚本奚，何。〕以薛為？夫齊，〔鮑本正曰：姚氏「奚以薛為夫齊」句，按新序作「無齊雖隆」云云，是蓋「夫」、「無」音訛，又因上「夫齊」字混。　札記丕烈案：吳說非也，「夫」乃「失」字形近之訛。韓子作「君失齊」。淮南人間訓亦同。〕雖隆薛之城到於天，猶之無益也。」〔姚本隆，高也。到，至也。高薛城至於天，猶無益也。〕君曰：「善。」乃輟〔姚本輟，止。〕城薛。

靖郭君謂齊王

靖郭君謂齊王〔姚本齊王，威王也，宣王之父。〕曰：「五官之計，〔姚本計，簿書也。　鮑本曲禮，司徒、司空、司馬、司士、司寇，典司五眾，計其事之凡也。正曰：注家謂此，殷制，非策所指。按記曾子問，諸侯出，命國家五官而後行。注云，五官，五大夫典事者。〕不可不日聽〔姚本聽，治也。〕也而數覽。」〔姚本覽，視。　鮑本正曰：「也」字當在「覽」下。〕王曰：「說五而厭之。」〔姚本一本作「王曰：『日說五官吾厭之。』」　鮑本「五」作「吾」○　言汝既說我，則不得自厭，故以委之。正曰：「王曰說吾」有缺誤。通鑑云，「不可不日聽而數覽也。王從之，已而厭之，悉以委嬰。嬰由是得專齊權」。〕今〔姚本「今」，一作「令」。〕與靖郭君。〔姚本與靖郭君，使聽治也。　鮑本以五官之計委之。〕

靖郭君善齊貌辨

靖郭君善齊貌辨。〔姚本續：昆辯。古今人表作昆辯。師古曰，齊人也，靖郭君所善，見戰國策。而呂覽作劇貌辯。元和姓纂，昆，夏諸侯昆吾氏之後，齊有昆弁，見戰國策。　鮑本齊人。補曰：按一本標云，修文御覽、北堂書鈔同。　札記丕烈案：今在太平御覽三百六十八卷，作「昆辨」。吳引姚校，而以此十四字自注於古今人表下，謂其同作「昆」也。今刻本誤入正文，吳本注中有注，刻時多誤混，讀者每不察，附著於此。〕齊貌辨之為人也多疵，〔姚本疵，闕病也。續：「疵」作「訾」，見呂覽。　鮑本疵，病也，謂過失。補曰：此人蓋有奇節而不修細行者。〕門人弗說。士尉〔鮑本齊人。〕以証〔姚本証，諫也。〕靖郭君，靖郭君不聽，〔姚本聽，受。〕士尉辭而去。孟嘗君〔姚本孟嘗君，田嬰子田文也，號孟嘗君。　鮑本嬰子文。補曰：孟子，嘗，邑名，在薛旁。按詩「居常與許」，即此嘗也。〕又竊〔鮑本竊，猶私。〕以諫，靖郭君大怒曰：「剗而類，破吾家。〔姚本剗，滅也。而，汝也。言汝破吾家。續：呂覽「揆吾家」，高誘注云，揆度吾家，試可以足齊貌辨者，吾不辭也。　鮑本集韻，剗，翦也。以翦草為喻。而，汝也。類，族類。〕苟可慊齊貌辨者，吾無辭為之。」〔姚本慊，猶善也。善齊貌辨者，吾不辭為之。　鮑本集韻，慊，愜也。言有可滿貌辨之意，雖家族破滅，猶為之不辭也。〕於是舍之上舍，〔姚本上舍，上傳也。一曰甲第也。　鮑本猶甲第。正曰：此本高注。按田文傳「傳舍、幸舍、代舍」，索隱云，並當上、中、下三等之客所舍之名。以此推之，則代舍乃上舍也。〕令長子御，〔姚本御，侍也。　鮑本「御」下有「之」字。○　集韻，御，侍也。正曰：為之御也。　札記丕烈案：呂氏春秋無。〕旦暮〔姚本旦暮，朝夕也。〕進食。

數年，威王薨，宣王〔姚本宣王，孟軻所見以羊易亹鍾之牛者也。　鮑本「威王」作「宣王」，「宣王」作「閔王」，下同。○嬰之封薛在閔王初。下言之薛，則此不得言宣王立也。正曰：說見下。　札記丕烈案：呂氏春秋作「威」、「宣」。〕立。靖郭君之交，大不善於宣王，〔姚本宣王不善之也。〕辭而之薛，與齊貌辨俱留。無幾何，〔姚本貌辨、靖郭君俱止於薛，無幾何。〕齊貌辨辭而行，〔姚本行，去也；去至齊也。〕請見宣王。靖郭君曰：「王之不說嬰甚，公往必得死焉。」齊貌辨曰：「固〔姚本固，必。〕不求生也，請必行。」靖郭君不能止。

齊貌辨行至齊，宣王聞之，藏〔姚本藏，懷。〕怒以待之。齊貌辨見宣王，王曰：「子，〔鮑本「王」字不重，「曰子」作「子曰」。○　補曰：當作「曰子」　札記丕烈案：「王」字不重，是也。呂氏春秋不重，太平御覽引此亦不重。〕靖郭君之所聽愛夫！」〔姚本夫，辭。　鮑本愛而聽用其言。〕齊貌辨曰：「愛則有之，聽則無有。王之方為太子之時，辨謂靖郭君曰：『太子相不仁，過頤豕視，〔鮑本過，謂豊頤過人。豕多反視。補曰：呂氏春秋「過頤豕視」注，頤豕，不仁之人，其說未詳。劉辰翁云，「過頤」，即俗所謂耳後見腮；「豕視」，即相法所謂下邪偷視。　札記丕烈案：吳氏讀呂氏春秋，誤也。高彼注云，「過，甚也。太子不仁甚於頤豕，視如此者倍反，不循道理也」。讀「豕」句絕，「視」下屬。此文亦當同。〕若是者信反。〔姚本反，叛。　鮑本始信後反。　札記「信」即「倍」字偽。太平御覽引此作「背」，是其證也。〕不若廢太子，更立衛姬嬰兒郊師。』〔姚本郊師，衛姬之子，宣王庶弟。〕靖郭君泣而曰：『不可，吾不忍也。』若聽辨而為之，必無今日之患也。〔姚本患，謂不見善，出走薛也。〕此為一。至於薛，昭陽〔姚本昭陽，楚將。〕請以數倍之地易薛，辨又曰：『必聽之。』〔姚本聽與楚易地也。〕靖郭君曰：『受薛於先王，〔姚本先君王也。　鮑本封嬰於薛，閔王也。而曰「受於先王」，蓋宣王有旨封之。正曰：史以田嬰之封在湣王三年，從通鑑則在宣王二十二年。按，嬰自威王時任職用事，而文之言曰，「君用事相齊至今三王矣」。三王者，威、宣、閔也。故大事記以嬰卒文立，附見於閔王元年。此策曰，「受薛於先王」，「先王之廟在薛」，則是威王之世，嬰已受封，史亦不合。索隱引紀年，梁惠後元十三年四月，齊威王封田嬰於薛，十月齊城薛，十四年薛子嬰來朝，十五年齊威王薨。考之史，梁惠王後元十三年，在今封嬰前一年，不得為威王之世，亦皆不合，惟梁惠前十三年則正當威王時。疑此處有差互，而嬰之封薛，則實威王之世也。〕雖惡於後王，〔姚本言為後王（劉無此四字）。言為後王小惡。〕吾獨謂〔姚本謂，猶柰何也。〕先王何乎！〔鮑本「何」下無「乎」字。○　言無以告於先王。　札記丕烈案：呂氏春秋有。〕且先王之廟在薛，〔姚本起威王之廟在薛。〕吾豈可以先王之廟與楚乎！』又不肯聽辨。此為二。」〔姚本二不聽辨也。〕宣王大息，〔鮑本長出氣也。〕動〔姚本動，猶發也。〕於顏色，曰：「靖郭君之於寡人一至此乎！寡人少，殊不知此。〔姚本少，小也。殊不知也。〕客肯為寡人來靖郭君乎？」〔姚本肯，猶可也。能為寡人致靖郭君身來不乎也。〕齊貌辨對曰：「敬諾。」〔姚本一曰「必能使靖郭君來」。〕

靖郭君〔姚本從薛至齊也。〕衣威王之衣，冠舞〔姚本「舞」，劉作「帶」。〕其劍，〔鮑本先時所賜。〕宣王自迎靖郭君於郊，望之而泣。靖郭君至，因請相之。〔姚本請以為相也。〕靖郭君辭，不得已而受。〔姚本受相印也。　鮑本「受」下有「之」字。○　札記丕烈案：呂氏春秋無。〕七日，謝病強辭。〔姚本以病謝相位。強，猶固。〕靖郭君辭〔鮑本無「靖郭君辭」四字。○　札記丕烈案：呂氏春秋無「靖郭君辭不得」六字，為是。〕不得，三日而聽。〔鮑本王聽其辭。〕

當是時，靖郭君可謂能自知人矣！能自知人，故人非之不為沮。〔姚本沮，止。〕此齊貌辨之所以外生〔姚本以生為外物，無所愛也。〕樂患趣難者也。〔姚本外，猶賤生，謂觸難而行見宣王也。樂解人之患，趣救人之難，令宣王相靖郭君也。　鮑本補曰：趣，即趨。〕　　〔鮑本彪謂：知人之難，貴於知其心。齊人曰，辯之為人多疵，論其跡也；靖郭君獨深善之不可奪，知其心也。士為知己者死，此辯所以不求生歟？正曰：心跡之論未當。說見章首條下。〕

邯鄲之難

邯鄲〔姚本邯鄲，趙都。〕之難，趙求救於齊。〔姚本難，為魏所攻，故求救於齊。　鮑本趙成侯二十一年，魏圍邯鄲。此二十五年。〕田侯〔姚本田侯，齊侯也。田成子殺簡公，呂氏絕祀，田氏有之，故曰田侯。宣王也。〕召大臣而謀曰：「救趙孰與勿救？」鄒子〔姚本鄒子，齊臣鄒忌。　鮑本名忌，二十一年相，明年封下邳，號成侯。〕曰：「不如勿救。」段干綸〔姚本段干，姓。綸，名也。齊臣且將。　鮑本補曰：史作「朋」，後語作「萌」。〕曰：「弗救，則我〔鮑本我，我齊。〕不利。」田侯曰：「何哉？」〔鮑本下有「對曰」二字。○　補曰：史有「對曰」二字。〕「夫魏氏兼〔姚本兼，猶并也。〕邯鄲，其於齊何利〔姚本一無「利」字。〕哉！」田侯曰：「善。」乃起兵，曰：〔鮑本「曰」作「甲」。○　補曰：一本「甲」作「曰」。是言將屯于其郊，故後云，乃起兵南攻。　札記今本「曰」作「甲」。〕「軍於邯鄲之郊。」〔姚本軍，屯也。郊，境也。　鮑本以軍法陳之於此。正曰：高注，軍，屯也。愚謂，凡言軍于某地者，猶言師于某也。成列則云陳于某。〕段干綸曰：「臣之求利且〔鮑本且，猶與。〕不利者，非此也。夫救邯鄲，軍於其郊，是趙不拔而魏全也。〔鮑本兩國不戰故。〕故不如南攻襄陵以弊魏，〔姚本襄陵，魏邑也，河東縣。弊，罷也。　鮑本襄陵屬河東，魏邑也。攻之使魏困。〕邯鄲拔而承魏之弊，〔鮑本承，言繼其後。〕是趙破而魏弱也。」田侯曰：「善。」乃起兵南攻襄陵。七月，邯鄲拔。齊因承魏之弊，大破之桂陵。〔姚本桂陵，魏邑名。　鮑本諸注止言魏地。齊記有，云二十六年。正曰：正義云，桂陵在曹州乘氏縣東北。又說見後。〕

南梁之難

南梁之難，〔姚本梁，韓邑也，今南河梁也。大梁，魏都，在北，故曰南梁也。難，魏攻之也。　鮑本魯國蕃縣有南梁水。此二年，魏伐趙，趙與韓共擊魏，趙不利，敗於南梁。正曰：正義引括地志云，故梁在汝州西南，稱南梁者，別於大梁、少梁。大事記，此魏伐韓也。謂伐趙者，往歲桂陵之戰，與此混而誤爾。〕韓氏請救於齊。田侯〔鮑本猶上陳侯。〕召大臣而謀曰：「早救之，孰與晚救之〔姚本早，速也。晚，徐也。〕便？」張丐對曰：「晚救之，韓且折〔姚本折，分也，猶從也。〕而入於魏，不如早救之。」田臣思〔姚本田臣思，齊臣。　鮑本補曰：索隱云，策作田期思，必別本也。紀年謂之徐州子期即田忌也。　札記丕烈案：「臣」當是「𦣞」字訛。「𦣞」、「期」、「忌」同字也。說在嘉定錢先生大昕史記考異。吳氏以為別本者，非是。周策陳臣思，同此。〕曰：「不可。夫韓、魏之兵未弊，而我救之，我代韓而受魏之兵，顧反聽命於韓也。且夫魏有破韓之志，韓見且亡，必東愬〔姚本愬，告。〕於齊。我因陰〔姚本陰，私。〕結韓之親，而晚承〔姚本承，受。鮑本承，繼其後也。〕魏之弊，則國可重，利可得，名可尊矣。」田侯曰：「善。」乃陰告〔鮑本告者，許之也。〕韓使者而遣之。

韓自以專有齊國，〔鮑本無「專」字。○〕五戰五不勝，〔姚本自恃有齊國之助，故五與魏戰而五不勝。〕東愬於齊，齊因起兵擊魏，大破之馬陵。〔鮑本補曰：虞喜云，馬陵在濮州鄄城東北六十里，有澗深峻，可以置伏，龐涓敗即此。徐廣云，在魏州元城縣東南。司馬彪引杜預說，亦然。按齊使田忌將直達大梁，龐涓聞之，去韓而歸，齊軍已過而西，則從汴州、外黃退至濮州東北六十里是也，豈合更渡河至元城哉？〕魏破韓弱，〔姚本馬陵，齊邑也。齊殺魏將龐涓，虜魏太子申，故曰魏破韓弱也。〕韓、魏之君因田嬰〔姚本劉，無「田嬰」二字。〕北面而朝田侯。〔姚本田侯，齊宣王也。　鮑本齊記有，為兩章，一為桓公、臣思，一為宣王、孫子。彪謂：臣思之策，則幸中矣，非仁義舉也。孟子謂「行一不義而得天下不為也」，況朝韓、魏乎？正曰：今按桓公、田臣思事，自與邯鄲之難及韓齊為與國二章相亂，非此章也。說見後章。〕

成侯鄒忌為齊相

成侯鄒忌為齊相，〔姚本成，邑。侯，爵也。鄒忌封也。　鮑本補曰：高注，成，齊邑。按史曰，封以下邳，號為成侯。〕田忌為將，不相說。公孫閈〔鮑本齊人。補曰：「閈」，史作「閱」。〕謂鄒忌〔札記丕烈案：索隱云，戰國策作公孫閎。〕曰：「公何不為王謀伐魏？勝，則是君之謀也，〔姚本用君之謀而得勝也。〕君可以有功；〔姚本有勝魏之功也。〕戰不勝，田忌不進，戰而不死，曲撓而誅。」〔姚本誅，戮。　鮑木曲撓，言師不直前而敗。〕鄒忌以為然，乃說王而使田忌伐魏。

田忌三戰三勝，鄒忌以告公孫閈，公孫閈乃使人操十金〔姚本二十兩為一金。〕而往卜於市，曰：「我田忌之人也，吾三戰而三勝，聲威天下，〔姚本聲，勢。威，震。　鮑本天下畏其威聲。正曰：其聲畏懼天下。〕欲為大事，〔鮑本反齊而王。〕亦吉否？」卜者出，〔鮑本田忌之人。補曰：公孫閈所使者。〕因令人捕〔鮑本捕，取也。〕為人卜者，亦〔姚本一無「亦」字。〕驗〔姚本驗，信。〕其辭於王前。田忌遂走。〔鮑本齊記三十五年有。彪謂：齊威，賢王也！其知章子，察阿、即墨大夫明矣，獨於是失之。然忌之走，亦非威王譴之也。正曰：史以公孫閈為鄒忌云云，附戰桂陵之前，文小異。操十金卜市以下，在威王三十五年。下云，田忌聞之，率其徒襲攻臨淄，求成侯，不勝而奔，宣王召復位，遂有馬陵之戰。按策言，忌伐魏，三戰三勝。忌戰可見者桂陵、馬陵二役，策併言之也。後章記，忌係太子申，禽龐涓，孫子謂忌曰，「若是則齊君可正，成侯可走」。忌不聽，遂不入齊。又記，田忌亡齊之楚，楚封之江南，則忌之出奔，在戰馬陵後宣王之世明矣，史載其奔在前，故謂召復位。忌既襲齊，豈得再復？成侯猶在，豈宜並列？而馬陵後，忌無可書之事，知其必有誤也。以威王之明，成侯、公孫閈之詐，豈能行其間？其為宣王無疑也。大事記謂桂陵、馬陵二事，多混而書，忌出奔在威王時，亦仍史之舊耳。〕

田忌為齊將

田忌為齊將，〔鮑本此二年，召復位。正曰：說見前。〕係梁太子申，禽龐涓。〔姚本申，梁惠王太子也。龐涓，魏將也。田忌與戰於馬陵，而係獲之也。故梁惠王謂孟子曰，「寡人東伐，敗於馬陵，太子死，龐涓禽」。此之謂也。〕孫子〔姚本孫子，孫臏也，齊將也。　鮑本臏也。齊人，武之孫，為田忌軍師。〕謂田忌曰：「將軍可以為大事〔姚本大事，兵事。傳曰，「國之大事在祀與戎」。〕乎？」田忌曰：「奈何？」孫子曰：「將軍無解兵而入〔姚本入，還。〕齊。使彼罷弊於先〔姚本彼，謂魏也。「先」，曾作「老」。鮑本罷，疲同。彼，謂齊。齊軍已與魏戰，雖勝亦罷，今使當前。〕弱守於主。〔鮑本弱，弱卒也。忌所自將，使齊不疑也。主，地缺，蓋齊險隘。補曰：姚云，曾本「先」皆作「老」。愚恐上句多「於」字，謂以罷敝老弱守險敵眾，而以精兵攻齊，下云「輕車銳騎」者也。〕主者，循軼之途也，〔姚本軼，途轍之道也。　鮑本軼，轍同。車跡也。言其險狹，不得方軌適相循耳。〕鎋擊摩車而相過。〔姚本鎋，轂閡也。摩，猶比也。　鮑本鎋，舝同，車軸耑鍵也。路狹車密，故相擊相摩。〕使彼罷弊先〔姚本「先」，曾作「老」。〕弱守於主，必一而當十，〔鮑本得地利故。〕十而當百，百而當千。然後背太山，〔鮑本在太山博縣西北。〕左濟，右天唐，〔鮑本蓋盼子所守，所謂高唐，屬平原。〕軍重踵高宛，〔姚本天，大也。唐，防也。踵，至也。高宛，縣名也，今屬樂安也。　鮑本重，輜重也。後志，高宛屬樂安。〕使輕車銳騎衝雍門。〔姚本輕，便；銳，利；衝，突。雍門，齊西門名也。　鮑本始皇紀注，在高陵。正曰：高注，雍門，齊西門名。按，左傳襄十八年有。雍，去聲。〕若是，則齊君可正，〔鮑本正，猶制治。〕而成侯〔姚本成侯，鄒忌也。田忌所不說。〕可走。不然，則將軍不得入於齊矣。」田忌不聽，〔姚本聽，從。〕果不入齊。〔鮑本彪謂：臏非武流也。武雖運奇用詭，豈嘗語人以是乎？忌不聽，忌賢也。補曰：使田忌無間於齊，孫子曷為而有是言？必公孫閈、成侯讒搆之時也。〕

田忌亡齊而之楚

田忌亡齊而之楚，鄒忌代之相。〔鮑本補曰：前云鄒忌為相，田忌為將。田忌走，此云代之相，恐有差誤。〕齊恐田忌欲以楚權復〔姚本權，勢也。復，還也。　鮑本復，猶返。〕於齊，杜赫曰：「臣請為〔姚本一「為」下有「君」字。〕留〔姚本一「留」下有「之」字。〕楚。」〔姚本君，謂鄒忌。留之楚，為鄒忌留田忌於楚，不使得來也。　鮑本為鄒留田於楚。〕

謂楚王〔鮑本成。〕曰：「鄒忌所以不善楚者，恐田忌之以楚權復於齊也。王不如封田忌於江南，以示田〔鮑本無「田」字。○〕忌之不返〔姚本返，還。〕齊也，鄒忌以〔鮑本「以」上有「必」字。○　補曰：當有缺字。〕齊厚〔姚本厚，重也。〕事楚。田忌亡人也，而得封，必德〔姚本德，恩。〕王。若復於齊，必以齊事楚。〔姚本田忌後日若得還齊，亦必以重事楚。　鮑本言此，示不為鄒忌游說也。〕此用二忌之道也。」楚果封之於江南。〔姚本從杜赫之言也。〕

鄒忌事宣王

鄒忌事宣王，仕人眾，〔姚本眾，多也。　鮑本薦於王使之仕。〕宣王不悅。〔姚本嫌其作威福，故不悅也。書曰，「無有作威作福」。〕晏首〔鮑本齊人。〕貴而仕人寡，王悅之。〔姚本悅，不作威福也。〕鄒忌謂宣王曰：「忌聞以為有一子之孝，不如有五子之孝。今首之所進仕者，以〔姚本「以」，一作「亦」。〕幾何人？」〔姚本一「人」下有「矣」字。〕宣王因以晏首壅塞之。〔姚本壅，弊。塞，斷。弊斷仕者而不進也。　鮑本言其不薦達人。〕

鄒忌脩八尺有餘

鄒忌脩〔姚本脩，長。〕八尺有餘，身體昳麗。〔姚本昳，讀曰逸。鮑本「身體」作「而形貌」。○　昳，徒結切，日側也，故有光艷意。又疑作「佚」。〕朝服衣冠窺鏡，〔姚本自窺視於鏡也。〕謂其妻曰：「我孰與城北徐公美？」〔姚本美，好也。續：十二國史作「徐君平」。〕其妻曰：「君美甚，徐公何能及公〔姚本一無「公」字。　鮑本「公」作「君」。○〕也！」城北徐公，〔札記今本「徐」誤「齊」。〕齊國之美麗者也。忌〔姚本一無「忌」字。〕不自信，而復〔姚本一無「復」字。〕問其妾曰：「吾孰與徐公美？」妾曰：「徐公何能及君也！」旦〔鮑本旦，明也。〕日客從外來，與坐談，問之客曰：〔姚本一無「客」字。　鮑本無「客曰」二字。○　補曰：一本「問之客曰」。〕「吾與徐公孰美？」客曰：「徐公不若君之美也！」〔姚本一無以上三字。〕

明日，徐公來。孰視之，自以為不如；窺鏡而自視，又〔姚本一無「又」字。〕弗如遠〔姚本遠，猶多也。〕甚。暮，寢而思之曰：「吾妻之美我者，私〔姚本私，愛。　鮑本私，猶親。〕我也；妾之美我者，畏我也；〔姚本畏而愛之。〕客之美我者，欲有求〔姚本求，索。〕於我也。」

於是〔姚本一無「於是」二字。〕入朝見威〔姚本一無「威」字。〕王曰：「臣誠知不如〔姚本劉作「臣知情不如」。〕徐公美，臣之妻私臣，臣之妾畏臣，臣之客欲有求於臣，皆以美於徐公。今齊地方千里，百二十城，宮婦左右，莫不私王；朝廷之臣，莫不畏王；四境之內，莫不有求於王。由此觀之，王之蔽甚〔姚本下人蔽王甚矣。〕矣！」王曰：「善。」乃下令：「群臣吏民，能〔姚本一無「能」字。〕面刺寡人之過者，受上賞；〔姚本刺，舉也。舉寡人之過失者，與重賞也。〕上書諫寡人者，受中賞；能謗議〔鮑本「議」作「譏」。○〕於市朝，聞寡人之耳者，受下賞。」

令初下，群臣進諫，〔姚本一無「諫」字。〕門庭若市。數月之後，時時而間進。〔鮑本進諫者有暇隙。〕期年之後，〔鮑本「期」作「期」。○〕雖欲言，無可進者。〔姚本改循（「循」，曾作「脩」）端嚴，無可復諫者也。〕燕、趙、韓、魏聞之，皆朝於齊。此所謂戰勝於朝廷。〔姚本言與敵國戰勝之於朝廷之內也。老子曰，「脩之身，其德乃真」，此之謂也。故能使四國盡來朝之。　鮑本坐朝廷之上，四國朝之，不待兵也。〕　　〔鮑本彪謂：鄒忌嘗以詐走田忌，則其人亦傾險士耳。唯此言者，萬世之言也。補曰：大事記，威烈王二十二年。按外紀，宋昭公出亡，謂其御曰云云，事與此類。又新序，齊有田巴先生，賢，王聘而問政，巴改製新衣，拂飾冠帶，顧謂其妾云云。恐與鄒忌事有訛舛。〕

