Qin Ce — the five books of the Strategies of Qin

The Strategies of the Warring States (Zhanguo Ce) is Liu Xiang's Han-dynasty compilation, arranged by state, of the persuasions, stratagems, and anecdotes that Warring States wandering counselors used to move the courts of their age. These five books, the Strategies of Qin (Qin Ce), carry the record of the state that in the end absorbed every rival it faced. They open with Wei Yang, called Lord Shang, whose harsh but exact laws made Qin formidable under Duke Xiao and who was torn apart by chariots under Duke Xiao's successor all the same, and with Su Qin, who first failed to win King Hui of Qin to his Horizontal Alliance, went home in such poverty that his own wife would not leave her loom for him, studied himself into a new art of persuasion by stabbing himself awake with an awl, and returned to bind the rival states into the Vertical Alliance as chancellor of Zhao instead.

The books carry Zhang Yi's long reckoning of the hegemon's crown Qin let slip three times over through the caution of its counselling ministers; the debate between Sima Cuo and Zhang Yi over whether Qin should first attack remote Shu or strike directly at the Zhou royal domain and Han; Gan Mao's siege of Yiyang, secured against the slander of rivals by the covenant King Wu of Qin swore with him at Xirang, recalled through the story of Zengzi's mother, who believed her son had killed a man only on the third false report; and Fan Sui's dramatic rise to King Zhao's trust, told through the parables of the borrowed grove-spirit's power and the divided gourd, by which he persuaded the king to strip the queen dowager and the Marquis of Rang of the authority they had held for a generation. Generations later the books turn to the merchant Lü Buwei, who reckoned the profit in founding a king higher than any other trade and made good on it with the hostage prince Zichu; to the boy diplomat Gan Luo, twelve years old, talking Zhang Tang into an embassy he had refused the Marquis of Wenxin himself; to Sikong Ma's blunt tally of everything by which Zhao fell short of Qin; to the suicide of the great general the Lord of Wu'an, Bai Qi; and to the rivalry between Yao Jia and Han Fei that ended with Han Fei put to death.

Each persuasion or anecdote stands under its own heading drawn from the episode it records. Names of persons and states are given in Hanyu pinyin without tone marks, with the Chinese characters supplied at first appearance; the standing rivalry of the Vertical Alliance (合從) against the Horizontal Alliance (連橫) runs through this book more than any other, since Qin stood as the pole the whole system of alliances was built to face. The commentary of Bao Biao and Yao Hong travels with the source text below in its own untranslated layer, along with the collation notes set in 〔 〕.

Translated for the Good Works Library directly from the classical Chinese, which is printed in full below. J. I. Crump's Chan-kuo Ts'e (1970; revised 1996) is the standing complete English translation of the Strategies of the Warring States; it is named here as a control-in-existence but was not consulted, and this translation makes no claim of firstness.

Contents

• Strategies of Qin, 1 (秦策一)
  • Wey Yang Flees Wei and Enters Qin (衛鞅亡魏入秦)
  • Su Qin First Proposes the Horizontal Alliance (蘇秦始將連橫)
  • King Hui of Qin Speaks to Hanquanzi (秦惠王謂寒泉子)
  • Ling Xiang Speaks to the King of Qin (泠向謂秦王)
  • Zhang Yi Persuades the King of Qin (張儀說秦王)
  • Zhang Yi Wishes to Borrow Qin Troops to Rescue Wei (張儀欲假秦兵以救魏)
  • Sima Cuo Disputes with Zhang Yi before King Hui of Qin (司馬錯與張儀爭論於秦惠王前)
  • Zhang Yi Ruins Chuli Ji (張儀之殘樗里疾)
  • Zhang Yi Wishes to Give Hanzhong to Chu (張儀欲以漢中與楚)
  • Chu Attacks Wei; Zhang Yi Speaks to the King of Qin (楚攻魏張儀謂秦王)
  • Tian Shen, on Behalf of Chen Zhen, Persuades King Hui of Qin (田莘之為陳軫說秦惠王)
  • Zhang Yi Again Slanders Chen Zhen to the King of Qin (張儀又惡陳軫於秦王)
  • Chen Zhen Leaves Chu for Qin (陳軫去楚之秦)
• Strategies of Qin, 2 (秦策二)
  • Qi Helps Chu Attack Qin (齊助楚攻秦)
  • Chu Breaks with Qi; Qi Raises Troops to Attack Chu (楚絕齊齊舉兵伐楚)
  • King Hui of Qin Dies; Gongsun Yan Wishes to Corner Zhang Yi (秦惠王死公孫衍欲窮張儀)
  • The Lord of Yiqu Goes to Wei (義渠君之魏)
  • The Physician Bian Que Has Audience with King Wu of Qin (醫扁鵲見秦武王)
  • King Wu of Qin Speaks to Gan Mao (秦武王謂甘茂)
  • In the Yiyang Campaign, Feng Zhang Addressed the King of Qin (宜陽之役馮章謂秦王)
  • Gan Mao Attacked Yiyang (甘茂攻宜陽)
  • Yiyang Was Not Yet Taken (宜陽未得)
  • In the Yiyang Campaign Chu Turned From Qin and Joined With Han (宜陽之役楚畔秦而合於韓)
  • The King of Qin Addressed Gan Mao (秦王謂甘茂)
  • Gan Mao Fled Qin and Was About to Go to Qi (甘茂亡秦且之齊)
  • Gan Mao Was Chancellor of Qin (甘茂相秦)
  • Gan Mao Bound Qin and Wei Together to Attack Chu (甘茂約秦魏而攻楚)
  • The Affair of Xingshan (陘山之事)
  • Queen Dowager Xuan of Qin Loved Wei Choufu (秦宣太后愛魏醜夫)
• Strategies of Qin, 3 (秦策三)
  • The Lord of Xue, on Wei's Behalf, Addressed Wei Ran (薛公為魏謂魏冉)
  • Zao, a Guest Minister of Qin, Addressed Marquis Rang (秦客卿造謂穰侯)
  • A Man of Wei Addressed Wei Ran (魏謂魏冉)
  • Someone Said to Wei Ran, "If the Peace Does Not Succeed" (謂魏冉曰和不成)
  • Someone Addressed Marquis Rang (謂穰侯)
  • Someone Said to Wei Ran, "If Chu Breaks Qin" (謂魏冉曰楚破秦)
  • The Five States Withdrew From Chenggao (五國罷成睪)
  • Master Fan Entered Qin Through Wang Ji (范子因王稽入秦)
  • Fan Sui Arrived in Qin (范睢至秦)
  • The Marquis of Ying Addressed King Zhao (應侯謂昭王)
  • Qin Attacked Han and Besieged Xing (秦攻韓圍陘)
  • The Marquis of Ying Said: The Men of Zheng Call Unworked Jade "Pu" (應侯曰鄭人謂玉未理者璞)
  • The Officers of the World Gathered Together in Zhao for the Vertical Alliance (天下之士合從相聚於趙)
  • Someone Said to the Marquis of Ying, "Have You Taken Mafu Captive?" (謂應侯曰君禽馬服乎)
  • Someone Said to the Marquis of Ying, "Have You Captured the Lord of Mafu?" (謂應侯曰君禽馬服乎)
  • The Marquis of Ying Lost Runan in Han (應侯失韓之汝南)
  • Qin Attacked Handan (秦攻邯鄲)
  • Cai Ze Was Driven Out of Zhao (蔡澤見逐於趙)
• Strategies of Qin, 4 (秦策四)
  • Qin Took Hanzhong from Chu (秦取楚漢中)
  • The Lord of Xue Entered Wei and Sent Away the Woman of Qi (薛公入魏而出齊女)
  • The Three States Attacked Qin and Entered Hangu (三國攻秦入函谷)
  • King Zhao of Qin Spoke to His Attendants (秦昭王謂左右)
  • Chu and Wei Fought at Mount Xing (楚魏戰於陘山)
  • The Chu Envoy Jing Li Was in Qin (楚使者景鯉在秦)
  • The King of Chu Sent Jing Li to Qin (楚王使景鯉如秦)
  • The King of Qin Wished to See Dun Ruo (秦王欲見頓弱)
  • The Twentieth Year of King Qingxiang (頃襄王二十年)
  • Someone Persuaded the King of Qin on Behalf of the Six States (或為六國說秦王)
• Strategies of Qin, 5 (秦策五)
  • Someone Said to the King of Qin (謂秦王)
  • The King of Qin Disputed with Zhongqi (秦王與中期爭論)
  • Xian Ze Spoke to Gongsun Xiao (獻則謂公孫消)
  • Lou Wu Made a Pact between Qin and Wei (樓𠵦約秦魏)
  • Lou Wu Makes a Pact Between Qin and Wei (樓𠵦約秦魏)
  • Lü Buwei of Puyang Trades at Handan (濮陽人呂不韋賈於邯鄲)
  • The Marquis of Wenxin Wishes to Attack Zhao to Enlarge Hejian (文信侯欲攻趙以廣河間)
  • The Marquis of Wenxin Flees (文信侯出走)
  • Four States Join as One to Attack Qin (四國為一將以攻秦)

Translation

Strategies of Qin, 1 (秦策一)

Wey Yang Flees Wei and Enters Qin (衛鞅亡魏入秦)

Wey Yang (衛鞅) fled from Wei (魏) and entered Qin. Duke Xiao made him chancellor and enfeoffed him at Shang, and he was styled Lord Shang. Lord Shang governed Qin. The laws and ordinances were carried out to the utmost; he was fair and without private favor; in punishing he did not shrink from the strong and great, and in rewarding he showed no partiality to his own intimates. The law reached even the heir apparent, and his tutor was branded on the forehead and had his nose cut off. Within a year, what was dropped on the road was not picked up, the people took nothing that was not theirs, arms and armor grew very strong, and the feudal lords were afraid. Yet he was harsh and deep and sparing of kindness, and he had merely subdued them by force.

Duke Xiao had practiced these measures eight years when he fell ill and could not rise from it. He wished to hand the state over to Lord Shang, who declined and would not accept it. When Duke Xiao was dead and King Hui had succeeded in his place, and had presided over the government a little while, Lord Shang asked leave to go home.

Someone persuaded King Hui, saying: "When a great minister is too weighty, the state is in danger; when those at a ruler's side are too intimate, his own person is in danger. Now in Qin the women and the infants all speak of Lord Shang's law, and none speaks of Your Majesty's law. Thus Lord Shang has become the ruler instead, and Your Majesty has become the subject. Moreover, Lord Shang is by his very position Your Majesty's enemy. I would have Your Majesty take thought of it."

Lord Shang went off and came back again, and King Hui had him torn apart by chariots; and the people of Qin did not pity him.

Su Qin First Proposes the Horizontal Alliance (蘇秦始將連橫)

Su Qin (蘇秦), when he first intended to promote the Horizontal alliance, persuaded King Hui of Qin, saying: "Your Majesty's state has in the west the profits of Ba, Shu, and Hanzhong; in the north the use of Hu marten and Dai horses; in the south the barrier of Mount Wu and Qianzhong; in the east the strongholds of Yao and Hangu. The fields are rich and fine, the people are numerous and wealthy, the war chariots number ten thousand and the men who charge and strike a million; there are a thousand li of fertile plain, abundant stores, and a lie of the land convenient for both attack and defense. This is what is called the Treasury of Heaven, the mightiest state in the world. With Your Majesty's worth, with the multitude of your officers and people, with the use of your chariots and cavalry, with your instruction in the arts of war, you may annex the feudal lords, swallow the world, and rule with the title of Emperor. I beg Your Majesty to give it a little attention, and let me set before you what it will accomplish."

The king of Qin said: "I have heard that one whose feathers and plumage are not yet full cannot fly high; that where the statutes are not complete one cannot punish; that where virtue is not thick one cannot employ the people; that where government and instruction are not in accord one cannot trouble the great ministers. Now you, sir, have come in all gravity, counting a thousand li no distance, to teach me in my court. I would ask for another day."

Su Qin said: "I did suspect that Your Majesty would be unable to use me. In antiquity the Divine Farmer attacked Bosui; the Yellow Emperor attacked Zhuolu and captured Chi You; Yao attacked Huandou; Shun attacked the Three Miao; Yu attacked Gonggong; Tang attacked the house of Xia; King Wen attacked Chong; King Wu attacked Zhou (紂); Duke Huan of Qi took up war and became hegemon over the world. Looking at it from this, how can there be anyone who does not fight?

"In old times the envoys' chariots dashed hub against hub, words bound state to state, and the world was made one. They pledged the Vertical alliance and joined the Horizontal, and arms and armor were never put away. Men of letters embellished together, and the feudal lords fell into confusion; ten thousand affairs arose at once, and they could not be put in order. When the statutes and articles were complete, the people grew full of false conduct; when the documents and tablets were thick and muddled, the hundred families had not enough. High and low grieved at one another, and the people had nothing to rely on. Words made plain and principles made clear, and yet armor and arms rose the more. Clever speech and marvelous dress, and yet battle and assault did not cease. Elaborate citation and ornamented phrases, and yet the world was not governed. Tongues worn out and ears grown deaf, and no success was seen. Righteousness practiced and good faith pledged, and the world was not brought into friendship.

"At that point they cast aside letters and took up arms, richly maintained men who would die, joined their armor and sharpened their weapons, and sought their victory on the field of battle. To stand idle and gain profit, to sit at ease and widen one's land — even the Five Emperors, the Three Kings, and the Five Hegemons of antiquity, enlightened rulers and worthy lords, constantly wished to sit still and bring it about, but their circumstance did not allow it, and so they carried it on by war. At long range the two armies attack one another; at close quarters they grip the halberd and thrust; and only then can a great achievement be established. Therefore when the army conquers abroad, righteousness is strong at home; when awe is established above, the people submit below.

"Now if you wish to annex the world, to override the states of ten thousand chariots, to make enemy states bow, to command all within the seas, to cherish the common people as your children and make subjects of the feudal lords — without arms it cannot be done. But the rulers who inherit today are careless of the highest Way; all are muddled about instruction, confused about governing, lost in words, bewildered by talk, sunk in argument, drowned in phrases. Judging by this, Your Majesty will certainly be unable to act."

He submitted his memorials to the king of Qin ten times over, and his persuasion was not carried out. His black sable coat wore out, his hundred catties of gold were spent, his funds and supplies ran dry, and he left Qin and went home. His leggings bound up and straw sandals on his feet, his books on his back and his bag on his shoulder, his form and features withered, his face dark and sallow, his look one of shame. When he reached his house his wife did not come down from her loom, his sister-in-law would not cook for him, his father and mother would not speak with him. Su Qin sighed and said: "My wife does not take me for a husband, my sister-in-law does not take me for a brother-in-law, my father and mother do not take me for a son. All this is Qin's doing."

That night he opened his books, laid out several dozen chests, and found the stratagems of the Yin Fu of the Grand Duke. He bent over them and recited them, sifting and refining them into the art of sizing up men and working upon them. When he grew sleepy over his reading, he took an awl and stabbed himself in the thigh, and the blood ran down to his feet. He said: "How can a man persuade a ruler and fail to draw out his gold and jade, his brocade and embroidery, and take for himself the honor of minister and chancellor?" In a year his art of sizing up and working upon men was complete, and he said: "Now truly I can persuade the rulers of this age!"

Thereupon he passed close by the watchtower of Yanwuji and had audience with the king of Zhao beneath the lofty hall, and there they talked, striking palm upon palm. The king of Zhao was greatly delighted and enfeoffed him as Lord of Wu'an. He received the chancellor's seal, with a hundred leather war chariots, a thousand bolts of embroidered silk, a hundred pairs of white jade discs, and ten thousand yi of gold to follow behind him, to bind the Vertical alliance and scatter the Horizontal, and so to hold down mighty Qin.

So Su Qin was chancellor in Zhao, and the passes were closed against Qin. At that time, for all the greatness of the world, the multitude of the myriad people, the awe of kings and lords, the power of the counselling ministers, all were willing to have matters settled by Su Qin's plans. Without spending a peck of grain, without troubling a single soldier, without one officer going into battle, without one bowstring snapped or one arrow broken, the feudal lords were made friends with one another, closer than brothers. Truly, when a worthy man is present the world submits; when one man is employed the world follows. Hence the saying: use government, not courage; use what lies within the corridors and the ancestral hall, not what lies beyond the four borders.

At the height of Su Qin's greatness ten thousand yi of gold were at his disposal; his wheels rolled and his riders followed in train, dazzling upon the roads; and the states east of the mountains followed him as grass bends before the wind, and made Zhao greatly weighty. Yet Su Qin was no more than a man of a blind alley with a hole for a gate, a mulberry-wood door and a bent-branch hinge; and now, leaning on the crossbar of his carriage and reining in his horses, he crossed the world from end to end, spoke in the courts to the kings of the feudal lords, stopped the mouths of their attendants, and no one in the world could match him.

He was about to go and persuade the king of Chu, and his road took him through Luoyang. When his father and mother heard of it, they cleaned the house and swept the road, set out music and laid on drink, and went thirty li into the outskirts to meet him. His wife looked at him from the corner of her eye and listened with inclined ear; his sister-in-law crawled like a snake upon her belly, made four obeisances, knelt, and begged his pardon. Su Qin said, "Sister-in-law, why so haughty before and so humble now?" His sister-in-law said, "Because Jizi's station is honorable and his gold is much." Su Qin said: "Alas! In poverty a man's father and mother will not own him for a son; in wealth and rank his kin stand in awe of him. When a man lives in this world, can power and station, wealth and rank, be lightly regarded!"

King Hui of Qin Speaks to Hanquanzi (秦惠王謂寒泉子)

King Hui of Qin said to Hanquanzi: "Su Qin has deceived me. He would use the wit of one man to turn the lords east of the mountains this way and that, and by the Vertical alliance deceive Qin. Zhao indeed relies upon its multitude, and therefore it first sent Su Qin with silk and money to bind the feudal lords by covenant. But the feudal lords cannot be made one: it is as plain as that fowls tied together cannot all settle on one roost. I am indignant, and I have harbored my anger many days. I wish to send Wu'anzi Qi to go and make my meaning known to them."

Hanquanzi said: "That will not do. For assaulting cities and throwing down towns, send Wu'anzi. For making our state stand well with the feudal lords, send the guest minister Zhang Yi."

King Hui of Qin said, "I receive your instruction."

Ling Xiang Speaks to the King of Qin (泠向謂秦王)

Ling Xiang said to the king of Qin: "I wished to make Qi serve Your Majesty, and so I had it attack Song. If Song is broken, the state of Jin is endangered, and Anyi becomes Your Majesty's. Yan and Zhao will hate the joining of Qi and Qin, and will surely cut off land to make terms with Your Majesty. Qi too will surely hold Your Majesty weighty. Thus my attacking Song is a way to frighten Qi and to make Your Majesty weighty. Why then should Your Majesty be displeased at my attacking Song? I took Your Majesty's clearsightedness to have known this beforehand, and so I did not speak of it."

Zhang Yi Persuades the King of Qin (張儀說秦王)

Zhang Yi (張儀) persuaded the king of Qin, saying: "I have heard that to speak without knowing is want of wisdom, and to know and not to speak is want of loyalty. A subject who is disloyal deserves death, and one whose words are not weighed also deserves death. Even so, I wish to state in full what I have heard, and let Your Majesty judge my offense.

"I have heard that the world, with Yan on its dark side and Wei on its bright, has linked Jing (荊, Chu) to it and made Qi fast, has gathered up what is left of Han and completed the Vertical alliance, and means to face west and south to make trouble for Qin. I privately laugh at this. The age has three roads to ruin, and the world has taken them all — is this not what was meant? I have heard it said: 'He who attacks order with disorder perishes; he who attacks the upright with the crooked perishes; he who attacks the compliant with the contrary perishes.'

"Now the treasuries and armories of the world are not full and the round and square granaries are empty; yet they call out all their officers and people and spread out armies of some millions. With bare blades before them and the axe and the block behind them, they still turn and run and cannot die. The fault is that their common people cannot die and their superiors cannot put them to death. Reward is spoken of and not given, punishment is spoken of and not carried out; and because reward and punishment are not carried out, the people will not die.

"Now Qin issues its orders and carries out reward and punishment, and those with merit and those without are dealt with accordingly. Its men come out from their father's and mother's arms, and though they have never in their lives seen an enemy, at the word of battle they stamp their feet and bare their arms, breast the naked blade, tread on hot coals, and go resolved to die before the ranks — such men come one after another. To resolve on death and to resolve on life are not the same thing; and that the people do it is because they prize daring. One man can overcome ten, ten a hundred, a hundred a thousand, a thousand ten thousand, and ten thousand can overcome the world.

"Now the land of Qin, cutting off the long to piece out the short, is some thousands of li square, and its famous armies number some millions. In the orders and the rewards and punishments of Qin, in the advantages and dangers of its terrain, there is nothing in the world like it. With these set against the world, the world is not enough to be annexed and possessed. Thus it may be known that Qin has never fought without conquering, never attacked without taking, never met an adversary it did not break. It has opened up land for some thousands of li, and this is a very great achievement.

"And yet the armor and weapons are worn, the officers and people are sick, the stores are exhausted, the fields lie waste, the granaries are empty, the feudal lords on the four sides do not submit, and the name of hegemon-king is not achieved. For this there is no other cause than that the counselling ministers have none of them exhausted their loyalty.

"I venture to speak of former times. In the past Qi broke Jing in the south, broke Song in the center, subdued Qin in the west, broke Yan in the north, and in the center commanded the rulers of Han and Wei. Its land was broad and its arms strong; it won its battles and took what it attacked and issued its commands to the world. The clear Ji and the muddy He were enough to serve it as a boundary; the Long Wall and the Great Dyke were enough to serve it as a barrier. Qi was a state that had fought on five fronts; it lost one battle, and there was no more Qi. Looking at it from this, then, war is the life and death of a state of ten thousand chariots.

"And I have heard it said: 'Pare away the stump and dig out the root; do not dwell as a neighbor to disaster, and disaster will not remain.' Qin fought with the men of Jing and greatly broke Jing; it fell upon Ying and took Dongting, the Five Capitals, and the lands south of the Jiang. The king of Jing fled and ran away and hid himself eastward at Chen. At that time, had Qin followed Jing up with troops, Jing could have been carried off; and Jing once carried off, its people would have been enough to covet and its land enough to profit by. In the east Qin could then have weakened Qi and Yan, and in the center overtopped the three Jin. Thus at a single stroke the name of hegemon-king could have been achieved and the feudal lords of the four quarters brought to court. But the counselling ministers would not do it: they drew off the army and withdrew and made peace with the men of Jing. Now the men of Jing have gathered up their lost state, collected their scattered people, set up the altar of the soil and its tablet, and established their ancestral temple, and are made to lead the world westward and make trouble for Qin. In this the way of hegemon-king was already lost once.

"The world had a common purpose and encamped below Hua; Your Majesty broke them by a stratagem, and the troops reached the outer wall of Liang and besieged Liang for several tens of days, so that Liang could have been taken. Take Liang, and Wei could have been carried off; carry off Wei, and the joint purpose of Jing and Zhao would have been severed. Sever the purpose of Jing and Zhao, and Zhao would be in danger; Zhao in danger, and Jing left alone. In the east Qin could then have weakened Qi and Yan and in the center overtopped the three Jin; and thus at a single stroke the name of hegemon-king could have been achieved and the feudal lords of the four quarters brought to court. But the counselling ministers would not do it: they drew off the army and withdrew and made peace with the house of Wei, and let the house of Wei gather up its lost state, collect its scattered people, set up the altar of the soil and its tablet, and establish its ancestral temple. In this the way of hegemon-king was already lost a second time.

"Formerly, when the Marquis of Rang governed Qin, he used the troops of one state and wished by them to accomplish the work of two states. Therefore the troops were all their lives exposed to sun and rain abroad, and the officers and people wasted and sick at home, and the name of hegemon-king was not achieved. In this the way of hegemon-king was already lost a third time.

"The house of Zhao is a state in the middle, where a mixed people dwells. Its people are light and hard to employ; its orders are not enforced, its rewards and punishments are not trusted, the lie of its land is unfavorable, and those above cannot draw out the full strength of their people. It has in truth the shape of a doomed state; yet it took no thought for its commoners, but called out all its officers and people and encamped below Changping, to contend for Shangdang of Han. Your Majesty broke them by a stratagem and took Wu'an.

"At that time high and low in Zhao were not attached to one another and noble and base did not trust one another, and Handan could not have been held. Take Handan, make Hejian whole, draw off the army and go, attack Xiuwu in the west, cross the Sheep's Gut pass, and bring Dai and Shangdang to submission; and the thirty-six counties of Dai and the seventeen counties of Shangdang, without the use of one suit of armor, without the troubling of one commoner, would all have been Qin's. Dai and Shangdang without a battle would already have been Qin's; Dongyang and the lands beyond the He without a battle would already have gone back to Qi; and the country north of the Hutuo without a battle would already have been Yan's. And so, if Zhao were carried off, Han must perish; and if Han perished, Jing and Wei could not stand alone. Jing and Wei unable to stand alone, then at a single stroke Han would be ruined, Wei eaten hollow, Jing hemmed in, and in the east Qi and Yan weakened; and you could break the mouth of the waters at Baima and flood the house of Wei. At one stroke the three Jin would perish and the Vertical allies be defeated. Your Majesty could then have folded his hands and waited, and the world would have followed in a string and submitted, and the name of hegemon-king could have been achieved. But the counselling ministers would not do it: they drew off the army and withdrew and made peace with the house of Zhao.

"With Your Majesty's clearsightedness and the strength of Qin's arms, the enterprise of hegemon-king and the honor of its territory could not be got, and instead you were deceived by a doomed state. This is the clumsiness of the counselling ministers. Moreover, Zhao ought to have perished and did not perish, Qin ought to have been hegemon and was not; and the world took the measure of Qin's counselling ministers once. Then again all the troops were called out and Handan was attacked and could not be taken; they cast away armor and weapons and, angry and trembling, fell back; and the world took the measure of Qin's strength a second time. The army then drew off and gathered below Li; Your Majesty again combined the armies and pressed them into battle, but could win no great victory over them, and both sides gave over and drew back; and the world took the measure of Qin's strength a third time. Within, they have measured our counselling ministers; without, they have gauged our military strength to its limit.

"Looking at it in this way, I hold that the Vertical alliance of the world will hardly be a hard thing for them. Within, our armor and weapons are worn, our officers and people sick, our stores exhausted, our fields waste, our granaries empty; without, the common purpose of the world is very firm. I would have Your Majesty give thought to this.

"And I have heard it said: Trembling and fearful, be more careful each day than the last. If a man is truly careful in his way, the world may be his. How do I know it is so? In antiquity Zhou (紂) was Son of Heaven and led a million armored men of the world; on the left they drank at the valley of the Qi and on the right at the waters of the Huan, and the Qi ran dry and the Huan ceased to flow; and with these he made trouble for King Wu of Zhou. King Wu led three thousand suits of plain armor and fought a single day, broke the state of Zhou (紂), took his person, seized his land and possessed his people; and there was none in the world who did not grieve.

"Zhi Bo led the multitudes of three states to attack Lord Xiang of Zhao at Jinyang. He broke the waters and flooded him, and for three years the city was on the point of falling. Lord Xiang laid out the tortoise, counted the yarrow stalks and read the cracks, to see where profit and harm lay and which state could be brought over; and then he sent Zhang Mengtan. Thereupon Mengtan went out in secret, overturned the covenant of Zhi Bo, obtained the multitudes of the two states, attacked the state of Zhi Bo and took his person, and so accomplished the achievement of Lord Xiang.

"Now the land of Qin, cutting off the long to piece out the short, is some thousands of li square, and its famous armies number some millions; and in the orders, rewards, and punishments of the state of Qin, and in the advantages and dangers of its terrain, there is nothing in the world like it. With these set against the world, the world may be annexed and possessed.