秦假道韓魏以攻齊

秦假道韓、魏以攻齊，〔姚本自秦往齊，路出韓、魏，故假之也。〕齊威王使章子將而應之。〔姚本應，擊。〕與秦交和而舍，〔姚本交，俱。　鮑本孫子，兩軍相對曰交和。楚記注，軍門曰和。〕使者數相往來，章子為變其徽章，〔姚本徽，幟名也。傳曰，揚徽者，公徒也。　鮑本徽，幟也。以絳帛著於背，章其別也。補曰：此引說文。又左傳「揚徽」注，若今救火衣。又按，王莽傳「殊徽幟」注，通謂旌旗屬。〕以雜秦軍。〔姚本通白曰章幅（「幅」一作「幟」），變易之使與秦旗章同，欲以襲秦。〕候者〔鮑本齊之偵者。〕言章子以齊入秦，〔姚本候軍者以章子為然。〕威王不應。〔姚本應，答。〕頃之〔鮑本衍「之」字。〕間，〔鮑本正曰：有頃之間也。句奇。下「頃間」變文。〕候者復言章子以齊兵降秦，威王不應。而此者三。〔姚本而，如也。如此者三。〕有司請曰：「言章子之敗者，異人而同辭。〔札記今本脫「之」字，誤重「辭」字。〕王何不發〔姚本發，遣。　鮑本「發」作「廢」。○　廢，謂罷之。補曰：「廢」一本作「發」。是既降矣，安用廢為？〕將而擊之？」王曰：「此不叛寡人明矣，〔姚本明，審。〕曷為〔鮑本「為」下有「而」字。○〕擊之！」

頃間，言齊兵大勝，秦軍〔鮑本「軍」作「兵」。○〕大敗，於是秦王拜〔鮑本「拜」作「稱」。○〕西藩之臣〔鮑本按威王與秦獻公、孝公同時，齊雖強而秦不弱，此語未詳。〕而謝於齊。〔姚本秦惠王之子武王也。謝，謝攻齊之罪。〕左右曰：「何以知之？」曰：「章子之母啟〔鮑本其母名。〕得罪其父，其父殺之而埋馬棧之下。〔姚本馬棧，床也。　鮑本棧，為棚以立馬。正曰：高注，棧，床也。補曰：章子，通國稱不孝。孟子以為父子責善而不相遇者，恐因此事也。後語，「馬屎之中」。〕吾〔姚本一「吾」下有「之」字。〕使〔鮑本下衍「者」字。〕者〔姚本一無「者」字。〕章子將也，勉之曰：『夫子之強，全兵而還，必更葬將軍之母。』對曰：『臣非不能更葬先妾也。臣之母啟得罪臣之父。臣之父未教〔姚本「教」，劉作「葬」。　鮑本未有教命。補曰：後語，「未赦」。〕而死。夫不得父之教而更葬母，是欺死父也。〔姚本死父欲使之說也。〕故不敢。』〔鮑本彪謂：君父一也，雖無父命，而以君命更葬，何損於義？凡章子之孝皆過，所謂過孝。正曰：此是章子言所以不更葬之故，未見其終拒威王之命。〕夫為人子而不欺死父，豈為人臣欺生君哉？」〔姚本威王以此知章子之情，故曰，豈欺生君哉？〕　　〔鮑本彪謂：周衰，齊威不世之主也。列子曰，君非自知我也，以人之言賜我，其罪我又將以人之言，故人君於其臣，欲其自知之也。威王之於章子有焉。夫如是，雖百市虎不搖也，豈以三告而投杼乎哉？〕

楚將伐齊

楚將伐齊，魯親之，〔姚本魯親楚也。〕齊王患之。〔姚本患，憂。〕張丐〔鮑本齊人，疑即張丑。〕曰：「臣請令魯中立。」〔姚本魯中立，言能使魯不親楚而絕齊也。　鮑本於兩國之間，無所親疏。〕乃為齊見魯君。〔鮑本康公。正曰：無考。〕魯君曰：「齊王懼乎？」曰：「非臣所知也，臣來弔足下。」魯君曰：「何弔？」〔鮑本「弔」下有「乎」字。○〕曰：「君之謀過矣。〔姚本過，失。〕君不與〔姚本與，猶助之。〕勝者而與不勝者，〔鮑本楚時未敗，而云然者，蓋楚有勝齊之勢。楚雖勝，士卒多死，魯合齊以兩國擊之，楚必敗，故言其不勝。〕何故也？」魯君曰：「子以齊、楚為孰勝哉？」對曰：「鬼且不知也。」「然則子何以弔寡人？」曰：「齊，楚之權敵〔鮑本補曰：言其力適均。〕也，不用有魯與無魯。足下豈如令〔姚本「令」一作「全」。　鮑本「令」作「全」。○〕眾而合二國之後哉！楚大勝齊，其良士選卒〔鮑本材武見選者。〕必殪，〔鮑本殪，死也。〕其餘兵足以待天下；齊為勝，其良士選卒亦殪。而君以魯眾合戰勝後，此其為德也亦大矣，〔姚本全眾為中立，無以為助也。觀二國交戰之後，勝者其良士選卒治一，君以全眾助負敗者擊之。　鮑本合，合敗者也。勝者雖合之，不必見德。今以全眾合敗者，彼勝者既士卒多死，可勝也，敗者因見德矣。〕其見恩德亦其大也。」〔姚本「其」，曾作「甚」。　鮑本「德」下有「也」字，「其」作「甚」，「也」作「矣」。○　敗者德之。〕魯君以為然，身〔鮑本「身」作「乃」。○　札記今本「身」作「乃」。〕退師。〔姚本退師，不復親楚也。　鮑本補曰：「為齊」之「為」，去聲。〕

秦伐魏

秦伐魏，陳軫合三晉而東謂齊王〔姚本軫時仕魏，故合三晉而東也。去著（續：「去著」二字，古本作「走齊」）而宣王也（一本作「齊王」）。〕曰：「古之王者之伐也，欲以正天下而立功名，以為後世也。今齊、楚、燕、趙、韓、梁六國之遞〔姚本遞，更。　鮑本遞，言其更相伐。〕甚也，不足以立功名，適足以強秦而自弱也，非山東之上計也。能危山東者，強秦也。不憂強秦，而遞相罷弱，〔鮑本「罷」，「疲」同。〕而兩歸其國於秦，〔鮑本兩，彼我也。〕此臣之所以為山東之患。〔姚本患，憂。〕天下為秦相割，〔姚本割，分也。自相剝割，以附益強秦。　鮑本以割肉喻其相伐。〕秦曾不出〔姚本秦不自出力，用力也。　鮑本補曰：北山何先生標大事記云，「力」，一作「刀」。　札記丕烈案：「刀」字是也，此形近之訛。〕力；天下為秦相烹，〔鮑本煮也。〕秦曾不出薪。〔姚本為秦自相烹置，秦則不出薪然火也。　鮑本喻秦無所事。〕何秦之智而山東之愚耶？願大王之察也。

「古之五帝、三王、五伯之伐也，〔姚本五帝，黃帝、顓頊（一本無「顓頊」字）、高辛、帝嚳、堯帝（一無「帝」字）、舜也。三王，夏、殷、周也。五伯，昆吾、大彭、豕韋、齊桓、晉文者（一無「者」字）也。〕伐不道者。今秦之伐天下不然，必欲反之，〔姚本反之，反五帝、三王、五伯之伐也。　鮑本反古。〕主必死辱，民必死虜。〔姚本秦欲肆虎狼之心以吞諸侯，故曰，主必死辱，民必死虜也。　鮑本死於辱。〕今韓、梁之目未嘗乾，〔姚本乾，𤍜也。目不𤍜，言悲泣也。　鮑本戰死者多也。〕而齊民獨不也，非齊親而韓、梁疏也，齊遠秦而韓、梁近。今齊將近矣！今秦欲攻梁絳、安邑，〔鮑本絳屬河東。〕秦得絳、安邑以東下河，必表裏河〔鮑本「河」下補「山」字。○　札記丕烈案：此表裏專就河言之，與左氏傳文迥不相涉。鮑所補乃準彼，謬甚矣。〕而東攻齊，舉齊屬之海，〔姚本舉，得。屬，至。　鮑本舉，言得其地。〕南面而孤楚、韓、梁，〔姚本面向南。　鮑本三國在秦之南。孤，謂稱孤以臣之。正曰：諸國勢不得合，故曰孤。〕北向而孤燕、趙，〔鮑本絕句。〕齊無所出其計矣。〔姚本出，猶生也。〕願王熟慮之！〔姚本慮，度。〕

「今三晉已合矣，復為兄弟〔姚本言兄弟相親也。〕約，而出銳師以戍梁絳、安邑，〔姚本銳，精銳。戍，守也。〕此萬世之計也。齊非急以銳師合三晉，必有後憂。三晉合，秦必不敢攻梁，必南攻楚。楚、秦構難，〔姚本構，連。〕三晉怒齊不與己也，必東攻齊。此臣之所謂齊必有大憂，不如急以兵合於三晉。」

齊王敬諾，果以兵合於三晉。〔姚本從陳軫策也。〕　〔鮑本秦惠後七年，韓、趙、魏、燕、齊共攻秦，此六年。正曰：按大事記，顯王四十七年，當秦惠後三年，魏惠後十三年。齊宣二十一年，秦伐魏，取曲沃、平周。解題，軫說齊不知在何年，以其說明切，附見于此。軫與張儀相惡，去秦事楚，而懷王合六國伐秦，距此四歲。軫說或在此時，未可知也。愚嘗按，趙策謂趙王章、韓策或謂韓王章、燕策或獻書燕王章，皆勸三晉諸國合從。其論秦之情與從國事勢，曉暢深切，如虎即禽、魚比目，引車、同舟之譬，說殊而義合。如秦之欲伐韓、梁，東闚周室，甚惟寐忘之；如約山東，皆以銳師戍韓、梁；如秦見三晉之堅，必南伐楚。其言皆合，是必一時之事，一人之言也。考之此策，秦伐魏，陳軫合三晉而東謂齊王，其論山東之愚，秦之智，為秦相割而秦不出力，為秦相烹而秦不出薪，則亦三策之取譬也。秦欲攻梁絳、安邑，今三晉已合約，出銳師以戍梁，三晉合，秦必南攻楚，則亦三策所言之事也。況策無說楚、魏之辭，而說四國者，皆有戍梁之約，攻楚之料，於是竊信其並為陳軫之言無疑也。楚懷王受張儀商於之欺，軫諫不聽，諫攻秦又不聽，其後懷王入秦，屈平、昭雎諫而軫無言，意其必已去楚矣。今言楚王入秦，正誘會武關之時，而軫力為魏說諸侯，是時固在魏也。軫善楚者，約從獨遺楚，又勸三晉之移禍於楚，豈略不為楚計哉？蓋其知楚謀之不可為，入秦之不可止，而諸國之擯秦，非特為魏，所以為楚，所謂陽擠而陰助之者歟！蘇氏兄弟稱說，多浮辭，數策非軫不能。大事記既著軫說，附於顯王四十七年。於韓策，謂論秦最得其情，因其言梁絳、安邑，附見於赧王二十九年魏獻安邑之後，皆不能的指其時。今徵以楚王入秦一言，當在赧王十六年。蓋秦取曲沃、平周，距五國伐秦前四年。慎靚王三年，五國合從，實懷王為長，蘇秦之約，而無與於軫也。懷王入秦，次年田文合韓、魏伐秦，猶能成一戰之功，未必不因軫之說也。反覆參合，可決其為軫矣。獨燕策言秦伐韓而中山亡，此事據史乃中山未亡四年之前，且年表滅中山在主父死後，而出家先一年。大事記取世家史遷所紀，固不能無失。趙武靈王十九年，初胡服。二十年，二十一年，二十三年，二十五年，連歲攻中山，略地得城邑；二十六年，復攻中山，攘地北至燕、代，西至雲中、九原；二十七年，傳國子何稱主父，欲略胡地，襲咸陽，遂詐入秦。是後已不言攻中山矣。惠文三年，乃書滅中山，遷其王于膚施。意者攘地之時，中山已定，而未廢其君，後四年始遷其君。如西周既滅，次年遷其君于𢠸狐之類。通鑑綱目，武靈二十五年書中山君奔齊。而魏策云，齊、魏伐楚，而趙亡中山，正是年事。則是其國已亡，特其君未得，後乃得之。燕策所謂中山亡，非舛也。故愚並著其說，以俟知者考焉。中山餘見燕策。〕

蘇秦為趙合從說齊宣王

蘇秦為趙合從，〔姚本合山東六國之親也。　鮑本趙肅侯十七年，此當十年。〕說齊宣王曰：「齊南有太山，東有琅邪，〔鮑本徐州郡。補曰：孟子注，琅邪，齊東南境上邑。〕西有清河，〔姚本清河，今甘陵，漢改也。　鮑本冀州郡。補曰：正義云，今貝州。〕北有渤海，〔鮑本幽州郡。補曰：正義云，今滄州。〕此所謂四塞之國也。〔姚本言牢固也。　鮑本言四方皆有險固。〕齊地方二千里，〔鮑本補曰：史，三千餘里。〕帶甲數十萬，粟如丘山。齊車之良，五家之兵，〔姚本五家，五國。　鮑本管仲軍令，始於五家為軌。〕疾如錐矢，〔姚本錐矢，小矢。喻勁疾也。　鮑本錐，銳也。補曰：呂氏春秋，「所貴錐矢者，為其應聲而至」。〕戰如雷電，〔姚本雷電，喻威大也。〕解如風雨，〔姚本風雨，喻解散速疾。〕即有軍役，未嘗倍太山、絕清河、涉渤海也。臨淄之中〔姚本臨淄，齊鄙。　鮑本屬齊郡。補曰：青州臨淄縣，古營丘地，城臨淄，故云。見正義及水經注。渤海，後語北海，今青州北海是也。〕七萬戶，臣竊度之，〔姚本度，計。〕下〔鮑本補曰：史無「下」。〕戶三男子，三七二十一萬，不待發於遠縣，而臨淄之卒，固以〔鮑本「以」作「已」。○　札記今本「以」作「已」。丕烈案：史記作「已」。〕二十一萬矣。臨淄甚富而實，其民無不吹竽、〔鮑本似笙，三十六簧。〕鼓瑟、〔鮑本似琴，二十五弦。〕擊筑、〔鮑本以竹曲五弦之樂。〕彈琴、鬥雞、走犬、六博、蹹踘者；〔鮑本「踘」作「鞠」。○　劉向別錄，蹙鞠，黃帝作，蓋因娛戲以練武士。「蹹」，即「蹙」也。補曰：王逸云，投六箸，行六棋，謂之六博。「蹹」，史作「蹋」。說文，徒盍反，即「蹹」字。　札記丕烈案：史記作「鞠」。〕臨淄之途，〔姚本塗，道。〕車䡰擊，〔姚本「䡰」，劉作「轂」。擊，相當。　鮑本「䡰」作「轂」。○　正曰：「䡰」者「轚」之訛。說文，轚，車舝相擊也。周禮，「舟車轚互」。穀梁傳，「轚者不得入」。釋文音計，又古的反。此章史作「轂擊」。按秦策，「車轂擊馳」。說苑，「齊人好轂擊」。揚雄書，「辨者轂擊」。讀亦通。　札記丕烈案：「䡰擊」不誤，「䡰」者「轂」之別體字，猶「穀」字之別體作「䅽」也。「轚」、「擊」同字，不得叠見。吳云，「䡰」者「轚」之訛，其說非也。秦策讀當以「使車轂擊」為一句，「馳言相結」為一句。「言」下有「語」字者，誤本也。姚校云，錢、劉本無，是矣。〕人肩摩，〔姚本摩，相摩。〕連衽成帷，〔鮑本帳屬，在旁者。〕舉袂成幕，〔鮑本袂，袖也。〕揮汗成雨；〔姚本揮，振也，言人眾多。〕家敦〔鮑本補曰：史作「殷」。　札記丕烈案：史記作「家殷人足，志高氣揚」，與策文不同。〕而富，志高而揚。〔姚本高，大也。揚，發揚。〕夫以大王之賢與齊之強，天下不能當。〔姚本當，敵。〕今乃西面事秦，竊為大王羞之。

「且夫韓、魏之所以畏秦者，〔鮑本無「之」字，補「以」字。○　補曰：史此有「以」字。　札記丕烈案：「之」，史記有。〕以與秦接界也。兵出而相當，〔姚本「當」，劉作「攻」。〕不至十日，而戰勝存亡之機決矣。〔姚本機，要。〕韓、魏戰而勝秦，則兵半折，〔鮑本折，猶敗。以秦敵強，雖勝，猶為失半也。〕四境不守；戰而不勝，以亡隨其後。是故〔鮑本「故」作「後」。○　補曰：姚本作「故」，是。史同。　札記丕烈案：「後」乃因上訛耳。〕韓、魏之所以重與秦戰而輕為之臣也。

「今秦攻齊則不然，倍韓、魏之地，〔鮑本倍，言二國在其後。〕至闈〔姚本「至闈」一作「過衛」。　鮑本「闈」作「衛」。○　補曰：史作「衛」。〕陽晉之道，〔鮑本魏襄十六年，秦拔魏蒲阪、陽晉。張儀傳，劫取衛陽晉。注皆不地。蓋衛地，時屬魏也。正曰：正義云，衛曹、濮等州。陽晉在曹州乘氏縣西北。〕徑亢父之險，〔姚本亢父，今任城縣也。　鮑本屬東平。補曰：亢，音剛，又苦浪反。高注，任城縣南。〕車不得方軌，〔姚本車兩輪間為軌。　鮑本爾雅，方舟，併兩舟，則此亦兩也。軌，車轍。〕馬不得並行，百人守險，千人不能過也。秦雖欲深入，則狼顧，〔鮑本驚貌。正曰：狼性怯，走常還顧。〕恐韓、魏之議其後也。是故恫疑虛猲，〔姚本猲，喘息，懼貌。　鮑本「猲」作「喝」。○　恫，痛也。言疑之甚。集韻，喝，呵也。補曰：史作「喝」。索隱云，亦作「猲」，并呼合反。竊謂，作「恐猲」亦通。又注見趙策。〕高躍〔鮑本補曰：史作「驕矜」。〕而不敢進，則秦不能害齊，亦已明矣。〔鮑本無「已」字。○　札記丕烈案：史記無。〕夫不深〔鮑本無「深」字。○　札記丕烈案：史記有。〕料秦之不奈我何也，而欲西面事秦，是群臣之計過也。〔鮑本無「也」字。○　補曰：一本此有「也」字。　札記今本「計過」誤「過計」。丕烈案：史記「計過也」。〕今無臣事秦之名，〔鮑本「無臣」作「臣無」。○　札記今本「無臣」作「臣無」。丕烈案：史記「無臣」。〕而有強國之實，臣固〔鮑本「固」作「故」。○　正曰：策「固」、「故」通。　札記丕烈案：史記作「臣是故」。〕願大王之少留計。」〔鮑本留意計之。〕

齊王曰：「寡人不敏，〔鮑本此「敏」，謂猶明，明則疾於事。補曰：一本注，晁本此下有云，「僻遠守海，窮道東境之國也，未嘗得聞餘教」。　札記吳補，一本注，晁本此下有「僻遠守海，窮道東境之國也，未嘗得聞餘教」。丕烈案：史記有此十七字。〕今主君〔姚本主君，謂蘇秦也。　鮑本補曰：主君，稱蘇秦，恐衍「主」字。史作「足下」。　札記丕烈案：吳說非也。高注可證。後策文，楚、魏、韓、燕皆云「今主君」。史記韓、魏、楚同。小司馬曰，主君，稱蘇秦也。禮，卿大夫稱主。今嘉蘇子合從諸侯，褒而美之，故稱曰「主君」。其字不誤甚明，吳失檢耳。〕以趙王之教詔之，〔姚本詔，告。　鮑本「教詔」作「詔告」。○　札記丕烈案：史記作「詔詔」。此策文當作「教詔」，高注可證。〕敬奉社稷以從。」〔鮑本凡蘇秦從橫之說，本傳皆有。此在說燕、趙、韓、魏后。〕

張儀為秦連橫齊王

張儀為秦連橫〔姚本張儀，魏氏之餘子，仕為秦相也。連關中之謂橫，合關東之謂從。說齊王也。　鮑本儀傳，連橫，在鄭袖出儀後，說楚，說韓、齊、趙，卒說燕，歸報而惠王死。則此當秦十四年。此十三年。正曰：湣王二年。〕齊〔鮑本「齊」上補「說」字。○　補曰：此處當有「說」字。〕王曰：「天下強國無過齊〔姚本齊宣王也。強，大。〕者，大臣父兄殷〔姚本殷，盛。〕眾富樂，無過齊者。然而為大王計者，皆為一時說而不顧〔姚本顧，念。〕萬世之利。從人〔姚本從人，合關東六國為從，謂蘇秦也。〕說大王者，必謂齊西有強趙，南有韓、魏，負海之國也，地廣人眾，兵強士勇，雖有百秦，將無奈我何！大王覽〔姚本覽，受。〕其說，而不察其至實。

「夫從人朋黨比周，〔鮑本比周，親周相比也，與論語意異。補曰：猶傳言「相與比周」。〕莫不以從為可。臣聞之，齊與魯三戰而魯三勝，國以危，亡隨其後，〔鮑本魯戰勝齊，史傳不書。時魯故在，有亡形耳。正曰：此取譬之說，猶孟子言鄒人與楚人戰，與下文不同。〕雖有勝名而有亡之實，是何故也？齊大而魯小。今趙之與秦也，猶齊之於魯也。秦、趙戰於河漳〔姚本河漳，漳水。　鮑本史不書。說文，濁漳，出上黨長子鹿谷山，東入清漳。清漳，出沽山大黽谷，入河南。漳出南郡。〕之上，再戰而再勝〔鮑本絕句。正曰：誤。當以「勝秦」句，下同。〕秦；戰於番吾之下，〔鮑本不書。蘇秦傳注，常山有蒲吾。〕再戰而再勝秦。四戰之後，趙亡卒數十萬，邯鄲僅〔姚本僅，裁。〕存。雖有勝秦之名，而國破矣！是何故也？秦強而趙弱也。今秦、楚嫁子取婦，為昆弟之國；〔鮑本儀說懷王亦云然。〕韓獻宜陽，魏效河外，〔姚本河外，河南。〕趙入朝黽池，〔姚本趙入秦，朝於黽池也。　鮑本屬弘農。補曰：今河南府黽池縣。水經注，穀水，出崤東馬頭山穀陽谷東北，流歷黽池川。漢景帝因崤、黽之地以為縣。黽，彌盡、彌兗二反。〕割河間以事秦。〔鮑本據此，則說趙當在齊前。〕大王不事秦，秦驅韓、魏攻齊之南地，悉趙涉河關，〔鮑本悉，悉起其兵。河關，屬金城，史作清河是也。正曰：河之關亦通。〕指摶〔姚本「搏」，曾作「博」。　鮑本「搏」作「博」。○　札記丕烈案：史記作「博」。〕關，〔鮑本蘇秦傳注，齊威六年，晉伐齊，至博陵。東郡有博平，以為博關。今按，泰山有博，亦近齊也。補曰：後語注云，今兗州博城縣有古關，是博關。司馬貞云，在博州。〕臨淄、即墨〔鮑本屬膠東國。補曰：今萊州即墨縣。〕非王之有也。國一日被攻，雖欲事秦，不可得也。是故願大王熟計之。」

齊王曰：「齊僻陋隱居，託〔姚本託，附。〕於東海之上，未嘗聞社稷之長〔姚本長，久。〕利。今大客〔姚本大客，謂張儀也。　鮑本禮，大行人掌大客之儀。〕幸而教之，請奉社稷以事秦。」獻魚鹽之地三百〔姚本曾有「里」字。　鮑本三百里也。補曰：一本有「里」字。「為秦」之「為」，去聲。〕於秦也。〔鮑本無「也」字。○〕

齊策 二

韓齊為與國

韓、齊為與國。〔姚本相與為黨與也，有患難相救助也。〕張儀以秦、魏伐韓。〔鮑本儀復相時。補曰：「伐韓」下有缺文，必著韓之請救，以下文許韓使者知之。〕齊王〔姚本宣王也。〕曰：「韓，吾與國也。秦伐之，吾將救之。」田臣思〔姚本田臣思，齊臣也。〕曰：「王之謀過矣，不如聽〔姚本聽伐韓也。〕之。子噲與子之國，〔姚本子噲，燕易王子，昭王之父也。子之，其相也。蘇代為子之說之於子噲曰，「堯以天下讓許由，許由不受，堯有讓天下之名」。子噲慕之，故與子之國也。　鮑本子噲，燕王。之，燕相。〕百姓不戴，諸侯弗與。秦伐韓，楚、趙必救之，是天下〔姚本劉無「下」字。　鮑本補曰：「下」字衍。一本無。大事記從之。〕以燕賜我〔姚本我，臣思自謂也。　鮑本我，我齊。〕也。」王曰：「善。」乃許韓使者而遣〔鮑本「遣」作「還」。○　補曰：一本作「遣」，是。〕之。

韓自以得交於齊，遂與秦戰。楚、趙果遽起兵而救韓，齊因起兵攻燕，三十日而舉燕國。〔姚本舉，拔也。孟子曰，子噲無王命而與子之國，子之無王命擅受子噲國，故齊宣王伐而取之也。〕　　〔鮑本燕噲七年，此十年。補曰：此齊宣王所謂五旬而舉之者。大事記改「三」為「五」。補曰：按史田齊世家，桓公五年，秦、魏攻韓，韓求救於齊。桓公召大臣而謀，騶忌曰，「不若勿救」。段干朋曰，「不救，則韓且折而入於魏」。田臣思曰，「秦、魏攻韓，楚、趙救之，是天以燕與齊也」。因襲燕取桑丘。策即本章。　齊威王一十六年，魏圍邯鄲，趙求救於齊。威王召大臣而謀，騶忌曰「不如勿救」。段干朋曰，「不救則不義且不利」云云，「不如南攻襄陵以弊魏，邯鄲拔而乘魏之敝」。王從其計，敗魏桂陵。策邯鄲之難章。「威王」作「田侯」，「段干朋」作「綸」，餘略同。宣王二年，魏伐趙，「趙」當作「韓」，說見前。趙與韓親，共擊魏。趙不利，戰于南梁，韓請救於齊，宣王召大臣而謀。騶忌子曰，「不如勿救」。田忌曰，「不如早救之」。孫子曰云云。宣王曰，「善」。起兵擊之，敗之馬陵。策南梁之難，韓請救於齊，田侯召大臣而謀，張丐曰，「不如早救」，田臣思曰云云。餘皆略同。　史凡三節，與策三章互有同異。邯戰之難與威王條合。南梁之難與宣王條合。但史為張丐、田臣思，策為騶忌、孫子。唯桓公取桑丘，與威王伐魏、宣王伐燕相亂。按威王二十一年，鄒忌始相，上距桓公取桑丘之歲二十餘年，忌豈得已為大臣？史誤以邯鄲一章勦入之，明矣。田臣思即田忌，宣王二年戰馬陵，後出奔。至二十九年之、噲之役，凡二十七年，不應復見。使忌果在齊，則王安得棄之而將章子？策或誤載其名也。且桓公時，秦、魏攻韓，楚、趙救之，齊不救，因而襲燕。宣王時，秦、魏伐韓，楚、趙救之，齊不救，因而舉燕。何其事之吻合如此？是必可疑。考之桓公時，秦、魏攻韓事無見。年表，魏、韓、趙伐齊至桑丘。齊伐燕取桑丘，意者齊取桑丘，而韓、魏、趙伐之。韓且與趙、魏攻齊，則與求救於齊之文戾。且田臣思之辭曰「是天以燕與齊」，而僅為取桑丘乎？是史亦誤以宣王伐燕章附之桓公也。故大事記書韓、魏、趙伐田齊至桑丘，而不書齊取桑丘。於宣王伐燕，則引策之文；謂秦伐韓，楚、趙救韓，即岸門之戰。而齊之取燕，雖因之、噲之亂，亦由諸侯連兵不解，無與競者也。故愚具列史、策所載，而著大事記之說，俾覽者得以考正焉。正義云，桑丘在易州遂城縣東。　札記丕烈案：此當各依本書，改者非。〕

張儀事秦惠王

張儀事秦惠王。〔姚本惠王，秦孝公之子也。〕惠王死，武王立。左右惡張儀，曰：「儀事先王不忠。」言未已，〔姚本已，畢也。〕齊讓又至。〔姚本齊王使赴（劉無「赴」字）責于秦武王任用張儀之罪（一罪下有「也」字），又使至（一無「又使至」字）。　鮑本儀嘗曰，「儀之所甚憎無大齊王」。則儀，齊所惡也，而秦任之，故齊以此責秦。〕

張儀聞之，〔鮑本無「聞之」二字。○　補曰：一本有「聞之」字。　札記丕烈案：史記作張儀懼誅，乃因謂秦武王曰。〕謂武王曰：「儀有愚計，願效〔姚本效，致。〕之王。」王曰：「奈何？」曰：「為社稷計者，東方有大變，〔鮑本言有兵。〕然後王可以多割地。〔姚本割，取。　鮑本割諸侯地。〕今齊王甚憎張〔姚本一無「張」字。　鮑本衍「張」字。　札記丕烈案：史記無。〕儀，儀之所在，必舉兵而〔鮑本無「而」字。○　札記丕烈案：史記無。〕伐之。故儀願乞不肖身而之梁，〔姚本梁，魏都也。〕齊必舉兵而〔鮑本無「而」字。○　札記丕烈案：史記「而伐梁」。〕伐之。齊、梁之兵連於城下，〔姚本於梁城下。　鮑本連，謂不解。〕不能相去，〔姚本去，離。〕王以其間伐韓，入三川，出兵函谷〔姚本三川，宜陽邑也，從函谷關東出也。函谷在弘農城北，故言出函谷關。〕而無伐，以臨周，祭器必出，〔鮑本周有先周宗社禮器，諸侯所不備，今必出以賂秦。〕挾天子，案圖籍，此王業也。」〔姚本周，西周王城也，天子所都。以兵臨之，祭器可出，而挾天子，案其圖籍，故曰此王業也。〕王曰：「善。」乃具革車〔姚本革車，兵車也。〕三十乘，納之梁。〔姚本納張儀於梁也。〕

齊果舉兵伐之。梁王大恐。〔鮑本補曰：後語作魏襄王。　札記丕烈案：史記作哀王。恐史記之哀王，世本謂之襄王，後語依世本也。此秦武元年，魏襄九年。〕張儀曰：「王勿患，請令罷齊兵。」〔姚本患，憂也。言今能令齊兵罷去也。〕乃使其舍人馮喜之楚，藉使之齊。齊、楚之事〔鮑本事，使事。〕已畢，因謂齊王：「王甚憎張儀，雖然，厚矣王之託儀於秦王也。」齊王曰：「寡人甚憎儀，〔鮑本「儀」上有「張」字。○　札記丕烈案：史記無。〕儀之所在，必舉兵伐之，何以託儀也？」對曰：「是乃王之託儀也。儀之出秦，因〔姚本「因」，劉作「固」。〕與秦王約曰：『為王計者，東方有大變，然後王可以多割地。齊王甚憎儀，儀之所在，必舉兵伐之。故儀願乞不肖身〔鮑本「身」上有「之」字。○　札記丕烈案：史記有。〕而之梁，齊必舉兵伐梁。梁、齊之兵連於城下不能去，王以其間伐韓，入三川，出兵函谷而無伐，以臨周，祭器必出，挾天子，案圖籍，是王業也。』秦王以為然，與革車三十乘而納儀於梁。而果伐之，是王內自罷〔鮑本罷，音疲，勞師故。〕而伐與國，廣鄰敵以自臨，而信儀於秦王也。〔姚本使儀言信於秦王也。〕此臣之所謂託儀也。」王曰：「善。」乃止。〔姚本止，不伐梁也。〕　　〔鮑本儀傳有。彪謂：此計之必售，策之必行者也。儀之所謨，於時有妾婦之所羞，市人之所不為者。若譽南后以取金，欺商於以賣楚，皆可鄙也。唯此為文無害，儀亦明年死矣，宜其言之善歟！補曰：大事記，秦惠王死，公孫衍欲窮張儀，見秦策。儀之逐，其衍之力歟！正曰：鮑謂將死言善爾！反覆詭詐之術，死猶未已，何善之可稱？〕

犀首以梁為齊戰於承匡而不勝

犀首〔姚本犀首，公孫衍也。〕以梁〔姚本梁，魏惠王所都。〕為〔鮑本「為」作「與」。○〕齊戰於承匡〔姚本承匡，邑名。　鮑本本宋地，見陳留襄邑注。補曰：大事記，襄陵，故宋之承匡、襄牛之地，宋襄公所築，故曰襄陵。〕而不勝。張儀謂梁王〔鮑本哀。正曰：襄。〕不用臣言以危國。梁王〔姚本曾、劉作「魏王」。〕因〔姚本「因」，一本作「困」。〕相儀，〔鮑本魏九年，此十四年。正曰：此四年。〕儀以秦、梁之齊合橫親。〔姚本合秦之橫，與山東六國從親也。　鮑本補曰：猶言從親。〕犀首欲敗，〔姚本欲敗張儀合橫親之事也。〕謂衛君〔鮑本嗣君。〕曰：〔鮑本時儀過衛。〕「衍非有怨於儀也，〔鮑本無「也」字。○〕值所以為〔姚本為，理。　鮑本值，適當也。〕國者不同耳。君必解衍。」〔姚本解說衍於張儀也。　鮑本解說衍於儀，使之釋怨。〕衛君為告儀，儀許諾，因與之參〔姚本參，三人並也。　鮑本三人合坐。〕坐於衛君之前。犀首跪行，為儀千秋之祝。〔姚本祝，祈。〕明日張子行，犀首送之至於齊疆。齊王聞之，怒於儀，曰：「衍也吾讎，〔姚本讎，仇。　鮑本衍嘗與齊戰故。〕而儀與之俱，〔姚本俱，偕。〕是必與衍〔鮑本「衍」作「儀」。○　補曰：一本「與衍」。〕鬻吾國矣。」遂不聽。〔姚本一本「聽」下有「也」字。鬻，賣。〕　　〔鮑本彪謂：此一時岌乎殆哉！一言一動，盡為機穽，豈可與同群哉！此在衍術中而不悟，是以知儀之疏也。故其智，暗於秦；其辨，屈於軫；而此謀敗於衍也。補曰：「為義」之「為」，如字。〕

昭陽為楚伐魏

昭陽〔姚本昭陽，楚懷王將。〕為楚伐魏，覆軍殺將得八城，〔姚本覆魏將，得八城。　鮑本楚懷六年，此元年。正曰：宣王二十年。〕移兵而攻齊。陳軫為齊王使，〔鮑本衍「使」字。史言軫為秦使齊，齊問之，為齊見陽。　札記丕烈案：讀以使字句。史記云，陳軫適為秦使齊，是其證。鮑誤。〕見昭陽，再拜賀戰勝，起而問：「楚之法，覆軍殺將，其官爵何也？」昭陽曰：「官為上柱國，爵為上執珪。」陳軫曰：「異貴於此者何〔鮑本問此外復有貴者不？〕也？」曰：「唯令尹耳。」〔姚本言獨令尹最貴耳。　鮑本楚相也。〕陳軫曰：「令尹貴矣！王〔鮑本「王」作「主」。○〕非置兩令尹也，臣竊為公譬可也。〔姚本「也」，劉作「乎」。公，昭陽。譬，喻。〕楚有祠者，〔姚本祠，祭。　鮑本祠，春祭。〕賜其舍人〔鮑本始皇紀注，主廄內小史，或云侍從賓客者。正曰：顏師古曰，舍人，親近左右之通，後遂以為私屬官號。〕巵〔鮑本巵，器也。〕酒。舍人相謂曰：『數人飲之不足，一人飲之有餘。請畫地為蛇，先成者飲酒。』一人蛇先成，引酒且飲之，〔鮑本無「之」字。○〕乃左手持巵，右手畫蛇，曰：『吾能為之足。』未成，一人之蛇成，奪其巵曰：『蛇固無足，子安能為之足。』遂飲其酒。為蛇足者，終亡其酒。今君相楚而攻魏，破軍殺將得八城，不弱兵，〔鮑本言恃其強。〕欲攻齊，齊畏公甚，公以是為名居〔姚本一本去「居」字。　鮑本「居」作「亦」。○　正曰：因下「足」字衍而訛。〕足矣，官之上非可重也。戰無不勝而不知止者，身且死，爵且後歸，〔鮑本言身死後，爵歸於國，故史言爵奪。〕猶為蛇足也。」昭陽以為然，解軍而去。〔鮑本楚記同。彪謂：此策雖其指為齊，亦持勝之善。正曰：「為楚」、「為齊」、「為公」之「為」，去聲。〕

秦攻趙

秦攻趙。趙令樓緩以五城求講於秦，〔姚本五城，趙邑。講，和。〕而與之伐齊。齊王恐，因使人以十城求講於秦。樓子恐，因以上黨二十四縣許秦王。〔鮑本惠文。〕趙足〔鮑本凡趙皆趙人。〕之齊，謂齊王曰：「王欲秦、趙之解乎？不如從合於趙，趙必倍秦。倍秦則齊無患矣。」

權之難齊燕戰

權之難，〔姚本權，地名（一下有也字）。齊、燕所戰，故曰「之難」也。鮑本後志南郡編注，鬥緡以權叛。又當陽注，縣東南有權城，楚地也。蓋燕自北進，齊自東進，而戰于楚境。燕策為文公時。正曰：大事記，燕、齊交兵，必非此地。按，記合燕策並載而取鮑三說，文公末年云云，並屬中山云云，燕、齊合云云。故於此條著其說，而斥其非者不著，鮑氏取長棄短之意也。〕齊、燕戰。秦使魏冉之趙，〔鮑本冉傳言，自王惠時任事，然則此役文公末年也。〕出兵助燕擊齊。薛公使魏處之趙，〔姚本薛公，田嬰也。魏處，人名（一本有「之主也」三字）。　鮑本嬰，時未封，後人稱之耳。嬰傳言自威王時任職。〕謂李向〔鮑本趙人。正曰：大事記，趙用事者也。〕曰：「君助燕擊齊，齊必急。急必以地和於燕，而身與趙戰矣。然則是君自為燕東〔鮑本「東」作「束」。○　束，猶斂。燕、齊和成，斂兵不戰。　札記今本「東」作「束」。〕兵，為燕取地也。〔鮑本取齊地。〕故為君計者，不如按兵勿出。齊必緩，〔鮑本趙之助燕不力，故齊無危急之勢。〕緩必復與燕戰。戰而勝，兵罷〔鮑本「罷」，「疲」同。〕弊，趙可取唐、〔姚本唐，今盧奴北盧縣也。〕曲逆；〔姚本曲逆，今蒲陰也。是時屬燕，故勸取之。　鮑本並屬中山國。言二國戰，不暇北顧，趙可以其間取中山也。〕戰而不勝，命懸〔鮑本懸，繫也。〕於趙。然則吾〔鮑本吾，吾趙。〕中立而割窮齊與疲燕也，〔鮑本割，割齊地。正曰：割齊、燕地。〕兩國之權，歸於君〔姚本君，李向也。〕矣。」

秦攻趙長平

秦攻趙長平，〔姚本一本無「長平」二字。　鮑本此五年。　札記今本「攻」誤「破」。〕齊、楚救之。秦計曰：「齊、楚〔姚本一本無「楚」字。〕救趙，親，〔鮑本其交親。〕則將退兵；不親，則且遂攻之。」

趙無以食，請粟於齊，而齊不聽。蘇秦〔姚本續：史記，周子，齊之謀臣，史失其名。戰國策以周子為蘇秦，而「楚」字皆作「燕」，然此時蘇秦死久矣。　鮑本「秦」作「子」。○　補曰：字誤，史作「周子」。　札記丕烈案：此不與策文同。〕謂齊王曰：「不如聽之以卻秦兵，不聽則秦兵不卻，是秦之計中，〔姚本中，得。〕而齊、燕〔鮑本「燕」作「楚」。○　補曰：史作「楚」，通鑑從之。札記丕烈案：鮑改誤甚。索隱引此文云，而「楚」字皆作「燕」。可見此文上「齊、楚救之」，「秦計曰，齊、楚救趙」，下則「明日及齊、楚矣」，三「楚」字皆本作「燕」。不知者，以史記改之耳。〕之計過矣。〔姚本過，失。〕且趙之於燕、齊，〔鮑本「燕齊」作「齊楚」。○　補曰：史作「齊、楚」。　札記丕烈案：此同上。〕隱蔽也，〔姚本一本無「也」字。隱蔽，蕃蔽。〕齒〔鮑本「齒」上有「猶」字。○　趙居二國西北。秦攻二國，必先徑趙。趙存，則二國得以自隱，而有蔽障。　札記丕烈案：史記有。〕之有脣也，脣亡則齒寒。今日亡趙，則明日及齊、楚矣。且夫救趙之務，〔鮑本務，趣也，事也。〕宜若奉漏壅，沃焦釜。〔鮑本喻救之急。〕夫救趙，高義也；卻秦兵，〔姚本高，大。劉本無「兵」字。〕顯名也。義救亡趙，威卻強秦兵，不務為此，而務愛粟，則為國計者過矣。」〔姚本過，誤失也。〕　　〔鮑本齊記有云，周子謂最，是也，此最時三十餘年矣。正曰：索隱云，周子蓋齊之謀臣，史失其名，不必強為之說。〕

或謂齊王

或謂齊王曰：「周、韓西有強秦，東〔鮑本「東」下有「北」字。○〕有趙、魏。秦伐周、韓之西，趙、魏不伐，〔鮑本不從秦伐周、韓。〕周、韓為割，〔鮑本割地與趙、魏。正曰：割地與秦。〕韓卻周害也。〔鮑本言趙、魏徒不伐而不救韓，則韓兵必卻而周有秦害。〕及韓卻周割〔鮑本「割」作「害」。○　正曰：「害」、「割」，字恐有誤混。〕之，〔鮑本「之」下補「後」字。○〕趙、魏亦不免與秦為患矣。〔鮑本秦以其不應己，又無周、韓之捍，秦伐必及。〕今齊、〔鮑本「齊」下補「應」字。○　補曰：「今齊」下恐有缺字。〕秦伐趙、魏，則亦不果於趙、魏之應秦而伐周、韓。〔鮑本趙、魏近秦，其應秦不得不果；齊則遠矣，應秦必不果矣。〕令〔鮑本令，就令也。入，言應之果。正曰：「令」恐亦「今」字。〕齊入於秦而伐趙、魏，趙、魏亡之後，秦東面而伐齊，齊安得救〔鮑本「救」下補「於」字。○　補曰：一本有「救」字，是；下無「於」字，非。　札記丕烈案：吳說未是。此猶魏策云，雖欲行數千里，而助人可得乎也！「救天下」不誤。〕天下乎！」〔鮑本此言趙、魏近秦，畏之不得不應，齊不可以其應而伐之也。正曰：此士之策，正謂秦伐周、韓，趙、魏雖不應秦，然周、韓既割，而趙、魏亦不免。況齊可以不應秦。今應秦伐趙、魏，趙、魏既亡，而齊亦不免矣！所以言此者，欲齊之援趙、魏也！〕

齊策 三

楚王死

楚王死，〔姚本懷王也。為張儀所欺，西與秦昭王會武關，秦脅與歸，而死於秦也。〕太子在齊質。〔鮑本楚二十九年，使太子質於齊，名橫，是為頃襄王。按史，楚三十年，懷王入秦，秦留之，明年頃襄王立，立三年懷王乃死。與此駮。〕蘇秦〔鮑本「秦」作「子」。○　秦死至是二十年矣，此非代則厲也。補曰：字誤，下並同。〕謂薛公〔姚本薛公，田嬰也，田文之父。　鮑本田文。〕曰：〔札記今本誤重「曰」字。〕「君何不留楚太子，以市其下東國。」〔姚本市，猶求也。下東國，楚東邑，近齊也。　鮑本楚策云，「與我東地」。蓋楚國之東，其地近齊，楚地高而此下。〕薛公曰：「不可。我留太子，郢中〔姚本郢，楚都也。〕立王，然則是我抱空質〔姚本楚自立王，質之無益，故曰「抱空質」也。〕而行不義於天下也。」蘇秦曰：「不然。郢中立王，君因謂其新王曰：『與我下東國，吾為王殺太子。不然，吾將與三國共立之。』〔鮑本齊嘗與秦、韓、魏敗楚，三國謂此。重立。〕然則下東國必可得也。」

蘇秦之事，〔鮑本此著書者敘說。〕可以請行；可以令楚王〔鮑本並新王。〕亟入〔姚本亟，速也。入，猶致也。〕下東國；可以益割〔姚本益，多。割，取。〕於楚；可以忠太子而使楚益入地；可以為楚王走太子；可以忠太子使之〔姚本一本無「之」字。〕亟去；可以惡蘇秦於薛公；可以為蘇秦請封於楚；可以使人說〔姚本一本無「人說」二字。〕薛公以善蘇子；可以使蘇子自解於薛公。

蘇秦謂薛公曰：「臣聞謀泄者事無功，計不決者名不成。今君留太子〔姚本太子，懷王太子也。　鮑本「太」上有「楚」字。○〕者，以市下東國也。非亟得下東國者，則楚之計變，變則是君抱空質而負名於天下也。」〔姚本變，改也。負天下不義之名。〕薛公曰：「善。為之奈何？」對曰：「臣請為君之楚，使亟入下東國之地。楚得成，〔鮑本得，猶與也。齊求地而楚與之，為得成。〕則君無敗矣。」薛公曰：「善。」因遣之。〔姚本故曰「可以請行」也（曾，此七字不作注）。　鮑本「之」下有「故曰可以請行也」七字。○元作注字。此類亦著書者敘說。補曰：敘說者分其文而屬之，故以此著例。〕

謂楚王〔鮑本以為懷王，則上言已死；以為頃襄，則頃襄即太子也；以為新立王，則頃襄外無他王。未詳。〕曰：「齊欲奉太子而立之。〔姚本蘇秦請行至楚，說楚王曰，所立頃襄王也。言楚所欲立懷王。〕臣觀薛公之留太子者，以市下東國也。今王不亟入下東國，則太子且倍〔鮑本倍，多於前。〕王之割而使齊奉己」。〔姚本己，太子也。使齊奉己，立以為王也。〕楚王曰：「謹受命。」因獻下東國。故曰可以使楚亟入地也。

謂薛公曰：「楚之勢可多割也。」薛公曰：「奈何？」「請告太子其故，〔鮑本謂告蘇子辭也，告以楚獻地之故。〕使太子謁之君，〔鮑本君，薛公也。使太子白以亦欲割地。〕以忠太子，〔姚本告，致。致故，謂太子倍割楚以許齊也。謁，告。告齊君也。齊得割則歸太子，故曰「以忠太子」。〕使楚王聞之，可以益入地。」故曰可以益割於楚。

謂太子曰：「齊奉太子而立之，楚王請割地以留太子，齊少其地。〔姚本割地與齊，使留太子，齊嫌其少也。〕太子何不倍楚之割地而資〔姚本資，與。〕齊，齊必奉太子。」太子曰：「善。」倍楚之割而延齊。〔姚本延，猶饒也，及也。　鮑本延，長行也，故有饒益意。〕楚王聞之恐，益割地而獻之，尚恐事不成。故曰可以使楚益入地也。

謂楚王曰：「齊之所以敢〔鮑本無「敢」字。○〕多割地者，挾太子也。今已得地而求不止者，以太子權〔姚本權，重。　鮑本權者，輕重所在。〕王也。故臣能去太子。〔鮑本使人去齊。〕太子去，齊無辭，必不倍〔鮑本多割。〕於王也。〔姚本齊無立太子辭，必不倍求地於王也。〕王因馳〔鮑本馳，亟往。〕強齊而為交，齊辭，〔姚本一作「而為交於齊，齊辭」。　鮑本齊之說。〕必聽王。然則是王去讎〔姚本讎，為太子。〕而得齊交也。」楚王大悅，曰：「請以國因。」〔鮑本因蘇子交齊。〕故曰可以為楚王使太子亟去也。

謂太子曰：「夫剬楚者王也，〔鮑本剬，斷，齊也，猶制。補曰：剬，本多丸反。史、漢作「制」字。正義論字例云。〕以空名巿者太子也，齊未必信太子之言也，而楚功見矣。〔姚本齊未必信太子言也，而楚便致地，故曰「楚功見」。　鮑本功，謂入地。〕楚交成，太子必危矣。太子其圖之。」太子曰：「謹受命。」乃約車而暮去。故曰可以使太子急去也。

蘇秦使人請薛公曰：「夫勸留太子者蘇秦也。蘇秦非誠以為君也，且以便楚也。〔鮑本太子去楚之便也。〕蘇秦恐君之知之，故多割楚以滅跡也。〔鮑本沒其便楚之跡。〕今勸太子者〔鮑本「者」上補「去」字。○　補曰：一本標晁本有。〕又蘇秦也，而君弗知，臣竊為君疑之。」薛公大怒於蘇秦。故曰可〔鮑本「可」下有「以」字。○〕使人惡蘇秦於薛公也。

又使人謂楚王曰：「夫使薛公留太子者蘇秦也，奉王而代立楚太子者〔鮑本代太子立為王。〕又蘇秦也，割地固〔鮑本「固」作「因」。○　因為之約齊。補曰：一本「固約」。〕約者又蘇秦也，忠王而走太子者又蘇秦也。今人惡蘇秦於薛公，以〔鮑本「以」上有「之」字。○〕其為齊薄而為楚厚也。願王之〔姚本劉無「之」字。〕知之。」楚王曰：「謹受命。」因封蘇秦為武貞君。〔姚本武貞，楚邑。　鮑本封以美名，非邑。〕故曰可以為蘇秦請封於楚也。

又使景鯉〔姚本景，姓；鯉，名也。楚懷王相也。〕請薛公曰：「君之所以重於天下者，以能得天下之士而有齊權也。〔姚本言薛公所見重於天下者，能得天下士之心，故有齊國權勢也。〕今蘇秦天下之辯士也，世與少有。〔鮑本言如之者少。〕君因〔姚本劉作「固」。〕不善蘇秦，則是圍塞天下士而不利說途也。〔姚本途，道。〕夫不善君者且奉蘇秦，而於君之事殆矣。〔姚本於，治。曾本無此二字注。　鮑本於，猶與。〕今蘇秦善於楚王，而君不蚤親，則是身與楚為讎也。〔鮑本此亦非薛公之恐。楚王立，未能自定，安能難齊哉？故彪於楚策謂蘇子以此策干薛公，不見用，世猶載其語也。正曰：謂不親楚則與楚為讎，以事理言爾。于薛公不用，世猶載其語，亦臆度之辭。〕故君不如因而親之，貴而重之，是君有楚也。」薛公因善蘇秦。故曰可以為蘇秦說薛公以善蘇秦。〔姚本蘇秦巧辭反覆，且在此以上也。〕　　〔鮑本按：此則懷王死，楚立新王，太子卒不得立。而頃襄非太子也。史不謂然，故其書東國之事亦略。補曰：史稱懷王入秦，而頃襄立；策獨以為懷王死，而頃襄立，前後屢見。竊以事勢言之，楚人知懷王之必不歸，而秦要之以割地，故立王以絕君。而喪君有君，所以靖國，頃襄之立，非懷王死後明矣。史謂，當時以詐赴之，策猶仍之爾，特所謂新王及太子不可曉。然以逐節考之，皆有事實，又非飾說也。或者太子未返之時，郢中立王邪！姑缺所疑。　「為之」、「為交」、「為武」、「為讎」之「為」，如字。〕