"Braving death, I have hoped to see Your Majesty and to state the means by which at one stroke to break the Vertical alliance of the world, to carry off Zhao and destroy Han, to make subjects of Jing and Wei, to make friends of Qi and Yan, and so to achieve the name of hegemon-king and the way of bringing the feudal lords of the four quarters to court. Let Your Majesty try my counsel; and if at a single stroke the Vertical alliance of the world is not broken, Zhao not carried off, Han not destroyed, Jing and Wei not made subjects, Qi and Yan not made friends, the name of hegemon-king not achieved, and the feudal lords of the four quarters not brought to court, then let Your Majesty behead me and parade me through the state, as a mark against those who counsel their ruler without loyalty."

Zhang Yi Wishes to Borrow Qin Troops to Rescue Wei (張儀欲假秦兵以救魏)

Zhang Yi wished to borrow Qin troops in order to rescue Wei. Zuo Cheng said to Gan Mao (甘茂): "You should not give them to him. If Wei does not send the Qin troops back, Zhang Yi will not come back to Qin. If Wei does send the Qin troops back, Zhang Yi will have got his wish in Wei and will not dare come back to Qin. And if Zhang Yi does not abandon Qin, he will certainly hold you in high esteem."

Sima Cuo Disputes with Zhang Yi before King Hui of Qin (司馬錯與張儀爭論於秦惠王前)

Sima Cuo (司馬錯) disputed with Zhang Yi before King Hui of Qin. Sima Cuo wished to attack Shu; Zhang Yi said, "Better to attack Han." The king said, "Let me hear the argument."

Zhang Yi replied: "Make friends with Wei and be on good terms with Chu; send troops down into the Three Rivers; block the mouths of Huanyuan and Goushi and command the road at Tunliu. Let Wei cut off Nanyang and Chu come up to Nanzheng, while Qin attacks Xincheng and Yiyang and so comes up to the outskirts of the two Zhou domains, punishing the offense of the lords of Zhou and encroaching upon the lands of Chu and Wei. Zhou, knowing itself past rescue, will surely give up the Nine Cauldrons and its treasures. Hold the Nine Cauldrons, take in hand the maps and registers, and with the Son of Heaven in your grasp give commands to the world, and there will be none in the world who dare disobey. This is the work of a king.

"Now Shu is a remote state in the west and a chief among the Rong and Di. To wear out our arms and weary our multitudes there is not enough to make a name, and to gain its land is not enough to be a profit. I have heard it said: 'Those who contend for fame do it at court; those who contend for profit do it in the market.' Now the Three Rivers and the house of Zhou are the market and the court of the world; and Your Majesty does not contend there, but on the contrary contends among the Rong and Di. That is far indeed from the work of a king."

Sima Cuo said: "Not so. I have heard that he who would enrich his state works to widen its land; that he who would strengthen his arms works to enrich his people; that he who would be king works to broaden his virtue. When these three resources are complete, kingship follows after. Now Your Majesty's land is small and his people poor, and therefore I would begin with what is easy.

"Shu is a remote state in the west and a chief among the Rong and Di, and it has the disorder of a Jie or a Zhou. To attack it with Qin is like setting wolves after a flock of sheep. Take its land, and it will be enough to widen the state; get its wealth, and it will be enough to enrich the people. Put the troops in repair without injuring the multitude, and Shu will already have submitted. Thus you may pluck up a whole state and the world will not call it violence; you may drain the profit of the western sea and the feudal lords will not call it greed. At one stroke both name and substance are ours, and we have besides the name of curbing violence and setting disorder right.

"But to attack Han now and lay hands on the Son of Heaven — to lay hands on the Son of Heaven is an evil name, and not necessarily a profit; it has besides the name of unrighteousness, and it is to attack what the world does not want. That is danger. Let me state the reason. Zhou is the ancestral house of the world; Qi is a state allied with Han and Zhou. When Zhou knows that it is to lose the Nine Cauldrons and Han knows that it is to lose the Three Rivers, the two states will surely join their strength and lay their plans together, relying upon Qi and Zhao and seeking relief from Chu and Wei. They will give the cauldrons to Chu and the land to Wei, and Your Majesty will not be able to stop them. This is what I call danger; it is not so sound as attacking Shu."

King Hui said, "Good. I will listen to you."

In the end troops were raised and Shu attacked; in the tenth month it was taken, and Shu was thereupon settled. The ruler of Shu had his title changed to marquis, and Chen Zhuang was made chancellor of Shu. Once Shu was attached to Qin, Qin grew stronger and richer and made light of the feudal lords.

Zhang Yi Ruins Chuli Ji (張儀之殘樗里疾)

When Zhang Yi set about ruining Chuli Ji (樗里疾), he had him honored and sent as envoy to Chu, and then had the king of Chu ask Qin on his behalf that he be made chancellor. Zhang Yi said to the king of Qin: "The reason Chuli Ji was honored and sent was to make an alliance for the state. Now that his person is in Chu, the king of Chu asks on his behalf that he be made chancellor in Qin. I have heard that he said, 'Does Your Majesty wish to corner Yi in Qin? Let me help Your Majesty.' The king of Chu thought this right, and therefore asks on his behalf that he be made chancellor. If Your Majesty truly listens to it, he will surely make the state serve the king of Chu."

The king of Qin was greatly enraged, and Chuli Ji fled the country.

Zhang Yi Wishes to Give Hanzhong to Chu (張儀欲以漢中與楚)

Zhang Yi wished to give Hanzhong to Chu, and said to the king of Qin: "To hold Hanzhong is a canker. A tree planted where it does not belong is sure to be harmed by men; a household that holds wealth unfitting to it is injured at the root. The southern border of Hanzhong serves the profit of Chu; it is a burden upon the state."

Gan Mao said to the king: "Is it true that he whose land is great has many cares? If there is a change in the world, Your Majesty may cut off Hanzhong and make peace with Chu, and Chu will surely turn its back on the world and side with Your Majesty. If Your Majesty gives Hanzhong to Chu now, then when there is a change in the world, with what will Your Majesty buy Chu?"

Chu Attacks Wei; Zhang Yi Speaks to the King of Qin (楚攻魏張儀謂秦王)

Chu attacked Wei. Zhang Yi said to the king of Qin: "Better to help Wei and make it strong. If Wei wins the battle, it will listen to Qin again and will surely hand over the lands beyond the Western He; if it does not win, Wei will not be able to hold out, and Your Majesty will certainly take them."

The king acted on Zhang Yi's words. He took ten thousand troops from Pishi and a hundred chariots and gave them to Wei. Xishou defeated King Wei of Chu; but Wei's troops were worn out, and in fear of Qin it did in the end present the lands beyond the Western He.

Tian Shen, on Behalf of Chen Zhen, Persuades King Hui of Qin (田莘之為陳軫說秦惠王)

Tian Shen, on behalf of Chen Zhen (陳軫), persuaded King Hui of Qin, saying: "I fear that Your Majesty may fare as the lord of Guo did. Duke Xian of Jin wished to attack Guo, but feared that Zhou Zhiqiao was still there. Xun Xi said, 'The Documents of Zhou have the saying: a beautiful woman breaks the tongue.' So he sent Guo women musicians, to throw its government into disorder. Zhou Zhiqiao remonstrated and was not heeded, and so departed; and thereupon Jin attacked Guo and broke it.

"Duke Xian then wished to attack Yu, but feared that Gong Zhiqi was still there. Xun Xi said, 'The Documents of Zhou have the saying: a beautiful man breaks the elder.' So he sent Yu a beautiful youth and taught him to speak ill of Gong Zhiqi. Gong Zhiqi remonstrated and was not heeded, and so fled; and thereupon Jin attacked Yu and took it.

"Now Qin takes itself for a king, and the state that can harm a king is Chu. Chu knows that the Lord of Hengmen is skilled in the use of troops, and knows his soldiering together with the wisdom of Chen Zhen; and therefore it has flattered Zhang Yi with the five states. When he comes, he will surely speak ill of these two men. I would have Your Majesty not listen."

Zhang Yi did indeed come and take his leave, and thereupon spoke of Chen Zhen; but the king was angry and would not listen.

Zhang Yi Again Slanders Chen Zhen to the King of Qin (張儀又惡陳軫於秦王)

Zhang Yi again slandered Chen Zhen to the king of Qin, saying: "Zhen races back and forth between Chu and Qin. Now Chu is no better disposed toward Qin, but is well disposed toward Zhen; that being so, Zhen acts for himself and not for the state. Besides, Zhen wishes to leave Qin and go to Chu. Why does Your Majesty not permit it?"

The king said to Chen Zhen, "I hear that you wish to leave Qin and go to Chu. Is it true?" Chen Zhen said, "It is." The king said, "Then Zhang Yi's words are true after all."

He said: "It is not Zhang Yi alone who knows it; every man on the road knows it. It is said: 'Xiao Ji loved his parents, and the world wished to have him for a son; Zixu was loyal to his ruler, and the world wished to have him for a subject. A servant or a concubine who is sold within his own lane is a good servant or concubine; a divorced wife who marries again in her own village is a good wife.' If I were not loyal to my ruler, how would Chu take Zhen for a loyal man? Loyal and yet cast off — if I do not go to Chu, where am I to go?"

The king of Qin said, "Good," and so kept him.

Chen Zhen Leaves Chu for Qin (陳軫去楚之秦)

Chen Zhen left Chu for Qin.

Zhang Yi said to the king of Qin: "Chen Zhen is Your Majesty's subject, yet he constantly conveys the secrets of the state to Chu. I cannot serve alongside him. I would have Your Majesty drive him out; and if he goes back to Chu, I would have Your Majesty put him to death." The king said, "How would Zhen dare go to Chu?"

The king summoned Chen Zhen and told him: "I am able to listen to what you say. Where do you wish to go? Let me have a carriage made ready for you." He replied, "I wish to go to Chu." The king said, "Zhang Yi takes you for a man who will go to Chu, and I myself know that you will go to Chu. If not to Chu, where else would you go!"

Zhen said: "When I go out, I shall go to Chu on purpose, so as to follow the reckoning of Your Majesty and of Zhang Yi and to make plain whether I am for Chu or not. A man of Chu had two wives. Someone made advances to the elder, and she cursed him; he made advances to the younger, and the younger consented. Not long after, the man with the two wives died. A guest said to the man who had made the advances, 'Will you take the elder or the younger?' 'I shall take the elder.' The guest said, 'The elder cursed you and the younger answered you; why do you take the elder?' He said, 'While she was in that man's house, I wished her to consent to me; now that she is to be my wife, I wish her to curse other men for my sake.'

"Now the king of Chu is an enlightened ruler and Zhao Yang is a worthy chancellor. If Zhen, being a subject, constantly conveyed the secrets of the state to the king of Chu, the king would surely not keep me, and Zhao Yang would not serve alongside me. By this it will be plain whether I am for Chu or not."

Zhen went out and Zhang Yi came in and asked the king, "Where has Chen Zhen gone after all?" The king said: "Zhen is the world's master of argument. He looked at me steadily and said, 'Zhen will certainly go to Chu.' So there was nothing I could do about it. I therefore asked him, 'If you must go to Chu, then Zhang Yi's words are true after all!' Zhen said, 'It is not Zhang Yi's words alone; every man on the road knows it. In antiquity Zixu was loyal to his ruler, and all the world wished to have him for a subject; Xiao Ji loved his parents, and all the world wished to have him for a son. Thus a servant or concubine who is bought without leaving his own lane is a good servant or concubine, and a divorced wife who marries within her own village is a good wife. If I were not loyal to Your Majesty, what would Chu want with Zhen? Loyal and still cast off — if Zhen does not go to Chu, where is he to go?'"

The king thought this right, and thereafter treated him well.

Strategies of Qin, 2 (秦策二)

Qi Helps Chu Attack Qin (齊助楚攻秦)

Qi helped Chu attack Qin and took Quwo. Afterward Qin wished to attack Qi; but the relations of Qi and Chu were good, and King Hui was troubled by it. He said to Zhang Yi, "I wish to attack Qi, but Qi and Chu are just now on friendly terms. Think it out for me — what is to be done?" Zhang Yi said, "Let Your Majesty make ready a carriage for me and gather the gifts, and let me try it."

Zhang Yi went south and saw the king of Chu, saying: "There is no one whom the king of my poor state esteems more than Your Majesty, and no one whose subject I, Yi, more desire to be than Your Majesty. There is no one whom the king of my poor state hates more than the king of Qi, and no one whom I, Yi, hate more than the king of Qi. Now the offenses of the king of Qi against the king of my poor state are very heavy, and my poor state wishes to attack him; but your great state is on friendly terms with him, and for that reason the king of my poor state cannot be served and obeyed, and I cannot be your subject. If Your Majesty can indeed close his passes and break with Qi, let me have the king of Qin present the land of Shangyu, six hundred li square. If this is done, Qi must grow weak, and Qi weakened must be at Your Majesty's service. Thus in the north Qi is weakened, in the west a kindness is done to Qin, and Your Majesty takes the land of Shangyu privately for his own profit. By this one plan three profits come at once."

The king of Chu was greatly delighted and announced it in his court, saying, "I have got the fields of Shangyu, six hundred li square." All the ministers who heard and saw offered congratulations. Chen Zhen came in last and alone did not congratulate him. The king of Chu said, "Without troubling one soldier or wounding one man I have got the land of Shangyu, six hundred li; I think myself wise in this. All the officers and grandees congratulate me, and you alone do not. Why?" Chen Zhen replied, "I see that the land of Shangyu cannot be got and that trouble is sure to come, and therefore I do not dare congratulate you idly." The king said, "How so?"

He replied: "The reason Qin holds Your Majesty weighty is that Your Majesty has Qi. Now, before the land can be got, Qi is broken with first; that leaves Chu alone, and why should Qin then hold a solitary state weighty? Besides, that Qin should hand over the land first and Qi be broken with afterward — Qin's reckoning will certainly not allow it. Break with Qi first and demand the land afterward, and you will surely be deceived by Zhang Yi; and deceived by Zhang Yi, Your Majesty will regret it. Thus in the west you breed trouble with Qin and in the north you cut off relations with Qi, and the armies of both states will surely come."

The king of Chu would not listen. He said, "My affair is well managed. Do you hold your tongue and say nothing, and wait upon my affair." The king of Chu sent men to break with Qi; and before the envoy had come back he sent again and broke with Qi a second time.

Zhang Yi went back. Qin sent a man as envoy to Qi, and the relations of Qi and Qin were secretly joined. Chu thereupon sent one of its generals to receive the land from Qin. When Zhang Yi arrived he pleaded illness and did not come to court. The king of Chu said, "Does Zhang Yi think that I have not broken with Qi?" He then sent a bold fellow to go and revile the king of Qi. When Zhang Yi knew that Chu had broken with Qi, he came out and saw the envoy and said, "From such a place to such a place, six li across and along." The envoy said, "I heard six hundred li; I did not hear six li." Yi said, "Yi is a small man; how should he have six hundred li?"

The envoy went back and reported to the king of Chu, and the king of Chu was greatly enraged and wished to raise an army and attack Qin. Chen Zhen said, "May I speak?" The king said, "You may." Zhen said: "To attack Qin is no plan. Your Majesty had better take this occasion to bribe Qin with one famous city and join it in attacking Qi. Then what we lose to Qin we take back in compensation from Qi, and the state of Chu is still whole. Now that Your Majesty has already broken with Qi and would call Qin to account for the deception, we are joining the relations of Qi and Qin, and shall certainly suffer great harm."

The king of Chu would not listen, and raised troops and attacked Qin. Qin joined with Qi, and the house of Han followed them; and the Chu army was heavily defeated at Duling. Thus it was not that the soil and the officers and people of Chu had grown weak; Chu barely escaped destruction because it lost the counsel of Chen Zhen and listened amiss to Zhang Yi.

Chu Breaks with Qi; Qi Raises Troops to Attack Chu (楚絕齊齊舉兵伐楚)

Chu broke with Qi, and Qi raised troops and attacked Chu. Chen Zhen said to the king of Chu, "Your Majesty had better use land to loosen Qi in the east and to come to terms with Qin in the west."

The king of Chu sent Chen Zhen to Qin. The king of Qin said to Zhen: "You are a man of Qin, and you and I are old acquaintances. I am without talent and could not attend closely to the business of the state, and so you abandoned me and served the king of Chu. Now Qi and Chu are attacking one another. Some say it is convenient to rescue them and some say it is not. Can you not, having given your loyal counsel to your own ruler, spare for me what is left over?"

Chen Zhen said: "Has Your Majesty alone not heard of the man of Wu who took service in Chu? The king of Chu loved him greatly. When he fell ill the king sent someone to ask after him, saying, 'Is he truly ill, or is he perhaps homesick?' Those about him said, 'We do not know whether he is homesick or not; but if he is truly homesick, he will hum the airs of Wu.' Now I shall hum the airs of Wu for Your Majesty.

"Has Your Majesty not heard the saying of Guan Yu? There were two tigers fighting over a man, and Guan Zhuangzi was about to stab them. Guan Yu stopped him, saying, 'The tiger is a fierce beast, and man is sweet bait. Now that two tigers are fighting over a man, the smaller will surely die and the larger will surely be wounded. Wait until one tiger is wounded and then stab it: at a single stroke you will get both tigers. You will be spared the toil of stabbing one tiger and will have the name of having stabbed two.'

"Qi and Chu are at war now, and in the fighting one of them must be beaten. When it is beaten, let Your Majesty raise troops and rescue it: you will have the profit of rescuing Qi without the harm of attacking Chu. To plan, to listen, and to know what turns back upon itself and what is to come — Your Majesty alone can do it. Planning is the root of affairs, and listening is the trigger of survival and ruin. Where the planning fails and the listening errs, few are able to hold a state. Therefore it is said: 'He whose plans are gone over once and twice is hard to lead astray; he whose listening loses neither root nor branch is hard to confuse.'"

King Hui of Qin Dies; Gongsun Yan Wishes to Corner Zhang Yi (秦惠王死公孫衍欲窮張儀)

King Hui of Qin died, and Gongsun Yan (公孫衍) wished to corner Zhang Yi. Li Chou said to Gongsun Yan: "You had better summon Gan Mao from Wei, summon Gongsun Xian from Han, and raise up Chuli Zi within the state. These three men are all enemies of Zhang Yi. If you employ them, the feudal lords will surely see that Zhang Yi has no hold on Qin."

The Lord of Yiqu Goes to Wei (義渠君之魏)

The lord of Yiqu went to Wei, and Gongsun Yan said to the lord of Yiqu: "The road is long, and I shall not be able to call upon you again. Let me tell you how matters truly stand." The lord of Yiqu said, "I should like to hear it." He replied: "If the Middle States have no business with Qin, then Qin will burn and seize your lordship's state; but if the Middle States are engaged with Qin, then Qin will be quick to send envoys with heavy gifts and to serve your lordship's state." The lord of Yiqu said, "I have respectfully heard your instruction."

Not long after, five states attacked Qin. Chen Zhen said to the king of Qin, "The lord of Yiqu is a worthy ruler among the Man and Yi. Your Majesty had better make him gifts and so soothe his heart." The king of Qin said, "Good," and thereupon sent the lord of Yiqu a thousand bolts of patterned embroidery and a hundred fine women.

The lord of Yiqu assembled his ministers and took counsel with them, saying, "This is the very thing that Gongsun Yan spoke of." He thereupon raised troops and fell upon Qin, and heavily defeated the men of Qin below Libo.

The Physician Bian Que Has Audience with King Wu of Qin (醫扁鵲見秦武王)

The physician Bian Que had audience with King Wu of Qin. King Wu showed him his ailment, and Bian Que asked leave to remove it. Those about the king said, "Your Lordship's ailment is in front of the ear and below the eye. Removing it may not put an end to it, and it will make the ear dull and the eye dim." The lord told this to Bian Que. Bian Que threw down his stone needle in anger and said: "Your Lordship took counsel in this with one who knows, and then ruined it with those who do not know. If the government of the state of Qin is known in this fashion, then Your Lordship will destroy the state at a single stroke."

King Wu of Qin Speaks to Gan Mao (秦武王謂甘茂)

King Wu of Qin said to Gan Mao: "I wish to open a chariot road through the Three Rivers and so peer into the house of Zhou; then, though I die, shall I not be imperishable?" Gan Mao replied, "Let me go to Wei and covenant with them to attack Han." The king ordered Xiang Shou to go with him as his second.

Gan Mao (甘茂) reached Wei and said to Xiang Shou (向壽): "Go back and tell the king: 'Wei has agreed to my proposal, yet I would have Your Majesty not attack.' If the affair succeeds, the whole of the credit shall be counted as yours." Xiang Shou went back and told the king, and the king went out to meet Gan Mao at Xirang (息壤).

When Gan Mao arrived, the king asked him his reason. He replied: "Yiyang (宜陽) is a great county. Shangdang (上黨) and Nanyang (南陽) have been piling up their stores in it for a long while. It is called a county, but in truth it is a commandery. Now Your Majesty would put a whole series of natural strongholds behind you and march a thousand li to attack it. That will be hard.

"I have heard that Zhang Yi (張儀) in the west annexed the lands of Ba and Shu, in the north took the territory beyond the Western River, and in the south took Shangyong; yet the world did not think much of Zhang Yi for it, but held the former king to be the worthy man.

"Marquis Wen of Wei (魏文侯) ordered Yue Yang (樂羊) to take command and attack Zhongshan (中山). In three years he took it. When Yue Yang came back and spoke of his achievement, Marquis Wen showed him a box full of letters slandering him. Yue Yang bowed twice, touched his head to the ground, and said: 'This was not my achievement. It was my lord's strength.'

"Now I am a sojourning servant. Chuli Ji (樗里疾) and Gongsun Yan (公孫衍), those two men, will take the side of Han and argue against me, and Your Majesty will certainly listen to them. Then Your Majesty will have deceived Wei, and I shall bear the resentment of Gongzhong Chi (公仲侈).

"Long ago Zengzi (曾子) was living at Fei. A man of Fei who had the same personal name and the same surname as Zengzi killed someone. A man told Zengzi's mother, 'Zeng Shen has killed a man.' Zengzi's mother said, 'My son does not kill men,' and went on weaving as before. After a while another man said, 'Zeng Shen has killed a man.' His mother still went on weaving as before. A little later, a third man told her, 'Zeng Shen has killed a man.' Then his mother was frightened; she threw down her shuttle, climbed over the wall, and fled.

"With Zeng Shen's worth, and with his mother's trust in him, three men made her doubt, and even a loving mother could not keep her faith. My worth does not reach Zengzi's, and Your Majesty's trust in me is not what his mother's was in him; and those who will suspect me are not merely three. I fear that Your Majesty too will throw down the shuttle on my account."

The king said, "I will not listen to them. Let me swear a covenant with you." And so he swore a covenant with him at Xirang.

He did attack Yiyang, and after five months could not take it. Chuli Ji and Gongsun Yan, the two of them, were at hand, and argued against it before the king. The king was about to listen to them, and summoned Gan Mao to tell him so. Gan Mao replied, "Xirang is over there." The king said, "So it is." He thereupon raised the whole of his army and again sent Gan Mao to attack, and Yiyang was taken.

In the Yiyang Campaign, Feng Zhang Addressed the King of Qin (宜陽之役馮章謂秦王)

In the Yiyang campaign, Feng Zhang (馮章) said to the king of Qin: "If we do not take Yiyang, Han and Chu will take advantage of our exhaustion, and the state will surely be in danger. It would be better to promise Chu the Hanzhong region and so make her glad. If Chu is glad and does not advance, Han will be isolated and will be able to do nothing against Qin."

The king said, "Good." He duly sent Feng Zhang to promise Chu Hanzhong, and Yiyang was taken. The king of Chu, on the strength of that word, demanded Hanzhong of Feng Zhang. Feng Zhang said to the king of Qin: "Let Your Majesty then banish me, and thereupon say to the king of Chu: 'I never had any land at all to promise the king of Chu.'"

Gan Mao Attacked Yiyang (甘茂攻宜陽)

Gan Mao attacked Yiyang. Three times the drums were beaten, and the soldiers still would not go up. A commandant under the Right General of Qin said to him: "If you will not order your troops by the rules of war, you will fall into great difficulty."

Gan Mao said: "I am a sojourner, and what won me the chancellorship of Qin was that I baited the king with Yiyang. Now if I attack Yiyang and do not take it, Gongsun Yan and Chuli Ji will break me within, and Gongzhong will drive me to the wall from outside with the help of Han. That is the end of my days of martial achievement. Tomorrow I shall have the drums beaten, and if the place still does not fall, I shall make the outer wall of Yiyang my grave."

Then he brought out his private gold to add to the public rewards. The next day the drums were beaten, and Yiyang fell.

Yiyang Was Not Yet Taken (宜陽未得)

Yiyang was not yet taken, the dead and wounded of Qin were many, and Gan Mao wished to rest his troops. Zuo Cheng (左成) said to Gan Mao: "Within, you are under attack from Chuli Ji and Gongsun Yan; without, you have made an enemy of Han Chi (韓侈). If you now use your troops and achieve nothing, you will certainly be driven to the wall. It would be better to press the attack on Yiyang. If Yiyang is taken, your merit will be great, and then Chuli Ji and Gongsun Yan will have nothing to work with, and the multitude of Qin will resent them deeply."

In the Yiyang Campaign Chu Turned From Qin and Joined With Han (宜陽之役楚畔秦而合於韓)

In the Yiyang campaign, Chu turned away from Qin and joined with Han. The king of Qin was afraid. Gan Mao said: "Though Chu has joined Han, she will not open the fighting on the Han house's behalf; and Han for her part fears that, once the fighting begins, Chu may change at her back. Han and Chu are certain to hold each other in check. Chu speaks of siding with Han, and yet leaves no store of resentment against Qin. That is how I know that they check one another."

The King of Qin Addressed Gan Mao (秦王謂甘茂)

The king of Qin said to Gan Mao: "The guests whom Chu sends here as envoys are mostly forceful men. They contend with me in argument, and again and again I am reduced to silence. What is to be done about it?"

Gan Mao replied: "Your Majesty need not be troubled. When it is a forceful man who comes as envoy, do not grant his business; when it is a soft and weak man who comes as envoy, be sure to grant it. Then the soft and weak will be employed and the forceful will not, and Your Majesty may control them by that."

Gan Mao Fled Qin and Was About to Go to Qi (甘茂亡秦且之齊)

Gan Mao fled from Qin and was about to go to Qi. As he came out through the pass he met Master Su (蘇子), and said: "Have you heard, sir, of the maidens on the river?"

Master Su said, "I have not."

He said: "Among the maidens on the river there was one whose family was poor and who had no candle. The maidens talked it over together and wished to send her away. The one whose family was poor and who had no candle was about to go, and said to the maidens: 'Because I have no candle, I always come first, sweep the room, and spread out the mats. Why grudge the light left over that shines on the four walls? If you would be so good as to grant it to me, what harm is it to you? I count myself of use to you; why then send me away?' The maidens talked it over, thought her right, and kept her.

"Now I am a man without worth, cast out and driven from Qin, and I have come out through the pass. I would sweep the room and spread the mats for you. I beg you not to drive me away."

Master Su said, "Good. Let me make you weigh heavily in Qi."

Then he went west and persuaded the king of Qin, saying: "Gan Mao is a worthy man, no ordinary officer. He has been a man of weight in Qin through several reigns. From the barriers of Xiao to the ravines and valleys, he knows every difficulty and ease of the terrain. Should he use Qi to bind Han and Wei, and turn to plot against Qin, that will be no advantage to Qin."

The king of Qin said, "What then is to be done?"

Su Dai (蘇代) said: "It would be best to make the gifts you send him rich and the emoluments you offer him generous, and so welcome him back. When he comes, place him at Huai Valley (槐谷) and never let him out as long as he lives. Then how could the world plot against Qin?"

The king of Qin said, "Good." He granted him the rank of senior minister and sent to Qi to welcome him with the office of chancellor.

Gan Mao declined and did not go. Su Qin then, under a pretense, said to the king of Qi: "Gan Mao is a worthy man. Qin has now granted him the rank of senior minister and sends to welcome him with the chancellorship; but Gan Mao is grateful for Your Majesty's gifts, and therefore does not go — he wishes to be Your Majesty's servant. With what courtesy will Your Majesty treat him now? If Your Majesty does not keep him, he will certainly feel no gratitude to you. And if a man of Gan Mao's worth gets sole use of the multitudes of a strong Qin, he will be hard to deal with."