齊王夫人死

齊王〔姚本齊威王子宣王也。〕夫人死，有七孺子〔姚本孺子，幼艾美女也。〕皆〔鮑本「皆」上有「者」字。○　札記丕烈案：韓子作「中有十孺子，皆貴於王」。〕近。〔姚本近，幸也。　鮑本言其親幸。〕薛公欲知王所欲立，〔姚本立為夫人。〕乃獻七珥，〔鮑本瑱也，所以充耳。〕美其一，明日視美珥所在，勸王立為夫人。〔姚本服美珥，則知王之所愛矣，故勸王立之也。〕　　〔鮑本補曰：與楚策謂昭魚云云類，韓非子、淮南子皆有。〕

孟嘗君將入秦

孟嘗君〔姚本一作孟嘗。〕將入秦，〔姚本孟嘗君，薛公田嬰號靖郭君，子（「子」一作「又」）文號孟嘗君也。　鮑本傳言，秦昭王聞其賢，求見之，故將入。〕止者千數而弗聽。蘇秦〔鮑本「秦」作「代」。○　補曰：字誤，宜作「代」，下同。後語並作「代」。　札記今本「秦」作「代」，乃誤涉鮑也。丕烈案：風俗通祀典引此文亦作「秦」。鮑以史記孟嘗君列傳改為「代」，未是也。李善注文選引蘇秦說孟嘗君曰「秦四塞之國」，高誘注云「四面有山關之固，故曰四塞之國也」，在此篇，亦其證。說苑載作「客」，當是改也。〕欲止之，孟嘗曰：〔鮑本「曰」上有「君」字。○〕「人事者，吾已盡知之矣；吾所未聞〔姚本聞，知。〕者，獨鬼事耳。」蘇秦曰：「臣之來也，固不敢言人事也，固且以鬼事見君。」

孟嘗君見之。謂孟嘗君曰：「今者〔鮑本無「者」字。○　札記丕烈案：風俗通引作「臣之來也」。說苑同。〕臣來，過於淄上，〔鮑本淄水出太山萊蕪原。〕有土偶人〔鮑本偶，相人也，比土為之。正曰：索隱云，偶，類於人也。〕與桃梗〔姚本東海中有山，名曰度朔，上有大桃，屈槃三千里，其卑枝間東北曰鬼門，萬鬼所由往來也。上有二神人，一曰荼與，一曰鬱雷，主治害鬼。故使世人刻此桃梗，畫荼與與鬱雷首，正歲以置門戶，辟號之門。荼與、鬱雷，皆在東海中，故曰「東國之桃梗」也。　鮑本集韻，梗，略也，荒也。正曰：梗，枝梗也。趙策蘇秦說李兌作「土梗」、「木梗」。謂木梗曰，「汝非木之根，則木之枝」。是枝、根皆可言梗。此謂刻桃木為人也。史及說苑作「土偶人」、「木偶人」。索隱謂，以土偶比涇陽君，木偶比孟嘗君。時秦昭王使涇陽君為質以求孟嘗。高誘注，「荼」一本作「余」。〕相與語。桃梗謂土偶人曰：『子，西岸之土也，挺〔姚本挺，治。　鮑本挺，拔也，拔於土中。正曰：挺，他鼎反，有也。藝文類聚及晁本作「埏」。　札記今本「挺」誤「梃」。丕烈案：風俗通引作「埏」。此字當作「挻」。「挻」、「埏」同字，形近而訛作「挺」耳。說苑作「持」，亦誤字。〕子以為人，至歲八月，降雨下，〔鮑本降，大雨自上下也，異於飄洒。〕淄水至，則汝殘〔姚本殘，壞。〕矣。』土偶曰：『不然。吾西岸之土也，土則〔姚本一作「吾殘則」。〕復西岸耳。今子，東國之桃梗也，刻削子以為人，降雨下，淄水至，流子而去，則子漂漂者將何如耳。』〔鮑本「何如」作「如何」。○　如，往也。不知其所在。正曰：如，恐止是語助。　札記丕烈案：風俗通引「將何如矣」。〕今秦四塞之國，〔姚本四面有山關之固，故曰「四塞之國」也。〕譬若〔鮑本「若」作「如」。○　札記丕烈案：風俗通引作「若」。〕虎口，而君入之，則臣不知君所出矣。」孟嘗君乃止。〔姚本止，猶還也。〕　　〔鮑本傳有。補曰：此時不行，其入秦蓋在後。〕

孟嘗君在薛

孟嘗君在薛，〔鮑本史言文代立在薛，時未相也。補曰：代立在薛，歸老亦在薛，此不可知為何時。〕荊人攻之。淳于髡為齊使於荊，還反過薛。而孟嘗〔姚本一作「孟嘗君」。　鮑本「而孟嘗」作「孟嘗君」。○　札記丕烈案：呂氏春秋作「孟嘗君」。〕令人體〔姚本「體」一作「禮」。劉作「體」。　鮑本有禮容也。〕貌而親〔鮑本無「親」字。○　札記丕烈案：呂氏春秋有。〕郊迎之。謂淳于髡曰：「荊人攻薛，夫子弗憂，文〔姚本文，孟嘗君名也。〕無以復侍矣。」〔鮑本言且死。〕淳于髡曰：「敬聞命。」〔姚本下一有「矣」字。〕

至於齊，畢報。〔鮑本以使事悉報齊王。〕王曰：「何見於荊？」對曰：「荊甚固，〔鮑本言其不通。〕而薛亦不量其力。」王曰：「何謂也？」對曰：「薛不量其力，而為先王〔姚本先王，威王。〕立清廟。〔鮑本詩注，祭有清德之宮。正曰：按本文，有清明之德者之宮。〕荊固而攻之，清廟必危。故曰薛不量力，而荊亦甚固。」齊王〔姚本齊宣王也，威王之子。〕和其顏色曰：「譆！〔鮑本集韻，痛也。正曰：徐云，痛而呼之言也。和其顏色，聽其言也；痛而呼之，傷宗廟也。初不相礙。〕先君之廟在焉！」疾興兵救之。

顛蹶之請，〔鮑本此著書者詞也。言善說者，不勞而功。顛，倒；蹶，僵也。言其請救之遽。〕望拜之謁，〔鮑本望而拜之，言謁之恭。〕雖得則薄矣。〔姚本言雖顛蹶而走，請救於齊，望仰而訴告之，而得齊救，比淳于之辭，則為薄也。　鮑本言他人請，謂雖有得，不如髡之厚。〕善說者，陳其勢，言其方，〔鮑本方，大略也。〕人之急也，〔鮑本言應之疾。〕若自在隘〔鮑本隘，險也。〕窘之中，豈用強力哉！〔姚本言辯者之說，人急其如己自在阨窘之中，欲速免脫也。故曰「豈強力也哉」！〕

孟嘗君奉夏侯章

孟嘗君奉夏侯章〔鮑本齊人。正曰：無考。下同。〕以四馬百人之食，〔鮑本言饗之厚。〕遇之甚懽。夏侯章每言未嘗不毀〔姚本毀，謗。〕孟嘗君〔鮑本「孟嘗君」三字作「之」。○〕也。或以告孟嘗君，孟嘗君曰：「文有以事夏侯公矣，勿言，〔姚本言，道也。　鮑本言事之厚，彼不害我。〕董之。」繁菁〔姚本「菁」，曾作「青」。　鮑本「繁」作「蘩」。○　齊人。〕以問夏侯公，夏侯公曰：「孟嘗君重〔姚本重，尊。〕非諸侯也，而奉我四馬百人之食。我無分寸之功而得此，然吾毀之以為之也。〔姚本欲以為分寸之功也。〕君所以得為長者，〔鮑本賢有容之稱。高祖曰，為其母不長者。〕以吾毀之者也。〔姚本以吾毀之無憾言，故得為長者。　鮑本無下「者」字。○　補曰：一本「以吾毀之者也」。「者」字，恐是「長者」字下脫衍在此。〕吾以身為孟嘗君，豈得持言也。」〔姚本劉作「豈特言也哉」。　鮑本「持」作「待」。○　補曰：「持」者「待」之訛，「得」者「待」之訛衍。〕　　〔鮑本彪謂：君子所以報知我者，亦多術矣，豈必毀之而後為之哉？此其說有似侯嬴而不及嬴，非正議也。〕

孟嘗君讌坐

孟嘗君讌〔鮑本讌，合語也。正曰：「讌」即「燕」。〕坐，謂三先生〔姚本先生，長老，先己以生者也。〕曰：「願聞先生有〔姚本劉無「有」字。〕以補〔姚本一本有「文」字。〕之〔鮑本「之」作「文」。○〕闕者。」〔姚本願聞賢者之善言，常補己缺失也。　鮑本「者」下有「也」字。○〕一人曰：「訾天下之主，〔鮑本訾，不稱意也。言孟嘗有不得意於諸侯。〕有侵君者，〔鮑本侵，淩之也。〕臣請〔姚本「請」，集、曾、劉作「輕」。〕以臣之血湔〔姚本湔，汙也。湔灑。　鮑本「湔」，「濺」同。集韻，水激也。〕其衽。」田瞀〔姚本瞀，晉、鄭游眅。續：「瞀」恐作「𥈼」。春秋傳，鄭游眅字子明，或作「𥈼」。〕曰：「車軼〔姚本軼也。轍曰軼。〕之所能至，請掩足下之短者，〔鮑本無「者」字。○　補曰：疑當在「至」字下。〕誦足下之長；千乘之君與萬乘之相，其欲有〔姚本「有」或作「又」。　鮑本有，言欲得之。〕君也，如使而弗及也。」〔鮑本若有使之，如恐弗及。〕勝<上股下目>〔鮑本「勝」作「滕」，「<上股下目>」，作「臀」。○　字書無之，亦可作「股」，齊人。補曰：姚云，恐作「𥈼」。　札記丕烈案：姚校在上「田瞀」下，乃據高注。吳誤以當此「<上股下目>」字，亦有誤。但所改未是。〕曰：「臣願以足下之府庫財物，收天下之士，能為君決疑應卒，〔鮑本與「猝」同。〕若魏文侯之有田子方、段干木也。〔姚本文敬交田子方，而敬段干木也。　鮑本二人文侯師友。〕此臣之所為君取矣。」〔鮑本求以此為孟嘗所取。正曰：為孟嘗取此人也。〕

孟嘗君舍人有與君之夫人相愛者

孟嘗君舍人有與君之夫人〔鮑本夫人，姬媵之過稱，非其配也。與下十妃同。〕相愛〔姚本愛，猶通也。〕者。或以問〔姚本曾作「聞」。問，告。〕孟嘗君曰：「為君舍人而內與夫人相愛，亦甚不義矣，君其殺之。」〔姚本傳曰，淫為大罰。故曰殺之。〕君曰：「睹貌而相悅者，人之情也，其錯〔姚本錯，置。　鮑本「錯」，「措」同也。〕之勿言也。」

居期年，君召愛夫人者而謂之曰：「子與文游久矣，大官未可得，小官公又弗欲。衛君〔鮑本嗣君。〕與文布衣交，〔鮑本言交於未貴時。〕請具車馬皮幣，〔姚本皮，鹿皮。幣，束帛也。　鮑本皮，羔狐之屬。宗伯，孤執皮帛。正曰：羔乃生贄，狐皮無據。禮注，皮帛者，束帛而表以虎豹皮為飾。宗伯之制，恐難引以言此。〕願君以此從衛君遊。」於〔鮑本「於」上補「舍人遊」三字。○〕衛甚重。

齊、衛之交惡，〔姚本惡，不睦也。〕衛君甚欲約天下之兵以攻齊。是人謂衛〔鮑本無「衛」字。○〕君曰：「孟嘗君不知臣不肖，以臣欺君。〔鮑本欺者，己不肖，而孟嘗言其賢也。〕且臣聞齊、衛先君，刑馬壓羊，〔姚本殺馬、羊，喢出其血，以相盟誓也。壓，亦殺也。　鮑本殺馬歃其血，又壓羊殺之以盟，使諭者如此。〕盟曰：『齊、衛後世無相攻伐，有相攻伐者，令其命如此。』〔姚本如此馬與羊也。〕今君約〔姚本約，結。〕天下之兵以攻齊，是足下倍先君盟約而欺孟嘗君也。願君勿以齊為心。〔姚本無以伐齊為心。〕君聽臣則可；不聽臣，若臣不肖也，〔鮑本言或以此人為不肖。補曰：「若」疑「者」字訛。〕臣輒以頸血湔足下衿。」〔鮑本交衽也。〕衛君乃止。

齊人聞之曰：「孟嘗君可語〔姚本集、劉作「謂」。　鮑本言可與語。正曰：姚云，「語」，劉作「謂」，宜至「矣」字句。〕善為事矣，轉禍為功。」〔姚本不殺其舍人，是轉禍；使齊不伐，是為功？〕　　〔鮑本彪謂：周衰，禮義消亡，以若孟嘗者，為能愛士。愛則愛矣，然非禮之愛也。以若舍人者，為能強爭。強則強矣，然亦非義之強也。補曰：事亦可醜，而論著者以為美談邪！袁盎從史事類此。〕

孟嘗君有舍人而弗悅

孟嘗君有舍人而弗悅，〔姚本悅，敬。〕欲逐之。魯連〔鮑本齊人仲連。〕謂孟嘗君曰：「猿獮猴錯木據水，〔姚本錯，置也。據，處也。猿彌猴置木而處於水，則不如魚鱉之便也。　鮑本言自置木上。據，猶處。補曰：「錯木據水」一句。錯，舍置也。〕則不若魚鱉；〔鮑本「鱉」下有「處」字。○　補曰：姚本無。或上「據」字訛而脫在此，作「處水」勝。　札記丕烈案：此高注字之誤入正文者。〕歷險乘危，則騏驥不如狐狸。〔姚本各有所宜。〕曹沫之〔姚本曹沫，魯莊公士也。傳曰，曹劌也。　鮑本衍「之」字。〕奮三尺之劍，一軍不能當；〔鮑本魯記，莊公與齊桓公會柯，沫執匕首劫桓公，歸魯侵地。〕使曹沫釋其三尺之劍，而操銚鎒與農夫居壟畝之中，〔鮑本壟，田埒。補曰：銚，七遙反，與鍬同。鎒，呼高反，說文，拔去田草也，即薅。〕則不若農夫。故物舍其所長，之〔鮑本之，猶於。〕其所短，堯亦有所不及矣。〔姚本舍，收也。之，猶用也。收所長者，用所短者，故堯有所不能及為也。〕今使人而不能，則謂之不肖；教人而不能，則謂之拙。拙則罷之，不肖則棄之，使人有棄逐，不相與處，〔鮑本言黨友以此士見棄逐，不屑與處。〕而來害相報者，〔鮑本棄逐者必之他國，自彼來而害我，報其棄逐之怨。〕豈非世之立教首也哉！」〔鮑本言後人視此為戒。〕孟嘗君曰：「善。」乃弗逐。〔鮑本彪謂：仲連，立言士也，言必有中。〕

孟嘗君出行國至楚

孟嘗君出行國，〔鮑本按，行，之。行，兼相他國故。正曰：行，當去聲。〕至楚，獻象床。〔鮑本象齒為床。〕郢之登徒，〔鮑本楚官也。好色賦登徒子注，以為姓，非。正曰：屈平為左徒，考烈王以左徒為令尹。鮑見此，故以登徒為官名，未見所據。然彼云大夫登徒子，則非官名。〕直使送之，不欲行。〔姚本直，當，曰直使也。登徒直使，不欲行送象床。〕見孟嘗君門人公孫戍〔鮑本「戍」作「戌」。○　補曰：戌音恤。　札記丕烈案：吳氏音恤者非。〕曰：「臣，郢之登徒也，直送象床。象床之直千金，傷此若髮漂，〔姚本續：別本「髮沖」。通鑑「毫髮」。　鮑本「漂」，「飄」同，言其細若絲髮。〕賣妻子不足償之。足下〔姚本足下，謂公孫戍。〕能使僕無行，先人有寶劍，願得獻之。」公孫〔鮑本「孫」下補「戌」字。○〕曰：「諾。」〔姚本獻，獻公孫戍也。故曰「諾」。〕

入見孟嘗君曰：「君豈受楚象床哉？」孟嘗君曰：「然。」公孫戍曰：「臣願君勿受。」孟嘗君曰：「何哉？」公孫戍曰：「小國〔鮑本補曰：「小國」疑當作「大國」。後語作「五國」，蓋首句作「出行五國」也。〕所以皆致相印於君者，聞君於齊能振達貧窮，有存亡繼絕之義。小國英桀〔姚本才勝萬人曰「英」，千人曰「桀」。〕之士，皆以國事累君，〔姚本累，屬。　鮑本累，猶諉。諉之以事，所以累之。〕誠〔鮑本無「誠」字。○〕說君之義，慕君之廉也。今君到楚而受象床，所未至之國，將何以待君？〔姚本待，猶共也。〕臣戍願君勿受。」孟嘗君曰：「諾。」

公孫戍趨而去。未出，至中閨，〔姚本閨，閎也。　鮑本特立之戶，上圜下方。〕君召而返之，曰：「子教文無受象床，甚善。〔姚本善，快。〕今何舉足之高，志之揚也？」公孫戍曰：「臣有大喜三，重〔鮑本重，言三喜外，復有此。〕之寶劍一。」孟嘗君曰：「何謂也？」公孫戍曰：「門下百數，莫敢入諫，臣獨入諫，臣一喜；諫而得聽，臣二喜；諫而止君之過，臣三喜。輸〔鮑本輸，亦送也。〕象床，郢之登徒不欲行，許戍以先人之寶劍。」孟嘗君曰：「善。受之乎？」公孫戍曰：「未敢。」曰：「急受之。」因書門版曰：「有能揚文之名，止文之過，私得寶於外者，疾入諫。」〔鮑本彪謂：孟嘗君於是能立德矣！吾知欲止吾過而已，彼得寶，於我庸何傷？且諫者，士之所難，因得寶而摧折之，後孰敢以過聞乎吾哉？〕

淳于髡一日而見七人於宣王

淳于髡〔鮑本齊人，見滑稽傳。〕一日而見七人〔姚本人，一作士。〕於宣王。王曰：「子來，寡人聞之，千里而一士，是比肩而立；〔鮑本比，謂肩相次也。言士難得，千里有一，猶為並肩也。〕百世而一聖，若隨踵而至〔姚本曾，「至」一作「生」。劉作「主」。〕也。〔姚本言雖中也。〕今子一朝而見七士，則士不亦眾乎？」淳于髡曰：「不然。夫鳥同翼者而聚居，獸同足者而俱〔姚本俱，侶。〕行。〔鮑本補曰：後語，鳥同翼者聚飛，獸同足者俱亡。〕今求柴葫、桔梗於沮澤，〔姚本桔梗，山生之草也（曾作「生山之上也」，集作「山之中」）。於沮澤求之，雖累世不能得其一也。　鮑本二草，山生。而沮，水也，故求不可得。孟子注，沮澤，生草者，水名，出漢中。正曰：沮澤，但言漸濕之地，如漢書所謂生於沮澤之中者，不必因下文求地名以實之。〕則累世不得一焉。及之睪黍、梁父之陰，〔姚本睪黍、梁父皆山名也。山北曰陰，桔梗生焉。言饒多也，故曰郄車載也。　鮑本地缺。疑為負黍，蓋此與梁父皆東地也。梁父在泰山。山北曰陰。補曰：高注，睪黍、梁父皆山名。愚按，「皋」字或作「睪」。〕則郄車而載耳。〔鮑本「郄」，「卻」同。言多獲，車重不前。〕夫物各有疇，〔姚本疇，類。　鮑本耕治之田，禾所聚也，故為類。〕今髡賢者之疇也。王求士於髡，譬〔鮑本無「譬」字。○〕若挹〔鮑本挹，酌也。〕水於河，而取火於燧〔鮑本夫燧，鑒也。〕也。髡將復見之，豈特七士也。」〔姚本言將復見士於王也。〕　　〔鮑本補曰：兩「見」字，賢遍反。〕

齊欲伐魏

齊欲伐魏。淳于髡謂〔鮑本「謂」作「為」。○　補曰：此書「為」、「謂」字通用。〕齊王曰：「韓子盧者，天下之疾犬也。東郭逡〔鮑本逡，㕙同，狡兔名。〕者，海內之狡〔鮑本集韻，狡，獪也，疾也。〕兔也。韓子盧逐東郭逡，環〔姚本環，旋。〕山者三，騰山者五，兔極於前，犬廢於後，犬兔俱罷，各死其處。田父見之，無勞勌之苦，〔姚本苦，勤。〕而擅〔鮑本擅者，無與爭也。〕其功。今齊、魏久相持，以頓〔鮑本頓，亦勞敝。〕其兵，弊其眾，臣恐強秦大楚承其後，有田父之功。」齊王懼，謝〔鮑本謝，辭去之，言不用也。〕將休士也。〔鮑本無「也」字。○〕　　〔鮑本補曰：此與蘇代鷸蚌、陳軫虎爭人之說，異而同者也。逡，七倫反。〕

國子曰秦破馬服君之師

國子〔姚本國子，齊大夫也。〕曰：「秦破馬服君〔姚本馬服君，趙括也。秦將白起阬括四十萬眾於長平，而進圍邯鄲。括父奢，將有功，賜號馬服，因以為氏，故曰馬服君之師也。〕之師，圍邯鄲。齊、魏亦佐秦伐邯鄲，齊取淄鼠，魏取伊是。〔姚本淄鼠、伊是，皆趙邑也。　鮑本「是」作「氏」。○　皆趙地，缺。　札記丕烈案：「是」、「氏」同字。「伊是」即「伊氏」，不知者乃改之。〕公子無忌〔鮑本魏信陵君。〕為天下循便計，〔鮑本循，行順也。正曰：行便宜之計，言竊符奪兵事。補曰：齊、魏佐秦伐，因取二地。今云公子無忌云云，魏實救趙者，不應先佐之伐，恐當時無忌雖急於平原之請，而魏王實畏秦，如立晉鄙壁鄴，未欲真欲救趙，或先取其地也。〕殺晉鄙，〔鮑本魏將。〕率魏兵以救邯鄲之圍，使秦弗有而失天下。〔姚本秦圍邯鄲，魏使晉鄙帥師救趙，畏秦不敢進軍，軍次蕩陰。趙國急，平原君勝使責信陵君公子無忌。無忌乃竊魏王所與晉鄙符信，以攝取其軍。晉鄙疑之，不肯授。乃使朱亥椎殺晉鄙，取軍救趙。故為天下備循計（曾無此七字，劉「循」作「脩」），解邯鄲圍。故曰「使秦不有而失天下」也。　鮑本魏安釐二十年，使鄙將以救趙。畏秦，不敢進。趙急，平原君使責無忌。無忌盜晉鄙兵符伐之，將進兵，秦軍解去。補曰：按史年表、魏世家、公子無忌傳，公子無殺晉鄙，破秦兵，皆在安釐王二十年。通鑑以矯殺晉鄙在前一年。大事記以晉鄙留軍壁鄴在前一年，謂以傳修。今按，傳亦止作一年事也。當考。〕是齊入於魏而救邯鄲之功也。〔鮑本齊與魏親，初雖佐秦，今魏救趙，亦同救也。〕安邑者，魏之柱國也；〔姚本柱國，都也。　鮑本言其於國如室有柱。〕晉陽者，趙之柱國也；鄢郢者，楚之柱國也。故三國欲〔鮑本衍「欲」字。　補曰：疑「欲」字即「故」字，而上衍「故」字。故者，舊也。　札記今本無「欲」字，乃誤涉鮑也。〕與秦壤界，〔姚本界，猶比也。　鮑本壤，土；界，境也。言其地相接。〕秦伐魏取安邑，伐趙取晉陽，伐楚取鄢郢矣。福〔姚本曾一作「覆」。劉一作「逼」。　鮑本「福」作「覆」。○　補曰：愚按，「福」乃「偪」之訛。「偪」義長。〕三國之君，〔鮑本「君」作「軍」。○〕兼二周之地，舉韓氏取其地，且〔鮑本且，猶幾。〕天下之半。今又劫趙、魏，疏〔鮑本疏，言離其友。〕中國，封〔姚本封，續：用。別本改作「刲」，下同。刲，取。　鮑本封，割也。正曰：封，疆之也。　札記今本「封」誤「刲」。〕衛之東野，〔鮑本東野，猶東地。〕兼魏之河南，〔鮑本「南」作「內」。○〕絕趙之東陽，則趙、魏亦〔姚本一本「亦」下有「已」字。〕危矣。趙、魏危，則非齊之利也。韓、魏、趙、楚之志，恐秦兼天下而臣其君，故專兵一志以逆〔姚本逆，距。　鮑本逆，謂拒之。〕秦。三國之與秦壤界而患〔姚本三國，趙、魏、楚。界，比也。患，憂也。〕急，齊不與秦壤界而患緩。是以天下之勢，不得不事齊也。故秦得齊，則權重於中國；趙、魏、楚得齊，則足以敵秦。故秦、〔鮑本「秦」下補「楚」字。○　正曰：疊句。上文宜有「楚」。　札記丕烈案：上文「楚」字在「魏」下。〕趙、魏得齊者重，失齊者輕。齊有此勢，不能以重於天下者何也？其用者過也。」〔鮑本補曰：三策大概略同。謂三晉諸國為齊之屏蔽，相依為脣齒。秦攻諸國而齊不救，諸國滅亡，勢必及齊。第三章謂，三國與秦界而患急，齊不與秦壤而患緩；秦得齊則權重，趙、魏、楚得齊，則足以敵秦，說尤明切。初策，攻長平時；次策，周、韓未亡時；三策，則韓既亡後也。始皇十八年滅韓。自秦人行遠交近攻之術，善齊而不加兵，君王后謹事秦，王建不修戰備，不助五國，其墮秦計中久矣。長平之戰，當王建五年。滅韓，當三十五年。三十餘年間，士之為齊謀者，其智非不及此，而卒不用，宜其及於亡也！〕

齊策 四

齊人有馮諼者

齊人有馮諼〔鮑本「諼」作「煖」。○　補曰：即「諼」。故「諼」或作「喧」。　札記丕烈案：史記作「驩」。集解云，復作「煖」。鮑本當出此注也。〕者，貧乏不能自存，使人屬〔鮑本「屬」，「囑」同。〕孟嘗君，願寄食門下。孟嘗君曰：「客何好？」曰：「客無好也。」曰：「客何能？」曰：「客無能也。」孟嘗君笑而受之曰：「諾。」左右以君賤之也，食以草具。〔鮑本草，不精也。具，饌具。正曰：草，菜也。陳平傳「惡草具」注，去肴肉云云。〕

居有頃，倚柱彈其〔姚本一本無「其」字。〕劍，〔鮑本補曰：以下文例之，疑當有「鋏」字。　札記丕烈案：此文三句各不同，吳說未是。〕歌曰：「長鋏歸來乎！〔鮑本鋏，劍把也。欲與俱去。補曰：莊子音義，鋏，從棱向刃。〕食無魚。」左右以告。孟嘗君曰：「食之，比門下之客。」〔姚本一本「客」上文有「魚」字。　鮑本補曰：列士傳，孟嘗君廚有三列，上客食肉，中客食魚，下客食菜。一本「比門下之魚客」。〕居有頃，復彈其鋏，歌曰：「長鋏歸來乎！出無車。」左右皆笑之，以告。孟嘗君曰：「為之駕，比門下之車客。」〔鮑本乘車之客。〕於是乘其車，揭〔鮑本集韻，揭，舉也，擔也。〕其劍，過其友曰：「孟嘗君客我。」〔鮑本待我以客。〕後有頃，復彈其劍鋏，歌曰：「長鋏歸來乎！無以為家。」〔鮑本補曰：吳氏韻補，家，湊工乎反。〕左右皆惡之，以為貪而不知足。孟嘗君問：「馮公有親乎？」對曰：「有老母。」孟嘗君使人給其食用，無使乏。於是馮諼不復歌。

後孟嘗君出記，〔鮑本記，疏也。〕問門下諸客：「誰習計會，〔鮑本計會，會，總合也。正曰：會，古外反。周禮「司會」注，大計也。小宰「要會」注，計最之簿書，月計曰要，歲計曰會。〕能為文收責〔鮑本「責」，「債」同。集韻，逋財也。〕於薛者乎？」馮諼署〔鮑本署，書也。〕曰：「能。」孟嘗君怪之，曰：「此誰也？」左右曰：「乃歌夫長鋏歸來者也。」孟嘗君笑曰：「客果有能也，〔鮑本言果，則孟嘗固意其能也。〕吾負之，未嘗見也。」請而見之，謝曰：「文倦於事，〔鮑本「事」作「是」。○　是，謂國事。正曰：一本「是」作「事」，蓋因音而訛。說閔王章「則是」作「則事」，亦此類。〕憒於憂，〔鮑本「憒」，「貴」同。憒，亂也，以憂思昏亂。〕而性懧〔鮑本「懧」，當作「儜」。集韻，弱也。〕愚，沉〔鮑本補曰：沉，沒溺也。下「沉於」義同。〕於國家之事，開罪於先生。〔鮑本得罪於煖，自我啟之。〕先生不羞，乃有意欲為收責於薛乎？」馮諼曰：「願之。」於是約車治裝，載券契〔鮑本券，亦契。契別書之，以刀判其旁。〕而行，辭曰：「責畢收，以何市而反？」孟嘗君曰：「視吾家所寡有者。」

驅而之薛，使吏召諸民當償者，悉來合券。券遍合，〔鮑本凡券，取者、與者各收一。責則合驗之，遍合矣，乃來聽命。〕起〔鮑本「起」作「赴」。○　補曰：一本「赴」作「起」，則「起」屬下文。謂作起而矯命也。「合」讀，「起」句，亦通。〕矯命〔鮑本汲黯傳注，矯，託也。託言孟嘗之命。〕以責賜諸民，因燒其券，民稱萬歲。〔鮑本祝孟嘗也。〕

長驅到齊，〔鮑本行不留也。〕晨而求見。孟嘗君怪其疾也，衣冠而見之，曰：「責畢收乎？來何疾也！」曰：「收畢矣。」「以何市而反？」〔鮑本孟嘗問也。〕馮諼曰：「君云『視吾家所寡有者』。臣竊計，君宮中積珍寶，狗馬實外廄，美人充下陳。〔鮑本陳，猶列。〕君家所寡有者以義耳！竊以為君市義。」孟嘗君曰：「市義柰何？」曰：「今君有區區之薛，不拊〔鮑本拊，循，猶摩也。〕愛子其民，因而賈利之。臣竊矯君命，以責賜諸民，因燒其券，民稱萬歲。乃臣所以為君巿義也。」孟嘗君不〔鮑本「不」作「乃」。○　補曰：一本作「不」。〕說，曰：「諾，先生休〔鮑本休，息也。〕矣！」

後期年，齊王謂孟嘗君曰：「寡人不敢以先王之臣為臣。」〔鮑本補曰：此遣其就國而為之辭，猶漢世所謂列侯，亦無由教訓其民。〕孟嘗君就國於薛，未至百里，民扶老攜幼，迎君道中。〔鮑本「中」下有「正日」二字，又改「正」作「終」。○　補曰：一本無此二字。〕孟嘗君顧謂馮諼：〔姚本劉作「顧謂馮諼曰」。〕「先生所為文市義者，乃今日見之。」馮諼曰︰「狡兔有三窟，僅〔鮑本「僅」作「今」。○　補曰：姚本「今」作「僅」。〕得免其死耳。今君〔鮑本無「君」字。○〕有一窟，未得高枕而臥也。請為君復鑿二窟。」孟嘗君予車五十乘，金五百斤，西遊於梁，謂惠〔鮑本「惠」作「梁」。○　昭。正曰：文奔魏，在昭王時。此固辭不往，事必在前。史作秦王。〕王曰：「齊放其大臣孟嘗君於諸侯，〔鮑本此非當時所稱，追書云爾。〕諸侯先迎之者，富而兵強。」於是，梁王虛上位，以故相為上將軍，〔鮑本補曰：徙故相為上將軍，而虛相位以待孟嘗也。〕遣使者，黃金千斤，車百乘，往聘孟嘗君。馮諼先驅誡孟嘗君曰：「千金，重幣也；百乘，顯使也。齊其聞之矣。」梁使三反，孟嘗君固辭不往也。齊王聞之，君臣恐懼，遣太傅〔鮑本本周官，此齊大臣也。〕賫黃金千斤，文車〔鮑本文，彩繪也。〕二駟，服劍〔鮑本王所自佩者。〕一，封書〔鮑本「書」下有「一」字。○　補曰：一本「書」下無「一」字，則上當以「封」字句。　札記丕烈案，「封書」連文，吳說未是。〕謝孟嘗君曰：「寡人不祥，被於宗廟之祟，沉於諂諛之臣，開罪於君，寡人不足為也。願君顧先王之宗廟，姑反國統〔鮑本集韻，統，攝理也。〕萬人乎？」馮諼誡孟嘗君曰：「願請先王之祭器，立宗廟於薛。」〔鮑本前自靖郭君時既立廟矣，今又請立，則所謂宗廟者，非一王也。〕廟成，還報孟嘗君曰：「三窟已就，君姑〔姚本集、曾本無「姑」字。〕高枕為樂矣。」

孟嘗君為相數十年，無纖介〔鮑本介，獨也。獨則不眾，故為微細之詞。一說喻草芥也。正曰：「介」，「芥」通。〕之禍者，馮諼之計也。〔鮑本孟嘗傳有。彪謂：能者客之，人孰不能？客無能者，孟嘗於是為不可幾也！煖之市義賢矣，而為之營窟，則亦聲利之客耳！嗟乎，氣俗之移，人莫覺悟也！以煖之賢而不能自擢於眾，況不賢者乎？補曰：史文稍異，末無三窟之說為勝。正曰：馮公自言無能，非真無能也。孟嘗蓋已知之。故聞其署，則曰「客果有能也」。魏子予粟，馮公焚券，孟嘗卒蒙其力。百乘之家，不畜聚斂之臣，豈迂也哉？「食以」、「食之」之「食」，音嗣。「為君」、「為文」、「足為」之「為」，去聲。〕

孟嘗君為從

孟嘗君為從。〔鮑本文以襄王初中立為諸侯。楚頃襄二十三年，天下合從。此八年。正曰：文以襄王五年中立為諸侯，其後遂卒。襄王八年，諸侯無合從事。此閔王十六年，文怨秦，約韓、魏伐秦事也，當秦昭九年。鮑見策有薛地百里之文，遂以為文中立為諸侯時，誤矣。〕公孫弘〔鮑本齊人。〕謂孟嘗君曰：「君不〔姚本劉本作「君何不使人先觀秦王」。〕以〔鮑本「以」作「如」。○　札記今本「以」作「如」，乃誤涉鮑也，鮑改「以」為「如」。丕烈案：呂氏春秋作「若」。〕使人先觀秦王？〔鮑本昭。〕意者〔鮑本設疑之辭。〕秦王帝王之主也，君恐不得為臣，〔鮑本為秦臣。〕奚暇從以難之？意者秦王不肖之主也，君從以難之，未晚。」孟嘗君曰：「善，願因請公往矣。」

公孫弘敬諾，以車十乘之秦。昭王聞之，而欲媿〔鮑本「媿」作「愧」。○　使弘愧。　札記丕烈案：呂氏春秋作「醜」。「媿」即「醜」字。無鹽醜女，武梁祠堂畫像作「媿女」，是其證。鮑本作「愧」者誤。〕之以辭。公孫弘見，昭王曰：「薛公之地，大小幾何？」公孫弘對曰：「百里。」昭王笑而曰：「寡人地數千里，猶〔鮑本「猶」作「由」。○　下同。補曰：「由」，「猶」通。　札記丕烈案：呂氏春秋作「猶」，下同。〕未敢以有難也。〔鮑本為人之難。〕今孟嘗君之地方百里，而因欲〔鮑本「欲」下補「以」字。○〕難寡人，猶可乎？」公孫弘對曰：「孟嘗君好人，〔鮑本人，賢人。〕大王不好人。」昭王曰：「孟嘗君之好人也，奚如？」公孫弘曰：「義不臣〔姚本臣，曾本作「不𢘑」，劉本作「不𢘑」。此武后字，恐非劉校。〕乎天子，不友乎諸侯，得志不慚為人主，不得志不肯為人臣，如此者三人；而治〔鮑本補曰：「而」字疑衍。「治」，當屬下句；或「而」字上有缺文。　札記丕烈案：吳說未是。呂氏春秋作「能」。「而」、「能」同字。〕可為管、商〔鮑本管仲、商鞅。〕之師，說義聽行，〔鮑本所說有義，或能聽而行之。〕能致其〔鮑本「能致其」下補「主霸王」三字。○　札記丕烈案：有者是也。呂氏春秋作「其能致主霸王」。〕如此者五人；萬乘之嚴主也；辱其使者，退而自刎，〔鮑本集韻，刎，斷也。〕必以其血洿其衣，如臣者十人。」昭王笑而謝之，曰：「客胡為若此，寡人直與客論耳！寡人善孟嘗君，欲客之必諭寡人之志也！」〔鮑本以己之志曉告孟嘗。〕公孫弘曰：「敬諾。」

公孫弘可謂不侵矣。〔鮑本著書者美其不可侵辱。〕昭王，大國也。孟嘗，千乘也。立千乘之義而不可陵，可謂足〔鮑本足，猶能。〕使矣。〔鮑本彪謂：公孫所陳，亦士之一概爾。自曹沫劫桓公，辨說士莫不以藉口，彼蓋未學禮也。夾谷之會，孔子詔之，士付之有司耳矣！豈厓柴若世之猘狗然哉？帝曰，曉人不當如是乎？此說者之所當知也。〕

魯仲連謂孟嘗

魯仲連謂孟嘗：〔姚本續：別本有「君曰」二字。〕「君好士也！〔鮑本「士」下補「未」字，「君」上有「君曰」二字。○　補曰：一本「謂孟嘗好士也」，一本「謂孟嘗君曰好士也」。　札記今本「士」下有「未」字，乃誤涉鮑也。鮑補「未」字。丕烈案：此讀以魯仲連謂孟嘗為一句，孟嘗即孟嘗君也。上文有「君好士也」四字，別為一句。「也」、「邪」同字，與下「君之好士未也」不相涉。鮑誤用下補耳。〕雍門〔鮑本「門」下補「子」字。○　此士以所居為稱。正曰：雍門下有缺文。說苑有雍門子秋、雍門子周。今曰雍門子，則亦無考。雍門見前。　札記丕烈案：此多脫字，但所補未是。〕養椒亦，〔鮑本養，猶公養之養。椒，姓；亦，名。雍門子之所養。正曰：未知果椒姓亦名不？〕陽得子養，〔鮑本此下脫所養人。〕飲食、衣裘與之同之，〔鮑本「同」下無「之」字。○〕皆得其死。〔鮑本並未詳。〕今君之家富於二公，〔鮑本雍門、陽得。〕而士未有為君盡游者也。」〔鮑本游，猶友也。言不盡於交游之道。〕君曰：「文不得是二人故也。〔鮑本椒亦等。〕使文得二人者，〔鮑本「人」下無「者」字。○〕豈獨不得盡？」對曰：「君之廄馬百乘，無不被繡衣而食菽粟者，豈有騏麟〔鮑本「騏」作「麒」。○　札記今本「麟」作「驎」。〕騄耳哉？後宮十妃，皆衣〔鮑本無「衣」字。○〕縞紵，〔鮑本縞，鮮色繪也。紵，檾屬細者。正曰：書注，縞，白也。〕食梁肉，〔鮑本梁，米名。本草注，青梁，粟類。正曰：梁米之善者，有黃、青、白三種。〕豈有毛廧、西施哉？色與馬取於今之世，士何必待古〔鮑本補曰：「君之廄馬」至此，與王斗云云合。正曰：連上章有孟嘗君，序次亦不當在此。〕哉？故曰君之好士未也。」〔鮑本補曰：孟嘗君之門，高者如馮驩、魏子，能免難市譽而已。昔人譏其未嘗得士，特雞鳴狗盜之雄，世以為名言。今觀魯連曰，君之好士未也，則當時已有是論矣。仲連之言，亦引以自謂，而非區區於孟嘗者。雞鳴狗盜之出其門，宜仲連之不止也。〕

孟嘗君逐於齊而復反

孟嘗君逐於齊而復反。〔鮑本此三十年，孟嘗奔薛，此言復反。傳言「王召之，因謝病，老於薛」，與此駮。正曰：二十年。〕譚拾子〔鮑本齊人。〕迎之於境，謂孟嘗君曰：「君得無有所怨〔鮑本「怨」下有「於」字。○〕齊士大夫？」孟嘗君曰：「有。」「君滿意殺之乎？」〔鮑本拾子借以殺之為愜乎？〕孟嘗君曰：「然。」譚拾子曰：「事有必至，理有固然，君知之乎？」孟嘗君曰：「不知。」譚拾子曰：「事之必至者，死也；理之固然者，富貴則就之，貧賤則去之。此事之必至，理之固然者。請以市諭。市，朝則滿，夕則虛，非朝愛市而夕憎之也，求存故往，〔鮑本所求者存，故往趨之。〕亡故去。願君勿怨。」孟嘗君乃取所怨五百牒〔鮑本牒，札也，書所怨人。〕削去之，不敢以為言。〔鮑本馮驩傳略同。以此策及驩傳考之，蓋反而後謝病也。〕

齊宣王見顏斶

齊宣王見〔鮑本補曰：見，賢遍反。〕顏斶，〔鮑本集韻音觸，引呂春秋，齊有顏斶。補曰：春秋後語作王蠋。　札記丕烈案：古今人表中上作顏歜，其王歜別在後，未知後語何據乃以為一人也。〕曰：「斶前！」斶亦曰：「王前！」〔鮑本並使之即己。〕宣王不悅。左右曰：「王，人君也。斶，人臣也。王曰『斶前』，亦〔鮑本「亦」上有「斶」字。○　札記今本「亦」上有「斶」字。〕曰『王前』，可乎？」斶對曰：「夫斶前為慕勢，王前為趨士。與使斶為趨〔鮑本「趨」作「慕」。○　趨，就也。〕勢，不如使王為趨士。」王忿然作色曰：「王者貴乎？士貴乎？」對曰：「士貴耳，王者不貴。」王曰：「有說乎？」斶曰：「有。昔者秦攻齊，令〔鮑本無「曰」字。○〕曰：『有敢去柳下季〔鮑本魯展禽字季，食采柳下。亦云，居之壟，其冢埒。秦伐齊，先徑魯，故云。〕壟五十步而樵采者，死不赦。』令曰：『有能得齊王頭者，封萬戶侯，賜金千鎰。』由是觀之，生王之頭，曾不若死士之壟也。」宣王默然不悅。

左右皆曰：「斶來，斶來！大王據千乘之地，而建千石〔鮑本一石，百二十斤。〕鐘，萬石虡。〔鮑本「虡」作「簴」。○　鐘鼓之桴。　札記今本「虡」誤「簴」。〕天下之士，仁義〔鮑本無「仁義」二字。○　補曰：姚本，「天下之士仁義皆來役處」。恐「仁義」字當在「之士」上。〕皆來〔鮑本「來」作「為」。○〕役處；〔鮑本役，為之使。處，在其位。〕辯知並進，莫不來語；東西南北，莫敢不服。〔鮑本「服求」作「來服」。○　補曰：「求」屬下句。〕求萬物不〔札記今本「不」上有「無」字。〕備具，而百〔鮑本「百」下有「姓」字。○　札記今本「百」下有「姓」字。〕無不親附。今夫士之高者，乃稱匹夫，徒步而處農畝，下則鄙野、〔鮑本五酇為鄙，郊外曰野，亦所處也。補曰：鄙，五百家。〕監門、閭里，〔鮑本閭，在鄉；里，在野。並五百家，皆有門。正曰：周禮大司徒，五家為比，五比為閭。遂人，五家為鄰，五鄰為里。閭、里皆二十五家。鄉謂之閭，遂謂之里，二十五家共有巷，巷首有門。〕士之賤也，亦甚矣！」

斶對曰：「不然。斶聞古大禹之時，諸侯萬國。何則？德厚之道，得貴士之力也。〔鮑本言能貴士，故德厚。〕故舜起農畝，出於野鄙，而為天子。及湯之時，諸侯三千。當今之世，南面稱寡者，乃二十四。由此觀之，非得失之策與？〔鮑本昔諸侯多，由得策也；今失策，故誅滅而寡。得策，貴士也。〕稍稍誅滅，滅亡無族〔姚本晁去「滅亡無族」四字，三本同。一有四字，集無。〕之時，欲為監門、閭里，安可得而有乎〔鮑本「乎」作「也」。○〕哉？是故易傳不云乎：『居上位，未得其實，以〔鮑本「以」作「而」。○　補曰：恐當作「而」。〕喜其為名者，必以驕奢為行。据〔鮑本補曰：「倨」、「据」通借。〕慢驕奢，則凶從〔鮑本「從」上有「必」字。○〕之。是故無其實而喜其名者削，〔鮑本削地也。正曰：削弱也。〕無德而望其福者約，〔鮑本約，窮也。〕無功而受其祿者辱，禍必握。』〔姚本續云：高士傳作「渥」。　鮑本言禍辱隨之不捨也。〕故曰：『矜功不立，〔鮑本言徒有矜大好功之志而不為，故功不立。〕虛願不至。』〔鮑本不求、不為而欲得之，虛願也，物不自至。〕此皆幸樂其名，華〔鮑本無「華」字。○〕而無其實德者也。是以堯有九佐，〔鮑本九官也。〕舜有七友，〔姚本續云：陶元亮集聖賢群輔錄引戰國策，舜有七友，雄陶、方回、續牙、伯陽、東不訾、秦不虛、靈甫。鮑本雄陶、方回、續牙、伯陽、東不訾、秦不虛、靈甫見陶淵明四八目。正曰：雄陶云云，又見皇甫謐逸士傳，不訾或云不識，不虛或云不空。尸子無靈甫。愚謂，此類皆不可深考，或後人所妄造。〕禹有五丞，〔鮑本楚辭，八師三后外，有益、稷、皋陶、垂、契。〕湯有三輔，〔鮑本商書，伊、虺二相外，有誼伯、仲伯、咎單，豈此？未詳。〕自古及今而能虛成名於天下者，無有。是以君王無羞亟〔鮑本亟，猶數。〕問，不媿下學；〔鮑本學於臣下。〕是故〔姚本「故」下曾、劉本有「能」字。〕成其道德而揚功名於後世者，堯、舜、禹、湯、周文王是也。故曰：『無形〔鮑本「形」作「刑」。○　無形，謂削約之未著者。補曰：當作「形」，下同。古書字通。「形民之力」，家語作「刑」。朱子謂當從家語。〕者，形之君也。無端〔鮑本正曰：無形、無端，皆指實德言。〕者，事之本也。』夫上見其原，下通其流，至聖人〔鮑本衍「人」字。　札記今本無「人」字，乃誤涉鮑也，鮑衍「人」字。〕明學，〔鮑本明學，學之明者。言上見下，通聖明之事。〕何不吉之有哉！老子曰：『雖貴，必以賤為本；雖高，必以下為基。』是以侯王稱孤寡不穀。是其賤之本與？非〔姚本曾本無「非」字。〕夫〔鮑本猶言非邪。補曰：疑「非」字當在「歟」字上。而「夫」音「扶」，屬下句，與下文「豈非下人而尊貴士歟？夫堯」云云同。一本作「本歟」，無「非」字，義明。〕孤寡者，人之困賤下位也，而侯王以自謂，豈非下人〔鮑本以身下人。〕而尊貴士與？夫堯傳舜，舜傅禹，周成王任周公旦，而世世稱曰明主，是以明乎士之貴也。」

宣王曰：「嗟乎！君子焉可侮哉，寡人自取病耳！〔鮑本補曰：自取病，謂斶言士貴王賤。〕及今聞君子之言，乃今聞細人〔鮑本細人，王自稱。正曰：細人，前所謂無實德不貴士者。〕之行，願請受〔姚本劉本無「受」字。〕為弟子。且顏先生與寡人游，食必太牢，〔鮑本牛、羊、豕具為太牢。〕出必乘車，妻子衣服麗都。」〔鮑本皆美稱。〕

顏斶辭去曰：「夫玉生於山，制〔姚本曾本作「制取」，集無「取」。　鮑本制，裁斷之。〕則破焉，非弗寶貴矣，然夫〔鮑本「夫」作「大」。〕璞不完。士生乎鄙野，推選則祿焉，非不得〔鮑本無「得」字。○〕尊遂〔鮑本遂，猶達。〕也，然而形神不全。斶願得歸，晚食以當肉，〔鮑本晚，言飢而食也，其美比於食肉。補曰：當，敵也，如字。〕安步以當車，無罪以當貴，清靜貞正以自虞。〔鮑本「虞」，「娛」同，樂也。〕制言〔鮑本言，謂命令。〕者王也，盡忠直言者斶也。言要道已備矣，願得賜歸，安行而反臣之邑屋。」則再拜而〔鮑本無「而」字。○〕辭去也。〔鮑本無「也」字。〕

斶〔鮑本「斶」上有「曰」字，又補「君子」二字。○〕知足矣，歸〔鮑本「歸」下有「真」字。○〕反撲，〔鮑本「樸」作「璞」。○〕則終身不辱也。〔鮑本無「也」字。○〕　　〔鮑本正曰：「曰」者，斶既辭而又自言也。上言大璞不完，以喻士之形神不全，故曰歸反璞云云。文意甚明，添字謬。〕

先生王斗造門而欲見齊宣王

先生王斗〔鮑本齊人。補曰：一本標文樞鏡要作「王升」。　札記丕烈案：「升」字當是也。古今人表中上作「王升」。今高士傳作「王斗」，亦非。〕造門而欲見齊宣王，宣王使謁者延入。〔鮑本謁者，掌賓贊受事。延，引也。〕王斗曰：「斗趨見王為好勢，王趨見斗為好士，於王何如？」使者復還報。王曰：「先生徐之，〔鮑本使待其至。正曰：使無趨至。〕寡人請從。」〔鮑本就之也。〕宣王因趨而迎之於門，與入，曰：「寡人奉先君之宗廟，守社稷，聞先生直言正諫不諱。」王斗對曰：「王聞之過。〔鮑本不如所聞。〕斗生於亂世，事亂君，焉敢直言正諫。」宣王忿然作色，不說。