The king of Qi said, "Good." He granted him the rank of senior minister and by command settled him there.

Gan Mao Was Chancellor of Qin (甘茂相秦)

Gan Mao was chancellor of Qin. The king of Qin was fond of Gongsun Yan, and taking a private moment with him over an appointment that was to be made, said to him with his own mouth: "I am going to make you chancellor." An officer of Gan Mao's overheard it along the way and reported it to Gan Mao. Gan Mao thereupon went in to see the king and said: "Your Majesty has found a worthy chancellor. I venture to bow twice and offer my congratulations."

The king said, "I have entrusted the state to you. Where should I find another worthy chancellor?"

He replied, "Your Majesty is about to make Xishou (犀首) chancellor."

The king said, "How did you hear of it?"

He replied, "Xishou told me."

The king was angry with Xishou for letting it out, and drove him away.

Gan Mao Bound Qin and Wei Together to Attack Chu (甘茂約秦魏而攻楚)

Gan Mao bound Qin and Wei together to attack Chu. Qu Gai (屈蓋), the man of Chu who served as chancellor in Qin, made peace with Qin on Chu's behalf, and Qin opened the passes and gave audience to the envoys of Chu.

Gan Mao said to the king of Qin: "If you are lured by Chu and do not let Wei have the ordering of the peace, Chu will certainly say, 'Qin has sold Wei.' Wei will be displeased and will join with Chu; and if Chu and Wei become one, I fear the state will be injured. It would be better for Your Majesty to let Wei have the ordering of the peace. If Wei has the ordering of the peace, she will surely be pleased; and if Your Majesty is not hated by Wei, the land she puts into your keeping will surely be much."

The Affair of Xingshan (陘山之事)

In the affair of Xingshan (陘山), Zhao was about to join Qin in attacking Qi. Qi was afraid, and sent Tian Zhang (田章) to come to terms with Zhao by ceding Yangwu (陽武) and to deliver Shunzi (順子) as a hostage. The king of Zhao was pleased, halted his troops, and made report to Qin, saying: "Qi has bestowed Yangwu on our poor city and delivered up Shunzi, wishing thereby to be released from the attack. I venture to inform your officers."

The king of Qin sent Prince Ta (公子他) to Zhao, who said to the king of Zhao: "Qi joined with your great state in rescuing Wei and then went back on the agreement; she cannot be trusted or relied upon. Your great state held this to be without righteousness, informed our poor city of it, and bestowed on us the land of two altar-towns for the support of our sacrifices. Now you halt your troops and are about to join with Qi and receive her land. This is beyond your envoy's understanding. Let us add forty thousand men in armor; your great state may decide."

Su Dai, on behalf of Qi, presented a letter to Marquis Rang (穰侯), saying: "I have heard those who come and go say: 'Qin is about to add forty thousand men in armor to Zhao's forces to attack Qi.' I privately assured the king of our poor city: 'The king of Qin is clear-sighted and practiced in calculation, and Marquis Rang is wise and versed in affairs. They will certainly not add forty thousand men in armor to Zhao's forces to attack Qi.' Why so?

"The three Jin states, bound together, are the deep enemies of Qin. The three Jin have turned their backs on Qin a hundred times and cheated Qin a hundred times, and men do not hold them faithless, do not hold them lacking in conduct. Now to break Qi and thereby fatten Zhao — and Zhao is the deep enemy of Qin — is no advantage to Qin. That is the first point.

"The planners of Qin will surely say: 'Break Qi and wear out Jin, and thereafter master the victory over Jin and Chu.' But Qi is a worn-out state, and to strike her with the whole world is like bursting a boil with a crossbow of a thousand jun. How could the king of Qin master Jin and Chu by that? That is the second point.

"If Qin sends out few troops, Jin and Chu will not trust her; if she sends out many, Jin and Chu will find themselves controlled by Qin. Qi in her fear will certainly not run to Qin, but will run to Jin and Chu. That is the third point.

"If Qi cuts off land to fill out Jin and Chu, then Jin and Chu are secure; and if Qi raises troops and levels her sword on their behalf, then it is Qin that takes the blow. That is the fourth point.

"So Jin and Chu use Qin to break Qi, and use Qi to break Qin. How wise are Jin and Chu, and how foolish are Qi and Qin! That is the fifth point.

"Qin has obtained Anyi (安邑). If she treats Qi well and thereby keeps it secure, she will certainly be without trouble. With Anyi in Qin's hands, Han and Wei must lose Shangdang. Which is more profitable — to take the bowels and stomach of the three Jin, or to send out troops and fear that they will not come back? Therefore I privately assured the king of our poor city: 'The king of Qin is clear-sighted and practiced in calculation, and Marquis Rang is wise and versed in affairs. They will certainly not add forty thousand men in armor to Zhao's forces to attack Qi.'"

Queen Dowager Xuan of Qin Loved Wei Choufu (秦宣太后愛魏醜夫)

Queen Dowager Xuan of Qin (秦宣太后) loved Wei Choufu (魏醜夫).

The queen dowager fell ill and was about to die. She issued an order: "When I am buried, Master Wei must be interred with me as a companion in death." Master Wei was distressed at it. Yong Rui (庸芮) spoke to the queen dowager on Master Wei's behalf, saying: "Do you hold that the dead have knowledge?"

The queen dowager said, "They have no knowledge."

He said: "If Your Majesty's own spirit clearly knows that the dead have no knowledge, why bury for nothing a living man you love with a dead person who has no knowledge? And if the dead do have knowledge, then the former king's anger has been gathering for a long time. Your Majesty will not have enough leisure to make good that fault; what leisure would you have for private favor to Wei Choufu?"

The queen dowager said, "Good," and let the matter drop.

Strategies of Qin, 3 (秦策三)

The Lord of Xue, on Wei's Behalf, Addressed Wei Ran (薛公為魏謂魏冉)

The Lord of Xue (薛公), on Wei's behalf, said to Wei Ran (魏冉): "I, Wen, have heard that the king of Qin wishes to use Lü Li (呂禮) to win over Qi and so bring the world to order. If he does, you will certainly count for less. Once Qi and Qin come together and bear down upon the three Jin, Lü Li will surely hold the chancellorship of both. That is to win over Qi and thereby make Lü Li weigh heavily. And once Qi is free of the world's armies, her enmity toward you will be deep.

"It would be better for you to urge the king of Qin to let our poor city finish the business of attacking Qi. When Qi is broken, I ask leave to enfeoff you with what is gained. When Qi is broken, Jin will be strong; and the king of Qin, fearing the strength of Jin, will certainly make much of you in order to secure Jin. Qi will give our poor city over to Jin, and Jin, unable to hold out against Qin, will certainly make much of you in order to serve Qin. Thus you break Qi and count it your merit, and you hold Jin in your grasp and count it your weight. Break Qi and your fief is settled, and both Qin and Jin will make much of you. But if Qi is not broken and Lü Li is employed again, you will be driven into great straits."

Zao, a Guest Minister of Qin, Addressed Marquis Rang (秦客卿造謂穰侯)

Zao (造), a guest minister of Qin, said to Marquis Rang: "Qin enfeoffed you with Tao (陶), and for some years now the weight of the world has been lent to you through it. If the business of attacking Qi succeeds, Tao will be a state of ten thousand chariots, chief over the small states, leading them to court before the Son of Heaven; the world will surely obey, and this is the work of the Five Hegemons. If the attack on Qi does not succeed, Tao will be a neighbor's anxiety, with nothing to hold it. So the attack on Qi is, for Tao, the very pivot of survival and ruin.

"If you wish to bring it about, why not send a man to say to the chief minister of Yan: 'The sage cannot make his own time; when the time comes, he does not let it slip. Shun for all his worth, had he not met Yao, could not have become Son of Heaven; Tang and Wu for all their worth, had they not faced Jie and Zhou, would not have been kings. So even with the worth of Shun, Tang, and Wu, without meeting their time they could not have become emperors and kings. Now this attack on Qi is your great time.

"'To use the strength of the world to punish Qi, the enemy state, to avenge the shame of King Hui, to complete the achievement of King Zhao, to remove a harm of ten thousand generations — this is Yan's long profit and your own great name. The Documents say: In planting virtue, nothing is like increase; in removing harm, nothing is like completeness. Wu did not destroy Yue, and so Yue destroyed Wu; Qi did not destroy Yan, and so Yan destroyed Qi. Qi was ruined by Yan, and Wu was ruined by Yue: this comes of not rooting out the sickness completely.

"'If you do not use this time to complete your achievement and remove your harm, then should Qin suddenly have other business and side with Qi, and Qi and Zhao join together, their enmity toward you will be deep. They would take up your enemy's cause to have you put to death in Yan, and though you repented afterward, it could not be undone.

"'Bring out the whole force of Yan and strike hard at Qi, and the world will follow you as though it were avenging a father or a son. If you can truly destroy Qi, you will be enfeoffed south of the Yellow River, become a lord of ten thousand chariots, open a road through the Middle States, and to the south be neighbor to Tao, without trouble generation after generation. I would have you fix your whole mind upon attacking Qi and give no thought to anything else.'"

A Man of Wei Addressed Wei Ran (魏謂魏冉)

A man of Wei said to Wei Ran: "Have you heard, sir, what they are saying in the east?"

He said, "I have not."

"Xin (辛), Zhang Yang (張陽), and Wu Ze (毋澤) were speaking to the king of Wei, the Lord of Xue, and Gongshu (公叔), and they said: 'When we go to war, we carry the ancestral tablet with us and pledge the state in making our covenant with the king, and there will surely be no trouble. If there is any man who brings us to defeat, we ask that our necks be taken. Yet we have one anxiety. That the king of Chu should lean his whole state upon Ran, and thereby make war on our lords — this is our very great anxiety.'

"Now if you go east and on that account speak with Chu, you will be making Zhang Yi's words the words of Yu himself, and they will labor to ruin your affairs. It would be better for you to turn back to your own state, put Chu in your debt, and watch what the Lord of Xue will do for you. Look at what the three states have sought from Qin and could not obtain, and ask leave to proclaim it to the three states, so as to establish your credit with them. Look at what Zhang Yi and Ze could not obtain from the Lord of Xue, and ask it on their behalf, so as to make yourself weigh heavily."

Someone Said to Wei Ran, "If the Peace Does Not Succeed" (謂魏冉曰和不成)

Someone said to Wei Ran: "If the peace does not succeed, the troops will certainly go out, and Bai Qi (白起) will command again. If he wins the battle, he will certainly drive you to the wall; if he does not win, then Zhao must be served, and he will fall in behind you — and you will count for less still. You had better busy yourself with nothing else, and then it will come quickly."

Someone Addressed Marquis Rang (謂穰侯)

Someone said to Marquis Rang: "In planning a fief for you: to release Song from her guilt would deepen the anger of Qi. Rather destroy and punish disordered Song, put a strong Qi in your debt, and settle your own fief. This too is an opportunity of a hundred generations!"

Someone Said to Wei Ran, "If Chu Breaks Qin" (謂魏冉曰楚破秦)

Someone said to Wei Ran: "If Chu breaks Qin, Qin will not be able to hang level in the balance with Qi. For three reigns Qin has piled up campaigns against Han and Wei, while Qi's kindness to them has newly been added. If Qi and Qin contend with one another and Han and Wei give ear to the east, then Qin will be attacked.

"Qi holds the land of the eastern states, a thousand li square. Chu wraps in the Nine Yi, another thousand li square; in the south she has the barrier of Fuli (符離), in the north the mouth of Ganyu (甘魚). Weigh Song and Wey in the balance against her, and Song and Wey come to no more than E (阿) and Zhen (甄). Twice over is the profit of a thousand li hers, and in wealth she has sole command of the bondsmen of Yue. How then could Qin hang level in the balance with Qi over Han and Wei, or carve away piece by piece the rich lands of Fangcheng (方城) so as to press upon Zheng? Let her troops rest and rise again, and that alone will be enough to injure Qin; there is no need to wait for Qi."

The Five States Withdrew From Chenggao (五國罷成睪)

When the five states withdrew from Chenggao (成皋), the king of Qin wished to obtain the chancellorships of Han and Wei for the Lord of Chengyang (成陽君), and Han and Wei would not consent. The queen dowager of Qin, on Wei Ran's behalf, said to the king of Qin: "The Lord of Chengyang, for Your Majesty's sake, was in straits and lived in Qi. Now Your Majesty sees him risen and would gather him in. Can that draw his heart to you?"

The king said, "It cannot."

The queen dowager said: "To leave a man ungathered while he is in straits and to repay him once he has risen — I fear he will not be of use to Your Majesty. And to gather in the Lord of Chengyang is to lose the way with Han and Wei."

Master Fan Entered Qin Through Wang Ji (范子因王稽入秦)

Master Fan (范子) entered Qin through Wang Ji (王稽) and presented a letter to King Zhao, saying: "I have heard that when an enlightened ruler takes up the government, those who have merit cannot but be rewarded and those who have ability cannot but be given office; the greater a man's labor, the richer his emolument; the greater his merit, the higher his rank; the more men he can govern, the larger his office. Therefore the incapable do not dare take up such posts, and the capable are not kept hidden away. If Your Majesty holds my words to be acceptable, then act upon them and let their way grow more profitable; if you will not act upon them, there is no purpose in keeping me here long.

"The saying goes: 'A ruler of men rewards those he loves and punishes those he hates. The enlightened ruler is not so: reward must be laid upon those who have merit, and punishment must fall upon those who are guilty.' Now my breast is not enough to meet the chopping block, nor my waist enough to await the ax; how should I dare make trial upon Your Majesty with doubtful matters? Even if you count me base and hold me cheap and put me to shame, will you not give weight to the man who stood surety for me, that he may not afterward be shown false before Your Majesty?

"I have heard that Zhou had the Di'e, Song had the Jielü, Liang had the Xuanli, and Chu had He's uncut jade. These four treasures were things the craftsmen failed to know, and yet they became famed vessels of the world. If that is so, may not the man a sage king casts aside be enough to enrich the state and the household?

"I have heard that he who is good at enriching a household takes from the state, and he who is good at enriching a state takes from the feudal lords. When the world has an enlightened ruler, the feudal lords cannot enrich themselves at will. Why is this? Because he strips away their bloom. A good physician knows whether a sick man will live or die; a sage ruler is clear about the affairs of success and failure — what profits, he does; what harms, he lets go; what is doubtful, he tries a little. Even were Yao, Shun, Yu, and Tang to come to life again, they could not change this.

"The deepest of what I have to say I dare not set down in a letter, and the shallower part is not worth your hearing. Is it that I am foolish and do not fit Your Majesty's mind? Or is the man who spoke for me held base, so that he is not worth hearing? If it is not so, then my wish is this: grant me a little of the leisure of your walks and outings, that I may look upon you and be brought in."

The letter was sent up. The king of Qin was pleased with it, and thereupon thanked Wang Ji and told him his mind, sending men with a carriage to summon Fan.

Fan Sui Arrived in Qin (范睢至秦)

Fan Sui (范睢) arrived in Qin. The king welcomed him in the courtyard and said to Fan Sui: "I ought long since to have received your commands in person. Of late the business of Yiqu (義渠) has been urgent, and day by day I have had to make my requests to the queen dowager in person. Now the business of Yiqu is finished, and I may receive your commands in person. I am privately grieved at my own slowness. I respectfully observe the rites of host and guest." Fan Sui declined the honor.

That day, when Fan Sui was received, none of those who saw it failed to change color and countenance. The king of Qin dismissed his attendants, and the palace was empty of people. The king of Qin knelt and asked: "With what will you favor me by way of instruction, master?"

Fan Sui said, "Yes, yes."

After a moment the king of Qin asked again, and Fan Sui said, "Yes, yes." So it went three times.

The king of Qin raised himself upon his knees and said: "Will you not favor me with your instruction, master?"

Fan Sui excused himself and said: "I do not presume to that. I have heard that when Lü Shang (呂尚) first met King Wen, he was a fisherman angling on the bank north of the Wei. Such was their acquaintance: it was distant. Yet after one discourse he was set up as Grand Preceptor and taken up into the carriage and brought home, because his words went deep. So King Wen did in the end gather in achievement through Lü Shang, and at last held the world and set himself up as emperor and king. Had King Wen kept Lü Wang at a distance and not spoken deeply with him, then Zhou would have had no virtue of the Son of Heaven, and Kings Wen and Wu would have had no one with whom to complete their kingship.

"Now I am a sojourning servant; my acquaintance with Your Majesty is distant, and what I wish to set forth is all matters of correcting the ruler, standing as they do among the bone and flesh of your house. I wish to set out the poor loyalty that is in me, and I do not yet know Your Majesty's mind. That is why Your Majesty asked three times and I did not answer.

"It is not that I have something to fear and dare not speak. I know that if I speak today before you, tomorrow I may be put to death behind you; and still I do not dare to be afraid. If Your Majesty truly acts upon my words, then death is not enough to be a trouble to me, exile is not enough to be a grief to me, and to lacquer my body until I am a leper and let down my hair and play the madman is not enough to be a shame to me.

"The Five Emperors with all their sageness died; the Three Kings with all their benevolence died; the Five Hegemons with all their worth died; Wu Huo (烏獲) with all his strength died; Ben and Yu with all their courage died. Death is what no man can escape. To stand in a certainty like that and yet be able to be of some small help to Qin — this is my great wish; what have I to fear?

"Wu Zixu (伍子胥) was carried out through the Zhao Pass in a sack; he traveled by night and hid by day; he came to the waters of Ling with nothing to feed his mouth; he went crouching and crawling and begged food in the market of Wu; and in the end he raised up the state of Wu and made Helü a hegemon. If I might put forward my plans as Wu Zixu did, then even were I shut in a dungeon besides and never seen again as long as I lived, that would be my persuasion carried through; what should I grieve for?

"Jizi (箕子) and Jieyu (接輿) lacquered their bodies until they were lepers and let down their hair and played the madman, and it was of no benefit to Yin or to Chu. If I might act as Jizi and Jieyu acted, and by lacquering my body could help a ruler I hold worthy, that would be my great glory; what then should I be ashamed of?

"What I fear is this alone: that after my death the world will see that I gave my whole loyalty and yet fell dead, and that men will therefore stop up their mouths and bind up their feet, and none will be willing to come to Qin.

"Above, Your Majesty stands in awe of the queen dowager's severity; below, you are misled by the ways of treacherous ministers. You live deep within the palace and never leave the hands of your nurses and tutors. All your life you will be in darkness and confusion, with no one to light up treachery for you. At the worst, the ancestral temple will be overthrown and destroyed; at the least, your own person will be left alone and in danger. This is what I fear. As for the business of straits and disgrace and the calamity of death and exile, I do not dare to be afraid of them. If I die and Qin is well governed, that is better than living."

The king of Qin raised himself upon his knees and said: "Master, what words are these! Qin is a remote and out-of-the-way state, and I am foolish and unworthy; yet you have been so good as to come here. This is Heaven troubling you on my account and thereby preserving the temple of my forebears. That I may receive commands from you, master, is Heaven's favor to the former kings, not casting off their orphan. How can you speak so, master? In matters great and small, from the queen dowager above to the great ministers below, I would have you instruct me in all of it, and not hold back from me." Fan Sui bowed twice, and the king of Qin bowed twice as well.

Fan Sui said: "Your Majesty's state has Ganquan and Gukou in the north; the Jing and the Wei gird it in the south; Long and Shu lie to the right, the Pass and the Slope to the left. There are a thousand war chariots and a million men who strike with vigor. With the courage of Qin's soldiers and the multitude of her chariots and horse, to face the feudal lords is like loosing the hound Lu of Han upon a lame hare, and the work of hegemon and king may be attained. Yet now, on the contrary, the passes are shut and you dare not show your arms east of the mountains. This is because Marquis Rang has not planned faithfully for the state, and because Your Majesty's own calculations have gone astray in something."

The king said: "I should like to hear where my calculation has gone wrong."

Sui said: "For Your Majesty to go past Han and Wei and attack a strong Qi is no plan at all. Send out few troops, and they are not enough to injure Qi; send out many, and Qin is harmed by it. My guess is that Your Majesty's plan is to send out few troops of your own and to use up the whole armies of Han and Wei — but that is not fitting. And now you see that your allied states cannot be treated as kin. To cross another man's state and attack — can that be right? It is loose calculation.

"Long ago the men of Qi attacked Chu. They won the battle, broke the army, killed the general, and twice opened up a thousand li — and yet they got not an inch of land. Was it that Qi did not want land? The shape of things would not let her hold it. When the feudal lords saw Qi worn out and exposed in the open, and lord and ministers not close to one another, they raised troops and attacked her; the ruler was disgraced, the army was broken, and she was laughed at by the world. The reason was that in attacking Chu she had fattened Han and Wei. This is what is called lending weapons to a bandit and providing food for a thief.

"Your Majesty had better befriend the far and attack the near. Then an inch gained is Your Majesty's inch, and a foot gained is Your Majesty's foot. To set this aside now and attack far off — is that not perverse?

"And in former days the land of Zhongshan was five hundred li square, and Zhao alone took possession of it: the achievement was completed, the name was established, the profit was attached, and the world could do her no harm.

"Now Han and Wei lie in the midst of the states, the hinge of the world. If Your Majesty wishes to be hegemon, you must draw the central states close and make them the hinge of the world, and so overawe Chu and Zhao. If Zhao is strong, Chu will attach herself; if Chu is strong, Zhao will attach herself. When Chu and Zhao have attached themselves, Qi will certainly be afraid, and in her fear will use humble words and heavy gifts to serve Qin. When Qi has attached herself, Han and Wei can be emptied out."

The king said: "I wish to draw Wei close, but Wei is a state of many changes, and I cannot draw her close. May I ask how Wei is to be drawn close?"

Fan Sui said: "Serve her with humble words and heavy gifts. If that will not do, cut off land and bribe her with it. If that will not do, raise troops and attack her."

Thereupon troops were raised and Xingqiu (邢丘) was attacked; and when Xingqiu was taken, Wei asked to attach herself.

He said: "The shapes of the lands of Qin and Han interlace like embroidery. Qin's having Han is like a tree having a boring worm, or a man with a sickness in his heart and belly. If the world changes, nothing will do Qin greater harm than Han. Your Majesty had better gather Han in."

The king said: "I wish to gather Han in, but she will not listen. What is to be done about it?"

Fan Sui said: "Raise troops and attack Xingyang (滎陽), and the road to Chenggao will be closed; sever the road through Taihang in the north, and the troops of Shangdang cannot come down; strike once at Xingyang, and her state is cut into three. When Wei and Han see that they must perish, how can they fail to listen? Once Han listens, the work of hegemony can be accomplished."

The king said, "Good."

Fan Sui said: "When I lived east of the mountains, I heard that within Qi there was Tian Dan (田單); I did not hear of her king. I heard that Qin had a queen dowager, Marquis Rang, the Lord of Jingyang, and the Lord of Huayang; I did not hear that she had a king. Now, to hold the state in one's own hand is what is meant by a king; to have sole disposal of benefit and harm is what is meant by a king; to command the authority of life and death is what is meant by a king. As it is, the queen dowager acts as she pleases and looks to no one; Marquis Rang sends out envoys and makes no report; the Lords of Jingyang and Huayang strike and cut without scruple. That four such great ones should be complete and the state not be in danger — such a thing has never yet been. When these four are in place, then those below are, as the saying goes, without a king. That being so, how can the balance of power fail to tip, and how can commands issue from the king?

"I have heard: 'He who governs a state well makes his authority firm within and his power weighty without.' Marquis Rang's envoys wield Your Majesty's weight, carve up the feudal lords, split tallies throughout the world, summon enemies and attack states, and none dares disobey. When they win the battle and take what they attacked, the profit goes to Tao; when the state is worn out, it is controlled by the feudal lords; when they lose the battle, resentment gathers among the hundred families and the calamity falls upon the altars of land and grain. The Odes say:

When a tree's fruit is thick, it splits its branches;
when the branches split, the heart of the tree is hurt.
He who makes his cities great endangers his state;
he who exalts his ministers debases his lord.

"Nao Chi (淖齒) took the power of Qi into his own hand; he drew out King Min's sinews and hung him from a rafter of the temple, and within a night and a day he was dead. Li Dui (李兌) held power in Zhao and cut down the Ruling Father's food, and in a hundred days he starved to death.

"Now in Qin the queen dowager and Marquis Rang manage affairs, with the Lords of Gaoling and Jingyang assisting them, and in the end there is no king of Qin. These are of the same kind as Nao Chi and Li Dui. I see already that Your Majesty stands alone in temple and court, and I fear that those who hold the state of Qin in later ages will not be Your Majesty's descendants."

The king of Qin was afraid. Thereupon he set aside the queen dowager, drove out Marquis Rang, sent out the Lord of Gaoling, and made the Lord of Jingyang flee beyond the passes.

King Zhao said to Fan Sui: "In former times, when the duke of Qi got Guan Zhong (管仲), he made him the Uncle Zhong of his day. Now that I have got you, I too will make you my father."

The Marquis of Ying Addressed King Zhao (應侯謂昭王)

The Marquis of Ying (應侯) said to King Zhao: "Has Your Majesty heard of the spirit grove at Hengsi (恆思)? At Hengsi there was a bold young man who asked to play at dice with the grove, saying: 'If I beat the grove, the grove shall lend me its divine power for three days; if I do not beat the grove, the grove may afflict me.' Then with his left hand he cast for the grove and with his right hand he cast for himself. He beat the grove, and the grove lent him its divine power. After three days the grove went to ask for it back, and he would not give it back. In five days the grove withered; in seven days the grove was gone.

"Now the state is Your Majesty's grove, and power is Your Majesty's divine power. To lend such things to another — can it be without danger? I have never heard of a finger greater than an arm, or an arm greater than a thigh; if there were such a thing, the sickness would surely be grave. A hundred men carrying a gourd and hurrying along are not so good as one man holding it and running fast. If a hundred men really carried a gourd, the gourd would surely split.

"Now the state of Qin: the Lord of Huayang uses it, Marquis Rang uses it, the queen dowager uses it, and Your Majesty uses it too. If you do not reckon the gourd to be a vessel of that sort, well and good; but once you reckon the gourd such a vessel, the state must split. I have heard it said: 'When a tree's fruit is thick, its branches must split; when the branches split, the heart of the tree is hurt. When a city is great, it endangers the state; when a minister is strong, he endangers his lord.' Take the men of the towns, from those on a peck's ration upward, up to the commandants, the administrator of the interior, and Your Majesty's own attendants: is there one among them who is not the chancellor of state's man? While the state has no business, well and good; but when the state has business, I shall surely hear and see that Your Majesty stands alone in the courtyard. I privately fear for Your Majesty — I fear that after ten thousand generations those who hold the state will not be Your Majesty's descendants.

"I have heard that in antiquity those who governed well held their authority firm within and spread out their supports without, so that the government was ordered, neither confused nor thwarted, and envoys went by the straight road and dared do nothing wrong. Now the queen dowager's envoys carve up the feudal lords and spread her tallies through the world; they wield the power of a great state, levy troops by force, and attack the feudal lords. When they win the battle and take what they attacked, the whole profit goes to Tao; the coin and silk of the state are drained into the queen dowager's household; the profits within the borders are parceled out to Huayang. What antiquity called 'the road to endangering the ruler and destroying the state' must arise from this. These three great ones exhaust the state to make themselves secure. That being so, how can commands issue from the king, and how can the power fail to be divided? Truly our king holds but one part in three."

Qin Attacked Han and Besieged Xing (秦攻韓圍陘)

Qin attacked Han and besieged Xing (陘). Fan Sui said to King Zhao of Qin: "There are those who attack men and those who attack land. That Marquis Rang attacked Wei ten times and could not injure her was not because Qin was weak and Wei strong: it was because what he attacked was land. Land is what a ruler of men loves most dearly; and a ruler of men is one for whom his ministers gladly die. To attack what a ruler loves, and to fight men who are glad to die — this is why he attacked ten times and could not win.