有間，王斗曰：「昔先君桓〔鮑本此桓公雖非田氏之先，斗，齊人也，得稱為先。〕公所好者，〔鮑本「者」下補「五」字。○　補曰：一本標文樞鏡要有「五」字。　札記丕烈案：有者當是也。說苑，淳于髡曰「古者所好四」，可為證。〕九合諸侯，一匡天下，天子受〔鮑本「受」作「授」。○　補曰：當作「授」，字通借。〕籍，〔鮑本土地人民之籍。猶賜履也。〕立為大伯。〔鮑本二伯之伯。〕今王有四焉。」宣王說，曰：「寡人愚陋，守齊國，唯恐失〔姚本曾、集本作「夫」字。　鮑本「失」作「夫」。○〕抎〔鮑本抎，失也。春秋傳，「抎子辱矣」。〕之，焉能有四焉？」王斗曰：「否。〔鮑本無「否」字。○〕先君好馬，王亦好馬。先君好狗，王亦好狗。先君好酒，王亦好酒。先君好色，王亦好色。先君好士，是〔姚本劉本無「是」字，曾有。　鮑本「是」作「而」。○〕王不好士」。〔鮑本補曰：「先王好馬」以下，說苑以為淳于髡之言，小異。〕宣王曰：「當今之世無士，寡人何好？」王斗曰：「世無騏驎騄耳，〔姚本劉本有「之馬」字，集無。　鮑本字書不說，騏驎不載。唯玉篇云，馬，黑脊，亦不言良馬。陸璣疏，「麒麟行中律呂」，則此馬以麒麟比也。騄耳，八駿之一。正曰：玉篇單言「驎」爾。此二字單言，如詩及說文、爾雅不一。〕王〔鮑本「王」下有「之」字。○〕駟已備矣。世無東郭俊、〔鮑本補曰：一本作「逡」。前有。〕盧氏之狗，王之走狗已具矣。世無毛嬙、西施，〔鮑本莊子疏，毛嬙，越王嬖妾。西施，越女，吳王姬。〕王宮已充矣。王亦不好士也，何患無士？」王曰：「寡人憂國愛民，固願得士以治之。」王斗曰：「王之憂國愛民，不若王愛尺縠〔鮑本縠，細繗也。正曰：增韻，縠，縐紗。齊三「服官輕綃」注，今紗。下章「曳綺縠」，又章「帝省齊冰紈方空縠」，知齊產善也。說文，縠，細縛。恐此注字誤。〕也。」王曰：「何謂也？」王斗曰：「王使人為冠，不使左右便辟〔鮑本便，順其所好；辟，避其所惡。〕而使工者何也？為能之也。〔姚本集本無「也」字。三同。〕今王治齊，非左右便辟無使也，臣故曰不如愛尺縠也。」

宣王謝曰：「寡人有罪國家。」於是舉士五人任官，齊國大治。〔鮑本彪謂：王斗之義無所取，出門求見，自卑甚矣。而徒以趨見於咫尺之間以為高，此孟子所謂「不能三年而緦小功之察」者也。抑其陳誼迂而不切，獨所謂學縠者可知耳。然不若魏牟之言之慤，而彪為序，舍牟而取斗，為牟之言出於斗也。正曰：王斗造門求見，徒以趨見於咫尺之間為高，鮑論當矣。其言王不好士，不可謂不切也。特桓公好狗馬酒色之說，亦管仲不害霸之意。此其所以為辯士之言，而非君子之正爾。學縠之言與魏牟合，又何不若之有？戰國論說相類者甚多，牟豈果出於斗乎？補曰：宣王喜文學游說之士，賜列第為上大夫者七十六人，不治而議論，稷下學士至數百千人，士非不盛也。然鄒衍、淳于髡之徒，類皆詼誕無實，不治而議，所養非所用，國何賴焉？故顏斶勸以貴士，王斗譏其不好士，有以也！然若斗與斶者，亦未知其何如也。有一孟子而不能用，安用彼數百千人哉！〕

齊王使使者問趙威后

齊王使使者問趙威后。〔鮑本惠文后，孝威太后。〕書未發，〔鮑本補曰：未發其封。〕威后問使者曰：「歲亦無恙耶？〔鮑本恙，憂也。〕民亦無恙耶？王亦無恙耶？」使者不說，曰：「臣奉使使威后，今不問王，而先問歲與民，豈先賤而後尊貴者乎？」威后曰：「不然。苟無歲，何以〔姚本劉本有兩「以」字。　鮑本無兩「以」字。○〕有民？苟無民，何以有君？故有問〔姚本一無「問」字。〕舍本而問末者耶？」乃進而問之曰：「齊有處士曰鍾離子，〔鮑本鍾離屬九江。正曰：路史云，沂之承（音懲）有鍾離城，乃魯、吳會處。成十五年杜云，淮南縣，今屬濠州者非。應劭云，鍾離子國在九江，蓋其後徙于此，吳滅之。補曰：鍾離，姓也，非地。漢有鍾離昧，蓋以地氏者。〕無恙耶？是其為人也，有糧者亦食，無糧者亦食；有衣者亦衣，無衣者亦衣。是助王養其民也，〔鮑本「也」上補「者」字。○〕何以至今不業也？〔鮑本言不得在位，成其職業。〕葉陽〔鮑本諸書葉陽皆不地。范睢傳注，「華」一作「葉」。補曰：正義云，葉陽今許州葉縣。又見魏策。〕子無恙乎？是其為人，哀鰥寡，卹孤獨，振困窮，補不足。是助王息〔鮑本息，生也。〕其民者也，何以至今不業也？北宮之女嬰兒子無恙耶？徹〔鮑本集韻，撤，去也，通作「徹」。〕其環瑱，至老不嫁，以養父母。是皆率民而出於孝情〔鮑本情，猶誠。〕者也，胡為至今不朝也？〔鮑本命婦則朝。〕此二士弗〔札記今本「弗」誤「不」。〕業，一女不〔姚本「不」一作「弗」。〕朝，何以王齊國，子萬民乎？於陵子仲尚存乎？〔鮑本於陵屬濟南。皆以所居為號，此自一人。若孟子所稱，已是七八十年矣。補曰：路史，於陵，今淄之長山。正曰：此言於陵仲子之行與孟子所稱者合，恐即此人也。趙惠文王與齊閔王同時，惠文后用事，實孝成之世，其在惠文時，則仲子猶相及。〕是其為人也，上不臣於王，下不治其家，中不索交諸侯。此率民而出於無用者，何為至今不殺乎？」〔鮑本彪謂：威后賢矣，其是非乃不詭於聖！齊有此數士不能察，至使鄰國老女子愧之，王建不足道也。時君王后故無恙，胡為亦無察乎？正曰：問王而不及后，必非君王后、王建時。鮑因策言謂后為賢智，故曲說至此。　「王使」之「使」，如字。瑱，它典、它甸二反。〕

齊人見田駢

齊人見田駢，〔鮑本齊處士。〕曰：「聞先生高議，〔鮑本補曰：恐是「義」字。　札記今本「議」誤「誼」。〕設為不宦，〔鮑本設者，虛假之辭。〕而願為役。」〔鮑本為駢給使。〕田駢曰：「子何聞之？」對曰：「臣聞之鄰人之女。」田駢曰：「何謂也？」對曰：「臣鄰人之女，設為不嫁，行年三十而有七子，不嫁則不嫁，然嫁過畢〔鮑本畢，猶已。言過於嫁已矣。〕矣。今先生設為不宦，訾〔鮑本「訾」，「資」同。所資所養也。〕養千鍾，〔鮑本昭三年注，四豆為區，自四以登至於釜，十則鍾。又㮚氏注，四升為豆，則鍾凡六斛四斗也。札記今本「鍾」誤「鐘」。〕徒〔鮑本徒，從車者。〕百人，不宦則然矣，而富過畢也」。〔鮑本「也」作「矣」。○〕田子辭。〔鮑本謝之也。〕

管燕得罪齊王

管燕〔鮑本齊人。正曰：無考。新序作燕相。　札記丕烈案：新序當有誤。〕得罪齊王，謂其左右曰：「子孰而〔姚本一本無「而」字。　鮑本而，辭也。〕與我赴諸侯乎？」左右嘿然莫對。管燕連〔鮑本「連」與「漣」同，泣下也。〕然流涕曰：「悲夫！士何其易得而難用也！」田需〔鮑本補曰：田需，見魏策，與公孫衍並相者，豈即此人歟？〕對曰：「士三食不得饜，〔鮑本飽也。〕而君鵝鶩有餘食；〔鮑本鶩，舒鳧。〕下宮糅羅紈，〔鮑本下宮，後宮下列。　糅，雜；紈，素也。〕曳綺縠，〔鮑本綺，文繪。〕而士不得以為緣。〔鮑本緣，衣純。〕且財者君之所輕，死者士之所重，君不肯以所輕與士，〔札記今本「士」誤「亡」。〕而責士以所重事君，非士易得而難用也。」〔鮑本補曰：說苑，宗衛相齊罷歸，召田饒等問，饒對亦與此合。　札記丕烈案：韓詩外傳云，宋燕相齊見逐，罷歸之舍，召門尉陳饒等二十六人。此策文當有誤。〕

蘇秦自燕之齊

蘇秦〔鮑本「秦」作「子」。○　史作「代」，是。補曰：字誤。　札記丕烈案：史記作蘇代自燕來入齊。〕自燕之齊，〔鮑本此三十六年。正曰：二十六年。〕見於華章〔鮑本「華章」作「章華」。○　補曰：姚及一本作「華章」。〕南門。〔鮑本史作「東門」。注，齊都賦「小城北門」，不知是一門，非也。補曰：括地志，齊城東有閭門、武鹿、章華之門。〕齊王曰：「嘻！〔鮑本集韻，有所多大之聲。正曰：嘆聲。〕子之來也。秦使魏冉致帝，〔鮑本致帝號於齊。〕子以為何如？」對曰：「王之問臣也卒，〔鮑本與「猝」同。〕而患之所從生〔鮑本「生」作「往」。○　補曰：一本作「生」，是。　札記丕烈案：史記作「來」。〕者微。〔鮑本患在後，故言「從往」，與「從來」異也。今未著，故言微。〕今不聽，是恨秦〔鮑本違秦，秦恨之。〕也；聽之，是恨天下也。不如聽之以卒〔鮑本「卒」作「為」。○　猶善。正曰：卒成秦之事。〕秦，勿庸〔鮑本庸，用也。〕稱也以為天下。秦稱之，天下聽之，王亦稱之，先後之事，帝名為無傷也。〔鮑本雖稱有先後，無害於帝。〕秦稱之，而天下不聽，王因勿稱，其〔姚本一本無「其」字。　鮑本衍「其」字。　札記丕烈案：史記無「其於」二字。〕於以收天下，此大資也。」〔鮑本齊記三十六年有。彪謂：此策自為智則明，為人謀則忠，蘇、張之巨擘也。正曰：受帝號以順秦，而不稱以收天下，無非詐謀耳！補曰：「子以為」之「為」，如字。〕

蘇秦謂齊王

蘇秦〔鮑本「秦」作「子」。○　補曰：字誤。史作「代」。　札記丕烈案：史記無此句，吳以意言之耳。當在上，入此者非。〕謂齊王曰：〔鮑本蘇子問。〕「齊、秦立為兩帝，王以天下為尊秦乎？且尊齊乎？」王曰：「尊秦。」「釋帝則天下愛齊乎？且愛秦乎？」王曰：「愛齊而憎秦。」「兩帝立，約伐趙，〔鮑本亦問辭。〕孰與伐宋之利也？」〔姚本劉本有「王曰，不如伐宋」。　鮑本「也」下有「對曰伐宋利」五字。○　札記丕烈案：史記有「王曰，伐桀宋利」。〕對曰：「夫約然〔姚本一本無「然」字。　鮑本然其伐宋之約。補曰：史作「夫約鈞然」，言齊、秦俱相約如此。一本無「然」字。愚恐「鈞」，「約」字訛，無「然」字，而以「約與」連下文讀為是。　札記丕烈案：史記，「夫約鈞」句絕，「然」下屬。此當有誤。〕與秦為帝，而天下獨尊秦而輕齊；齊釋帝，則天下愛齊而憎秦；伐趙不如伐宋之利。故臣願王明釋帝，以就天下；倍〔鮑本「倍」，背同。〕約儐〔鮑本「儐」，「擯」同。集韻，棄也。補曰：「擯」、「儐」、「賓」，古通用。策多有，後倣此。　札記丕烈案：史記作「賓」。〕秦，勿使爭重；而王以其間舉宋。夫有宋則衛之陽城〔鮑本汝南、穎川皆有。正曰：非衛地。史作「陽地」，注，濮陽之地。〕危；有淮北〔鮑本淮水之北。淮出平氏桐柏。正曰：淮出南陽平氏縣胎簪山。禹自桐柏導之，東會泗、沂入海。〕則楚之東國危；有濟西〔鮑本莊十八年注，濟水之西。〕則趙之河東〔鮑本趙河之東，非郡也。〕危；有陰、〔鮑本陰屬南陽。正曰：陰即陶，說見趙策。　札記丕烈案：史記作陶。〕平陸則梁門〔鮑本大梁之門。〕不啟。故釋帝而貳之以伐宋之事，〔鮑本貳，不與秦合也。秦約伐趙，而此伐宋。〕則國重而名尊，燕、楚以形服，〔鮑本「形」作「刑」。○　刑，猶威也。言畏威而服。　札記丕烈案：史記作「形」。〕天下不敢不聽，此湯、武之舉也。敬秦以為名，〔鮑本非實敬之。〕而後使天下憎之，此所謂以卑易尊者也！願王之熟慮之也！」〔鮑本齊記與上為一章。今詳上章猶欲聽秦，此章決欲儐之，非一日之談，為二章可也。〕

齊策 五

蘇秦說齊閔王

蘇秦〔姚本一本無「蘇秦」二字。　鮑本「秦」作「子」。○　補曰：字誤。說見後。　札記今本「秦」作「子」，乃誤涉鮑也。鮑改「秦」為「子」。吳氏補曰，此策舊為蘇秦，實誤。前章代誤為秦，或遂以此為代，則亦不然。一本無章首二字者是矣。丕烈案：吳說甚詳此，最是。今本乃反依鮑改，致為誤也。〕說齊閔王曰：「臣聞用兵而喜先天下者〔鮑本為天下先。〕憂，約結而喜主怨者孤。〔鮑本為約以結與國而伐人，人必怨之。又為之主，眾所不與也，故孤。〕夫後起者藉〔鮑本藉，言有所資權是也。〕也，而遠怨者時〔鮑本得其時也。人怨之，則雖欲乘時不能也。〕也。是以聖人從事，必藉於權〔鮑本權者，事之宜，重之所在也。上言「后起者藉」，藉此而已。〕而務興於時。夫權藉者，萬物之率〔鮑本率，帥同，猶長也。〕也；而時勢者，百事之長也。故無權籍，倍〔鮑本倍，背同。〕時勢，而能事成者寡矣。

「今雖干將、莫邪，〔鮑本博物志，干將，陽龍文；莫邪，陰漫理。此二劍，吳王使干將作。干將，越人；莫邪，其妻，亦善作劍。〕非得人力，則不能割劌〔鮑本劌，利傷也。〕矣。堅箭利金，不得弦機之利，則不能遠殺矣。矢非不銛，〔鮑本集韻，利也。〕而劍非不利也，何則？權藉不在焉。何以知其然也？昔者趙氏襲衛，車舍人〔鮑本主車者。〕不休傅，〔鮑本「傅」作「傳」。○　傳，驛遞也，言其警急。　札記「傅」，今本作「傳」。〕衛國城割平，〔鮑本言城中割地求成。平，成也。〕衛八門土而二門墮〔鮑本補曰：墮，許規反。〕矣，此亡國之形也。衛君跣行，告遡〔鮑本遡，愬同。〕於魏。魏王〔鮑本補曰：魏武侯也。時未稱王，此辯士之詞，猶下稱孝公為秦王。〕身被甲底〔姚本一作「砥」。　鮑本底，砥同，礪也。〕劍，挑趙索戰。邯鄲之中騖，〔鮑本騖，亂馳也。〕河、山之間亂。衛得是藉也，亦收餘甲而北面，殘剛平，墮中牟〔鮑本中牟，屬河南，趙獻侯自耿徙此。趙記注詳。正曰：此據地理志，瓚及索隱以為非。正義云，中牟，趙邑，在相州蕩陰縣西，有牟山，邑在山側。〕之郭。衛非〔姚本一本「非」下有「有」字。〕強於趙也，譬之衛矢而魏弦機也，藉力〔姚本曾，「力」下有「於」字。〕魏而有河東之地。〔鮑本趙敬侯四年，築剛平以侵衛。五年，齊、魏為衛敗我剛平。〕趙氏懼，楚人救趙而伐魏，戰於州西，〔鮑本州屬河內。〕出〔姚本一本「出」下有「於」字。〕梁門，軍舍林中，〔鮑本魏記注，宛有林鄉。〕馬飲於大河。趙得是藉也，亦襲魏之河北〔鮑本屬河東。〕燒棘溝，〔鮑本「溝」作「蒲」，下同。○　補曰：史趙世家作「蒲」。敬侯六年借兵楚，取魏棘蒲，不注。宣二年注，大棘，在陳留襄邑南。蒲，南蒲，蒲阪也，謂此。正曰：正義云，今趙州平棘縣，古棘蒲邑。〕墜黃城。〔鮑本八年，拔魏黃城，陳留外黃是。正曰：正義云，括地志，故黃城在魏州冠氏縣南十里，因黃溝為名。按，陳留外黃城，非隋所別也。大事記從上說，當考。〕故剛平之殘也，中牟之墮也，黃城之墜〔鮑本「墜」作「隊」。○〕也，棘溝〔札記今本「棘」、「溝」誤倒。〕之燒也，此皆非趙、魏之欲也。然二國勸行之者，何也？衛明於時權之藉也。今世之為國者不然矣。兵弱而好敵強，國罷而好眾怨，〔鮑本罷，疲同音，下同。樂與眾為怨。〕事敗而好鞠〔鮑本鞠，窮也，言遂事。〕之，兵弱而憎下人也，〔姚本曾本無「也」字。　鮑本無「也」字。○〕地狹而好敵大，事敗而好長〔鮑本長，益之。〕詐。行此六者而求伯，則遠矣。

「臣聞善為國者，順民之意，而料兵之能，然後從〔鮑本從，謂後之。〕於天下。故約不為人主怨，伐不為人挫強。〔鮑本不以兵為人挫強敵。〕如此，則兵不費，權不輕，地可廣，欲可成也。昔者，齊之與韓、魏伐秦、楚也，〔鮑本無「秦」字。○　正曰：齊閔王十一年，楚懷二十六年，齊與韓、魏為楚負其從親而合秦，遂共伐楚。閔王十六年，合韓、魏以伐秦，秦昭王九年也。〕戰非甚疾也，分地又非多韓、魏也，〔鮑本言得地等耳。〕然而天下獨歸咎於齊者，何也？以其為韓、魏主怨也。〔鮑本是楚懷二十六年，此二十一年。正曰：此十一年。〕且天下遍用兵矣，齊、燕戰，而趙氏兼中山，秦、楚戰韓、魏不休，而宋、越專用其兵。此十國者，皆以相敵為意，而獨舉心於齊者，何也？約而好主怨，伐而好挫強也。

「且夫強大之禍，常以王人為意〔鮑本欲為人王。〕也；夫〔姚本一無「夫」字。〕弱小之殃，常以謀人為利也。〔鮑本補曰：恃謀人以為利而致殃。〕是以大國危，小國滅也。大國之計，莫若後起而重伐不義。〔鮑本不義雖可伐，亦不可輕。正曰：主於後起藉權，不以伐不義為急也。〕夫後起之籍與多而兵勁，〔鮑本人與之多。〕則事〔姚本「事」，劉本作「是」字。　鮑本「事」作「是」。○〕以眾強適〔鮑本「適」作「敵」。○　補曰：「適」，「敵」通。〕罷寡也，兵必立也。〔鮑本補曰：疑有缺字。〕事不塞天下之心，則利必附矣。大國行此，則名號不攘〔鮑本攘，猶取。〕而至，伯王不為而立矣。小國之情，莫如僅〔鮑本「僅」作「謹」。○　補曰：「僅」字訛，疑「謹」，下同。〕靜而寡信諸侯。〔鮑本信，猶恃也。莒、蔡是矣。〕僅靜，則四鄰不反；寡信諸侯，則天下不賣。外不賣，內不反，則擯禍朽腐〔鮑本「擯禍」作「稸積」。○　補曰：改「稸積」亦當是「積稸」。此書多「稸」字。〕而不用，幣帛矯蠹〔鮑本矯，揉箭箝也，故有變意。此言變其初也。蠹，猶蝕。正曰：別本注，「矯」一作「燆」，去堯切，火行也。　札記丕烈案：此以「矯」為「槁」字也，作「燆」非。〕而不服矣。〔鮑本無「而不服矣」四字。○　正曰：姚及別本皆有「而不服矣」一句，文義明白，今添。〕小國道此，〔鮑本道，猶行。〕則不祠而福矣，不貸〔鮑本貸，音代，從人求物也。〕而見足矣。故曰：祖仁者王，立義者伯，用兵窮者亡。何以知其然也？昔吳王夫差以強大為天下先，強〔姚本曾本無「強」字。〕襲郢而棲越，身從諸侯之君，〔鮑本諸侯從之。〕而卒身死國亡，為天下戮者，何也？此夫差平居而謀王，強大而喜先天下之禍也。昔者萊、〔鮑本東萊，故萊子國。補曰：春秋，齊侯滅萊。傳，萊恃謀也。〕莒好謀，陳、蔡好詐，莒恃越而滅，蔡恃晉而亡，〔鮑本莒、蔡皆恃遠忽近而亡。正曰：策但言有恃。〕此皆內長詐，外信諸侯之殃也。由此觀之，則強弱大小之禍，可見於前事矣。

「語曰：『麒〔鮑本「麒」作「騏」。○　札記今本「麒」作「騏」。〕驥之衰也，駑馬先之；孟賁之倦也，女子勝之。』夫駑馬、女子，筋骨力〔鮑本「骨力」作「力骨」。○〕勁，非賢於騏驥、孟賁也。何則？後起之藉也。今天下之相與也不並滅，〔鮑本「與」，猶恃也。言與之相恃，亦不皆亡，在所處耳。〕有而〔鮑本「而」作「能」。○　補曰：字或誤衍。　札記丕烈按：鮑改、吳補皆非。「而」、「能」同字，策文多以「而」為「能」。如上文「子孰而與我赴諸侯乎」，下文「而解此環不」之屬是也。〕案兵而後起，寄〔鮑本寄，言假手於人，不為主也。〕怨而誅不直，微用兵而寄於義，〔鮑本猶假也。補曰：「寄怨而誅不直」者，使人誅之而己不主怨，即所謂「重伐不義」也。「微用兵而寄於義」者，隱其用兵之真情，而寄寓於義以為名也。〕則亡〔札記今本「亡」誤「霸」。〕天下可跼〔鮑本跼，不伸也。〕足而須也。明於諸侯之故，察於地形之理者，不約親，不相質〔鮑本質，質子。〕而固，不趨而疾，眾事〔鮑本眾事，猶共事。〕而不反，交割〔鮑本交，言彼此割地。〕而不相憎，俱彊而加以親。何則？形同憂而兵趨利也。〔鮑本補曰：眾事宜多反覆，交割地者宜相憎，俱強者宜不相下。今皆不然，以其同憂趨利故也。〕何以知其然也？昔者齊、燕〔鮑本「齊燕」作「燕齊」。○〕戰於桓之曲，〔鮑本家語所謂桓山，蓋在齊、魯之間。〕燕不勝，十萬之眾盡。胡人襲燕樓煩〔鮑本樓煩，屬雁門。〕數縣，取其牛馬。〔鮑本此蓋之、噲敗時。〕夫胡之與齊非素親也，而用兵又非約質而謀燕也，然而甚於相趨者，何也？何則〔鮑本無下「何」字。○〕形同憂而兵趨利也。由此觀之，約於同形則利長，後起則諸侯可趨役也。〔鮑本可使趨我，而為我役。〕