"Now Your Majesty is about to attack Han and besiege Xing. I would have Your Majesty not attack her land alone, but attack her men. When Your Majesty attacks Han and besieges Xing, make Zhang Yi the matter of your speech. If Zhang Yi's power is great, he will cut off land to redeem himself with Your Majesty, and though he cuts off land, Han will not be exhausted. If Zhang Yi's power is small, then Your Majesty will drive Zhang Yi out and deal instead with one who is not Zhang Yi's equal. Then what Your Majesty seeks from Han may be had for the asking."

The Marquis of Ying Said: The Men of Zheng Call Unworked Jade "Pu" (應侯曰鄭人謂玉未理者璞)

The Marquis of Ying said: "The men of Zheng call unworked jade pu; the men of Zhou call an undried rat pu. A man of Zhou carrying his pu in his robe passed a merchant of Zheng and said, 'Do you wish to buy pu?' The merchant of Zheng said, 'I do.' He brought out his pu, and when the merchant looked at it, it was a rat. So he begged off and did not take it.

"Now the Lord of Pingyuan (平原君) counts himself worthy, and his name is illustrious in the world; yet he brought his own Ruling Father low at Shaqiu and made a subject of him. And still the kings of the world honor him. This is because the kings of the world have less sense than the merchant of Zheng: they are dazzled by the name and do not know the reality."

The Officers of the World Gathered Together in Zhao for the Vertical Alliance (天下之士合從相聚於趙)

The officers of the world, joined in the vertical alliance, gathered together in Zhao and wished to attack Qin. The Marquis of Ying, chancellor of Qin, said: "Your Majesty need not be troubled. Let me have it undone. Qin has no quarrel with the officers of the world; they gather together to attack Qin only because they themselves want wealth and rank. Your Majesty need only look at your own dogs: those lying lie, those standing stand, those walking walk, those halting halt, and none of them fights another. Throw them a single bone, and they leap up at once and bare their teeth at one another. Why? Because they have the intention of contending."

Thereupon Tang Ju (唐雎) was sent out with musicians and given fifty measures of gold. He settled at Wu'an (武安), held a great gathering and drank with them, and said: "Which of the men of Handan (邯鄲) will come and take it?" Now those who were the plotters could not yet be given anything; but those who could be given something became as brothers with him.

"When you reckon your merit with Qin, no one will ask where the gold has gone; the more of the gold is spent, the greater the merit. I am now sending men after you with another fifty measures of gold."

Tang Ju went, and by the time he had reached Wu'an he had not been able to scatter three thousand measures of gold before the officers of the world were bitterly fighting among themselves.

Someone Said to the Marquis of Ying, "Have You Taken Mafu Captive?" (謂應侯曰君禽馬服乎)

Someone Said to the Marquis of Ying, "Have You Captured the Lord of Mafu?" (謂應侯曰君禽馬服乎)

Someone said to the Marquis of Ying (應侯), "My lord, have you captured the Lord of Mafu?" He said, "We have." "And is Handan now besieged?" He said, "It is."

"When Zhao perishes, the king of Qin will be king over all, and the Lord of Wu'an (武安君) will be one of the Three Ducal Ministers. What the Lord of Wu'an has won for Qin in battle and taken by assault amounts to more than seventy cities; in the south he took away Yan and Ying and Hanzhong; he captured the army of Mafu, and did not lose a single suit of armor. Even the achievements of the Duke of Zhou and Lü Wang would go no further than this. When Zhao perishes and the king of Qin is king over all and the Lord of Wu'an is one of the Three Ducal Ministers, will you be able to stand below him? Even if you wish not to stand below him, it will not be in your power to refuse.

"Qin once attacked Xing in Han and was hard pressed at Shangdang, and the people of Shangdang all turned back and became men of Zhao. It is long since the people of the world took any pleasure in being subjects of Qin. Now if you attack Zhao, the northern lands will fall to Yan, the eastern lands to Qi, the southern lands to Chu and Wei; then what Qin gets will amount to hardly anything. Therefore it would be better to take the occasion to make Zhao cede territory, and to let that stand as the Lord of Wu'an's achievement."

The Marquis of Ying Lost Runan in Han (應侯失韓之汝南)

The Marquis of Ying lost Runan, his holding in Han. King Zhao of Qin said to the Marquis of Ying, "My lord has lost his domain. Does it grieve you?" The Marquis of Ying said, "Your servant is not grieved." The king said, "Why not?"

He said, "Among the men of Liang there was one Dongmen Wu. When his son died he was not grieved. His housekeeper said, 'Your love for your son was such as no man in the world had. Now your son is dead and you are not grieved. Why is this?' Dongmen Wu said, 'There was a time when I had no son. When I had no son I was not grieved. Now that my son is dead I am simply as I was when I had no son. What is there in it for me to grieve over?' Your servant too was once a younger son, and when I was a younger son I was not grieved. Now that I have lost Runan I am simply as I was when I was a younger son in Liang. What have I to grieve over?"

The king of Qin did not believe it and told Meng Ao (蒙傲), saying, "As things are with me, let one of my cities be besieged and food has no savor for me and I cannot lie easy on my mat. Now the Marquis of Ying has lost his land and says he is not grieved. Is this his true feeling?" Meng Ao said, "Let your servant get at his true feeling."

Meng Ao then went to see the Marquis of Ying and said, "Ao wishes to die." The Marquis of Ying said, "What do you mean?" He said, "The king of Qin treats you as his teacher; there is no one in the world who has not heard it, still less in the state of Qin. Now Ao holds by his standing in Qin the office of a general for the king and commands troops; yet small a thing as Han is, it openly defies punishment and has seized my lord's land. How is Ao still to live? Better to die." The Marquis of Ying bowed to Meng Ao and said, "I would entrust the matter to you, my lord." Meng Ao reported this to King Zhao.

From that time on, whenever the Marquis of Ying spoke of the affairs of Han, the king of Qin would not listen to him, taking him to be speaking on account of Runan and its people carried off.

Qin Attacked Handan (秦攻邯鄲)

Qin attacked Handan, and for seventeen months it did not fall. Zhuang said to Wang Ji (王稽), "Why do you not make gifts to the officers of the army?" Wang Ji said, "I stand with the king. I have no use for other men's words."

Zhuang said, "Not so. In a father's dealings with his son there are orders certain to be carried out and orders certain not to be. To say, 'Put away your honored wife, sell your favorite concubine' — that is an order certain to be carried out. But then to say, 'Do not dare so much as to think of them' — that is an order certain not to be carried out. The old woman who keeps the gate says, 'On such an evening such a young woman let such a gentleman in.' The honored wife has been put away and the favorite concubine has been sold, but the heart is not rid of them; and the wish to tell of a thing is something the human heart naturally has.

"Now though you enjoy the king's favor, it goes no further than the intimacy of father and son; and though the officers of the army are of low rank, they stand no lower than the old woman who keeps the gate. Moreover it is long since you began to monopolize your lord and make light of those below you. I have heard it said: 'Three men make a tiger; ten fellows bend a mallet. What many mouths shift will fly without wings.' Therefore I say it would be better to make gifts to the officers of the army and treat them with courtesy."

Wang Ji did not listen. The officers of the army were driven to extremity, and in the end they denounced Wang Ji and Du Zhi for treason.

The king of Qin was greatly angered and wished to put Fan Sui (范睢) to death along with them. Fan Sui said, "Your servant is a mean man of the eastern borderlands. I gave offense in Chu and in Wei and fled here as a runaway. Your servant had no backing among the feudal lords and no old ties of intimacy with you; yet the king raised your servant out of his wandering exile and gave him charge of affairs, and all the world has heard of your servant's person and of the king's raising him. Now, should I be taken for a benighted man of one mind with a criminal, and should the king openly put me to death, then the king's mistaken appointment will be displayed to the world and will be talked of among the feudal lords. Your servant asks for poison and the gift of death, and that as an act of favor he be buried with the rites of a chancellor. Then the king will surely not have let your servant's crime go unpunished, and yet will bear no name for a mistaken appointment." The king said, "There is something in it." So he did not kill him, but treated him well.

Cai Ze Was Driven Out of Zhao (蔡澤見逐於趙)

Cai Ze (蔡澤) was driven out of Zhao. He went into Han and Wei, and on the road his cooking pots were snatched from him. He heard that Zheng Anping and Wang Ji, the men the Marquis of Ying had put forward, both bore grave crimes, and that the Marquis of Ying was inwardly ashamed. So he went west into Qin. Meaning to see King Zhao, he sent a man to give it out abroad, so as to provoke the Marquis of Ying, saying, "Cai Ze, the guest from Yan, is a bold and mighty man of broad eloquence, one of the finest in the world. Let him once see the king of Qin, and the king of Qin will surely make him chancellor and take away your lordship's place."

The Marquis of Ying heard of it and sent a man to summon Cai Ze. Cai Ze came in and merely made him a bow with joined hands. The Marquis of Ying was already displeased, and when he saw him he found him arrogant besides. So he rebuked him, saying, "You have been giving out that you will replace me as chancellor of Qin. Is there such a thing?" He answered, "There is." The Marquis of Ying said, "Let me hear your argument."

Cai Ze said, "Ah! How late my lord is in seeing it! In the order of the four seasons, the one whose work is accomplished departs. In a man's life, limbs firm and strong, ears and eyes keen, mind wise and knowing — is this not what every gentleman wishes?" The Marquis of Ying said, "It is."

Cai Ze said, "To take benevolence for one's substance and hold fast to righteousness, to walk in the Way and spread virtue over the world, so that the world cherishes him, delights in him, honors and loves him and wishes to make him its lord and king — is this not what the eloquent and the wise set their hopes on?" The Marquis of Ying said, "It is."

Cai Ze said again, "To be rich, noble, illustrious and glorious; to bring the ten thousand things to order so that each of them finds its place; to have life and length of years, to fill out one's span without being cut short; for the world to carry on his line and keep up his enterprise and hand it down without end; for name and substance to be pure and whole; for his bounty to flow down a thousand generations, so that men praise him without ceasing and he lasts as long as the world — is this not the token of the Way, and what the sages call an auspicious and good thing?" The Marquis of Ying said, "It is."

Ze said, "Then take Lord Shang of Qin, Wu Qi of Chu, and the grandee Zhong of Yue. Are their ends also to be wished for?"

The Marquis of Ying knew that Cai Ze meant to corner him with his argument, and answered, "Why should they not be? Gongsun Yang served Duke Xiao. He gave himself to the utmost without a second thought; he was wholly for the public good and never turned back to his private interest; he made rewards and punishments trustworthy and so brought about good order; he exhausted his wisdom and ability, showed his true heart, took resentment and blame upon himself, deceived an old friend and made a captive of Prince Ang of Wei; and in the end he took generals prisoner for Qin, broke the enemy's armies, and seized a thousand li of land.

"Wu Qi served King Dao. He saw to it that private interest did not injure the public good and that slander did not obscure loyalty; in speech he did not take what merely pleased, in conduct he did not take what merely won favor; he practiced righteousness without regard to blame or praise; he was set on making his lord a hegemon and his state strong, and did not shrink from calamity.

"The grandee Zhong served the king of Yue. When his lord met with hardship and disgrace he gave his whole loyalty and did not slacken; though his lord was ruined and cut off, he spent all his powers and did not leave him; he had many merits and did not boast of them; he was rich and noble and was not made proud or idle by it.

"Men such as these three are righteousness at its height and the very measure of loyalty. Therefore the gentleman kills himself to accomplish his name; where righteousness lies, though his body die he has no regret. Why should this not be wished for?"

Cai Ze said, "When the lord is sagely and the ministers worthy, that is the good fortune of the world; when the ruler is enlightened and the ministers loyal, that is the good fortune of the state; when the father is kind and the son filial, the husband faithful and the wife chaste, that is the good fortune of the household. Thus Bi Gan was loyal and could not preserve Yin; Zixu was wise and could not preserve Wu; Shensheng was filial and Jin fell into confusion. Here were loyal ministers and filial sons, and yet the states were ruined and thrown into disorder. Why? Because there were no enlightened rulers and worthy fathers to listen to them. Therefore the world holds their lords and fathers in contempt, as men fit for execution, and pities their ministers and sons. If one must wait upon death before loyalty can be established and a name accomplished, then Weizi was not benevolent enough, Confucius was not sagely enough, and Guan Zhong was not great enough."

At this the Marquis of Ying called it well said.

Cai Ze, having got a small opening, went on: "Lord Shang, Wu Qi, and the grandee Zhong: as servants of their lords they gave their whole loyalty and brought their work to accomplishment, and so far their lot may be wished for. But Hong Yao served King Wen, and the Duke of Zhou assisted King Cheng. Were they not loyal too? Judging by ruler and minister together, whose lot is the more to be wished for — that of Lord Shang, Wu Qi, and the grandee Zhong, or that of Hong Yao and the Duke of Zhou?" The Marquis of Ying said, "Lord Shang, Wu Qi, and the grandee Zhong are not their equals."

Cai Ze said, "Then your lordship's own sovereign — in kindness and benevolence, in trusting the loyal, in not betraying old friends — how does he compare with Duke Xiao of Qin, King Dao of Chu, and the king of Yue?" The Marquis of Ying said, "I do not know how that may be."

Cai Ze said, "If your sovereign is indeed close to his loyal ministers, he does not go beyond Duke Xiao of Qin, the king of Yue, and King Dao of Chu. And in what my lord has done for his sovereign — setting disorder right, beating back troubles, breaking through difficulties, widening the land and planting grain, enriching the state, providing for households, strengthening the ruler, spreading his awe over all within the seas, making his merit shine ten thousand li beyond — you do not go beyond Lord Shang, Wu Qi, and the grandee Zhong. Yet my lord's emolument and rank are lofty and abundant and the wealth of his private house exceeds those three men's, and still he does not withdraw. I privately fear for you.

"The saying goes, 'When the sun stands at midday it moves on; when the moon is full it wanes.' That things at their height decline is the constant reckoning of Heaven; that there is advance and retreat, filling and shrinking, alteration and change, is the constant Way of the sage. Long ago Duke Huan of Qi assembled the feudal lords nine times and set the world right at a stroke; but at the meeting of Kuiqiu he wore a look of pride and self-satisfaction, and nine states revolted from him. King Fuchai of Wu had no match in the world; he made light of the feudal lords and rode over Qi and Jin, and so was killed and his state destroyed. Xia Yu and the Grand Scribe Qi could shout and startle three armies, and yet died at the hands of common fellows. All these rode upon the utmost height and failed to come back to the way of reason.

"Lord Shang, for Duke Xiao, evened the weights and balances, corrected the measures, adjusted the light and the heavy, broke open the field paths, and taught the people to plough and to fight. Therefore when the soldiers moved the land grew wider, and when the soldiers rested the state grew rich; so Qin had no match in the world and set up its awe among the feudal lords. His work was accomplished — and he was torn apart by chariots.

"Chu had a million men bearing halberds; Bai Qi led an army of some tens of thousands and fought against Chu. In one battle he took Yan and Ying; in a second he burned Yiling; in the south he annexed Shu and Han; and further, passing beyond Han and Wei, he attacked the strong state of Zhao, buried Mafu's men in pits in the north, and put to death and slaughtered a host of more than four hundred thousand. The blood that flowed made rivers, and the sound of its seething was like thunder; and he made Qin's undertaking an imperial one. From that time on Zhao and Chu were cowed into submission and did not dare attack Qin, and this was Bai Qi's doing. What he brought to submission in his own person was more than seventy cities. His work was accomplished — and he was given death at Duyou.

"Wu Qi, for King Dao of Chu, dismissed the incapable, discharged the useless, cut back offices that were not urgent, blocked the petitions of private houses, made the customs of the state of Chu one, attacked the Yang Yue in the south, annexed Chen and Cai in the north, broke the Horizontal alliance and scattered the Vertical, so that the travelling persuaders had nowhere to open their mouths. His work was accomplished — and in the end he was dismembered.

"The grandee Zhong, for the king of Yue, opened up the wild ground and founded towns, cleared land and planted grain, led the officers of the four quarters and joined the strength of high and low, so as to make a captive of the powerful Wu and accomplish the work of hegemony. Goujian in the end turned upon him and put him to death.

"These four men accomplished their work and did not depart, and disaster came upon them thus. This is what is called stretching out and not being able to bend back, going forth and not being able to return. Fan Li knew it; he rose above it and withdrew from the age, and was ever after Zhu of Tao.

"Has my lord alone never watched men at the gaming board? One will stake all upon a great throw; another will take his share of the winnings. All this you know well. Now my lord is chancellor of Qin: your plans do not leave your mat, your counsels do not go beyond the hall and the temple, and seated you control the feudal lords. You have drawn profit into the Three Rivers to fill Yiyang, breached the fastness of Yangchang, stopped up the mouth of Taihang, and cut through the road of the Fan and the Zhonghang; a plank road a thousand li long runs into Shu and Han; and you have made the whole world fear Qin. What Qin desired has been got, and my lord's merit is at its height. This too is the moment for Qin to divide the winnings! If at such a time you do not withdraw, then it will be with you as with Lord Shang, Lord Bai, Wu Qi, and the grandee Zhong. Why do you not at this moment give back the chancellor's seal, yield the place and hand it over to a worthy man? You would surely have the purity of Bo Yi; you would remain Marquis of Ying for good, and generation after generation your heirs would style themselves 'the solitary one'; and you would have the long life of Wang Qiao and Chi Song. How much better than ending in disaster! In this, then, where does my lord stand?"

The Marquis of Ying said, "Well said." And he led him in, seated him, and made him a guest of the first rank.

Some days later he went to court and said to King Zhao of Qin, "There is a guest newly come from east of the mountains, Cai Ze. The man is a persuader. Your servant has seen very many men, and none has been his equal; I myself am not his equal." King Zhao of Qin summoned and saw him, spoke with him, was greatly pleased with him, and appointed him a guest minister.

The Marquis of Ying thereupon pleaded illness and asked to give back the chancellor's seal. King Zhao pressed him to take up his duties again, but the Marquis of Ying declared that his illness was grave, and so was relieved of the chancellorship. King Zhao, newly pleased with Cai Ze's plans, thereupon appointed him chancellor of Qin, and in the east took over the house of Zhou.

Cai Ze was chancellor to the king of Qin for some months. Someone spoke ill of him; fearing execution, he pleaded illness and gave back the chancellor's seal, and was styled Lord Gangcheng. He remained in Qin more than ten years, serving King Zhao, King Xiaowen, and King Zhuangxiang, and at last served the First Emperor. He went as Qin's envoy to Yan, and within three years Yan sent its heir apparent, Dan, into Qin as a hostage.

Strategies of Qin, 4 (秦策四)

Qin Took Hanzhong from Chu (秦取楚漢中)

Qin took Hanzhong from Chu, fought a second battle at Lantian, and heavily defeated the army of Chu. Han and Wei, hearing that Chu was in difficulty, raided southward as far as Deng, and the king of Chu drew his forces home.

Afterward the three states plotted to attack Chu, but feared that Qin would come to its rescue. Someone advised the Lord of Xue (薛公): "You may send an envoy to tell Chu: 'The armies of the three states are now about to leave Chu. If Chu will answer us and join in attacking Qin, then even Lantian would be no hard thing to get — how much less the old lands of Chu!' Chu doubts that Qin will certainly rescue it, and now that the three states speak of departing, Chu's answer will surely be eager. Thus Chu and the three states will be seen to be plotting to draw out Qin's troops, and Qin, knowing of it, will certainly not come to the rescue. The three states will then press their attack on Chu hard, and Chu in its urgency will surely run to Qin; and Qin will be all the less willing to send out its troops. So we shall be cutting Qin off while we attack Chu, and our arms will surely succeed."

The Lord of Xue said, "Good." He then sent an envoy of weight to Chu, and Chu's answer was indeed eager. Thereupon the three states joined their strength and attacked Chu; Chu did report its urgency to Qin, and Qin did not dare send out troops. The great ministers were credited with the success.

The Lord of Xue Entered Wei and Sent Away the Woman of Qi (薛公入魏而出齊女)

The Lord of Xue entered Wei and had the woman of Qi sent away. Han Chun said to the king of Qin, "Why not take her to wife, and with Qi and Qin coerce Wei? Then Shangdang will be Qin's. If Qi and Qin join and set up Fuchu, and Fuchu is set up while his mother is in Qin, then Wei will be no more than a county of Qin. Min wishes to use Qi and Qin to coerce Wei and so embarrass the Lord of Xue; Zuo wishes to establish his younger brother. Let your servant, on the king's behalf, work through Min and Zuo. Wei will take fright and restore her, and Fuchu will make Wei serve Qin to the end of his days. And the woman of Qi, once she has entered Wei, will bear a grudge against the Lord of Xue, and will in the end make Qi serve the king."

The Three States Attacked Qin and Entered Hangu (三國攻秦入函谷)

The three states attacked Qin and entered Hangu Pass. The king of Qin said to Lou Huan (樓緩), "The armies of the three states have driven deep. I wish to cede Hedong and come to terms." He answered, "To cede Hedong is a great cost; to be freed of the state's calamity is a great gain. This is a charge for the fathers and elder brothers of the royal house. Why does the king not summon Prince Chi and ask him?"

The king summoned Prince Chi and asked him. He answered, "You will regret coming to terms, and you will regret not coming to terms." The king said, "How so?" He answered, "If the king cedes Hedong and comes to terms, then, though the three states withdraw, the king will surely say, 'What a pity! The three states were about to go anyway, and I gave three cities to send them off.' That is the regret of coming to terms. If the king does not come to terms, the three states will enter Hangu and Xianyang will surely be in danger; and then the king will say, 'What a pity! I grudged three cities and would not come to terms.' That is the regret of not coming to terms."

The king said, "My regrets being equal, I would rather regret the loss of three cities than regret the endangering of Xianyang. I am resolved to come to terms." In the end he sent Prince Chi to come to terms with the three states at the price of three cities, and their armies withdrew.

King Zhao of Qin Spoke to His Attendants (秦昭王謂左右)

King Zhao of Qin said to his attendants, "Han and Wei today — how do they compare in strength with what they were at first?" They answered, "They are not what they were." The king said, "And Ru Er and Wei Qi today — how do they compare in worth with Lord Mengchang and Mang Mao?" They answered, "They are not their equals." The king said, "With men as worthy as Lord Mengchang and Mang Mao leading the armies of a strong Han and a strong Wei to attack Qin, they could still do nothing against me. Now, with the incapable Ru Er and Wei Qi leading a weak Han and a weak Wei to attack Qin, that they can do nothing against me is plain enough." The attendants all said, "Very true."

Zhongqi (中期) pushed away his zither and answered: "The king's reckoning of the world is mistaken. In former days, in the time of the six houses of Jin, the Zhi were strongest. They destroyed and broke the Fan and the Zhonghang, and led Han and Wei to besiege Xiangzi of Zhao at Jinyang. They breached the Jin River to flood Jinyang, and the wall stood unsubmerged by only three boards' height. Zhi Bo went out to inspect the water, with Han Kangzi driving and Wei Huanzi riding beside him. Zhi Bo said, 'At first I did not know that water could destroy a man's state; now I know it. The Fen River would serve well to flood Anyi; the Jiang River would serve well to flood Pingyang.' Wei Huanzi nudged Han Kangzi with his elbow, and Kangzi trod on Wei Huanzi's foot and pressed his heel. Elbow and foot met upon the chariot, and the Zhi were already divided up. He himself died and his house perished, and he became the laughingstock of the world.

"Now Qin's strength cannot exceed Zhi Bo's, and Han and Wei, weak though they are, are still in a better case than Zhao was below the walls of Jinyang. This is precisely the moment when they are using elbow and foot. I would have the king not make light of them."

Chu and Wei Fought at Mount Xing (楚魏戰於陘山)

Chu and Wei fought at Mount Xing. Wei promised Qin Shangluo, so as to cut Qin off from Chu. Wei won the battle, and Chu was defeated at Nanyang. Qin demanded the promised payment of Wei, and Wei would not give it.

Ying Qian said to the king of Qin, "Why does the king not say to the king of Chu: 'Wei promised me land, and now that it has won the battle the king of Wei has turned his back on me. Why does your majesty not meet with me? Wei, fearing a union of Qin and Chu, will surely give Qin the land. Then Wei will have beaten Chu and lost land to Qin, and your majesty by means of Wei's land will have laid me under obligation, and what Qin brings to Chu will be rich indeed. Wei is weak; and if it will not hand over the land, then your majesty may attack it in the south while I cut it off in the west, and Wei will surely be in danger.'" The king of Qin said, "Good," and told this to Chu. The king of Chu gave it out openly that he would meet with Qin; the king of Wei heard of it, took fright, and delivered Shangluo to Qin.

The Chu Envoy Jing Li Was in Qin (楚使者景鯉在秦)

The Chu envoy Jing Li (景鯉) was in Qin, and he accompanied the king of Qin when the king met the king of Wei on the border. Chu was angry at Qin's joining with Wei. Zhou Zui said to the king of Chu, "Wei asked that it should not meet together with Chu, but should join with Qin; and that is why Li was present at the meeting. Our poor state held it good that he should be at the meeting, and that is why Qi did not join with them." The king of Chu therefore did not hold Jing Li at fault, and was grateful to Zhou and to Qin.

The King of Chu Sent Jing Li to Qin (楚王使景鯉如秦)

The king of Chu sent Jing Li to Qin. A guest said to the king of Qin, "Jing Li is greatly loved by the king of Chu, whose envoy he is. The king had better detain him and trade him for land. If the king of Chu consents, you get land without using troops; if the king of Chu does not consent, then kill Jing Li, and the next man he sends will be no match for Jing Li. This is an advantageous plan." The king of Qin then detained Jing Li.

Jing Li sent a man to persuade the king of Qin, saying, "Your servant sees that the king's weight will be made light in the world and that the land will not be got. When your servant came here as envoy, I heard that Qi and Wei were both about to cede land to serve Qin. The reason is that Qin and Chu are brother states. Now your majesty detains your servant, and this shows the world that you are without Chu. What weight will Qi and Wei then give to a state standing alone? When Chu learns that Qin stands alone, it will not give the land, but will make alliances abroad with the feudal lords in order to plot against you; then your altars of soil and grain will surely be in danger. Better to let your servant go." The king of Qin then let him go.

The King of Qin Wished to See Dun Ruo (秦王欲見頓弱)

The king of Qin wished to see Dun Ruo (頓弱). Dun Ruo said, "By my principles I do not perform the bow of a subject. If the king can have me come without bowing, well and good; if not, then I will not see him." The king of Qin allowed it.

Thereupon Master Dun said, "In the world there are those who have the substance of a thing but not the name of it; there are those who have the name of it but not the substance; and there are those who have neither the name nor the substance. Does the king know of this?" The king said, "I do not." Master Dun said, "Those who have the substance but not the name are the merchants. They neither grip the spade nor push the hoe, and yet they have the substance of piled-up grain: these have the substance without the name. Those who have the name but not the substance are the farmers. They plough when the thaw comes and hoe with their backs bared to the sun, and yet they have no substance of piled-up grain: these have the name without the substance. He who has neither the name nor the substance is the king himself. You have been set up as lord of ten thousand chariots, and you have not the name of a filial son; with a thousand li you provide support, and you have not the substance of filial conduct." The king of Qin flushed red with anger.

Dun Ruo said, "East of the mountains there are six warring states. Your awe does not cover the lands east of the mountains, and it covers your mother instead. I privately hold that your majesty should not do so." The king of Qin said, "Can the states established east of the mountains be annexed?" Master Dun said, "Han is the throat of the world; Wei is the breast and belly of the world. Let the king furnish your servant with ten thousand in gold to travel with, and let me go to Han and Wei and bring the ministers of their altars over to Qin; then Han and Wei will follow. Once Han and Wei follow, the world may be planned for." The king of Qin said, "My state is poor; I fear I cannot supply it." Master Dun said, "The world has never been without affairs; it is either the Vertical alliance or the Horizontal. If the Horizontal succeeds, then Qin is emperor; if the Vertical succeeds, then Chu is king. If Qin is emperor, then it will be supported in reverence by the world; if Chu is king, then though the king have ten thousand in gold, he will not have it for his own." The king of Qin said, "Good."

So he furnished him with ten thousand in gold and sent him to travel east to Han and Wei, and he brought over their generals and chancellors. He travelled north to Yan and Zhao, and Li Mu was killed. The king of Qi came to court, and the four states all followed: this was the work of Master Dun's persuasion.

The Twentieth Year of King Qingxiang (頃襄王二十年)

In the twentieth year of King Qingxiang, Bai Qi of Qin took Xiling of Chu; or, as some have it, he took Yan, Ying, and Yiling, and burned the tombs of the former kings. The king moved to the northeast and took refuge in the walled city of Chen. Chu was thereby pared down and weakened, and was held in contempt by Qin. Thereupon Bai Qi again led troops to attack it.

Among the men of Chu there was one Huang Xie (黃歇), who had travelled to study and was widely learned. King Xiang held him an able speaker and therefore sent him as envoy to Qin. He persuaded King Zhao, saying:

"There is nothing in the world stronger than Qin and Chu. Now I hear that your majesty wishes to attack Chu. This is like two tigers fighting each other while a sorry hound gets the profit of their exhaustion. Better to be on good terms with Chu. Let your servant state the case.

"Your servant has heard it said: 'A thing that reaches its extreme turns back — winter and summer are so. What is piled to the very top is in peril — stacked counters are so.'

"Now your great state's land is half the world and holds two of its marches; since men were first born, no domain of ten thousand chariots has ever had the like. Your late kings, King Wen and King Zhuang, and your majesty in your own person — three reigns — have not let your territory join with Qi's, so as to cut the girdle of the Vertical alliance. Now the king has three times sent Sheng Qiao to hold charge of affairs in Han, and Cheng Qiao brought in the north, and Yan came in. Thus without using armor and without stretching out his might, the king has drawn out a hundred li of land: your majesty may be called able.

"The king again raised his armored troops and attacked Wei, stopped up the gates of Daliang, took Henei, and captured Yan, Suanzao, Xu, and Taoren; and the troops of Chu and Yan wheeled like clouds and did not dare to close. Many too are the king's achievements. The king rested his multitudes for two years and afterward took the field again, and further took Pu, Yan, and Shouyuan, and so bore down upon Ren and Ping; Xiaohuang and Jiyang drew in behind their walls, and the house of Wei submitted. The king further cut off the country north of Pu and Li and attached it to Yan, severing the girdle between Qi and Qin and cutting the spine of Chu and Wei. Five times the world joined and six times it gathered, and yet dared not come to their rescue: dreaded indeed is the king's awe.

"If the king can hold to his achievements and keep his awe, cut back the mind for attack and conquest and fatten the counsel of benevolence and righteousness, so that there be no further trouble to come, then the Three Kings will not suffice without him as a fourth, nor the Five Hegemons without him as a sixth.

"But if the king relies upon the multitude of his people and the strength of his arms and armor, at one stroke ruins the awe of the house of Wei, and wishes by force to make subjects of the rulers of the world, your servant fears there will be trouble to come. The Odes say:

Nothing is without its beginning;
few can make an end.

The Changes say, 'The fox wets its tail.' This says that beginning is easy and ending is hard.

"How do I know that it is so? The Zhi saw the profit of attacking Zhao and did not know the disaster of Yuci; Wu saw the convenience of attacking Qi and did not know the defeat at Gansui. These two states were not without great achievements: they set profit before them and made light of the trouble behind. Wu trusted Yue and thereupon attacked Qi; and after it had beaten the men of Qi at Ailing, on its return its king was taken by the king of Yue at the shore of the Three Rivers. The Zhi trusted Han and Wei and thereupon attacked Zhao; they assaulted the wall of Jinyang, and the day of victory was at hand, but Han and Wei turned against them and killed Zhi Bo Yao upon the Terrace of the Cutting.

"Now the king is galled that Chu has not been broken, and forgets that breaking Chu makes Wei strong. Your servant has considered it for your majesty and cannot approve it. The Odes say, 'The great warrior does not tramp to a distant dwelling.' Looking at it from this, the state of Chu is a support and the neighboring states are enemies. The Odes say:

Another man has a mind;
I take the measure of it.
Nimbly leaps the cunning hare —
it meets a dog and is caught.

"Now the king in mid-course trusts that Han and Wei are well disposed toward him: this is exactly Wu trusting Yue. Your servant has heard that an enemy is not to be made light of and an occasion is not to be lost. Your servant fears that the humble words of Han and Wei come of their anxiety for their peril, and that in truth they are deceiving your great state. Why is this? The king has laid up no accumulated kindness of generations toward Han and Wei, but has generations of resentment piled up against him. The fathers and sons and brothers of Han and Wei who have died at Qin's hands, heel upon heel, are the men of a hundred generations. Their own states have been ravaged, their altars of soil and grain broken down, their ancestral temples pulled apart; bellies split open and jaws broken off, heads parted from bodies, bones bleaching in the grass and the marsh, skulls stiff and fallen so that one lies within sight of the next along the frontier; fathers and sons, the old and the weak, bound as captives and following one after another along the roads; ghosts and spirits and fox-wraiths with nothing to eat; the common people with no means of living, kinsmen scattered apart, drifting away into bondage as servants and handmaids, until all within the seas is full of them.

"That Han and Wei have not perished is the anxiety of Qin's altars of soil and grain. Now the king would attack Chu: is that not a mistake? On the day the king attacks Chu, from where will he send out his troops? Will the king borrow a road from Han and Wei, his enemies? On the day the troops go out, the king will be anxious that they may not come back; that is for the king to make a gift of his troops to his enemies, Han and Wei. And if the king does not borrow a road from his enemies, Han and Wei, then he must attack Suiyang and the right-hand lands. Suiyang and the right-hand lands are all broad streams and great waters, mountain forest and valley ravine, land that yields no food; and though the king possess it, he will not have gained territory. So the king will have the name of having broken Chu without the substance of having gained land.

"Moreover, on the day the king attacks Chu, the four states will surely answer and rise in full force against the king. While Qin and Chu are locked together and cannot part, the house of Wei will send out troops and attack Liu, Fangyu, Zhi, Huling, Dang, Xiao, and Xiang, and the whole of what was formerly Song will be taken. Qi will face south, and the country north of the Si will surely be seized. These are all level plains open on four sides, rich and fertile land — and the king will leave them to attack it undisturbed.

"When the king breaks Chu, he will thereby fatten Han and Wei in the central states and make Qi strong, and the strength of Han and Wei will be enough to stand against Qin. Qi will have the Si for its southern boundary, the sea at its back in the east, the Yellow River to lean on in the north, and no trouble behind; and of all the states of the world none will be stronger than Qi. Qi and Wei, having got land and secured their gains, will make a show of attending to business as subordinate officers; and after a year, if they cannot be emperors themselves, they will still have more than enough to keep the king from being emperor.

"Now, with the breadth of the king's soil, the multitude of his people, and the strength of his arms and armor, to raise his host in one venture and fasten his land upon Chu, to have his commands bent before Han and Wei, and to hand over to Qi the weight of empire — this is a miscalculation on the king's part.

"Your servant, considering for the king, finds nothing so good as friendship with Chu. Let Qin and Chu join and become one and bear down upon Han, and Han must offer up its head. The king will wear the fastnesses east of the mountains as his lapel and the advantage of the river's bend as his girdle, and Han will become the watchman of the passes for Qin. If it is so, then when the king with a hundred thousand men garrisons Zheng, the house of Liang will take fright; Xu and Yanling will draw in behind their walls, and Shangcai and Zhaoling will have no coming and going. In this way Wei too will be a watchman within the passes. Once the king is on good terms with Chu, then two lords of ten thousand chariots within the passes will fasten their lands upon Qi, and the right-hand territory of Qi may be taken with folded hands. Thus the king's territory will at one stretch run between the two seas, and will cut the world across the waist. Then Yan and Zhao will be without Qi and Chu, and Qi and Chu will be without Yan and Zhao. After that, alarm Yan and Zhao and press Qi and Chu, and these four states will submit without waiting to be hurt."

Someone Persuaded the King of Qin on Behalf of the Six States (或為六國說秦王)

Someone, speaking on behalf of the six states, persuaded the king of Qin, saying: "Breadth of land is not enough to make a state secure; a numerous people is not enough to make it strong. If broad land made security and numbers made strength, then the descendants of Jie and Zhou would still be standing.

"In former days the house of Zhao too was once strong. What was Zhao's strength like? It raised its left hand and pressed down Qi; it raised its right and pressed down Wei; it bore down upon states of ten thousand chariots, and those two states were to it as Song of a thousand chariots. It built Gangping, and Wey had no eastern fields; those who cut fodder and pastured beasts, gathered firewood and foraged, did not dare peep out of the eastern gate. At that time Wey was in more danger than a pile of eggs, and the gentlemen of the world took counsel together and said, 'We shall take back the pledges we have committed, and pay court to the lord of Handan!' Thereupon, when anyone in the world spoke of attacking Handan, there was none but gave the order to march at dawn.

"Wei attacked Handan, and then withdrew and held the meeting at Fengze. It rode in the chariots of Xia and styled itself king of Xia, held court as Son of Heaven, and the whole world followed it. Duke Tai of Qi heard of it, raised troops and attacked Wei; its lands were divided in two and the state was in great danger. The king of Liang in his own person carried the ceremonial gift and held the jade disk, and asked to be a subject of the Marquis of Chen; and only then did the world let Liang go.

"King Wei of Ying heard of it and could not sleep in his bed nor eat his fill. He led the common people of the world and met Shen Bo on the banks of the Si, and heavily defeated Shen Bo. The men of Zhao heard of it and came as far as Zhisang; the men of Yan heard of it and came as far as Gedao. Gedao was not passable, and Pingji was cut off. Qi fought and was beaten and could not prevail, and its plans came to nothing. It sent Chen Mao to lay aside sword and watchman's staff, to give up its place facing south and submit to judgment, to plead its case westward with Zhao and northward with Yan, and within to explain matters to its own people; and only then did the world let Qi go.

"Thus what is thin, piled up, becomes thick, and what is little, gathered together, becomes much — so that with one voice men set King Wei of Ying beside the tyrant Zhou. Would your servant then hold that King Wei of Ying's government had decayed and his counsels fallen into disorder, that it should come to this? It was because Ying was strong and looked down upon the feudal lords of the world that the world took pleasure in attacking it."

Strategies of Qin, 5 (秦策五)

Someone Said to the King of Qin (謂秦王)

Someone said to the king of Qin: "Your servant is privately perplexed that the king makes light of Qi and slights Chu, and keeps Han in a lowly subjection. Your servant has heard that a true king is victorious and is not made proud, and that a hegemon holds himself in restraint and is not made resentful. Victorious and not proud, he can therefore bring the age to submission; restrained and not resentful, he can therefore make his neighbors follow him. Now the king has spread his favor broadly upon Wei and Zhao and has lightly lost Qi: that is pride. He has won the battle at Yiyang and pays no regard to relations with Chu: that is resentment. Pride and resentment are not the business of a hegemon. Your servant privately considers it for your majesty and cannot approve it.

"The Odes say:

Nothing is without its beginning;
few can make an end.

Therefore what the former kings held weighty was just the beginning and the end. How do I know that it is so? Formerly Zhi Bo Yao ruined the Fan and the Zhonghang and hemmed in Jinyang, and in the end became the laughingstock of the three houses. King Fuchai of Wu penned Yue up on Kuaiji, defeated Qi at Ailing, held the meeting at Huangchi, and was without propriety toward Song; and then he was taken by Goujian and died at Gansui. The lord of Liang attacked Chu and defeated Qi, controlled the armies of Zhao and Han, and drove twelve feudal lords to pay court to the Son of Heaven at Mengjin; afterward his son died, and he himself wore the mourning cap and was held in check by Qin. These three were not without achievements; they could begin, but could not make an end.

"Now the king has broken Yiyang, ravaged the Three Rivers, and made the gentlemen of the world not dare to speak; he holds the states of the world in his grasp and has shifted the borders of the two Zhou, and the lords of the age dare not cross the barrier of Yanghou; he has taken Huangji, and the troops of Han and Chu dare not advance. If the king can make such an end as this, then the Three Kings will not suffice without him as a fourth, nor the Five Hegemons without him as a sixth. But if the king cannot make such an end, and trouble comes after, then your servant fears that the rulers of the feudal lords and the gentlemen between the Yellow River and the Ji will make of the king another case of Wu and of Zhi.

"The Odes say, 'He who travels a hundred li counts ninety as the half.' This speaks of the hardness of the last stretch of the road. Now your majesty wears a look of pride in everything. Looking at it with your servant's mind, in the affairs of the world, going by the minds of the lords of the age, if it is not Chu that takes the blow it will surely be Qin. How do I know that it is so? The men of Qin support Wei to hold off Chu; the men of Chu support Han to hold off Qin; the armies of the four states are evenly matched, and they cannot fight again. Qi and Song stand outside the marking line and hold the balance. Therefore it is said that whoever first gets Qi and Song will attack Qin. If Qin first gets Qi and Song, then the house of Han will be melted away; and when the house of Han is melted away, Chu will stand alone and take the blow. If Chu first gets Qi, then the house of Wei will be melted away; and when the house of Wei is melted away, Qin will stand alone and take the blow. If they follow this plan and act upon it, then the two states will surely become the laughingstock of the world."

The King of Qin Disputed with Zhongqi (秦王與中期爭論)

The king of Qin disputed with Zhongqi and did not prevail. The king of Qin was greatly angered; Zhongqi walked slowly out. Someone spoke to the king of Qin on Zhongqi's behalf, saying, "He is a headstrong man. It is only that Zhongqi happens to have met with an enlightened ruler; had he met with Jie or Zhou, he would surely have been killed." The king of Qin therefore did not punish him.

Xian Ze Spoke to Gongsun Xiao (獻則謂公孫消)

Xian Ze said to Gongsun Xiao, "You, sir, are the most honored of the great ministers, and you have gained merit in campaign after campaign. The reason you are not chancellor is that the queen dowager is not well disposed toward you. Xin Rong is one whom the queen dowager holds dear. He has now fled from Chu and is in Eastern Zhou. Why do you not use the weight of Qin and Chu to furnish him and make him chancellor in Zhou? Chu will surely find that convenient. Then Xin Rong will have the weight of Qin and Chu behind him, the queen dowager will certainly be pleased with you, and your chancellorship is assured."

Lou Wu Made a Pact between Qin and Wei (樓𠵦約秦魏)

Lou Wu Makes a Pact Between Qin and Wei (樓𠵦約秦魏)

Lou Wu (樓𠵦) arranged an agreement between Qin and Wei, by which the heir apparent of Wei was to go as a hostage. Fen Qiang (紛彊) wished to wreck it. He said to the queen dowager: "States turn about with one another. If Qin is damaged and Wei profits by it, Wei will surely turn its back on Qin; and on the day Wei turns its back on Qin, the heir apparent will be so much dung." The queen dowager had the king sit before her and wept. The king therefore grew doubtful about the heir apparent's going, and ordered him to remain at Suanzao. Master Lou was troubled by this. Zhao Yan (昭衍) was going to Liang on behalf of Zhou, and Master Lou told him of it. Zhao Yan had audience with the king of Liang. The king of Liang said, "What have you heard?" He said, "I have heard that Qin is about to attack Wei." The king said, "But it has set a term of agreement with me." He said: "Qin doubts Your Majesty's agreement, because the heir apparent has stayed at Suanzao and has not gone to Qin. The king of Qin reckons thus: 'Wei will not make the agreement with me; it must mean to attack me. Rather than sit still and wait to be attacked, better to attack first.' With Qin, strong as it is, bending its neck and stooping to its allies, I fear the harm will fall upon Eastern Zhou."

Lü Buwei of Puyang Trades at Handan (濮陽人呂不韋賈於邯鄲)

Lü Buwei (呂不韋), a man of Puyang, was trading at Handan when he saw Yiren (異人), the hostage prince of Qin. He returned home and said to his father, "What is the return on ploughing fields — how many times over?" His father said, "Tenfold." "And the profit on pearls and jade, how many times over?" He said, "A hundredfold." "And the profit on setting up the lord of a state?" He said, "Beyond counting." Buwei said: "As things are, a man may work the fields with all his strength and labor hard and still not get warm clothing and food to spare; but to found a state and set up its ruler is a bounty that can be handed down to later ages. I wish to go and serve him."

Yiren, the son of Qin, was a hostage in Zhao and was lodged in the city of Liao. So Buwei went and persuaded him, saying: "Zixi (子傒) has the standing to inherit the state, and he has a mother within the palace besides. You have no mother within, and abroad you are entrusted to a state whose intentions cannot be known. Let the agreement be broken one day, and your person is dung and dirt. But if you listen now to my plan and seek to return, you may yet possess the state of Qin. I will go to Qin for your sake, and they will certainly come and ask for you."

Then he persuaded Lord Yangquan (陽泉君), the younger brother of the queen of Qin, saying: "Your offense, my lord, reaches to death. Do you know it? Among your retainers there is not one who does not hold a high and honored post, while among the heir apparent's retainers there is not one of rank. Your storehouses hold pearls and precious jade; your fine horses fill the outer stables; beautiful women fill your inner courts. The king's years are many. When one day the mountain and the mound crumble and the heir apparent takes charge of affairs, you will be in more danger than a stack of eggs and shorter-lived than the morning blossom. Yet there is a proposal that can at a single stroke make you rich and honored for ten thousand thousand years, as steady as the four buttresses of Mount Tai, with never a fear of ruin." Lord Yangquan left his mat and asked to hear the proposal. Buwei said: "The king is far on in years, and the queen has no son. Zixi has the standing to inherit the state, and Shi Cang (士倉) supports him besides. When one day the king's mountain and mound crumble, Zixi will be set up, Shi Cang will take charge of affairs, and weeds and mugwort will surely sprout at the queen's gate. The prince Yiren is a man of worth, cast away in Zhao, with no mother within the palace; he stretches out his neck and gazes westward, wishing for nothing but the chance to return. If the queen would ask for him in earnest and set him up, then the prince Yiren, who has no state, will have a state, and the queen, who has no son, will have a son." Lord Yangquan said, "It is so." He went in and persuaded the queen, and the queen then asked Zhao to send him home.

Zhao had not yet sent him off. Buwei persuaded Zhao, saying: "The prince Yiren is a favored son of Qin. He has no mother within the palace, and the queen wishes to take him for her own son. Suppose Qin means to butcher Zhao: it will not hold back its plans for the sake of one son, and you will be embracing an empty hostage. But if the prince Yiren is sent home and gets himself established, and Zhao escorts him off with generous gifts, then he will not dare turn his back on such kindness or betray such generosity, and this of itself makes a bond of gratitude. The king of Qin is old; when one day his carriage comes out late, then though you hold the prince Yiren he will not be enough to bind Qin to you." Zhao then sent him off.

When Yiren arrived, Buwei had him wear Chu dress for the audience. The queen was pleased with his appearance and thought highly of his understanding. She said, "I am a woman of Chu," and made him her own son, and so changed his name to Chu. The king had the young man recite. The young man said, "From boyhood I was cast away abroad. I never had tutor or guardian to teach me; I am not practiced in recitation." The king excused him, and he stayed on in the palace. In a quiet moment he said: "Your Majesty once halted your carriage in Zhao. Among the great men of Zhao, not a few came to know your name. Now that Your Majesty has returned to your own state, they all face west and look toward you; yet Your Majesty has not sent one single envoy to inquire after them, and I fear they will all harbor resentment, so that the frontier shuts its gates early and opens them late." The king thought this right and marveled at his counsel. The queen urged that he be set up. The king then summoned the chancellor and gave the order: "Of my sons, none is the equal of Chu." He set him up as heir apparent.

When Zichu was established, he made Buwei chancellor, with the title Marquis of Wenxin, holding the revenues of twelve counties at Lantian. The queen became Queen Dowager Huayang, and the feudal lords all made over towns to Qin.

The Marquis of Wenxin Wishes to Attack Zhao to Enlarge Hejian (文信侯欲攻趙以廣河間)

The Marquis of Wenxin wished to attack Zhao in order to enlarge Hejian. He sent Cai Ze (蔡澤), Lord of Gangcheng, to serve Yan for three years, and the heir apparent of Yan came to Qin as a hostage. The Marquis of Wenxin then requested that Zhang Tang (張唐) be made chancellor of Yan, intending to join with Yan in attacking Zhao and so enlarge the land of Hejian. Zhang Tang declined, saying, "The road to Yan must pass through Zhao, and any man of Zhao who takes Tang receives a hundred li of land." The Marquis of Wenxin went away displeased. Gan Luo (甘羅), a junior steward, said, "Why is my lord so greatly displeased?" The Marquis of Wenxin said, "I had Cai Ze, Lord of Gangcheng, serve Yan for three years, and the heir apparent of Yan has already come in as a hostage. Now I myself have asked that Minister Zhang be chancellor of Yan, and he will not go." Gan Luo said, "I will make him go." The Marquis of Wenxin shouted at him to get out, saying, "I went to him myself and he would not go. How could you make him go?" Gan Luo said, "Xiang Tuo (項橐) was seven years old and became the teacher of Confucius. I have now been alive twelve years. Let my lord put me to the test — why be so quick to shout at me?"

Gan Luo saw Zhang Tang and said, "Your merits, sir — how do they stand beside the Lord of Wu'an's?" Tang said, "The Lord of Wu'an won battles and took what he attacked beyond counting; he stormed walled cities and threw down towns beyond counting. My merits do not match the Lord of Wu'an's." Gan Luo said, "You know clearly that your merits do not match the Lord of Wu'an's?" He said, "I know it." "And when the Marquis of Ying held office in Qin, how did his power stand beside the sole authority of the Marquis of Wenxin?" He said, "The Marquis of Ying had not the sole authority the Marquis of Wenxin has." He said, "You know clearly that he had not the sole authority of the Marquis of Wenxin?" He said, "I know it." Gan Luo said, "The Marquis of Ying wished to attack Zhao, and the Lord of Wu'an objected; seven li out from Xianyang he was strangled and put to death. Now the Marquis of Wenxin has himself asked that you be chancellor of Yan, and you will not go. I do not know in what place you will die." Tang said, "Through the young gentleman, then, let me go!" He ordered the arsenal to make ready carriages, the stables to make ready horses, and the treasury to make ready gifts, and a day was fixed for the journey. Gan Luo said to the Marquis of Wenxin, "Lend me five carriages, and let me go before Zhang Tang and announce him to Zhao."

He saw the king of Zhao, and the king of Zhao met him in the outskirts. He said to the king of Zhao, "Have you heard that Prince Dan of Yan (燕太子丹) has gone into Qin?" He said, "I have heard it." "Have you heard that Zhang Tang is to be chancellor of Yan?" He said, "I have heard it." "The heir apparent of Yan going into Qin means that Yan will not deceive Qin. Zhang Tang being chancellor of Yan means that Qin will not deceive Yan. If Qin and Yan do not deceive each other, then Zhao will be attacked, and Zhao is in danger. The reason Yan and Qin do not deceive each other is no other than this: they wish to attack Zhao and enlarge Hejian. Now let Your Majesty make me a present of five cities to enlarge Hejian, and I will ask that the heir apparent of Yan be sent home, and then, with a strong Zhao, attack a weak Yan." The king of Zhao at once cut off five cities to enlarge Hejian, and the heir apparent of Yan was sent home. Zhao attacked Yan and took thirty-six counties of Shanggu, giving Qin one part in ten.

The Marquis of Wenxin Flees (文信侯出走)

The Marquis of Wenxin fled the state, and with him Sikong Ma (司空馬) went to Zhao, and Zhao made him acting chancellor. Qin sent down its armored troops and attacked Zhao.

Sikong Ma addressed the king of Zhao, saying: "The Marquis of Wenxin was chancellor of Qin, and I served him as a secretary of documents, so I know the affairs of Qin. Now Your Majesty has set me to hold a small office, so I know the affairs of Zhao. Let me lay out for Your Majesty a war between Qin and Zhao, so that you may see for yourself which would win. Which is greater, Zhao or Qin?" He said, "Not its equal." "Which has the more numerous people?" He said, "Not its equal." "Which is the richer in gold, coin, and grain?" He said, "Not its equal." "Which state is the better ordered?" He said, "Not its equal." "Which has the worthier chancellor?" He said, "Not its equal." "Which has the more martial generals?" He said, "Not its equal." "Which has the clearer laws and ordinances?" He said, "Not its equal." Sikong Ma said, "Then in Your Majesty's state there is not one measure in a hundred that comes up to Qin, and Your Majesty's state is lost." The king of Zhao said, "You did not think Zhao too far to come to, and you instruct me fully in the affairs of state. I would take your plan." Sikong Ma said: "Let Your Majesty tear off half of Zhao and offer it to Qin. Qin will get half of Zhao without crossing blades, and will surely be pleased. Within, it mislikes the thought of Zhao's defenses; without, it fears rescue by the feudal lords; Qin will certainly accept. Qin takes the land and draws back its troops, and Zhao keeps half a state and so preserves itself. Qin, with the bribe in its mouth, grows stronger by it, and the lands east of the mountains will surely take fright; with Zhao lost they will feel their own danger, and the feudal lords will surely be afraid. Being afraid, they will rescue one another, and the business of the Vertical Alliance can be brought about. Let me ask Your Majesty to bind the Vertical Alliance. If the alliance succeeds, then Your Majesty will in name have lost half of Zhao, but in fact will have gained the lands east of the mountains to stand against Qin, and Qin will not be enough to ruin you." The king of Zhao said: "Some time ago Qin sent down its armored troops and attacked Zhao, and Zhao bribed it with the twelve counties of Hejian. Our land was pared away and our army weakened, and in the end we were not spared the affliction of Qin. Now to cut off half of Zhao as well and so strengthen Qin — our strength will not suffice to preserve us, and we shall perish by it. I would have you change the plan." Sikong Ma said, "In my youth I was a knife-and-brush clerk for Qin; having been the head of an office, I now hold a small one, and I have never stood at the head of troops. Yet let me take all the troops of Zhao for Your Majesty and meet the enemy." The king of Zhao would not give him the command. Sikong Ma said, "I have offered my foolish plan and Your Majesty does not use it. Then I have no way to serve Your Majesty, and I beg leave to go."

Sikong Ma left Zhao and crossed at Pingyuan. Guo Yi (郭遺), prefect of the Pingyuan ford, greeted him and asked, "Qin's troops are coming down upon Zhao, and you, honored guest, come from Zhao. How do matters stand there?" Sikong Ma told him how he had made a plan for the king of Zhao and it had not been used, and that Zhao must fall. The prefect of Pingyuan said, "By your reckoning, honored guest, when will Zhao fall?" Sikong Ma said: "If Zhao makes the Lord of Wu'an its general, it will fall within the year; if it kills the Lord of Wu'an, it will not last half a year. Among the king of Zhao's ministers there is one Han Cang (韓倉), who suits himself to the king of Zhao by crooked ways; their intimacy is very close, and he is a man who hates the worthy and envies officers of merit. Now, with the state in danger of ruin, the king will surely act on his words, and the Lord of Wu'an will surely die."

Han Cang did indeed slander him, and the king sent a man to replace him. When the Lord of Wu'an arrived, Han Cang was set to enumerate his offenses, saying, "General, you won your battle and the king gave you the cup. Yet before him, while you offered the toast of long life, you had a dagger about you: for this you deserve death." The Lord of Wu'an said: "Zuo suffers from a crooked arm. My body is large and my arms are short; they cannot reach the ground, so that in rising and bowing I would be wanting in respect, and I feared a capital offense before His Majesty. Therefore I had a craftsman make a piece of wood to lengthen my hand. If His Majesty does not believe it, Zuo begs to bring it out and show it." He drew it from his sleeve and showed it to Han Cang: it was shaped like a door-peg shaken loose, wrapped round with cloth. "I would ask you, sir, to go in and make this clear." Han Cang said, "I have received the king's command: the general is granted death, without pardon. I dare not speak." The Lord of Wu'an faced north and bowed twice for the gift of death. He drew his sword to make an end of himself, and then said, "A subject may not kill himself within the palace." He passed the Marshal's Gate at a very quick step and went out by the Chu Gate (諔門). With his right hand he raised the sword to make an end of himself, but his arm was short and could not reach; so he took the sword in his mouth, set it against a pillar, and stabbed himself. Five months after the Lord of Wu'an died, Zhao fell.