「故明主察相，〔鮑本相之明察者。〕誠欲以伯王也〔姚本劉本作去「也」字。　鮑本衍「也」字。〕為志，則戰攻非所先。戰者，國之殘也，〔鮑本有害於國。〕而都縣之費也。〔鮑本隱元年注，邑有宗廟之主曰都。周制，二千五百家為縣。正曰：周禮，四甸為縣，四縣為都。又五鄙為縣。又禮，小曰邑，大曰都。〕殘費已先，而能從諸侯者寡矣。彼戰者之為殘也，士聞戰則輸私財而富軍巿，〔鮑本士眾所聚，有巿井焉。〕輸飲食而待死士，令折轅〔姚本集本作「折轅」，曾本作「析骸」。　鮑本轅，輈也。〕而炊之，殺牛而觴士，〔鮑本觶實曰觴，蓋以飲之。〕則是路君之道也。〔鮑本「路」疑作「露」，言國中所有，悉出於路。又疑作「路窘」，言財用窘於道路。正曰：正是道路之路。　札記丕烈案：此皆非也。路，羸也。下作「露」。秦策用「潞」字，又用「露」字。鄭箋詩，「串夷載路」。趙岐注孟子，「是率天下而路也」。字同此。「君」是「軍」字之誤。下文是「虛中之計也」，二句文相對。下文又云「軍出費，中哭泣」，亦以「軍」與「中」相對，可為證。〕中人禱祝，〔鮑本國中之人為行者祈。〕君翳釀，〔鮑本翳，華蓋也，故有隱義。言釀於中以待飲至。〕通都小縣置社，〔鮑本戮不用命者。正曰：亦言禱祀之事。〕有巿之邑莫不止〔鮑本「止」作「正」。○〕事〔鮑本事，謂財賦警備之事。〕而奉王，則此虛中之計也。夫戰之明日，尸〔鮑本「尸」作「屍」。○　屍，未殮也。〕死扶傷，雖若有功也，軍出費，中哭泣，則傷主心矣。死者破家而葬，夷傷者空財而共藥，〔鮑本夷，亦傷。共，供同。〕完者內酺〔鮑本酺，大飲也。〕而華〔鮑本華，猶奢。〕樂，故其費與死傷者鈞。〔鮑本與「均」同。〕故民之所費也，十年之田而不償也。軍之所出，矛〔鮑本矛，酋矛也，兵車所建。補曰：詩「二矛」注，酋矛長二丈，夷矛長二丈四尺。戟，注見前。〕戟折，鐶弦〔鮑本「弦」作「鉉」。○　鐶，刀鐶。〕絕，傷弩，破車，罷馬，亡矢之大半。甲兵之具，官〔鮑本「官」作「宮」。○　宮，如父子異宮之宮。古者寓兵於農，故私家出之。　札記丕烈案：「宮」，誤字也，鮑所說全謬。〕之所私出也，士大夫之所匿，廝〔鮑本廝，析薪養馬者。〕養士之所竊，十年之田而不償也。天下有此再費者，而能從諸侯寡矣。攻城之費，百姓理襜蔽，〔鮑本襜，衣蔽前者。襜蔽，疊言也。言士作苦，衣易敝，故亟治之。〕舉衝櫓，〔鮑本衝，陷陣車。正作䡴。補曰：城上露屋為櫓，戰陣高巢車亦為櫓。此與衝並言，亦車也。〕家雜總，〔鮑本全家併作。〕身窟穴，〔鮑本謂地道。　札記今本「窟」誤「屈」。丕烈案：此以「窟」為「掘」字。連下「中」字讀者非。〕中罷於刀金。〔鮑本兵器也。〕而士困於土功，將不釋甲，期數〔鮑本數，數月。〕而能拔城者為亟耳。上倦於教，士斷〔鮑本斷，音短，截也。〕於兵，故三下城而能勝敵者寡矣。故曰：彼戰攻者，非所先也。何以知其然也？昔智伯瑤攻范、中行氏，殺其君，滅其國，又西圍晉陽，吞兼〔鮑本「兼」作「併」。○〕二國，而憂一主，〔鮑本趙襄子。〕此用兵之盛也。然而智伯卒身死國亡，為天下笑者，何謂也？兵先戰攻，而滅二子〔鮑本有「之」字。○　札記今本「子」下有「之」字，乃誤涉鮑也。鮑補「之」字。〕患〔鮑本患在滅二子。〕也。日〔姚本一作「昔」。　鮑本「日」作「昔」。○〕者，中山悉起而迎燕、趙，南戰於長子，敗趙氏；北戰於中山，克燕軍，殺其將。夫中山千乘之國也，而敵〔鮑本「敵」作「攻」。○〕萬乘之國二，再戰北〔姚本「北」一作「比」。　鮑本比，相次。〕勝，此用兵之上節也。〔鮑本節，猶等。〕然而國遂亡，君臣〔姚本三本同作「𢘑」。〕於齊者，〔鮑本此二十九年，書佐趙滅中山。補曰：說見前及燕策。〕何也？不嗇〔鮑本嗇，吝也。〕於戰攻之患也。由此觀之，則戰攻之敗，可見於前事。〔鮑本補「矣」字。○　補曰：「事」下或有缺字。　札記今本「事」下有「矣」字，乃誤涉鮑也。鮑補「矣」字。〕

「今世之所謂善用兵者，終〔鮑本終，謂窮兵。〕戰比勝，而守不可拔，〔鮑本守城期於不拔。〕天下稱為善，一國得而保之，〔鮑本得所稱為善者保恃之。〕則非國之利也。臣聞戰大勝者，其士多死而兵益弱；守而不可拔者，其百姓罷而城郭露。〔鮑本外無居人，故暴露。〕夫士死於外，民殘於內，而城郭露於境，則非王之樂也。今夫鵠的〔姚本一作「杓」。　鮑本的，即鵠也，所謂侯中。補曰：栖皮曰鵠。〕非咎〔姚本一作「柩」。劉，「咎」作「喜」。　鮑本補曰：按，呂氏春秋亦有「柩罪於先王」之語。〕罪於人也，便〔鮑本便，謂巧。審弓得便巧乃發。〕弓引弩而射之，中者則善，〔鮑本善之。補曰：一云，劉作「喜」。〕不中則愧，少長貴賤，則同心於貫之者，何也？惡其示人以難也。〔鮑本的以難中，人爭欲貫之，如惡之然。人如的者，人所惡也。〕今窮戰比勝，而守必不拔，則是非徒示人以難也，又且害人者也，然則天下仇之必矣。夫罷士露國，而多與天下為仇，則明君不居也；素用強兵而弱之，〔鮑本素，猶常也。言兵常用，雖強必弱。〕則察相不事。〔鮑本不從事於此。補曰：「事」下當有「也」字。〕彼明君察相者，則五兵不動〔鮑本「五戎」注，刀、劍、矛、戟、矢。正曰：此據淮南子注。今按，諸說不一。周禮司右「政令」注，弓矢、殳、矛、戈、戟；司兵「車」注，戈、殳、戟、夷矛、酋矛。穀梁注，矛、戟、鉞、楯、弓矢。〕而諸侯從，辭讓而重賂至矣。故明君之攻戰也，甲兵不出於軍而敵國勝，衝櫓不施而邊城降，士民不知而王業至矣。彼明君之從事也，用財少，曠日遠而為〔鮑本無「為」字。○〕利長者。〔鮑本曠，闊也。日雖闊遠，其利不窮。〕故曰：兵後起則諸侯可趨役也。

「臣之所聞，攻戰之道非師者，〔鮑本師，旅也。言不用師。〕雖有百萬之軍，比之堂上；〔鮑本言謀之於堂，彼自敗也。補曰：「比」當作「北」。諸本皆作「比」，不知何故？此注亦作敗釋矣。章本字句。〕雖有闔閭、吳起之將，〔鮑本闔閭將孫武也。此以君臣互言之。正曰：將若闔閭之善用兵。〕禽之戶內；千丈之城，拔之尊俎〔鮑本俎，肉在豆上。〕之間；百尺之衝，折之衽〔姚本一無「衽」字。　鮑本鄭玄記注，衽，臥席也。〕席之上。〔姚本一無「之」字。〕故鍾鼓竽瑟之音不絕，地可廣而欲可成；和樂倡優〔鮑本倡優，倡樂也。〕侏儒〔鮑本侏儒，短小人。〕之笑不之，〔鮑本「之」作「乏」。○　札記今本末「之」字作「乏」。〕諸侯可同日而致也。故名配天地不為尊，利制海內不為厚。〔鮑本言其功德之崇。雖名利若此，猶不足稱也。〕故夫善為王業者，在勞天下而自佚，亂天下而自安，諸侯無成謀，〔鮑本圖我之謀不成。〕則其國無宿憂也。〔鮑本言無一夕之憂。正曰：宿，留也，猶宿諾。〕何以知其然？〔鮑本「然」下有「也」字。○　補曰：上文例，宜有「也」字。〕佚〔姚本一無「佚」字。〕治在我，勞亂在天下，則王之道也。銳兵來則〔姚本一本以「則」為「而」。〕拒之，患至則趨〔姚本「則趨」一作「而移」。　鮑本趨，言往應之。〕之，使諸侯無成謀，則其國無宿憂矣。何以知其然矣？〔鮑本「矣」作「也」。○　補曰：上文例，當作「也」。　札記今本「矣」作「也」，乃誤涉鮑也。鮑改「矣」為「也」。〕昔者魏王〔鮑本惠。〕擁土千里，帶甲三十六萬，其〔鮑本「其」上補「恃」字。○〕強而拔邯鄲，〔鮑本十八年。　札記今本「其」上有「恃」字，乃誤涉鮑也。鮑補「恃」字。丕烈案：此亦以「而」為「能」字。鮑補謬甚。〕西圍定陽，〔鮑本屬上黨。〕又從十二諸侯朝天子，以西謀秦。秦王〔鮑本此孝公也。此史，秦人故尊稱之。正曰：說見前。〕恐之，寢不安席，食不甘味，令於境內，盡堞〔鮑本堞，城上女牆。〕中為戰具，竟〔鮑本「竟」作「競」。○　補曰：即上文「境」字也。堞中為戰具，境內為守備。〕為守備，為死士置將，以待魏氏。衛鞅謀於秦王曰：『夫魏氏其功大，而令行於天下，有十二諸侯而朝天子，其與必眾。故以一秦而敵大魏，恐不如。王何不使臣見魏王，則臣請必北魏矣。』秦王許諾。衛鞅見魏王曰：『大王之功大矣，令行於天下矣。今大王之所從十二諸侯，非宋、衛也，則鄒、魯、陳、蔡，此固大王之所以鞭箠〔鮑本箠，馬策。〕使也，不足以王天下。大王不若北取燕，東伐齊，則趙必從矣；西取秦，南伐楚，則韓必從矣。大王有伐齊、楚心，而從天下之志，〔鮑本使天下從。〕則王業見矣。大王不如先行王服，〔鮑本王者服飾。〕然後圖齊、楚。』魏王說於衛鞅之言也，故身廣公宮，制丹衣柱，〔鮑本以丹帛為柱衣。正曰：丹柱猶衣之也。〕建九斿，〔鮑本旗旒。〕從七星之旟。〔鮑本鳥隼為旟，又繪星焉。正曰：按考工記并注，龍旂九斿，諸侯所建；鳥旟七斿，鳥隼為旟，州里所建；弧旌枉矢，畫枉矢。此與曲禮合。龍旂即青龍，鳥隼即朱雀，枉矢恐即招搖，注所謂畫七星者。又禮，百官載旟，此言七星之旟，而又以天子言，戰國不可以古制準也。〕此天子之位也，而魏王處之。於是齊、楚怒，諸侯奔齊，齊人伐魏，殺其太子，覆其十萬之軍。魏王大恐，跣〔鮑本跣，足親地也。〕行按兵於國，而東次於齊，〔鮑本過信為次，往服齊也。〕然後天下乃舍之。當是時，秦王垂拱受〔鮑本「受」上有「而」字。○〕西河之外，〔鮑本垂衣拱手，言無所事。西喪地於秦，謂此歟？〕而不以德魏王。故曰〔姚本一無「曰」字。　鮑本無「曰」字。○〕衛鞅之始與秦王計也，謀約不下席，言於尊俎之間，謀成於堂上，而魏將以〔姚本一作「已」。　鮑本「以」作「已」。〕禽於齊矣；衝櫓未施，而西河之外入〔鮑本「入」上有「已」字。○〕於秦矣。此臣之所謂比之堂上，禽將戶內，拔城於尊俎之間，折衝席上者也。」〔鮑本彪謂：此策輾轉皆中事機，而不詭於聖，雖鍾竽倡樂，非所以啟人主者，亦孟子色貨之比。閔王驕不能聽，以及鼓里之禍，百世之戒也！正曰：此策談兵主於後起，藉權不為人主怨。其云「案兵而後起，寄怨而誅不直，微用兵而寄於義」，最其術之深者。是豈仁義之師，正大之論乎？雖其後極言戰之害，何救於失哉！鍾鼓倡樂之云，視孟子與民同樂之意不類。鮑之不察甚矣。補曰：蘇秦佯為得罪燕而亡走齊，說湣王厚葬以明孝，高宮室大苑囿以明得，意欲敝齊而為燕。蘇代繼之，實祖秦之故智。大事記云，齊之伐宋也，蘇代實啟之。秦之救宋也，蘇代復止之。代為燕反間，驕其君，勞其民，而速其亡也。其說燕曰，「齊王長主也，而自用也，南攻楚五年，蓄積散，西困秦三年，民憔悴，士罷弊，又以餘兵舉五千乘之勁宋，而包十二諸侯，此其君之欲得也，其民力竭也」云云。此策之謀既中，而勸燕伐齊也。此策舊為蘇秦，實誤。前章代誤為秦，或遂以此為代，則亦不然。代之謀如彼，豈能勸齊王後戰哉？一本無章首二字者是矣。抑是言也，當在滅中山後，取淮北滅宋侵三晉之前。此士之明，蓋已逆知閔王之敗矣。　策文甚佳，首以「用兵後起」、「約結遠怨」二端為言，而以「權藉時勢」明之。「今雖干將」以下止「求霸則遠矣」，言先天下之禍，後藉之得也。「臣聞善為國」以下止「好挫強也」，言遠怨之得，主怨之禍也。「且夫」以下至「強弱大小之禍，可見於前事矣」為一節。「語曰」以下至「戰攻之敗，可見前事」為一節。「今世所謂善用兵」以下至篇終為一節。三節皆推言用兵不為天下先之意，而不主怨之意在其中，錯綜起應，變化不窮。只「何以知其然也」一語六用，而不覺其複。　劌，姑衛反。分，扶問反。鵠，工毒反。射，食亦反。「為人」、「為韓」、「為死」之「為」，「王天下」之「王」，去聲。〕

齊策 六

齊負郭之民有孤狐咺者

齊負〔鮑本負，猶背。〕郭之民有孤狐咺者，〔姚本續云：古今人表，狐爰。師古曰，即狐咺也，齊人，見戰國策。　鮑本補曰：孤狐咺，「孤」因「狐」字誤衍，大事記去之。呂氏春秋貴直論狐援云云，即謂此正議也。古今人表作狐爰。札記今本「咺」誤「喧」。丕烈案：咺、援、爰，皆聲之轉也。〕正議閔王，斮之檀衢，〔鮑本斮，斬也。檀衢，蓋齊巿名。〕百姓不附。齊孫室子〔鮑本公孫家子，猶宗室云。〕陳舉直言，殺之東閭，宗族離心。司馬穰苴為政者也，〔姚本續云：子由古史以此為閔王時事，刪史記穰苴傳。通鑑全引此段，不入穰苴事。　鮑本田完之裔，為景公將，去此時遠甚，蓋誤其名。正曰：大事記引蘇氏，謂史稱齊景公時，晉伐阿鄄，燕侵河上，晏子薦穰苴斬監軍莊賈，因以成功。春秋左氏無此事，意穰苴嘗為閔王卻燕、晉，而戰國雜記妄以為景公時。〕殺之，大臣不親。以故燕舉兵，使昌國君〔鮑本樂毅，魏樂羊之後。〕將而擊之。齊使向子〔鮑本及下達子，史不書。補曰：呂氏春秋作觸子。〕將而應〔鮑本後起為應。〕之。齊軍破，向子以〔鮑本無「以」字。○〕輿一乘亡。達子收餘卒，復振，與燕戰，求所以償〔鮑本「償」作「賞」。○　補曰：呂氏春秋作「賞」。　札記今本「償」作「賞」，乃誤涉鮑也。丕烈案：此以「償」為「賞」字耳，不當輒改。〕者，閔王不肯與，軍破走。

王奔莒，〔鮑本此四十年。正曰：三十年。〕淖齒數之曰：「夫千乘、〔鮑本青州郡。〕博昌之間，〔鮑本屬千乘。〕方數百里，雨血沾衣，王知之乎？」王曰：「不知。」「嬴、博〔鮑本二縣屬太山。補曰：禮檀弓注，今泰山縣。〕之間，地坼至泉，王知之乎？」王曰：「不知。」「人有當闕〔鮑本闕，門觀。〕而哭者，求之則不得，去之則聞其聲，王知之乎？」王曰：「不知。」〔鮑本補曰：三「不知」字，春秋後語皆作「知之」。通鑑從之。〕淖齒曰：「天雨血沾衣者，天以告也；地坼至泉者，地以告也；人有當闕而哭者，人以告也。天地人皆以告矣，而王不知戒焉，何得無誅乎？」於是殺閔王於鼓里。〔鮑本莒中里也。〕

太子〔鮑本名法章，是為襄王。〕乃解衣免服，逃太史之家為溉園。〔鮑本溉，灌注。〕君王后，太史氏女，〔鮑本「氏」上有「后」字。○　「后」，姓也。以其姓「后」，不可曰「后后」，故曰「君王后」也。正曰：姚本作「太史氏女」，無「后」字。後策正云「太史氏」。〕知其貴人，善事之。田單以即墨之城，破亡餘卒，破燕兵，紿騎劫，〔鮑本紿，敗也。劫，燕將，代樂毅者。毅傳言，單設詐誑燕軍。〕遂以復齊，〔鮑本襄五年。〕遽迎太子於莒，立之以為王。〔鮑本時立五年矣，迎而立之齊耳。〕襄王即位，〔姚本一作「立」。鮑本「位」下有「立」字。○　補曰：「位」下有缺字。〕君王后以為后，生齊王建。〔鮑本補曰：「雨」，音預；「為溉」之「為」，去聲。〕

王孫賈年十五事閔王

王孫賈年十五，事閔王。王出走，失王之處。其母曰：「女朝出而晚來，則吾倚門而望；女暮出而不還，則吾倚閭而望。女今事王，王出走，女不知其處，女尚何歸？」〔鮑本責其親王不如我之親女。〕

王孫賈乃〔姚本一本添「反」字。〕入市中，曰：「淖齒亂齊國，殺閔王，〔鮑本無「閔」字。○　正曰：追書之辭。〕欲與我誅者，袒右！」〔鮑本右肩。〕市人從者四百人，與之誅淖齒，刺而殺之。〔鮑本補曰：袒，蕩旱反，今循習作徒案反。說文，裼也。露臂。〕

燕攻齊取七十餘城

燕攻齊，取七十餘城，唯莒、即墨不下。〔鮑本「不」作「未」。○〕齊田單以即墨破燕，殺騎劫。

初，燕將〔鮑本史亦不名。〕攻下聊城，〔鮑本屬東郡。高紀注，在平原。正曰：括地志云，故聊城在博州聊城縣西。〕人或讒之。〔姚本三同。集無此「初燕將攻下聊城人或讒之」十一字。史記有。　鮑本補曰：姚氏曰，三同，集無「初燕」止「讒之」十一字，則知此章首有誤脫。正曰：自「燕攻齊」止「殺騎劫」二十五字，或他策脫簡。而「初燕將」止「讒之」十一字，亦他本所無也。　札記丕烈案：史記無「燕攻齊」至「殺騎劫」，有「燕將攻下聊城，人或讒之」，當是。策文本與史記不同，校者以史記文記其異同，遂羼入也。吳所說甚詳，然仍多不可通者，不若衍其羼入，餘均依舊，以存策文與史記之異說。〕燕將懼誅，遂保守聊城，不敢歸。田單攻之歲餘，士卒多死，而聊城不下。

魯連乃書，〔鮑本「書」上補「為」字。○　札記今本「書」上有「為」字，乃誤涉鮑也。丕烈案：史記有。〕約之矢〔鮑本纏束書於矢上。〕以射城中，遺燕將曰：「吾聞之，智者不倍〔鮑本倍，背同。〕時而棄利，勇士不怯〔鮑本補曰：史記作「卻」。　札記丕烈案：單本索隱是「卻」字，王震澤本是「怯」字。〕死而滅名，忠臣不先身而後君。今公行一朝之〔姚本一作「亡」。〕忿，不顧燕王〔鮑本惠王。〕之無臣，非忠也；殺身亡聊城，而威不信於齊，非勇也；功廢名滅，後世無稱，非知也。故知者不再計，勇士不怯死。〔姚本錢、劉，「勇士不再劫」。　鮑本補曰：一本云，晁本無此「故智者不再計，勇士不怯死」二句，而云「此三者，世主不臣，說士不載」。　札記丕烈案：史記作「三者，世主不臣，說士不載，故智者不再計，勇士不怯死」。〕今死生榮辱，尊卑貴賤，此其一時也。〔鮑本此釋上「不再計」，故史云「時不再至」。〕願公之詳計而無與俗同也。且楚攻南陽，〔鮑本史云，「齊之南陽」。然則此荊州郡，時屬齊。補曰：索隱云，「南陽即齊淮北、泗上之地也」。〕魏攻平陸，〔鮑本補曰：平陸，見前。〕齊無南面之心，〔鮑本楚、魏在齊之南，齊有燕難，不急此二縣，故不南面與爭。補曰：正義云，「齊無南面攻楚、魏之心，以為南陽、平陸之害小，不如聊城之利大」。〕以為亡南陽之害，不若得濟北之利，故定計而堅守之。今秦人下兵，〔鮑本此時齊善秦，故下兵救之。〕魏不敢東面，〔鮑本不攻齊也。〕橫秦之勢合，〔鮑本齊善秦為橫。〕則楚國之形危。且〔姚本一本添「齊」字。〕棄南陽，斷右壤，〔鮑本謂平陸。斷亦棄也。〕存濟北，計必為之。今楚、魏交退，〔鮑本言其皆退。〕燕救不至，〔鮑本不救聊城。〕齊無天下之規，〔鮑本規，猶謀也。秦救之，而楚、魏退，無謀齊者。〕與聊城共據〔鮑本據，相持也。〕期年之弊，即臣見公之不能得〔姚本錢、劉一作「待」。　鮑本不能勝齊。〕也。齊必決之於聊城，公無再計。彼燕國大亂，君臣過計，〔鮑本過，猶失。〕上下迷惑，栗腹〔鮑本燕將。〕以百萬〔鮑本「百」作「十」。○　札記丕烈案：史記作「十」。〕之眾，五折於外，萬乘之國，被圍於趙，壤削主困，為天下戮，〔鮑本按：燕王喜四年，趙孝成十五年，廉頗圍破燕，殺栗腹，在齊襄、燕惠聊城事二十八年。以為此時，則自騎劫敗死外，不書他將及趙國也。正曰：說見章末詳之。〕公聞之乎？今燕王方寒心獨立，大臣不足恃，國弊多，民心無所歸。今公又以弊聊〔鮑本「弊聊」作「聊城」。○　補曰：一本以「敝聊」。　札記丕烈案：史記作「敝聊」。〕之民，距全齊之兵，〔鮑本距，拒同，捍也。〕期年不解，是墨翟之守也；〔鮑本墨子曰，「公輸般為雲梯，將以攻宋。墨子聞之，見般，以帶為城，以牒為械。般九設機變，墨九距之。般之械盡，墨之守固有餘」。〕食人炊骨，士無反北之心，是孫臏、吳起之兵也。能以〔鮑本「以」作「已」。○　札記丕烈案：史記無此字。〕見於天下矣！

「故為公計者，〔鮑本無「者」字。○　札記丕烈案：史記有。〕不如罷兵休士，全車甲，歸報燕王，燕王〔姚本三本同一「燕王」字。〕必喜。士民見公，如見父母，交游攘臂而議於世，〔鮑本攘，言推臂前也。正曰：漢書鄒陽傳「攘袂」，顏云：「猶今人言將臂」。按，「攘臂」字見孟子，即此義。〕功業可明矣。上輔孤主，以制群臣；下養百姓，以資說士。〔鮑本辯說之士，資以藉口。正曰：資給說士。〕矯國革俗於天下，〔鮑本矯革，言變其國俗。〕功名可立也。意者，〔姚本曾無「意者」字，史記有。〕亦捐〔鮑本捐亦棄。〕燕棄世，東游於齊乎？請裂地定封，富比陶、衛，〔姚本續：延篤注戰國策云，陶，陶朱公也；衛，衛公子荊也。非也。王邵曰，魏冉封陶，商君姓衛。富比陶、衛，謂此。　鮑本陶，穰侯邑。衛，自梁襄王後稱君。正曰：索隱引延篤云，陶，陶朱；衛，衛公子荊。非也。〕世世稱孤寡，〔姚本錢作「寡人」。　鮑本無「孤」字。○　補曰：一本「稱孤寡」。　札記丕烈案：史記無「寡」字。〕與齊久存，〔姚本劉作「左齊據右」。〕此亦一計也。二者顯名厚實也，願公熟計而審處一也。〔鮑本補曰：下無歷數之辭，疑「一」字訛或衍。　札記丕烈案：吳誤讀也，指上所云「二者」。史記作「而審處一焉」，可證。〕

「且吾聞，傚小節者不能行大威，惡小恥者不能立榮名。昔管仲射桓公中鉤，篡也；遺〔鮑本遺，忘也。〕公子糾而不能死，怯也；束縛桎桔，〔鮑本「桔」作「梏」。○　桎，足械；梏，手械。　札記今本「桔」誤「梧」。鮑本作「梏」。〕辱身也。此三行者，鄉里不通也，世主不臣也。使管仲終窮抑，〔鮑本抑，按也。人所按，故為困。〕幽囚而不出，慚恥而不見，窮年沒壽，不免為辱人賤行矣。然而〔鮑本無「而」字。○〕管子并〔鮑本補曰：一本云「并」，晁作「棄」。　札記丕烈案：史記作「兼」。〕三行之過，據齊國之政，一匡天下，九合諸侯，為五伯首，名高天下，光照鄰國。曹沫為魯君將，三戰三北，而喪地千里。使曹子之足不離陳，計不顧後，出必死而不生，〔鮑本出，計所出也。〕則不免為敗軍禽將。曹子以敗軍禽將，非勇也；功廢名滅，後世無稱，非知也。故去三北之恥，退而與魯君計也，曹子〔姚本曾無「也曹子」三字。〕以為遭。〔鮑本正曰：「遭」字句。謂曹沫忍恥，而與魯君計，以為遭遇也。史無此句則尤明。〕齊桓公有天下，朝諸侯。〔鮑本此霸者之事。欲興霸則可責以義，故沫與魯君計言此。正曰：說見上。補曰：「有天下」，「有」字恐誤。史作「朝天下，會諸侯」。「朝天下」，謂率天下朝王也。〕曹子以一劍之任，劫桓公於壇位之上，顏色不變，而辭氣不悖。三戰之所喪，一朝而反之，天下震動〔姚本續：別本有「諸侯」二字。〕驚駭，威信吳、楚，傳名後世。若此二公者，非不能行小節，死小恥也，以為殺身絕世，功名不立，非知也。故去忿恚〔鮑本恚，恨也。〕之心，而成終身之名；除感忿之恥，而立累世之功。故業與三王爭流，名與天壤相敝也。〔鮑本言天壤敝，此名乃敝。〕公其圖之！」

燕將曰：「敬聞命矣！」因罷兵到讀〔鮑本「到讀」作「倒韣」。○　韣，弓衣。倒，示無弓。正曰：未詳，或誤字衍文。　札記今本「讀」作「櫝」。丕烈案：鮑改、吳補皆非也。「到」即「倒」字，又以「讀」為「櫝」字耳。不當輒改。〕而去。故解齊國之圍，救百姓之死，仲連之說也。〔鮑本仲連傳有。彪按：此書以齊閔為宣王，蘇代為蘇秦，事時不合如此者甚眾，得為後人傳錄之誤？至於此章引栗腹之事說聊城之將，則非後人謬矣。蓋好事者聞約矢之說，惜其書不存，擬為之以補亡；而其人意氣橫溢，肆筆而成，不暇檢校細處。太史公亦愛其千里，而略其牝牡驪黃。至于今二千歲，莫有知其非者也！又按：燕昭二十八年，書齊之不下者，惟聊、莒、即墨。聊即聊城也。徐廣注，此栗腹事去長平十年，而不論其在聊城事後。蘇氏古史亦因之疏矣。故備論之。正曰：魯仲連說燕將下聊城，史不著年。其書引栗腹之敗，此事在其後，故通鑑、大事記載於秦孝文元年，當燕王喜五年，齊王建十五年。自赧王三十一年，燕率五國伐齊，閔王死，襄王立；三十六年，燕昭王卒；明年，惠王立。越武成王、孝王而至王喜，凡三十四年。此蓋二事誤亂為一。自「燕攻齊」止「殺騎劫」二十五字，或他策脫簡；而「初燕將」止「讒之」十一字，亦他本所無也。且單由即墨起七十餘城，即復為齊，不聞聊城尚為燕守。以齊之事勢，豈有舍之三十餘年而不攻，單之兵力，三十餘年而不能下歟？今曰「攻之歲餘不下」，可見為此時燕將守聊城事也。史稱，毅破齊不下者，獨莒、即墨；單縱反間，亦言二城。而燕世家書聊、莒、即墨，策亦有三城不下之言，果一時事，則聊城亦為齊守，而非燕將為燕守者。此誤因聊城不下，而引與莒、即墨亂也。考之單傳，自復齊之後，無可書之事。齊襄王十九年，當趙孝成王元年，趙割地求單為將；次年遂相趙，必不復返齊矣。距聊城之役，凡十六年，單豈得復為齊將哉？此因「歲餘不下」之言，聊、莒、即墨之混，而誤指以為單也。夫仲連之言，正謂栗腹敗，燕國亂，聊城孤守，齊方併攻，勢將必拔。其言初不涉湣、襄、昭、惠之際。所謂「楚攻南陽，魏攻平陸」，閔王時，楚取淮北，單復齊後，蓋已復之，不聞楚、魏交攻之事，二事必在後也。燕將被讒懼誅，連書亦無此意，此因樂毅而訛也。史又稱，燕將得書自殺，單遂屠聊城，尤非事實。齊前所殺燕將，惟騎劫爾，不聞其他，此因騎劫而訛也。連之大意，在於罷兵息民。而其料事之明，勸以歸燕降齊，亦度其計之必可者。排難解紛，又素所蓄積也！迫之於窮，而致之於死，豈其心哉？夫其勸之，正將以全聊城之民，而忍坐視屠之哉！燕將死，聊城屠，連何功美之稱，而齊欲爵之哉？策所云解兵而去者，當得其實，而史不可信也。故論此事者，一考之仲連之書，則史、策之舛誤殽混者，皆可得而明矣。鮑不此之察，見其不通，遂謂好事者聞約矢之說，惜其書不存，擬之以補亡，二千餘年，莫有覺者，何其謬哉？史誤因策，通鑑、大事記稱田單誤因史。真文忠公反據鮑氏為斷，而謂魯連之說不可為訓，皆失考也。〕

燕攻齊齊破

燕攻齊，齊破。閔王奔莒，淖齒殺閔王。田單守即墨之城，破燕兵，復齊墟。襄王為太子徵。〔鮑本徵，猶信也。太子初易姓名為庸，人疑之，至是始有狀可信也。〕齊以〔鮑本「以」作「已」。○〕破燕，田單之立疑，〔鮑本人疑單也。〕齊國之眾，皆以田單為自立也。襄王立，田單相之。

過菑〔鮑本菑，淄同。〕水，有老人涉菑〔姚本曾一作「菑水」。〕而寒，出不能行，坐於沙中。田單見其寒，欲使後車分〔姚本一本下有「之」字。〕衣，無可以分者，單解裘而衣之。襄王惡之，曰：「田單之施，將欲以取我國乎？不早圖，〔鮑本「圖」下有「之」字。○〕恐後之。」〔鮑本恐單先發。〕左右顧無人，巖下〔姚本續：別本「巖」字作「聲」，句絕。通鑑作「巖下」。〕有貫珠者，〔姚本續：元和姓纂引戰國策，「齊有貫殊」。則貫姓殊名，非貫珠者。　鮑本齊人。〕襄王呼而問之曰：「女聞吾言乎？」對曰：「聞之。」王曰：「女以為何若？」對曰：「王不如因以為己善。王〔姚本劉，「曰：奈何？曰」。〕嘉單之善，下令曰：『寡人憂民之饑也，單收而食之；寡人憂民之寒也，單解裘而衣之；寡人憂勞百姓，而單亦憂之，稱寡人之意。』〔鮑本稱，猶副。〕單有是善而王嘉之，善單之善，亦王之善已」〔札記今本「已」誤「也」。〕王曰：「善！」乃賜單牛酒，嘉其行。

後數日，貫珠者復見王曰：「王至朝日，宜召田單而揖之於庭，口勞之。乃布令求百姓之饑寒者，收穀〔鮑本穀，猶養。〕之。」乃使人聽於閭里，聞丈夫之相□與語，舉□□□□曰：〔姚本「相」下空一字，「舉」下空四字。○　鮑本「舉」字在「與」字上。○　補曰：此因「與」字誤衍在此，姚本在「曰」字上。　札記今本不空，鮑本不空。丕烈案：所空，疑本有姚氏校語而刪去者。〕「田單之愛人！嗟，乃王之教澤也！」〔鮑本彪謂：單之取疑，所謂威震主者歟？襄王亦不明甚矣！使單有異志，闔城陽而王，孰敢不聽，豈俟今日哉？貫珠者，可謂君子人矣！為是言也，上足以掩王之非，下足以救單之死，一言而齊國定。君子哉！補曰：斯人者，又能免其身。不然，王懼其以前言告單，必殺之矣。〕

貂勃常惡田單

貂勃〔鮑本貂勃，齊人。〕常惡田單，曰：「安平〔鮑本補曰：徐廣云，此海東安平。正義云，在青州臨淄縣東，古紀國之酅邑。索隱云，單初起安平，故以為號。〕君，小人也。」安平君聞之，故為酒而召貂勃，曰：「單何以得罪於先生，故常見譽〔姚本曾一作「惡」。〕於朝？」〔鮑本不欲正言其毀。〕貂勃曰：「跖之狗吠堯，〔鮑本跖，柳下季之弟盜跖。正曰：此莊生寓言，惠、跖時不相及。蒯通之言出於此。〕非貴跖而賤堯也，狗固吠非其主也。且今使公孫子賢，而徐子不肖。然而使公孫子與徐子鬬，徐子之狗，猶時〔鮑本「猶」作「由」，「時」作「將」。○　補曰：「由」，「猶」通。一本作「猶」。〕攫公孫子之腓〔姚本錢、劉一作「𩨜」。〕而噬之也。〔鮑本攫，持。腓，脛腨。噬，啗也。正曰：噬，齧也。〕若乃得去不肖者，而為賢者狗，豈特攫其腓而噬之耳哉？」安平君曰：「敬聞命。」明日，任之於王。〔鮑本白王使任用之。〕

王有所幸臣九人之屬，欲傷安平君，相與語於王曰：「燕之伐齊之時，楚王〔鮑本頃襄。〕使將軍〔鮑本淖齒也。〕將萬人而佐齊。今國已定，而社稷已安矣，何不使使者謝於楚王？」王曰：「左右孰可？」九人之屬曰：「貂勃可。」〔鮑本欲去單之助。〕貂勃使楚。楚王受而觴之，數日不反。九人之屬相與語於王曰：「夫一人〔姚本一本下有「之」字。〕身，而牽留萬乘者，豈不以據勢也哉？〔鮑本言勃據單勢。正曰：言單據勢。〕且安平君之與王也，君臣無禮，〔鮑本補曰：通鑑，「君臣無異」。〕而上下無別。且其志欲為不善。〔鮑本謂反畔。〕內牧〔鮑本「牧」作「收」。○〕百姓，循撫其心，振〔鮑本振，舉救也。〕窮補不足，布德於民；外懷戎翟、天下之賢士，〔鮑本懷翟與士。〕陰結諸侯之雄俊豪英。〔鮑本諸侯之人。〕其志欲有為也。〔鮑本為不善。〕願王之察之。」異日，而王曰：「召相單來。」田單免冠徒跣肉袒而進，〔鮑本肉袒，露肢體，示欲受刑。正曰：袒，即裼也。去上衣曰裼。〕退而請死罪。五日，而王曰：「子無罪於寡人，子為子之臣禮，吾為吾之王禮而已矣。」

貂勃從楚來，王賜諸前，〔鮑本補曰：一本「王觴賜諸前」，愚恐「賜」乃「觴」之訛。〕酒酣，〔鮑本酣，酒樂。〕王曰：「召相田單而來。」貂勃避席稽首曰：「王惡得此亡國之言乎？王上者孰與周文王？」王曰：「吾不若也。」貂勃曰︰「然，臣固知王不若也。下者孰與齊桓公？」王曰：「吾不若也。」〔鮑本無下「貂勃曰然臣固知王不若也」十一字。○　補曰：此下姚本有。〕貂勃曰：「然，臣固知王不若也。然則周文王得呂尚〔鮑本「尚」作「望」。○〕以為太公，齊〔鮑本無「齊」字。○〕桓公得管夷吾以為仲父，今王得安平君而獨曰『單』。且自天地之闢，〔鮑本開也。〕民人之治，〔姚本曾作「始」字。〕為人臣之功者，誰有厚於安平君者哉？而王曰『單，單』。惡得此亡國之言乎？且王不能守先〔鮑本「先」作「乎」。○〕王之社稷，燕人興師而襲齊墟，王走而之城陽〔鮑本城陽，兗州國，莒其縣也。〕之山中。安平君以惴惴〔鮑本惴惴，憂懼也。〕之即墨，三里之城，五里之郭，敝卒七千，禽其司馬，〔鮑本主兵之官，謂騎劫。〕而反千里之齊，安平君之功也。當是時也，闔城陽而王，〔鮑本不通王而自王。補曰：春秋後語，「闔」作「舍」。〕城陽、天下〔鮑本城陽與天下之人。正曰：「城陽」二字因上文衍。〕莫之能止。然而計之於道，歸之於義，以為不可，故為棧道木閣，〔鮑本木閣、棧道，皆以通險。〕而迎王與后於城陽山中，王乃得反，子臨百姓。今國已定，民已安矣，王乃曰『單』。〔鮑本補增一「單」字。○　正曰：與前連舉不同。　札記今本「單」下復有「單」字，乃誤涉鮑也。〕且嬰兒之計不為此。王不亟殺此九子者以謝安平君，不然，國危矣！」王乃殺九子而逐其家，益封安平君以夜〔姚本「夜」一作「劇」。　鮑本「夜」，一作「劇」，屬淄川。又東萊有掖，有不夜。疑「夜」字為「掖」不全，或「不夜」省「不」。補曰：括地志，劇城在青州壽光縣南三十里。顏師古云，齊地記，古有日夜出，見於東萊，故萊子立此邑，以不夜為名。「使者」、「使楚」之「使」，去聲。〕邑萬戶。

田單將攻狄

田單將〔鮑本為大將。〕攻狄，〔鮑本狄，北胡。正曰：史，田儋，狄人。徐廣注，今樂安臨淄縣。正義云，淄州高苑縣西北，狄故城。　札記今本「狄」誤「翟」。〕往見魯仲子。〔鮑本連也。〕仲子曰︰「將軍攻狄，不能下也。」田單曰：「臣以五里之城，七里之郭，破亡餘卒，破萬乘之燕，復齊墟。攻狄而不下，何也？」上車弗謝而去。遂攻狄，三月而不克之也。

齊嬰兒謠曰：「大冠若箕，〔鮑本箕，簸器。〕脩劍拄頤，攻狄不能，〔姚本續云：能，音泥。〕下壘枯丘。」〔姚本續云：丘，音谿，古湊音。晁改作「壘於梧丘」。說苑同。鮑本壘，軍壁也。言大不能降一壘，小不能枯一丘。言無人物。補曰：吳氏韻補，能，湊年題反。丘，湊法其反。廬陵劉氏，「請壘枯丘」，謂空守一丘為壘。說苑，「攻狄不能下，壘於梧丘」。齊景公田於梧，地名也。一本引北堂書鈔同說苑，無「能」字。一本「壘枯骨成丘」。通鑑從之。各有不同，似「梧丘」義長。〕田單乃懼，問魯仲子曰：「先生謂單不能下狄，請聞其說。」魯仲子曰：「將軍之在即墨，坐而織蕢，〔鮑本蕢，草器。〕立則丈插，〔鮑本「丈」作「杖」。○　插，鍤同，刺土器。〕為士卒倡〔鮑本倡，導也。〕曰：『可〔札記今本「可」誤「何」。〕往矣！宗廟亡矣！云曰尚矣！〔姚本一作「去日」。　鮑本「云曰」作「亡日」。○　尚，猶久也。言見亡之兆，其日已久。　札記今本「云曰」作「亡日」。丕烈案：此「曰」字當作「白」。「云白」者，「魂魄」之省文。尚，讀為戃，即說苑之「魂魄喪矣」也。作「亡日」者，非。〕歸於何黨矣！』〔姚本續：別本無「可往矣，宗廟亡矣，今日尚矣，歸何黨矣（湊音，「往」、「尚」皆有平聲，「黨」亦當平讀）」。說苑「宗廟亡矣，魂魄喪矣，歸何黨矣」。　鮑本黨，猶鄉也。言無所歸。〕當此之時，將軍有死之心，而士卒無生之氣，聞若言，〔鮑本若，如此也。〕莫不揮泣奮臂而欲戰，此所以破燕也。當今將軍東有夜邑〔姚本說苑作「掖邑」。〕之奉，西有菑上之虞，黃金橫帶，而馳乎〔姚本說苑作「馳聘」。〕淄、澠〔鮑本昭十二年注，澠水出臨淄，入時水。〕之間，有生之樂，無死之心，所以不勝者也。」田單曰：「單有心，先生志之矣。」明日，乃厲〔鮑本厲，激昂也。〕氣循〔姚本一作「脩」。〕城，立於矢石之所，乃〔姚本劉本作「及」。〕援枹鼓〔鮑本枹，擊鼓杖。〕之，狄人乃下。〔鮑本補曰：馬謖對諸葛亮曰，「用兵之道，攻心為上，攻城為下」。其言出於此。　「夜」，說苑作「掖」，澠音黽，枹音浮。　按史，趙孝成王元年，田單將攻燕，拔中陽；又攻韓注，又拔之。次年，單為相。孝成之元年，齊襄之十九年也，趙王新立，秦攻趙，求救於齊，齊人使以長安君為質，齊師乃出，秦師退。又策云，趙王割濟東三城城邑市五十七與齊，求安平君為將攻燕，亦是年事。蓋齊、趙方睦也。考之史，單自復齊之後，唯有伐狄之戰。大事記併書於一年。而襄王十年，趙、燕、周取齊昌國、高唐。十三年，藺相如伐齊，至平邑，秦客卿灶暨楚，仍歲攻剛壽。以單之在齊而喪地被兵，不聞其卻戰而克敵也。而一為趙用，遂以立功。意者，單以功高被讒，齊襄雖為之殺譖者，所以任單者，不能展盡歟？不然，則單之懼禍持怯而自晦也。秦策云，田單將齊之良，橫行於中十四年，終身馳於封內。考之殺騎劫之歲，至襄王十八年，凡十四年。次年，而單為趙將。是年，襄王死，單不復返齊。明年，遂為相。然單之在趙，自二戰之後，不聞他功。蓋既試其端，而亦終不忍背宗國以為趙用也！單之心亦可見矣！〕

濮上之事

濮上〔鮑本此東郡濮水之上，實衛地。〕之事，贅子死，章子〔鮑本皆以名子之，猶嬰子、文子。章，匡章。〕走，盼子〔鮑本田盼也。威王言使守高唐者，並齊將。〕謂齊王曰：「不如易〔鮑本易，移與之。〕餘糧於宋，宋王〔鮑本辟公。正曰：辟公說，見宋策。桓公未嘗稱王，宋偃十一年稱王，當齊宣王二十五年，此非威王時。〕必說，梁氏不敢過宋伐齊。齊固〔鮑本固，猶信。〕弱，是以餘糧收宋也。齊國復強，雖復責之宋，〔姚本劉添「不」字。〕可；〔鮑本可責其償。〕不償，因以為辭而〔鮑本無「而」字。○〕攻之，亦可。」〔鮑本盼子，威王臣。威自九年後，未嘗敗撓。此言二子死，蓋九年前也。正曰：盼子雖見稱於威王，宣王二年馬陵之役，盼為將；十年，楚敗齊，令齊逐田嬰，張丑說楚王云，「嬰逐，盼子必用」，則盼尤著於宣王之世。伐燕之役，章子將兵，亦宣王時。且策有「齊國復強」之言，決非威王時也。〕

齊閔王之遇殺

齊閔王之遇殺，其子法章變姓名，為莒太史家庸夫。〔鮑本傭，庸同，均直也。〕太史敫〔姚本劉作「徼」。　鮑本敫，音躍。補曰：徐廣云，一音皎。〕女，奇法章之狀貌，以為非常人，憐而常竊衣食之，與〔姚本曾添「之」字。〕私焉。莒中及齊亡臣〔鮑本臣之出亡者。〕相聚，求閔王子，欲立之。法章乃自言於莒。共立法章為襄王。襄王立，以太史氏女為王后，生子建。太史敫曰：「女無謀〔姚本一作「媒」。〕而嫁者，非吾種也，汙吾世矣。」終身不睹。君王后〔姚本劉下更有「君王后」三字。〕賢，不以不睹之故，失人子之禮也。

襄王卒，子建立為齊王。君王后事秦謹，與諸侯信，以故建立四〔鮑本衍「四」字。〕十有餘年不受兵。〔鮑本正曰：此要其終而言之，「建立」字可見。建四十四年為秦虜。補曰：秦遠交齊而善之，故齊事秦謹，不悟其計也。與諸侯信，此恐未然。史稱齊亦東邊海上，秦日夜攻三晉、燕、楚，五國各自救，以故四十餘年不受兵，此實錄也。齊與諸侯信，則安得不助五國乎？〕

秦始皇〔鮑本「始皇」作「昭王」。○　按后卒於莊襄之元，不逮始皇也。補曰：字誤。〕嘗使〔鮑本「使」作「遣」。○〕使者遺君王后玉連環，〔鮑本兩環相貫。〕曰：「齊多知，而〔姚本別本作「能」。〕解此環不？」君王后以示群臣，群臣不知解。君王后引椎〔鮑本「椎」作「錐」。○〕椎破之，謝秦使曰：「謹以解矣。」

及君王后病且卒，誡建曰：「群臣之可用者某」。建曰：「請書之。」君王后曰：「善。」取筆牘〔鮑本牘，書版也。〕受言。君王后曰：「老婦已亡矣！」〔鮑本「亡」作「忘」。○　詳其指，蓋怒建之不心受，託以病昏耳。　札記今本「亡」作「忘」。丕烈案：趙策有此「亡」字。〕

君王后死，後后勝〔鮑本疑即后之族。〕相齊，多受秦間金玉，使賓客入秦，皆為變辭，〔鮑本變詐之辭。蓋使者還，以恐動王也。〕勸王朝秦，不脩攻戰之備。〔鮑本彪謂：君王后，賢智婦人也，惜其不能正始。乃其父，正烈男子也，義不能疚，利不能回，其斯人乎？正曰：策云，君王后賢，不失人子之禮；又秦王令解環，以齊多智為言。故鮑以賢贊之。不能正始，既不足言賢；信秦之謀，不助諸侯，又何智之有？〕

齊王建入朝於秦

齊王建入朝於秦，雍門司馬前曰：「所為立王者，為社稷耶？為王立王耶？」王曰：「為社稷。」司馬曰：「為社稷主王，王何以去社稷而入秦？」齊王還車而反。即墨大夫與〔姚本一作「聞」。　鮑本「與」作「聞」。○　札記丕烈案：此當作「以」，互易下文。〕雍門司馬諫而聽之，則以為可可〔姚本一作「以」。　鮑本無下「可」字。○　札記丕烈案：此當作「與」，誤作「以」，互易上文。校者改作「與」，因形近而又訛為「可」。〕為謀，〔鮑本又疑「可為謀」本注字。〕即入見齊王曰：「齊地方數千里，帶甲數百〔鮑本「百」作「十」。○〕萬。夫三晉大夫，皆不便秦，而在阿、鄄之間者百數，王收而與之百〔鮑本「百」作「十」。○　補曰：通鑑作「數」，下同。　札記丕烈案：通鑑亦改耳。〕萬之眾，使收三晉之故地，即臨晉〔鮑本臨晉，屬左馮翊。〕之關可以入矣；鄢、郢大夫，不欲為秦，〔鮑本不屬之也。〕而在城〔鮑本齊城。〕南下者百數，王收而與之百萬之師，使收楚故地，即武關〔鮑本始皇紀注：武關，秦南關，在陝西弘農東。〕可以入矣。如此，則齊威可立，秦國可亡。夫舍南面之稱制，〔鮑本「夫」作「矣」。○　此亦秦人之辭，時未有此。正曰：謂其棄王而為臣也。　札記今本無「夫」字。〕乃西面而事秦，為大王不取也。」齊王不聽。

秦使陳馳〔鮑本齊客之入秦者。正曰：上章謂「齊賓客入秦，皆為變辭」。又陳為齊姓，故云。然不可考。〕誘齊王內之，約與五百里之地。〔鮑本蓋偽許之。〕齊王不聽即墨大夫而聽陳馳，遂入秦。處之共〔鮑本共，屬河內。補曰：衛州共城縣。〕松柏之間，餓而死。先是齊為之歌曰：「松邪！柏邪！住建共者，客耶！」〔姚本續：史記，「松耶！柏耶！住建共者，客耶」！司馬貞音「邪」，謂是建之「邪客」，說王狂言，遂致失策，令建遷共。地理志，河內有共縣。柏，古音逋莫切。客，古音恪，古音亦湊。史記，歌云云，疾建用客之不詳也。　鮑本客，謂陳馳。自秦稱之，曰客。彪謂：建之聽雍門似矣，而不卒於即墨，惟不明故也。不明以亡國，有國家者，可不以正心誠意為先乎？正曰：專指陳馳，非自齊稱之曰客爾。史謂，建聽姦人、賓客以亡。秦策，秦王資頓弱以遊齊王入朝，知客非一也。忽出「正心誠意」一語，論雖正而不切。上言「不明」，而此曰「以為先」，烏睹大學之序。〕

齊以淖君之亂

齊以淖君之亂〔姚本一本添「讎」字。　鮑本「秦」上有「事」字。○　札記丕烈案：鮑所補謬甚，與下文全不合。此有脫，但未詳。〕秦。其後秦欲取齊，〔鮑本與齊合。〕故使蘇涓〔鮑本涓、固皆秦人。〕之楚，令〔姚本三本同作「合」。〕任固之齊。齊明謂楚王曰：「秦王〔鮑本昭。〕欲楚，不若其欲齊之甚也。其使涓來，以示齊之有楚，〔鮑本以有楚之親示齊。〕以資固於齊。〔鮑本為任固資。〕齊見〔姚本一作「有」。　鮑本見其納涓。〕楚，必受固。是王〔鮑本「王」作「楚」。○　補曰：一本此有「王」字。〕之聽涓也，適為固驅以合齊、秦也。〔鮑本所謂資固。〕齊、秦合，非楚之利也。且夫涓來之辭，〔鮑本無「之辭」二字。○　補曰：一本此下有「之辭」二字。〕必非固之所以之齊之辭也。〔鮑本涓之辭必厚楚而薄齊，固之辭必厚齊而薄楚。〕王不如令人以涓來〔鮑本無「來」字。○〕之辭謾固於齊，〔鮑本謾，欺也。以涓薄齊之辭告齊，則固言厚齊者非實，齊必以固為欺己。〕齊、秦必不合。齊、秦不合，則王重矣。王欲收齊以攻秦，漢中可得也。王即欲以秦攻〔鮑本補「攻」字。○　補曰：一本有「攻」字。〕齊，淮、泗之間亦可得也。」〔鮑本原在齊策。正曰：從舊可。〕

Source Colophon

The Chinese text follows the Chinese Wikisource transcription of the Strategies of the Warring States (articles 戰國策 (士禮居叢書本)/齊/一, 戰國策 (士禮居叢書本)/齊/二, 戰國策 (士禮居叢書本)/齊/三, 戰國策 (士禮居叢書本)/齊/四, 戰國策 (士禮居叢書本)/齊/五, 戰國策 (士禮居叢書本)/齊/六, revisions of 7 October 2024 to 7 October 2024), inspected from a witness copy captured on 22 August 2026. Chinese Wikisource transcriptions are published under CC BY-SA 4.0 and the GFDL; the text itself is ancient and in the public domain. The wiki header, navigation links, license templates, and modern contributors' footnotes have been removed; the text is otherwise complete and unaltered.

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