Whenever the prefect of Pingyuan met the gentlemen, he would always speak of him, saying, "Alas, alas for Sikong Ma!" And he held that Sikong Ma's being driven out of Qin was not for want of wisdom, and that his leaving Zhao was not for want of worth. Zhao got rid of Sikong Ma, and the state perished. When a state perishes, it is not that it has no worthy men, but that it cannot use them.

Four States Join as One to Attack Qin (四國為一將以攻秦)

Four states joined as one, intending to attack Qin. The king of Qin summoned sixty of his ministers and retainers and put the question to them, saying, "Four states have joined as one and intend to make an end of Qin. My resources are strained at home, and the people are worn out abroad. What is to be done?" None of the ministers answered. Yao Jia (姚賈) answered, "Jia asks to go out as envoy to the four states; I will surely cut off their design and halt their troops." So he was furnished with a hundred carriages and a thousand catties of gold, was clothed in the king's own robes and cap, and was girded with the king's sword. Yao Jia took his leave and went, cut off their design, stopped their troops, made friendly relations with them, and reported back to Qin. The king of Qin was greatly pleased. He enfeoffed Jia with a thousand households and made him a senior minister.

Han Fei (韓非) came to know of it, and said: "With pearls and heavy treasure Jia has gone south as envoy to Jing and Wu and north among Yan and Dai for three years. The ties with the four states are not necessarily made fast, and yet the pearls and heavy treasure are spent out of the treasury. This is Jia using Your Majesty's authority and the state's treasure to make friends for himself abroad among the feudal lords, and I would have Your Majesty look into it. Moreover, he is the son of a gatekeeper of Liang; he once stole in Liang; he served Zhao as a minister and was driven out. To take a gatekeeper's son of a gatekeeping line, the great thief of Liang, the cast-out minister of Zhao, and share with him the counsels of the altars of soil and grain is no way to whet the spirit of your ministers."

The king summoned Yao Jia and asked him, "I hear that you use my wealth to make friends among the feudal lords. Is it so?" He answered, "It is." The king said, "With what face do you come before me again?" He answered: "Zeng Shen (曾參) was filial to his parents, and all the world wished to have him for a son. Zixu (子胥) was loyal to his lord, and all the world wished to have him for a minister. A chaste woman skilled at her work — all the world wishes to have her for a consort. Now Jia is loyal to Your Majesty and Your Majesty does not know it. If Jia did not give himself to the four states, where else should he have gone? And if Jia were not loyal to his own lord, what use would the kings of the four states have for Jia's person? Jie listened to slander and put to death his good general; Zhou heeded slander and killed his loyal minister; and so they came to their own deaths and the loss of their states. If Your Majesty now listens to slander, you will have no loyal ministers."

The king said, "You are a gatekeeper's son, the great thief of Liang, the cast-out minister of Zhao." Yao Jia said: "Taigong Wang (太公望) was a husband driven out in Qi, a butcher at Zhaoge whose trade failed, a minister cast out by Ziliang, a man at Jijin who could not sell his labor for hire — and King Wen used him and became king. Guan Zhong (管仲) was a trader among the country folk, a man sunk in poverty and obscurity at Nanyang, a prisoner released by Lu — and Duke Huan used him and became hegemon. Baili Xi (百里奚) was a beggar of Yu, passed from hand to hand and sold for the skins of five rams — and Duke Mu made him chancellor and received the homage of the Western Rong. Duke Wen used a robber of Zhongshan and won the victory at Chengpu. These four men all bore disgrace and shame and were greatly reviled throughout the world, yet enlightened rulers used them, knowing that with them merit could be established. Had they been men like Bian Sui (卞隨), Wu Guang (務光), or Shentu Di (申屠狄), how could a ruler ever have got the use of them? Therefore the enlightened ruler does not fasten upon their stains and does not listen to their faults, but considers whether they can be of use to him. Thus, of a man who can preserve the altars of soil and grain, though there be slander outside, he will not listen to it; and a man with a name that towers over his age but without a foot or an inch of merit, he will not reward. In this way none among his ministers dares look to his sovereign on the strength of empty hopes."

The king of Qin said, "It is so." He then sent Yao Jia out as envoy once more, and put Han Fei to death.

Colophon

This file was prepared for the Chinese shelf of the Good Works Library, translated independently from the classical Chinese text printed below. Each persuasion and anecdote keeps its own heading as the 士禮居叢書 text divides it, and speeches are rendered as continuous direct discourse rather than broken into summary. Only the main text is translated; the interlinear commentary of Bao Biao and Yao Hong, together with the collation notes set in 〔 〕, are printed in the source layer but not rendered into English.

J. I. Crump's Chan-kuo Ts'e (1970; revised 1996) is a complete published English translation of the Zhanguo Ce and is named here as a control-in-existence; it was not fetched or consulted in preparing this file, and no claim of firstness is made for this translation.

A note on titles: several figures in these books are called by office as often as by personal name — the Marquis of Ying for Fan Sui, the Lord of Wu'an for Bai Qi, the Marquis of Rang for Wei Ran — and each is kept to the name or title the source itself uses at a given point in a given episode, rather than harmonized to a single form across the whole book.

Prepared for the Good Work Library by the Tianmu Anglican Church with AI-assisted translation and editorial work.

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Source Text: 戰國策 秦策

Classical Chinese text in the Chinese Wikisource transcription of the 士禮居叢書 edition, with the commentary of Bao Biao and Yao Hong and the collation notes set in 〔 〕 as the transcription carries them. Presented complete for reference, study, and verification alongside the English translation above; the commentary is not translated.

秦策 一

〔鮑本秦　蘇、張說，外自弘農故關以西，京兆、扶風、馮翊、北地、上郡、西河、安定、天水、隴西皆秦地。南有巴、蜀、廣漢、犍為、武都，西有金城、武威、張掖、酒泉、燉煌，又西南有牂牁、越嶲、益州，皆屬焉。〕

衛鞅亡魏入秦

衛鞅〔鮑本衛之庶孽公子，姓公孫氏。〕亡魏入秦，〔姚本衛鞅，衛公子叔痤之子也。痤仕魏，相惠王。痤病，惠王視之曰，「若疾不諱，誰可與為國者」？痤曰，「臣庶子鞅可也」。王不聽。又曰，「王若不能用，請殺之，無令他國得用也」。鞅由是亡奔秦，秦孝公封之於商，曰商鞅。衛公之後孫也，或曰公孫鞅也。　鮑本鞅事魏相公叔痤為庶子，見魏策。正曰：此據史。愚謂，公孫，衛之公孫也。庶孽公子，恐非。蓋因為中庶子而生此文。〕孝公以為相，封之於商，〔鮑本屬弘農。補曰：盧藏用後語注，今商州上洛之地。又見後章注。〕號曰商君。商君治秦，法令至行，〔姚本至，猶大也。　鮑本至，猶極。〕公平無私，罰不諱強大，〔桃本諱，猶辟也。詩云，仲山甫不辟強禦，不侮鰥寡。此其一隅也。　鮑本諱，猶避也。強宗大族。〕賞不私親近，〔姚本私，猶曲也。〕法及太子，〔姚本太子卒為惠王。〕黥劓其傅。〔姚本太子犯法，刑之不赦，故曰「法及太子」，并罪其傅。刻其顙，以墨實其中，曰黥；截其鼻，曰劓也。　鮑本墨涅其顙，曰黥；截鼻，曰劓。太子犯法，鞅曰，「法之不行，自上犯之。太子，君嗣也，不可刑，刑其傅公子虔，黥其師公孫賈」。〕期年之後，道不拾遺，〔姚本遺物在道，不敢拾也。〕民不妄取，〔姚本民非其物，不敢取也。〕兵革〔姚本革，猶甲也。　鮑本革，甲也，以革為札。〕大強，諸侯畏懼。然刻深寡恩，〔姚本刻，急也；寡，少也；深，重也。言少恩仁也。　鮑本刻，猶深也。刻金木者，有深而已。〕特以強服之耳。

孝公行之〔姚本一本下有「十」字。〕八年，疾且不起，欲傳〔姚本劉作「欲傅」。〕商君，〔姚本傳，猶禪也。「傳」，或作「傅」也。　鮑本傳位與之。〕辭不受。孝公已死，惠王代後，〔姚本惠王，孝公太子也。〕蒞政有頃，〔姚本蒞，臨也。有頃，言未久。　鮑本蒞，臨也。集韻，頃，少選。〕商君告歸。〔姚本懼惠王誅之，欲還歸魏也。　鮑本懼誅歸商。〕

人說惠王曰：「大臣太重者國危，左右太親者身〔鮑本君之身。〕危。今秦婦人嬰兒〔鮑本集韻，女曰嬰，男曰兒。補曰：釋名，人始生曰嬰。嬰，胸前也。投之胸前乳養，故曰嬰。〕皆言商君之法，莫言大王之法。〔姚本莫，無也。〕是商君反為主，大王更〔鮑本補曰：更，平聲。〕為臣也。且夫商君，固大王仇讎也，〔鮑本「王」下有「之」字。○〕願大王圖之。」〔姚本圖，謀也。〕商君歸還，〔鮑本時自商欲歸魏，不得，故還秦。〕惠王車裂之，而秦人不憐。〔姚本商君懼誅，欲之魏，商人禁之曰，「商君之法急」。不得出，窮而還。一曰，魏以其譎公子卬而沒其軍，魏人怨而不納。故（曾下有「還而」字）惠王車裂之也。　鮑本無念之者。〕

蘇秦始將連橫

蘇秦始將連橫〔姚本合關東從，通之於秦，故曰連橫者也。　鮑本文穎曰，關東為從，西為橫。孟康曰，南北為從，東西為橫。瓚曰，以利合曰從，以威勢相脅曰橫。正曰：高注，連關中之為橫，合關東之為從。大事記取。〕說秦惠王曰：「大王之國，西有巴、蜀、漢中之利，〔姚本利，饒也。　鮑本三郡並屬益州。〕北有胡貉、代〔鮑本胡，樓煩、林胡之類。集韻，貉似狐。代，幽州郡。〕馬之用，〔姚本用，用武也。〕南有巫山、〔鮑本在南郡巫。補曰：正義云，夔州巫山縣。〕黔中之限，〔姚本皆有塞險要也，故曰「之限」也。　鮑本黔，故楚地。秦地距此二郡耳，故言「限」。秦昭三十年始定為黔中郡，後為武陵郡。見後志。補曰：大事記，今黔、辰、施、元等州。正曰：高注，皆有塞險，故謂「之限」。〕東有肴、函之固。〔姚本肴，在澠池西。函關，舊在弘農城北門外，今在新安東。固，牢堅，難攻易守也。　鮑本始皇紀注，殽，二殽；函，函關也。在弘農。補曰：左氏，殽有二陵。杜注，在澠池縣西。函，見周策。〕田肥美，民殷富，〔鮑本殷，盛也。〕戰車萬乘，奮擊百萬，〔鮑本士之能奮擊者。〕沃野千里，〔姚本關中沃野千里，故田美民富。　鮑本沃，言其肥潤。〕蓄積饒多，地勢形便，〔姚本攻之不可得，守之不可壞，故曰形便也。　鮑本地勢與形便於攻守。〕此所謂天府，〔姚本府，聚也。　鮑本言蓄聚之富，非人力也。〕天下之雄〔鮑本物之雄者強。〕國也。以大王之賢，士民之眾，車騎之用，〔鮑本騎士之便馬者。〕兵法之教，〔姚本教，習也。〕可以并諸侯，吞天下，〔姚本吞，滅也。〕稱帝而治。願大王少留意，臣請奏其效。」〔姚本奏，事。效，驗也。　鮑本奏，進。效，功也。〕

秦王曰：「寡人聞之，毛羽不豐滿者不可以高飛，文章〔鮑本文章，法令也。〕不成者不可以誅罰，〔姚本文章，旌旟文章。青與赤謂之文，赤與白謂之章也。〕道德不厚者不可以使民，〔姚本厚，猶大也。〕政教不順〔鮑本逆人之心。〕者不可以煩大臣。〔姚本煩，勞也。　鮑本逆人心，則行之難，故大臣勞。〕今先生儼然不遠千里而庭教之，願以異日。」〔姚本儼然，矜莊貌。不以千里之道為遠而來在秦庭，寡人願以他日敬承之也。　鮑本教之於廣庭。異，猶他也。俟成順然後承教，以此知為惠王初。補曰：史，時方誅商鞅，疾辯士弗用。〕

蘇秦曰：「臣固疑大王之不能用也。昔者神農伐補遂，〔姚本神農，炎帝號也，少典之子也。補遂，國名也。續：後語，輔遂。〕黃帝伐涿鹿而禽蚩尤，〔姚本蚩尤，九黎民之君子（子，劉、錢作好兵）也。　鮑本涿鹿，屬上谷。蚩尤，九黎氏之後，事見史。〕堯伐驩兜，〔姚本翼善傳聖曰「堯」。　鮑本書止言憂之，豈嘗伐之而不服邪？正曰：書，放驤兜。又堯伐驩兜，禹伐共工，見荀子。此游士之辭。下言五帝、三王，不能坐而致地，故以戰續之，此不過欲售其攻戰之說耳。凡戰國言帝王事，類如此，皆不足辨。後放此。〕舜伐三苗，〔姚本仁聖盛明曰「舜」。驩兜、三苗皆國名。　鮑本國名，縉雲氏之後。正曰：事見書，不必泛引。〕禹伐共工，〔姚本共工，官名也，霸於水火之間，任知訓（一無訓字）刑之後子孫也。　鮑本伐，乃流之。〕湯伐有夏，文王伐崇，武王伐紂，〔姚本夏桀為無道，故成湯伐之。崇侯虎為紂卿士，道紂為惡，故文王伐之。紂淫虐，故武王伐之。〕齊桓任戰而伯天下。〔姚本齊桓公小白，僖公之子也。用兵戰而尚仁義，師諸侯朝天子，故曰「伯天下」。　鮑本任，猶用也。作內政，寄軍令是也。〕由此觀之，惡有不戰者乎？〔姚本惡，安也。〕古者使車轂擊馳，〔鮑本轂，輻所湊也。相擊而馳，言其眾。補曰：轂擊，說見齊策。〕言語相結，〔姚本錢、劉本無「語」字。　鮑本約親也。補曰：後語注，結，音吉，此古韻協也。下文悉然橫，黃；態，替；濁，〈歹厨〉玉反；聊，留；服，蒲北反；信，新；兵，聊莛反。〕天下為一；〔姚本擊一也。兵車之轂比相當，馳傳言語相約結，使天下知同為一。〕約從連橫，兵革不藏；〔姚本藏，戢也。〕文士並餝，〔姚本一作「飭」。餝，巧也。　鮑本文，謂辨也。「餝」，「飭」同。〕諸侯亂惑；〔姚本惑，疑也。〕萬端俱起，不可勝理；〔姚本理，治也。〕科條〔鮑本科，程也。集韻，條，件也。〕既備，民多偽態；書策稠濁，〔姚本稠，多。濁，亂也。　鮑本策，簡也，大事書之。稠，多也，言有司文書多，閱者昏亂。〕百姓不足；上下相愁，民無所聊；〔姚本上下，君臣也。刑罰失中故相愁。愁（錢、劉作「愁怨」）則民無所聊賴者也。　鮑本集韻，聊，賴也。〕明言章理，兵甲愈起；〔姚本愈，益也。　鮑本文章，法理。正曰：章亦明也。謂明著之言，章顯之理。下句「文辭」，謂辭之文者。三語文勢同。〕辯言偉服，戰攻不息；〔姚本息，休。　鮑本偉，奇也。補曰：偉，一作「偽」。〕繁稱文辭，〔鮑本游說也。正曰：明言者，教令；辯言者，游說；文辭者，書策。明言章理，即科條既備；辯言偉服，即言語相結；繁稱文辭，即書策稠濁。〕天下不治；〔姚本去本事末，多攻文辭以相加誣，故曰，天下不治也。〕舌弊耳聾，不見成功；行義約信，天下不親。〔姚本不能使天下相親也。〕於是，乃廢文任武，厚養死士，〔姚本死士，勇戰之士也。　鮑本敢死之士。〕綴甲厲兵，效勝於戰場。〔姚本綴，連也。厲，利也。利其兵器，致其勝功於戰鬥之場也。　鮑本集韻，厲，嚴也。正曰：厲，即礪。效，致其功也。〕夫徒處而致利，安坐而廣地，〔姚本徒處、安坐，不修其兵事，欲以利國廣地，不可得者也。　鮑本徒，猶空也。言無所為。〕雖古五帝、三王、五伯，〔姚本劉、錢無「五伯」字，集有。〕明主賢君，常欲坐而致之，其勢〔姚本勢，力也。〕不能，故以戰續之。〔姚本續，猶備其勢也。〕寬則兩軍相攻，迫則杖戟相橦，〔姚本攻，擊。橦，刺。　鮑本「橦」作「撞」。○　迫，近也。杖，如杖劍。戟，謂持戟，戟有支矛。撞，手擣也。正曰：杖，持執也，直亮反。戟有支兵。〕然後可建大功。〔姚本建，立。〕是故兵勝於外，義強於內；〔姚本故仁義而行，故強於內也。　鮑本論戰故獨言義。〕威立於上，民服於下。今欲并天下，凌萬乘，詘敵國，〔姚本詘，服也。　鮑本集韻，凌，侵尚也，當從仌。〕制海內，子元元，〔姚本子，愛也。元元，善也。錢、劉止一「元」字。　鮑本元，善也，民之類善故稱元。〕臣諸侯，〔鮑本言敵國，又言諸侯，則侯非其敵者。〕非兵不可！〔姚本傳曰，天生五材，民並用之，廢一不可，誰能去兵？兵之設久矣。聖人以興，亂人以廢，廢興存亡，皆兵之由也。故服諸侯，非兵不可也。〕今之嗣主，〔鮑本時君，皆繼世者也。〕忽於至道，皆惛〔姚本惛，不明也。〕於教，亂於治，迷於言，或於語，沈於辯，溺於辭。〔鮑本沉，猶溺。溺，謂為所胃沒。〕以此論之，王固不能行也。」〔姚本固，必也。必不能行霸事。〕

說秦王書十上而說不行。〔姚本蘇秦之說，不見用也。〕黑貂之裘弊，〔姚本弊，壞也。　鮑本貂，鼠屬，大而黃黑，出丁零國。〕黃金百斤盡，〔姚本蘇秦仕趙，趙王資貂裘、黃金，使說秦王，破關中之橫，使與趙同從，從則相親也。秦王不肯從，故蘇秦用金盡，而貂裘壞弊也。〕資〔鮑本資，貨也。〕用乏絕，去秦而歸。〔姚本歸洛陽也。〕羸縢履蹻，〔鮑本「羸」作「贏」。○　方言，「擔」，齊、楚、陳、宋曰「攍」，通作「贏」。縢，緘也。蹻，屐也。正曰：一本「贏縢」，是。「贏」與「縲」、「纍」字通用，倫追反。易，「贏其角，贏其瓶」。孔穎達云，拘纍纏繞也。詩「邪幅在下」注，如今行縢，即禮所謂偪也。注說下與履蹻不倫，而擔囊又已言矣。史「虞卿躡蹻」注，草履也。「蹻」與「屩」通。〕負書擔橐，〔姚本橐，囊也。無底曰囊，有底曰橐。　鮑本「橐」作「囊」。○　高注，橐，囊也。然則此字原作「橐」。從此說，則上「縢」字當從巾，囊也。橐無底，囊有底。正曰：一本作「橐」。高注，「橐」、「囊」通言。〕形容枯槁，面目犂黑，〔鮑本「犂」作「黧」。○　集韻，黧，黑黃色。正曰：黧，黑色，集韻誤，見魏策。補曰：古字「黧」、「犂」通借。〕狀有歸〔姚本歸當終愧。愧，慚也。音相近，故作歸耳。　鮑本「歸」作「愧」。○　補曰：當作「愧」。札記丕烈案：此不得輒改，高注即其證矣。〕色。歸至家，妻不下紝，〔鮑本機縷也。不下，言自若。〕嫂不為炊，〔姚本不炊飯也。〕父母不與言。蘇秦喟〔鮑本「喟」下有「然」字。○　喟，太息也。　札記今本「喟」下有「然」字。〕歎曰：「妻不以我為夫，嫂不以我為叔，父母不以我為子，是皆秦之罪也。」乃夜發書，陳篋〔鮑本篋，藏也。〕數十，得太公陰符〔鮑本漢志有陰符經。正曰：陰符經恐非此所指。索隱云，陰符是太公兵法。〕之謀，伏而誦之，簡練以為揣摩。〔姚本簡，汰也。練，濯，濯治（劉、錢無「濯治」二字，集、曾有）。陰符中奇異之謀，以為揣摩。揣，定也。摩，合也。定諸侯使讎其術，以成六國之從也。　鮑本簡，猶擇；練，湅帛也。取其熟。揣，量；摩，研也。游說之術，或量其情，或研切之。〕讀書欲睡，引錐〔鮑本錐，銳也，鍼之類。〕自刺其股，血流至足。曰：「安有說人主不能出其金玉錦繡，取卿相之尊者乎？」期年揣摩成，曰：「此真可以說當世之君矣！」

於是乃摩燕烏集闕，〔姚本闕塞名也。　鮑本摩，言切近過之。闕名未詳。〕見說趙王〔鮑本肅侯。〕於華屋之下，〔姚本華，夏。華屋（錢、劉作「華屋，夏屋」），山名也。言趙王屋清高似山也。　鮑本見說，見而說也。華，高麗也。〕抵〔姚本抵，據也。　鮑本集韻，抵，側擊也。〕掌而談。趙王大悅，封為武安君。〔姚本武安，趙邑，今屬廣平。　鮑本補曰：正義云，潞州武安縣。〕受相印，革車〔姚本革車，兵車。〕百乘，綿繡千純，〔姚本純，束也。　鮑本集韻，四端曰純。正曰：徒本反。〕白壁〔鮑本「壁」作「璧」。○　補曰：璧，玉環也。肉倍好曰璧。〕百雙，黃金萬溢，〔姚本萬溢，萬金也。二十兩為一溢也。　鮑本「溢」作「鎰」。○　一鎰四十四兩。〕以隨其後，約從散橫，以抑強秦。〔姚本約合關東六國之從，使相親也。散關中之橫，使秦賓服也。故曰抑強秦也。〕

故蘇秦相於趙而關不通。〔鮑本六國之關不通秦也。正曰：即所謂秦兵不敢窺函谷關者。〕當此之時，天下之大，萬民之眾，王侯之威，謀臣之權，皆欲決蘇秦之策。〔鮑本決，言用之不疑。策，謀也。〕不費斗糧，未煩一兵，未戰一士，未絕一絃，未折一矢，諸侯相親，賢〔姚本賢，猶厚也。　鮑本賢，猶勝。〕於兄弟。夫賢人在而天下服，一人用而天下從。故曰：式〔姚本式，皆用也。〕於政，不式於勇；式於廊廟〔鮑本廊，東西序。廟，以尊先祖。人君之居，謂之巖廊廟堂，尊嚴之稱。正曰：文穎云，廊，殿下外屋。顏師古云，堂下周廂，又巖廊高屋也。愚按，此言宮與廟也。「廟堂」字見徐樂梅福傳。劉向九歎王逸注，人君為政、舉事告宗廟，議於明堂。今人稱宰相為廟堂，蓋誤。〕之內，不式於四境之外。當秦之隆，〔姚本隆，盛。　鮑本蘇秦隆盛之時。〕黃金萬溢〔鮑本補曰：此書「溢」、「鎰」通。〕為用，〔姚本經用。〕轉轂連騎，〔鮑本後車之盛。正曰：車騎之盛。〕炫熿〔姚本炫熿也，猶焜光也。　鮑本光耀也。〕於道，山東之國，從風而服，〔姚本風，化也。　鮑本以草偃為喻也。〕使趙大重。〔姚本重，尊也。使天下諸王侯尊趙王也。　鮑本為從主，諸侯尊之。〕且夫蘇秦特窮巷掘門、〔鮑本鑿垣為門。補曰：掘即窟，古字通。齊策「掘穴窮巷」。鄒陽書「伏死掘穴」。楚策亦有。〕桑戶棬〔札記今本「棬」誤「捲」。〕樞〔鮑本樞，門牝也，楺木為之，如棬。棬，屈木盂也。〕之士耳，〔姚本棬，楺桑條假以為戶樞耳。〕伏軾〔鮑本車前橫木。〕撙銜，橫歷天下，〔姚本銜，勒也。歷，行也。　鮑本集韻，撙，挫也，蓋猶頓。銜，勒也。歷，遇也，猶橫行。〕廷說〔鮑本猶庭教云。〕諸侯之王，〔鮑本「王」作「主」。○　札記今本「王」誤「士」。〕杜〔鮑本杜，猶塞。〕左右之口，天下莫之能伉。〔姚本伉，當。錢、劉，一作「抗」。　鮑本「之」下無「能」字。○　集韻，匹也。正曰：姚云，錢、劉作「抗」，當也。一本「天下莫之能伉」。「伉」、「抗」，古字通。〕

將說楚王，〔鮑本威。〕路過洛陽，〔鮑本漢為河南郡。〕父母聞之，清〔鮑本清，汛掃也。〕宮除道，張樂設飲，郊迎〔鮑本迎於郊。〕三十里。〔姚本張，施也。設，置也。施樂置酒，遠迎上郊邑培也。〕妻側目而視，傾耳而聽；嫂蛇行匍伏，〔姚本蛇行匍匐，勾曳地也。　鮑本蛇不直行。伏，音匐。匍匐，伏地也。〕四拜自跪而謝。〔姚本謝前不炊之過也。　鮑本集韻，跪，小拜也。既拜復膝地。〕蘇秦曰：「嫂，何前倨〔鮑本倨，不避也。〕而後卑也？」嫂曰：「以季子〔鮑本譙周曰，秦字季子。正曰：司馬貞曰，此嫂呼小叔為季子，未必字也。〕之〔鮑本無「之」字。○〕位尊而多金。」蘇秦曰：「嗟乎！貧窮則父母不子，〔姚本不以為己子也。〕富貴則親戚畏懼。人生世上，勢位富貴，蓋可忽乎哉！」〔姚本信不可輕忽，故曰「乎哉」。　鮑本「可」下有「以」字。○　忽，輕也。〕　　〔鮑本此策，史略同。合從，在趙肅侯十六年，此四年。彪謂：秦之自刺，可謂有志矣。而志在於金玉卿相，故其所成就，適足誇嫂婦。而此史極口稱頌之，是亦利祿徒耳，惡睹所謂大丈夫之事哉？正曰：按史，秦出游數歲，困歸，兄弟嫂妹妻妾，竊笑之。於是得周書陰符讀之，以出揣摩。乃求說周顯王，弗信。至秦說惠王，弗用。乃之趙，奉陽君弗說之。去就燕，文侯資之。至趙，奉陽君死，乃說肅侯合從。說楚後，還過洛陽，顯王除道郊勞。與策小異。〕

秦惠王謂寒泉子

秦惠王謂寒泉子〔姚本秦惠王，孝公子也。寒泉子，秦處士也。〕曰：「蘇秦欺〔鮑本欺，詐也。言以虛聲恐之。〕寡人，欲以一人之智，反覆東山〔姚本東山，山東。　鮑本「東山」作「山東」。○　補曰：當作「山東」。　札記丕烈案：鮑改、吳補皆非也。高注即其證矣。〕之君，從以欺〔姚本欺，詐也。〕秦。趙固負〔姚本負，恃也。〕其眾，故先使蘇秦以幣帛約〔姚本約，謀約也。〕乎諸侯。諸侯不可一，〔姚本一，同也。〕猶連雞之不能俱止於棲之〔鮑本「之」作「亦」。○　札記今本下「之」字作「亦」。〕明矣。〔姚本續：李善引作「俱上於棲亦明矣」。　鮑本連，謂繩繫之。棲，雞所宿也。〕寡人忿然，含怒日久，〔姚本含，懷也。〕吾欲使武安子起〔姚本武安子起，秦將白起。〕往喻〔鮑本「喻」，「諭」同，告也。告諸侯以不可一之意。〕意焉。」寒泉子曰：「不可。夫攻城墮〔姚本墮，壞也。　鮑本敗城邑曰墮。〕邑，請使武安子。善我國家〔鮑本稱國家之美。正曰：能美善我國家。〕使諸侯，請使客卿張儀。」〔姚本張儀，魏人也，仕秦以為客卿。　鮑本魏人，仕秦。惠五年為客卿。〕秦惠王曰：「受命。」〔姚本受寒泉子之教。〕
　　〔鮑本按，起以昭二十九年為武安君，自合從至是五十七年矣。所稱武安子起，謬也。正曰：起，號武安君。此云武安子，必別一人。上既言武安子起，而下止言武安子，蓋「起」字屬下文。李牧亦封武安君。如此名不一。且張儀死於秦武王時，與白起戰勝攻取，時不相及。補曰：使諸侯之「使」，去聲，餘如字。〕

泠向謂秦王

泠向〔姚本泠，姓；向，名也。秦臣也。　鮑本高注，秦人。今詳為齊人。正曰：高注秦臣，韓、趙策亦有此人。〕謂秦王曰：「向欲以齊事王，使〔姚本一作「故」。〕攻宋也。〔姚本以，猶使也。〕宋破，晉國危，安邑王之有也。〔姚本晉國，魏都大梁也。宋在其東，若齊攻宋破之，則大梁危，不能復獲其安邑。安邑在河東，近秦，秦可兼取，故安邑王之有也。〕燕、趙惡齊、秦之合，必割地以交於王矣。〔姚本割，猶分也。交齊也。〕齊必重於王，〔鮑本秦多得地，齊畏其強，故重之。〕則向之攻宋也，且以恐齊而重王。〔鮑本燕、趙交於秦，故齊必恐。〕王何惡〔鮑本惡，皆去音。〕向之攻宋乎？向以王之明為先知之，故不言。」〔姚本向言以秦王之聰明為先自知之，故不言道也。　鮑本言秦自知攻宋之利。〕

張儀說秦王

張儀〔鮑本無「張儀」二字。○　補曰：誤，當作「韓非」。〕說秦王〔姚本秦惠王也。續：韓非子第一篇初見秦文與此同。鮑本此上原有「張儀」字，而所說皆儀死後事，故刪去。「說」云者，猶西周謂齊王之比。正曰：王應麟云，姚氏謂韓非子第一篇，呂成公麗澤集文取此。鮑失考。愚按，集文所謂非上書請破天下從，即此。非以韓王安稱藩使秦，始皇十三年也。次年見殺。今以韓子考其言，而策文義勝者，不復。　札記丕烈案：此當各依本書。劉向次第在此，而高注云秦惠王。詳其意，皆不以為韓非也。〕曰：「臣聞之，弗知而言為不智，知而不言為不忠。〔姚本知可言利國安君而不言，故曰不忠。〕為人臣不忠當死，言不審〔鮑本審，悉也。補曰：韓子「審」作「當」，勝。不當，即上云不智也。〕亦當死。雖然，〔鮑本言己未能如言。〕臣願悉〔鮑本悉，詳盡也。〕言所聞，大王裁〔姚本裁，制也。〕其罪。臣聞，天下陰燕陽魏，〔姚本陰，小。陽，大。　鮑本陰，北。陽，南。〕連荊〔鮑本楚也。始皇諱其父名，故稱曰荊。知此書始皇時人作。〕固齊，〔鮑本時由東國齊、楚為大，故從。人連結之，恃以為固。〕收餘韓〔鮑本韓時弱，多喪地，今存者，其餘也。〕成從，將西南〔鮑本補曰：韓作「面」，是，下文有。〕以與秦為難。〔姚本難，猶敵也。　鮑本赧五十九年，與諸侯從，此五十一年。〕臣竊笑之。世有三亡，而天下得之，其此之謂乎！〔鮑本此，謂從。補曰：韓子作「二亡」，無「以逆攻順者」一句。　札記丕烈案：今韓子是「三」字。〕臣聞之曰，『以亂攻治者亡，以邪攻正者亡，以逆攻順者亡』。今天下之府庫〔鮑本府，文書藏；庫，兵車藏。今詳凡有藏者，皆得稱也。正曰：府庫藏貨財，對下「囷倉藏穀粟」言。〕不盈，囷倉〔鮑本囷，圓廩。正曰：高注，圓曰囷，方曰倉。〕空虛，悉其士民，張軍〔姚本曾作「張軍聲」。　鮑本張，去音。正曰：平聲亦通。〕數千百萬，〔鮑本補曰：韓此下云，「其頓首戴羽為將軍，斷死於前，不至千人，皆以言死」。　札記丕烈案：此當各依本書。〕白刃在前，斧質在後，〔鮑本誅不進戰者，故在後。〕而皆去走，不能死，〔姚本一本有「也」字。　鮑本不戰也。補曰：韓，「怯而卻走，不能死也」。〕罪〔鮑本「罪」作「非」。○　言亦殺之。補曰：韓正作「非」。一本「而皆去之不能死」。韓「而卻走，不能死也」。皆當從韓，勝。〕其百姓不能死也，〔姚本錢、劉本無此七字。曾、集有。〕其上不能殺也。〔鮑本無「其上不能殺也」六字。○　補曰：一本「其上不殺也」，韓「上不能故也」。皆當從韓，勝。〕言賞則不與，言罰則不行，賞罰不行，故民不死也。〔姚本民不為盡節致死。傳曰「賞罰無章，何以沮勸」，此之謂也。〕

「今秦出號令而行賞罰，不攻無攻〔姚本曾作「有功無功」。〕相事也。〔鮑本「不攻」下補「耳」字，「攻相」作「相攻」。○　言秦有不攻耳，無敢與相攻者。正曰：韓作「有功無功相事也」。　札記丕烈案：「不」當作「又」，形近之訛，策文多用「又」為「有」。〕出其父母懷袵之中，〔鮑本袵，衣衿。〕生未嘗見寇也，聞戰頓足徒裼，〔鮑本此頓，下也。集韻，徒，空手。裼，袒也。正曰：頓，踴也。徒，謂空，露袒；裼，露臂也。〕犯白刃，蹈煨炭，〔鮑本煨，盆中火。補曰：韓，「罏炭」。〕斷死於前者比是也。〔鮑本「比」下補「比」字。○　以死自斷。比，次也。言如是者，相次不一。正曰：韓作「皆」，是。「比」蓋「皆」之訛。〕夫斷死與斷生也不同，〔姚本死生異也。　鮑本言死難。補曰：「斷死生」之「斷」，都玩反；「斷長」之「斷」，睹緩反。前後同。〕而民為之者是貴奮也。〔姚本奮，勇也。　鮑本奮，言勇不顧死。補曰：韓，「貴奮死也」。　札記丕烈案：「死」字，策文當無。高注可證。〕一可以勝十，〔鮑本「勝」作「合」。○　與敵合鬬。補曰：四「合」字，一本皆作「勝」。韓作「對」，當也，義長。〕十可以勝百，百可以勝千，千可以勝萬，萬可以勝天下矣。今秦地形，斷長續短，方數千里，名師數百萬，〔鮑本名，言有勇決之稱。〕秦之號令賞罰，地形利害，天下莫如也。〔鮑本秦有斷死之利，諸侯有不死之害，故不如秦。正曰：利害是總言。〕以此與天下，〔鮑本與，言與之爭。〕天下不足兼而有也。是知秦戰未嘗不勝，攻未嘗不取，所當〔姚本當，敵。　鮑本當，相值也。〕未嘗不破也。開地數千里，此甚大功也。然而甲兵頓，〔鮑本此頓，言其勞弊。〕士民病，〔姚本病，困也。〕蓄積索，〔姚本索，盡也。〕田疇荒，〔姚本墾不治也。　鮑本疇，耕治之田。〕囷倉虛，四鄰諸侯不服，〔姚本威德不能懷也。〕伯王之名不成，此無異故，〔姚本異，怪。　鮑本猶言無他事。〕謀臣皆不盡其忠也。

「臣敢言往昔。昔者〔鮑本補曰：韓，「臣敢言之往者」，蓋兩「昔」字，因「者」字訛衍。當從韓，勝。〕齊南破荊，中破宋，〔鮑本閔二十八年。補曰：韓，「東破」，是。〕西服秦，〔鮑本荊、秦事未詳。正曰：「齊南破荊」以下以地勢言之，非以年之先後也。齊宣王二十五年與五國攻秦，湣王十六年與韓、魏伐秦，十一年與韓、魏伐楚，十三年與秦、韓、魏敗楚。〕北破燕，〔鮑本十五年。正曰：齊宣王二十九年，伐燕取之。〕中使韓、魏之君，〔鮑本兩國從其役。〕地廣而兵強，戰勝攻取，詔令天下，〔鮑本以詔令令天下，時未稱詔，此秦史之言耳。正曰：詔告命令也。下文「詔之」，及後策「趙王之教，詔之使者」、「明詔」之類。〕濟清河濁，〔姚本濟水清，河水濁。一作「詔令天下，齊清濟濁河」。　鮑本補曰：韓作「齊之清濟濁河」，與下文協，語勝。　札記丕烈案：燕策云，「吾聞齊有清濟濁河」。亦見史記蘇秦傳，皆可證也。〕足以為限，〔姚本限，難也。　鮑本東郡壽張注，泲上有朐城。又平原有鬲津、般河，皆近齊。正曰：書蔡傳，濟水自鄭以東，貫滑、曹、鄆、齊、濟、青以入于海。自鄆以下皆齊地也。正義云，黃河從洛、魏二州界北流入海，亦齊西北界。左傳，「齊履西至于河」。〕長城、鉅坊，〔姚本錢、劉「坊」作「防」。　鮑本「坊」作「防」。○　蘇秦傳注，濟北盧縣有防門，又有長城，東至海。後志注，防門，即鉅防。補曰：長城西頭在濟州平陰縣界。太山記云，太山西有長城，緣河，經太山，餘一千里，至瑯琊臺入海。　札記丕烈案：韓子是「防」字。史記同。〕足以為塞。齊，五戰之國也，〔鮑本上所謂「南破」、「中破」之類。正曰：謂四面及中受兵。〕一戰不勝而無齊。〔鮑本燕昭入臨淄事。〕故由此觀之，夫戰者萬乘之存亡也。〔姚本勝則存，敗則亡。勝敗若此，故曰「萬乘之存亡也」。〕

「且臣聞之曰：『削株掘根，無與禍鄰，禍乃不存。』秦與荊人戰，大破荊，襲郢，取洞庭、五都、〔姚本續：史記引戰國策作五渚。〕江南。〔姚本郢，楚都也。洞庭、五都、江南，皆楚邑也。　鮑本揚州記，太湖，一名湖亭，一名震澤，一名洞庭。按，熊繹都丹陽。文王徙江陵，是為郢都。昭王徙郢，所謂故郢。又自郢徙鄀，與鄢為五。史多言鄢、郢。齊策「鄢、郢者，楚之柱國」，知鄢亦為都。江南，即漢志楚地所謂江南地遠者也。補曰：大破荊，在昭王二十九年，楚頃襄之二十一年。正曰：洞庭在巴陵，見楚、魏策，即此。　路史，熊繹初封丹陽，今秭歸。武徙枝江，亦曰丹陽。楚文都南郢，即江陵，又謂故郢。昭王避吳遷鄀，今宜城，為北郢，即郢州。惠王遷鄢，在宜城。曾氏謂屈瑕亂鄢以濟者，鄀、鄢非久都。故惠王末，墨翟重蠒趨郢。宣王時，王宮遇盜，郢軍見黜。懷王入秦，齊使郢中立王，皆昭、惠後。愚按，楚辭哀郢，莊辛說襄王，郢都必危，白起拔郢，始徙陳。知懷、襄之世，亦仍都南郢也。考烈王徙壽春，命曰郢。又年表考烈徙都鉅陽。大事記謂，春申君用朱英策，自陳徙壽春，不云自鉅陽也。據此，楚不止五都，鮑因誤文。又以其時在徙陳前，故徙陳以下不論，而其說亦不明，故為正之。正義云，江南在豫章、長沙南楚之地。　韓「五都」作「五湖」。史蘇秦傳五渚注引策文洞庭、五渚，謂此「渚」乃「湖」之訛。燕策亦有「五渚」字。按策既言襲郢，而五都郢在其中，「都」字必誤，當從韓。「五湖」說不一。索隱云，具區、洮滆、彭蠡、青草、洞庭；又說，太湖、射陽、青草、丹陽、宮亭。宮亭即彭蠡。張勃吳錄謂，太湖別名，或說太湖中自有五湖。　札記丕烈案：吳說未是。此策五都即燕策及蘇秦傳之五渚。「都」，「渚」同字也。五渚說在集解、索隱。〕荊王〔鮑本頃襄。〕亡奔〔姚本曾作「亡命」。〕走，〔鮑本無「奔」字。○　札記丕烈案：韓子作「荊王君臣亡走」。〕東伏於陳。〔鮑本見白起傳。〕當是之時，隨荊以兵，則荊可舉。〔鮑本拔其國如舉物然，言易也。〕舉荊，則其民足貪也，地足利也。東以強齊、燕，〔姚本言（錢、劉下有「秦」字）以強於齊、燕也。　鮑本強於二國。正曰：韓「強」作「弱」，是。下有。〕中〔姚本劉，下有「以」字。〕陵三晉。〔姚本三晉，趙、韓、魏也。〕然則是一舉〔鮑本舉，猶行。〕而伯王之名可成也，四鄰諸侯可朝也。〔姚本可使韓、魏。　鮑本使之朝秦。〕而謀臣不為，〔姚本不為此謀也。〕引軍而退，與荊人和。〔姚本和，平也。〕今〔姚本一作「令」。　鮑本「今」作「令」。○　札記丕烈案：韓子是「令」字。〕荊人收亡國，聚散民，立社主，〔鮑本為木主社。〕置宗廟，令帥天下西面以與秦為難，此固已無〔鮑本補曰：韓「無」作「失」，下並同。〕伯王之道一矣。天下有比志〔鮑本比，密也。言其志親。〕而軍華下，〔姚本華下，華山之下也。　鮑本即華陽之戰。〕大王以詐破〔鮑本補曰：「詐」，韓作「詔」，是。下同。〕之，兵至梁郭，〔鮑本「郭」作「都」。○　正曰：韓本文。〕圍梁數旬，〔姚本梁，大梁，魏王所都也。〕則梁可拔。拔梁，則魏可舉。〔鮑本梁以都言，魏全國也。〕舉魏，則荊、趙之志〔鮑本魏居二國之中，而為與國。故舉魏，則二國不通。〕絕。荊、趙之志絕，則趙危。〔鮑本趙尤近秦。〕趙危而荊孤。東以強〔鮑本補曰：見上。〕齊、燕，中陵三晉，然則是一舉而伯王之名可成也，四鄰諸侯可朝也。而謀臣不為，引軍而退，與魏氏和，令魏氏收亡國，聚散民，立社主，置宗廟，此固已無伯王之道二矣。前者穰侯之治秦也，用一國之兵，而欲以成兩國之功。〔姚本穰國（錢、劉本無「國」字）侯，魏人也。治，猶相也。穰侯相秦，欲興秦而安魏。故曰欲成兩國之功也。　鮑本秦及穰侯所封也，如封剛壽以廣陶之類。〕是故兵終身暴靈於外，士民潞〔姚本潞，羸於內。　鮑本「靈」作「露」。○　潞，即露耳，故高注為羸。補曰：韓作「疲」。　札記今本「靈」作「露」，鮑本作「露」。丕烈案：策文作「靈」，不與韓子同，韓子是「露」字。此當各依本書。策文下句言「潞病」，「潞」、「露」同字，此句不得更言暴露。「靈」者，「零」之假借；「暴」謂「日」，「靈」謂「雨」也。〕病於內，伯王之名不成，此固已無伯王之道三矣。

「趙氏，中央之國也，雜〔鮑本補曰：韓子注，趙都邯鄲，燕之南，齊之西，魏之北，韓之東，故曰中央。兼四國之人，故曰雜。〕民之所居也。其民輕〔鮑本輕，則其志不堅。〕而難用，〔鮑本「用」下有「也」字。○　札記丕烈案：韓子有。〕號令不治，賞罰不信，地形不便，〔姚本趙王都邯鄲，無險固，故曰不便。　鮑本無險隘故。正曰：非無險隘。上云「中央之國」，此云「不便」，此以大勢言之。〕上非能盡其民力。彼固亡國之形也，而不憂民氓，〔姚本野民曰氓。〕悉其士民，軍於長平之下，以爭韓之上黨，〔鮑本馮亭事。〕大王以詐〔鮑本補曰：「詔」字。〕破之，〔姚本劉，下有「兵」字。〕拔武安。〔姚本趙括封於武安，（曾更有「武安」字）君將趙四十萬眾拒秦，秦將白起坑括四十萬眾於長平下，故曰武安。　鮑本此殺趙括事，在四十七年。〕當是時，趙氏上下不相親也，〔姚本上下，君臣也。〕貴賤不相信，〔姚本貴，謂卿；賤，謂士。〕然則是邯鄲不守，拔邯鄲，完河間，〔鮑本冀州國。完之者，欲急取修武、上黨諸郡置之去也。正曰：韓作「筦山東河間」。〕引軍而去，西攻脩武，踰羊腸，〔姚本脩武，趙邑（一本有「也」字），合屬河內。羊膓，塞名也。　鮑本補曰：「踰羊膓，降代」，韓作「踰華絳」。　札記丕烈案：策文「羊膓」，高注可證。〕降代、上黨。〔姚本代屬趙。上黨屬韓。〕代三十六縣，上黨十七縣，〔鮑本補曰：「三十六」，韓作「四十六」；「十七」，韓作「七十」。〕不用一領甲，不苦一民，〔姚本甲，鎧。苦，勞。〕皆秦之有也。代、上黨不戰而已〔姚本曾，下有「反」字。〕為秦矣，〔姚本為，猶屬也。〕東陽〔鮑本屬清河。〕河外〔鮑本滹沱河之外。正曰：蘇秦說趙云，「東有清河」；張儀說趙告齊使興師，「渡清河，軍邯鄲之東」，即此河也。東陽既屬清河，不得為他說矣。〕不戰而已反為齊矣，〔鮑本此本趙所得齊地，今趙弱，故齊復取之；取之，則益弱矣。〕中呼池〔姚本「池」，續作「沲」。　鮑本「池」作「沱」。○　正曰：古「沱」通。史弟子傳「滂池」。補曰：韓「中山呼池」。　札記丕烈案：今韓子是「池」字。〕以北〔鮑本中，言中分之呼池。在代鹵城。〕不戰而已為燕矣。〔鮑本燕乘敗取之。〕然則是舉趙則韓必亡，韓亡則荊、魏不能獨立。〔鮑本無「荊魏不能獨立」六字。○〕荊、魏不能獨立，則是一舉而壞韓，蠹〔姚本蠹，害也。　鮑本蠹者，病其中也。〕魏，挾〔鮑本補曰：韓作「拔」。　札記丕烈案：「拔」字誤，「挾」當是「狹」。後策文「省攻伐之心」，新序作「挾戰功之心」，字與此同。〕荊，以東〔鮑本補曰：韓作「東以弱齊強燕」。〕弱齊、燕，決白馬之口，〔姚本白馬，津名。　鮑本張儀傳「守白馬之津」。津在東郡。〕以流〔鮑本補曰：韓作「沃」。　札記丕烈案：策文「流」，高注可證。〕魏氏。〔姚本魏氏，今魏郡縣也。流，灌也。〕一舉而三晉亡，從者敗。〔姚本從者，山東六國。從敗，不成也。　鮑本合從者。〕大王拱手以須，〔鮑本「須」，「胥」同，待也。〕天下遍隨而伏，〔鮑本「遍」作「編」。○　補曰：韓作「敗也」。編，言眾隨而伏降矣。以繩次物曰編。　札記吳氏補曰，韓作「敗也」、「須之」、「編隨而服矣」。丕烈案：此類皆當各依本書。〕伯王之名可成也。而謀臣不為，引軍而退，與趙氏為和。以大王之明，秦兵之強，伯王之業，〔鮑本謂先世所創。〕地〔姚本劉作「伯王業也」。〕尊〔鮑本地與相王之尊。正曰：韓「尊」作「曾」。劉辰翁謂，「地」猶「第」。皆失考。〕不可得，乃取欺於亡國，〔姚本亡國，謂趙也。　鮑本亡國，以長平之敗，言趙。〕是謀臣之拙也。且夫趙當亡不亡，秦當伯不伯，天下固量秦之謀臣一矣。乃復悉卒〔鮑本無「卒」字。○　補曰：韓此下有「士卒」字。〕乃〔姚本一作「以」。　鮑本「乃」作「以」。○　札記丕烈案：韓子是「以」字。〕攻邯鄲，不能拔也，棄甲兵怒，戰慄而卻，〔姚本卻，退也。　鮑本且怒且懼而退。補曰：韓作「棄甲負拏，戰竦而郤天下」。　札記策文有「卻」，高注可證。〕天下固量秦〔姚本錢本有「之」字。〕力二矣。軍乃引退，并於李下，〔姚本李下，邑名，在河內也。　鮑本後志，河內有李城，趙封李同之父於此。補曰：韓作「孚下」。　札記丕烈案：策文「李」，高注可證。〕大王又并軍而致〔姚本一作「至」。　鮑本致，言極力。　札記今本「致」作「至」。丕烈案：作「至」，即與姚校矛盾也。韓子是「至」字。〕與戰，非能厚〔姚本厚，大也。〕勝之也，又交罷卻，〔鮑本交，言秦與趙俱罷兵而退。〕天下固量秦〔姚本一本有「之」字。〕力三矣。內者量吾謀臣，外者極吾兵〔鮑本極，言度其力之所至。〕力。由是觀之，臣以天下之從，〔鮑本合從也。〕豈其難矣。內者吾甲兵頓，士民病，〔姚本頓，罷也。病，困也。〕蓄積索，田疇荒，囷倉虛；〔姚本圓曰囷，方曰倉。虛，不實（一本下有「也」字）。〕外者天下比志甚固。願大王有以慮之也。〔姚本慮，謀也。〕

「且臣聞之，戰戰慄慄，日慎一日。苟慎其道，天下可有也。〔姚本苟，誠也。〕何以知其然也？昔者紂為天子，〔鮑本元作「下」。補曰：韓作「子」。〕帥天下將〔鮑本無「甲」字。○　補曰：一本「將甲」。〕甲〔札記丕烈案：韓子作「將帥天下，甲兵百萬」。〕百萬，左飲於淇谷，〔鮑本河內共，淇水所出。〕右飲於洹水，〔鮑本蘇秦傳注，出林慮。項紀注，在安陽縣北。前、後志，在良鄉東南。〕淇水竭而洹水不流，〔鮑本亦竭也。〕以與周武為難。武王將素〔鮑本絹素為之，非金革也。正曰：素，以色言。〕甲三千領，戰一日，〔姚本一日，甲子之日也。太公望為號，到牧野，便剋紂，故曰「一日」。　鮑本以甲子日戰，遂克之。〕破紂之國，禽其身，據其地，而有其民，天下莫不〔姚本劉，無「不」字。〕傷。〔姚本傷，愍也。　鮑本傷殷之亡耳。正曰：韓作「莫傷」。〕智伯帥三國之眾，〔姚本三國，晉（曾、集「晉」作「智」）、韓、魏也。〕以攻趙襄主於晉陽，〔姚本襄主，趙襄子也。大夫稱主。晉陽，趙氏邑也。〕決水灌之，三年，〔鮑本補曰：韓作「三月」。趙策亦兩云「三年」。〕城且拔矣。〔姚本且，將也。〕襄主錯〔鮑本「錯」，「措」同，置也。補曰：「錯」，韓作「鑽」。〕龜，數策占兆，〔姚本策，蓍也。兆，占龜兆也。　鮑本灼龜折處曰兆。〕以視利害，何國可降，〔姚本何國可降，使為反間。　鮑本三國中，孰為可降。〕而使張孟談。〔姚本張孟談，趙襄子臣也。　鮑本趙之謀臣。〕於是潛行而出，反智伯之約，〔鮑本使韓、魏背之。〕得兩國之眾，以攻智伯之國，禽其身，以成襄子〔鮑本「子」作「主」。○　札記今本「子」作「主」。丕烈案：韓子作「以復襄主之初」。〕之功。〔姚本潛行，私行。兩國，韓、魏也。智伯與韓、魏攻襄子，張孟談辭於韓、魏，魏與趙同，故曰「反智伯之約」也。國猶軍，（一本有「攻」字）智伯之軍，而破以殺其身，故曰「以成襄主之功」也。〕今秦地斷長續短，方數千里，名師數百萬，秦國號令賞罰，地形利害，天下莫如也。〔姚本無如秦國安固者也。〕以此與天下，天下可兼而有也。〔姚本與天下爭，可并而有。〕

「臣昧死〔鮑本自言不知死所。〕望〔姚本劉，作「臣願望」。〕見大王，言所以舉〔姚本一本無「舉」字。　鮑本補曰：韓無此字。　札記丕烈案：策文當本作「一舉」，脫「一」字。「一舉」下文有。〕破天下之從，〔鮑本舉，謂一舉。〕舉趙亡韓，〔鮑本舉，亦拔也。補曰：非言及於亡韓，是豈可不為寒心？甚矣，其忍也！斬臣以徇於國，以主不忠於國者，亡韓之言當如之。〕臣荊、魏，親齊、燕，〔鮑本二國去秦遠，未可加兵，故親之以寬兵力。其後秦滅諸國，二國獨後亡，此故也。〕以成伯王之名，〔姚本成，立也。〕朝四鄰諸侯之道。大王試聽其說，一舉而天下之從不破，趙不舉，韓不亡，荊、魏不臣，齊、燕不親，伯王之名不成，四鄰諸侯不朝，大王斬臣以徇於國，〔鮑本徇行以示人也。〕以主為謀〔姚本曾，恐當作「主謀」。　鮑本無「為謀」兩字，「忠」下有「於國」二字。○　補曰：韓「以為為王謀不忠者」。　札記丕烈案：今韓子不重「為」。〕不忠者。」〔鮑本主言以為首惡。彪謂：此士論事，深切著明，孫卿不如。秦所以取天下，蓋行其說也。而史失其人，猥以張儀名之，惜哉！所稱謀臣，范睢也。正曰：韓非，師荀卿者也。其術不主於卿，卿論兵以附民為要，以仁義為本，以禁暴除害為務，非而有是言歟？大意不過欲極威怒，而務攻取耳。鮑既考之不精，且謂卿不如，謬矣。補曰：蘇氏論荀卿歷詆天下之賢人，以自是其愚。李斯以其學亂天下，其高談異論，有以激之也。韓非此書歷詆秦之謀臣，蓋指魏冉、范睢之徒。他日謂申不害徒術無法，公孫鞅徒法無術，張儀以秦徇韓、魏，甘茂以秦徇周，穰侯、應候攻他國以成其私封，所詆者，亦非一人。其剛愎不孫，自許太過，則亦卿之風也。終以忤李斯、短姚賈而殺其身。太史公謂非知說之難，而不能自脫，可以為騁說者之戒矣。〕

張儀欲假秦兵以救魏

張儀欲假秦兵以救魏。〔鮑本時將相魏。〕左成謂甘茂曰：「子不〔鮑本「子不」作「不如」。○　札記今本「子不」作「不如」。〕予之。魏不反秦兵，〔鮑本謂敗而死傷多。〕張子不反秦。〔姚本言魏以秦兵戰，死亡之而不反，則張儀亦懼誅，不敢反秦也。　鮑本謂秦以喪兵誅之。〕魏若反秦兵，張子得志於魏，不敢反於秦矣。〔姚本魏用秦兵戰，得反之，則張儀有功於魏，故得志。得志於魏，亦不反於秦也。　鮑本懼秦疑其厚魏。〕張子不去秦，〔鮑本去，猶捨也。儀雖為魏，猶有得秦之心。〕張子必高子。」〔鮑本高，貴也。子，謂甘茂也。　鮑本高，貴重也。高之者，欲茂以秦資之。正曰：劉辰翁云，不去秦，萬一不行救魏也，亦必高茂之誼，高茂之忠。〕

司馬錯與張儀爭論於秦惠王前

司馬錯〔鮑本秦人。〕與張儀爭論於秦惠王前。司馬錯欲伐蜀，張儀曰：「不如伐韓。」王曰：「請聞其說。」〔姚本錢云，「聞」舊作「問」。曾、劉、集亦作「問」。〕

對曰：「親魏善楚，下兵三川，〔姚本三川，宜陽也。下兵，出兵也。〕塞轘〔姚本塞，斷。　鮑本補曰：轘，胡貫反。〕轅、緱氏之口，〔鮑本高紀注，轘轅、緱氏，險道，屬河南。補曰：瓚云，轘轅，險道，在緱氏東南。索隱云，緱氏以山為名。〕當屯留之道，〔姚本屯留，今上黨縣。　鮑本屬上黨。補曰：正義云，屯留，潞州縣。道，即太行羊腸阪道也。〕魏絕南陽，〔姚本魏與南陽絕也。　鮑本秦使之絕。〕楚臨南鄭，〔姚本鄭，今河南新鄭也。〕秦攻新城、宜陽，〔鮑本新城屬河南。補曰：左傳僖六年注，新城，鄭新密。今滎陽密也。大事記「白起繫韓新城」引正義云，在洛州伊闕縣。又「秦、韓會新城」云，兩周間。地名注引正義云，許州襄城縣，古新城縣也。按，羋戎華陽君又號新城君，則華陽在密者。此策以宜陽並言，地必連近，當是伊闕爾。〕以臨二周之郊，〔姚本二周，東周、西周也。〕誅周主〔姚本周主，周君。　鮑本誅，討也。補曰：周主謂二君。〕之罪，侵楚、魏之地。周自知不救，九鼎寶器必出。〔姚本自知不可復救，必出其寶器，不敢愛惜也。〕據九鼎，桉圖籍，〔鮑本土地之圖，人民金穀之籍。〕挾天子以令天下，〔姚本令，教。　鮑本號令指麾之。〕天下莫敢不聽，此王業也。〔姚本錢本作「此不世之業也」。〕今夫蜀，西辟之國，而戎狄之長也，〔姚本續云：新序「長」字作「偷」，後語作「倫」字。〕弊兵〔鮑本「兵」作「名」。○　補曰：一本「名」作「兵」。　札記丕烈案：史記、新序皆作「兵」。〕勞眾不足以成名，〔姚本辟遠，不足以成伯王之名。〕得其地不足以為利。臣聞：『爭名者於朝，爭利者於市。』今三川、周室，天下之市朝也，而王不爭焉，顧〔姚本顧，反也。　鮑本顧，還視也，故為反義。〕爭於戎狄，去王業〔姚本曾、錢、劉無「業」字。〕遠矣。」

司馬錯曰：「不然。臣聞之，欲富國者，〔姚本曾、錢、集本，「富國」作「國富」。〕務〔鮑本務，趣也。正曰：務，專力也。〕廣其地；欲強兵者，務富其民；欲王者，務博其德。三資者備，〔鮑本三者於國，如人之有資貨。〕而王隨之矣。〔姚本隨，從也。〕今王之地小民貧，故臣願從事於易。夫蜀，西辟之國也，而戎狄之長也，而有桀、紂之亂。以秦攻之，譬〔鮑本「譬」作「避」。○　札記丕烈案：史記、新序皆作「譬」。〕如使豺狼逐群羊也。取其地，足以廣國也；得其財，足以富民；繕兵〔鮑本繕，補也。正曰：左傳隱元年「繕甲兵」注，治也，訓切。〕不傷眾，而彼已服矣。故拔一國，而天下不以為暴；利盡西〔鮑本「西」作「四」。○　言四方之物蜀兼有之，故蘇秦於巴、蜀、漢中獨曰利。補曰：一本「西海」，新序同。　札記丕烈案：史記亦作「西」，「四」字誤。〕海，諸侯不以為貪。是我一舉而名實兩附，〔鮑本不貪暴，名也；得國，實也。〕而又有禁暴正亂之名。今攻韓劫〔鮑本劫，脅止也。〕天子，劫天子，惡名也，而未必利也，又有不義之名，〔鮑本韓無罪而伐之，不義也。〕而攻天下之所不欲，〔鮑本天下皆有尊周之志。正曰：史，「攻天下之所不欲，危矣」。新序同。按，下文云「此臣所謂危」是也。今無「矣」字，則以「欲」字句；而「危」字自為句，亦奇。〕危！臣請謁〔姚本謁，白。〕其故：周，天下之宗〔鮑本宗，尊也。〕室也；齊，〔鮑本補曰：「齊」字恐衍。　札記丕烈案：吳說非也。史記作「齊，韓之與國也」。新序同。讀以「齊」字逗，當是。策文衍「周」字。〕韓、周之與國也。周自知失九鼎，韓自知亡三川，則必將二國〔姚本二國，周、韓也。〕并〔鮑本并，並也。〕力合謀，以因于齊、趙，而求解乎楚、魏。〔鮑本解免秦兵。〕以鼎與楚，以地與魏，王不能禁。〔姚本禁，止也。〕此臣所謂『危』，不如伐蜀之完也。」〔姚本必不傷敗，故曰完也。　鮑本不虞傷敗。〕惠王曰：「善！寡人聽子。」〔姚本子，司馬錯也。〕

卒起兵伐蜀，十月取之，遂定蜀。蜀主更號為侯，而使陳莊〔姚本續：新序作陳叔。〕相蜀。〔姚本陳莊，秦臣也。〕蜀既屬，〔鮑本屬，猶附。〕秦益強富厚，〔姚本厚，大也。〕輕諸侯。〔鮑本儀傳有，在前十年前，而表在後九年。謂前年議伐，後年取之。而取之，書十月，知為一年事也。今從表。補曰：秦紀與表合。按甘茂傳云，張儀西并巴、蜀，當儀與錯議不同。故紀表並言錯定蜀，而茂傳之言如此，何也？水經云，秦自石牛道使張儀、司馬錯尋路伐蜀，滅之。華陽國志云，蜀王伐苴侯，苴侯奔巴，求救於秦，惠文王使張儀、司馬錯伐蜀，滅之。是二人同往也。〕

張儀之殘樗里疾

張儀之殘〔姚本殘，害也。〕樗里疾也，重而使之楚。〔鮑本重，猶貴。貴之者，欲使楚亦貴重之。〕因令楚王〔鮑本懷。〕為之請相於秦。〔姚本請使秦用樗里疾為相也。〕張子謂秦王曰：「重樗里疾而使之者，將以為國交也。〔鮑本結兩國之交。〕今身〔鮑本疾之身。〕在楚，楚王因為請相於秦。臣聞其言〔鮑本聞疾之言，蓋誣之也。〕曰：『王〔鮑本楚王。〕欲窮儀於秦乎？臣請助王。』〔姚本斯言，樗里子言也，張儀誣樗里疾以自解說也。〕楚王以為然，〔鮑本補曰：「為然」之「為」，如字，餘去聲。〕故為請相也。今王誠聽之，彼〔姚本彼，謂樗里疾也。〕必以國事楚王。」〔姚本錢、劉作「楚矣」。〕秦王大怒，樗里疾出走。〔姚本走，奔也。〕

張儀欲以漢中與楚

張儀欲以漢中與楚，〔鮑本惠十三年，取楚漢中。〕請〔鮑本補曰：「請」當是「謂」字。〕秦王曰：「有漢中，蠹。〔姚本蠹，害也。　鮑本蠹，木中蟲也。言為國害。〕種樹不處〔鮑本言非其所。〕者，人必害之；家有不宜之財，則傷〔姚本傷，亦害也。　鮑本非所宜得，得之，必有禍。〕本。〔鮑本「本」作「今」。○　正曰：自「有漢」止「傷本」有殽舛。疑當云，「種樹不處則傷本，家有不宜之財者，人必害之」。　札記今本「本」作「今」，乃誤涉鮑也。鮑改「本」為「今」。丕烈案：此有誤，但所改未是。吳氏正讀「本」字上屬。以為自「有漢」止「傷本」有殽舛，亦未是。〕漢中南邊為楚利，此國累也。」〔姚本累，憂也。〕甘茂謂王曰：「地大者，固〔姚本固，必也。　鮑本言不然。〕多憂乎！天下有變，〔鮑本謂害於秦。〕王割漢中以為〔姚本一本無「為」字。〕和楚，〔鮑本「以為和楚」作「以楚和」。○　補曰：一本「王割漢中以為和楚」，姚註一無「為」字，此作「以楚和」，殽次也。〕楚必畔〔鮑本畔，猶背。〕天下而與王。〔姚本與王相親也。〕王今以漢中與楚，即天下有變，王何以市楚也？」

楚攻魏張儀謂秦王

楚〔姚本楚威王也。〕攻魏。張儀謂秦王〔姚本秦惠王也。〕曰：「不如與魏以勁之，〔姚本與，猶助也。勁，彊也。〕魏戰勝，復聽於秦，〔姚本錢、劉作「魏戰勝，德於秦」。〕必入西河之外；〔姚本西河，魏邑。之外，近秦，故必以與秦也。　鮑本禹貢，西河屬雍州，此時屬魏。子夏老於西河之上是也。補曰：蓋主冀之西而言。正義云，同、華等州。〕不勝，魏不能守，王必取之。」〔姚本取之河西。　鮑本自取河外。〕

王用儀言，取皮氏〔姚本皮氏，魏邑。　鮑本皮氏屬河東，魏地也。今秦於此取卒與車，豈喪地七百里時入秦邪？補曰：正義云，皮氏在絳州龍門縣西。〕卒萬人，車百乘，以與魏。犀首〔姚本犀首，公孫衍也。　鮑本公孫衍也，陰晉人。司馬彪曰，犀首，魏官，若今虎牙將軍。補曰：按年表，陰晉人犀首為大良造，則非官名。而韓策，樛留以犀首、張儀並言，何為一人獨以官稱乎？恐犀首或姓名也。魏亦有犀武。說又見衛策。〕戰勝威王，〔鮑本楚。〕魏兵罷弊，〔鮑本「罷」，「疲」同。〕恐畏秦，果獻〔姚本獻，致也。〕西河之外。〔鮑本魏襄五年，入秦河西地，此前八年也，儀時為客卿。魏七年納上郡，此前十年也，儀時為相。正曰：惠後五年。補曰：此章稱楚威王，威王在位凡十一年，攻魏事，史無見。年表，十一年，魏敗我陘山，因喪來伐。是歲，秦取魏皮氏。明年入上郡于秦，而西河濱洛之地盡。皆楚威死後也。陘山前一年，魏入少梁河西地于秦，豈是時楚、魏已搆兵乎？〕

田莘之為陳軫說秦惠王

田莘〔鮑本「莘」作「華」。○　補曰：一本「田莘」。〕之為陳軫〔姚本陳軫，夏人，仕齊亦仕楚也。　鮑本二皆齊姓。〕說秦惠王曰：「臣恐王之如郭君。〔姚本古文言虢也。　鮑本郭，虢同。屬扶風。正曰：路史云，北虢，仲後也，在大陽，今陝州西。西虢，仲之封，在岐。東遷自此之上陽為南虢。東虢，叔之封制也，今鄭之滎陽。按此，策所指者北虢也。〕夫晉獻公欲伐郭，而憚舟之僑〔姚本舟之僑，郭大夫也。　鮑本憚，難之也。〕存。荀息〔姚本荀息，晉大夫也。〕曰：『周書有言，美女破舌。』〔鮑本破，壞其事。舌，指諫臣。〕乃遺之女樂，以亂其政。舟之僑諫而不聽，遂去。〔姚本傳曰，舟之僑諫而不從，以其孥適西山（一本有「也」字）。　鮑本閔二年奔晉。〕因而伐郭，遂破之。又欲伐虞，〔鮑本屬河東大陽。〕而憚宮之奇〔姚本宮之奇，虞大夫也。〕存。荀息曰：『周書有言，美男破老。』〔鮑本老成人。補曰：汲冢周書，「美男破老，美女破舌，武之毀也」。注云，所以毀敵也。修文御覽引周書作「美男破產，美女破居」。〕乃遺之美男，教之惡宮之奇。宮之奇以諫而不聽，遂亡。〔姚本亡去適秦。　鮑本左氏不言其亡。〕因而伐虞，遂取之。今秦自以為王，〔姚本惠王，孝公子也。始僭尊號為王，故曰「自以為王」。　鮑本時亦未王，謂其欲之。〕能害王者〔姚本一本無「者」字。　鮑本因其有自王之志，故稱之曰「王者」。〕之國者，楚也。楚智〔姚本一本作「知」字。　鮑本「智」作「知」。○〕橫〔姚本一本有「門」字。橫門君，秦將。　鮑本原作「橫君」，注有「門」字，知為脫文。蓋秦將也。　札記「橫」下有「門」字。〕君之善用兵，〔姚本錢、劉只一「用兵」字。　鮑本下衍「用兵」二字。〕用兵與陳軫之智，故驕〔姚本驕，寵也。〕張儀以五國。〔鮑本言楚使韓、魏、趙、燕、齊以事屬之，以重其權。按儀初游楚，楚相笞之，後相楚，乃為秦間耳。楚無驕之之事，今云然，因其自楚來，間之耳。〕來，必惡〔鮑本惡，言其惡也。〕是二人。〔姚本二人，橫門君、陳軫也。〕願王勿聽也。」張儀果來辭，因言軫也，王怒而不聽。

張儀又惡陳軫於秦王

張儀又惡陳軫於秦王，曰：「軫馳楚、秦之間，〔姚本一本作「馳走秦、楚之間」。錢、劉作「馳楚」。　鮑本「楚秦」作「秦楚」。○　札記丕烈案：史記作「秦、楚」。〕今楚〔鮑本「楚」作「遂」。○　補曰：一本「今楚不加」。　札記丕烈案：史記作「楚」。〕不加善秦而善軫，〔鮑本言楚善之。〕然則是軫自為而不為國也。且軫欲去秦而之楚，王何不聽乎？」〔姚本聽，察也。　鮑本聽，猶許。〕

王謂陳軫曰：「吾聞子欲去秦而之楚，信乎？」陳軫曰：「然。」王曰：「儀之言果信也。」曰：「非獨儀知之也，行道之人皆知之。曰：『孝己〔姚本孝己，殷王高宗戊丁之子也。　鮑本世紀，殷高宗有賢子孝己，母早死，高宗惑后妻之言，放之而死。補曰：尸子云，孝己事親，一夜而五起，視衣厚薄、枕之高下也。〕愛其親，天下欲以為子；子胥〔姚本子胥，楚王大夫伍奢之子。平王殺伍奢，子胥奔吳，為闔閭、夫差臣。　鮑本伍子胥，楚人，平王殺其父奢，胥奔吳。吳王夫差敗越於夫椒，越王勾踐求委國為臣妾，夫差將許之，胥諫不聽。后吳伐齊，胥諫請釋齊先越，太宰嚭讒之，賜劍以死。〕忠乎〔姚本錢、劉無「乎」字，集有。〕其君，天下欲以為臣。賣僕妾售〔鮑本售，賣去乎也。〕乎閭巷者，良〔鮑本良，善也。〕僕妾也；出婦嫁鄉曲〔鮑本曲，里之一曲，如韋曲、杜曲。〕者，良婦也。』吾不忠於君，楚亦何以軫為忠乎？〔姚本錢、劉本無「乎」字。〕忠且見棄，吾不之楚，何適乎？」秦王曰：「善。」乃必之也。〔鮑本「必」作「止」，無「也」字。○　札記今本「必」作「止」。〕　　〔鮑本軫傳有。〕

陳軫去楚之秦

陳軫去楚之秦。〔鮑本言「去楚」者，本其始。仕秦之時，自楚來也，自為「輸楚」張本。〕
張儀謂秦王〔姚本秦惠王也。〕曰：「陳軫為王臣，常以國情輸楚。〔姚本輸，語也。　鮑本情，謂國事之隱者。補曰：情，實也。輸，寫也。輸寫以告之。〕儀不能與從事，願王逐之。即復之楚，願王殺之。」王曰：「軫安敢之楚也。」

王召陳軫告之曰：「吾能聽子言，〔鮑本無「言」字。○〕子欲何之？〔姚本言欲何之適也。曾作「子欲何適」。〕請為子車約。」〔姚本約，具也。　鮑本「車約」作「約車」。○　約，纏束之。正曰：高注，具也。蓋約束戒令之。策多有。　札記今本「車約」作「約車」。丕烈案：「約車」是也。〕對曰：「臣願之楚。」王曰：「儀以子為之楚，吾又自知子之楚。子非楚，且〔鮑本「且」作「宜」。○　補曰：一本「且安之也」。〕安之也！」軫曰：「臣出，必故之楚，以順〔姚本順，從。〕王與儀之策，〔姚本策，謀。　鮑本策，謂其所籌度。〕而明臣之楚與不〔鮑本「不」作「否」。○　此「之」即所謂以國情輸楚。正曰：「故之楚」之「之」，往也；「之楚與否」之「之」，語助也。下同。〕也。楚人有兩妻者，人誂〔姚本續：後語作「挑」。　鮑本誂，相呼誘也。補曰：後語作「挑」，徒了反。〕其長者，〔姚本一本更有「長者」二字。〕詈〔鮑本詈，罵也。〕之；誂其少者，少者許之。居無幾何，〔鮑本時不久也。〕有兩妻者死。客謂誂者曰：『汝取長者乎？少者乎？』〔姚本一本有「曰」字。〕『取長者。』〔鮑本誂者對也。〕客曰：『長者詈汝，少者和〔鮑本和，猶應。〕汝，汝何為取長者？』曰：『居彼人之所，則欲其許我也。今為我妻，則欲其為我〔鮑本無「我」字。○〕詈人也。』〔鮑本以國情輸楚，猶許者也。軫誠有此，則今之楚，楚必不欲也。補曰：「許我」、「詈之」云云，後漢馮衍傳有。〕今楚王〔鮑本懷。〕明主也，而昭陽賢相也。〔姚本昭陽，姓名也，楚懷王之相也。〕軫為人臣，而常以國〔鮑本「國」下補「情」字。○　補曰：「國」下當有「情」字。〕輸楚王，〔姚本「王」，劉作「楚」。　鮑本「王」作「楚」。○　札記屬下讀。〕王必不留臣，昭陽將不與臣從事矣。以此明臣之楚與不。」〔鮑本之，亦猶於。〕

軫出，張儀入，問王曰：「陳軫果安之？」王曰：「夫軫天下之辯士也，孰〔鮑本「孰」作「熟」。○　補曰：「孰」，「熟」通。說文「生熟」字，本但作「孰」，後人加「火」以別之。〕視寡人曰：『軫必之楚。』寡人遂無柰何也。寡人因問曰：『子必之楚也，則儀之言果信矣！』軫曰：『非獨儀之言也，〔鮑本無「也」字。○〕行道之人皆知之。昔者子胥忠其君，天下皆欲以為臣；孝己愛其親，天下皆欲以為子。故賣僕妾不出里巷而取者，良僕妾也；出婦嫁於鄉里者，善婦也。臣不忠於王，楚何以〔姚本欲為臣乎。〕軫為？〔姚本一本更添一「忠」字。〕忠尚見棄，〔鮑本「尚」作「且」，「且」上補「忠」字。○　補曰：史復有「忠」字，是。札記丕烈案：鮑、吳皆非。史記陳軫傳所載乃上一篇，與此文不同也。讀此，當以「楚何以軫為」作一句，「忠尚見棄」別為一句。高注云「欲為臣」，是上句之解，當本在下，錯在「軫」字上，遂不可曉。注末有一「乎」字，或本在正文「為」字下，今本初刻誤以此四字皆入正文，改刻仍皆作注。〕軫不之楚，而何之乎？』」〔姚本集與此本同。曾，「臣不忠於王，楚何以為臣乎？軫為忠見棄，軫不之楚，而何之乎」？〕王以為然，遂善待之。〔鮑本此一事再出，著書者以所聞駮異也。彪謂：軫之辯類捷給，而其所稱譬，皆當於人心，不詭於正論。周衰，辯士未有若軫之絕倫離群者也。正曰：秦為無道，魯仲連不肯帝，孔子順義不入，彼誠豪傑之士已。軫往來其間，其居秦也，又與張儀爭寵，鄙哉。雖其為楚謀也多，而終不能以善楚也。「之楚」之對，辯給不詭於正，猶為彼善於此耳。補曰：大事記，顯王四十一年，秦陳軫奔楚。解題引策文自「賣僕妾」以下止「之乎」，云軫居秦期年，惠王終相張儀，而軫奔。〕

秦策 二

齊助楚攻秦

齊助楚攻秦，取曲沃。〔姚本曲沃，晉桓叔所封也，在今弘農縣東三十五里，道北曲沃城是。戰國時秦兼有之，故齊助楚攻秦取之也。　鮑本晉桓叔所封，漢屬河東，為聞喜。此時屬秦，與上取皮氏卒同義。〕其後，秦欲伐齊，〔姚本伐齊，報曲沃也。〕齊、楚之交善，〔姚本善，猶親也。〕惠王患之，謂張儀曰：「吾欲伐齊，齊、楚方懽，子為寡人慮之，柰何？」〔姚本慮，計也。〕張儀曰：「王其為臣約車并幣，〔鮑本言并，則幣非一物。正曰：并，合也。〕臣請試之。」〔姚本約，具也。幣，貨。試，猶嘗視也。　鮑本不自必之辭。〕

張儀南見楚王〔姚本楚懷王也。〕曰：「弊邑之王所說〔姚本說，敬也。〕甚者，無大〔鮑本大，猶過。〕大王；〔姚本大王，楚王也。〕唯儀之所甚願為臣者，亦無大大王。〔姚本唯，獨也。願為王臣，無有與大王比者也。　鮑本唯，辭也。傳稱往相楚是也。〕弊邑之王所甚憎者，亦〔鮑本衍「亦」字。補曰：疑衍。　札記丕烈案：史記無「亦」字。〕無先〔鮑本「先」作「大」。○　札記丕烈案：「大」字當是。〕齊王；〔姚本齊威王也。　鮑本閔。〕唯儀之〔鮑本「甚」上補「所」字。○　札記今本「甚」上有「所」字，乃誤涉鮑也。丕烈案：史記有。〕甚憎者，亦無大〔札記今本「大」作「先」。丕烈案：史記四字皆作「先」，當是。與策文皆作「大」者不同也。〕齊王。今齊王之罪，其於弊邑之王甚厚，〔姚本厚，重也。　鮑本言得罪於秦重也。〕弊邑欲伐之，而大國與之懽，〔姚本懽，猶合也。〕是以弊邑之王不得事令，〔姚本令，善也。不得善事於楚王也。　鮑本事，猶聽從。〕而儀不得為臣也。大王苟能閉關絕齊，〔姚本苟，誠也。關，楚北方城之塞也。絕齊懽合之交也。〕臣請使秦王獻商於之地，〔姚本商於，秦邑。獻，貢也。　鮑本楚記注，在今順陽郡南鄉、丹水二縣，有商城在於中，故名。弘農商縣是也。〕方六百里。若此，齊必弱，〔姚本齊無援必弱也。　鮑本失楚援故。〕齊弱則必為王役〔鮑本「役」作「沒」。○　補曰：役，言為楚役使。〕矣。則是北弱齊，西德於秦，〔鮑本秦因楚絕齊，得報曲沃之役，楚之惠也。〕而私商於之地以為利也，〔姚本曾，一作「己利」。錢、劉，一作「利」也。德，恩也。楚與齊絕，為施恩德於秦，私得秦地以為己利也。〕則此一計而三利俱至。」

楚王大說，宣〔姚本宣，偏也。〕言之於朝廷，曰：「不穀得商於之田，方六百里。」群臣聞見者畢賀，〔姚本畢，盡。　鮑本「田」作「地」。○〕陳軫〔姚本軫仕楚，為楚懷王臣。　鮑本時去秦在楚。〕後見，獨不賀。楚王曰：「不穀不煩一兵，不傷一人，而得商於之地六百里，寡人自以為智矣！諸士大夫皆賀，子獨不賀，何也？」陳軫對曰：「臣見商於之地不可得，而患必至也，故不敢妄賀。」〔姚本妄，猶空也。〕王曰：「何也？」對曰：「夫秦所以重王者，以王有齊也。今地未可得而齊先絕，是楚孤也，〔鮑本無援故。〕秦又〔姚本曾、錢、劉「夫秦有」。〕何重孤國？且先出地絕齊，秦計必弗為也。先絕齊後責地，且必受欺於張儀。〔姚本言張儀必欺王也。　鮑本言儀必背約。〕受欺於張儀，王必惋之。〔鮑本惋，猶恨。〕
是西生秦患，北絕齊交，則兩國〔姚本兩國，秦與齊也。〕兵必至矣。」楚王不聽，曰：「吾事善矣！子其弭口無言，〔姚本弭，止。　鮑本集韻，彌，止也，通作「弭」。〕以待吾事。」〔鮑本軫之策此，可謂明矣，而懷王不聽，愚而好自用者也。其死秦，宜哉！〕楚王使人絕齊，使者未來，〔姚本來，猶還也。〕又重絕之。

張儀反，〔姚本反，還也。　鮑本絕句。〕秦使人使齊，齊、秦之交陰合。〔姚本陰，私也。〕楚因使一將軍受地於秦。張儀至，〔鮑本前反而今至也。〕稱病不朝。楚王曰：「張子以寡人不絕齊乎？」乃使勇士往詈齊王。〔姚本詈，罵也。〕張儀知楚絕齊也，乃出見使者曰：「從某至某，廣從〔姚本錢、劉作「從」。曾一作「袤」。　鮑本橫度為廣，直為從。〕六里。」使者曰：「臣聞六百里，不聞六里。」儀曰：「儀固以小人，〔鮑本小人，貧寠之稱，言不能多與。〕安得六百里？」使者反報楚王，楚王大怒，欲興師伐秦。陳軫曰：「臣可以言乎？」〔姚本王初使弭口，今可以言未也。〕王曰：「可矣。」軫曰：「伐秦非計也，王不如因而賂之一名都，〔姚本名，大也。都，邑。　鮑本無「因而」二字。○　都邑有聞於時者。　札記丕烈案：史記，「不如因賂之一名都」。〕與之伐齊，〔姚本與秦俱伐齊也。〕是我亡於秦而取償於齊也。〔姚本言失邑於秦，而大得報償於齊也，故曰「是我亡於秦也」。　鮑本償，還也。言勝齊則得地，雖亡所賂，足以相償。〕楚國不尚全事。〔姚本不尚，尚也。全，空也。「事」，一云「乎」。　鮑本不尚，尚也，言無所喪。正曰：高注，「事」一云「乎」，「乎」字是。〕王今已絕齊，而責欺於秦，是吾合齊、秦之交也，固〔姚本曾「固」作「國」。　鮑本「固」作「國」。○　補曰：史作「國」。〕必大傷。」〔姚本傷，病也。〕

楚王不聽，〔鮑本是亦明計也而不聽，是以知楚王之悍也。彼豈能用屈原哉！〕遂舉兵伐秦。〔鮑本正曰：史云「使屈句將」。〕秦與齊合，韓氏從之。〔姚本韓王見齊、秦合為一，故復合之也。〕楚兵大敗於杜陵。〔姚本杜陵，楚邑。　鮑本屬京兆。〕故楚之土壤士民非削弱，僅〔鮑本集韻，僅，劣也。〕以救亡者，計失於陳軫，〔姚本僅，猶裁。得不滅大者，坐不從陳軫之計故也。〕過〔姚本過，誤也，聽於張儀之欺六百里地。〕聽於張儀。〔鮑本記懷十六年有，此十二年也。補曰：張儀商於之欺，雖豎子猶能知之，以陳軫之智，固不為難也。儀之肆意而無忌者，知懷王之愚，而軫之言必不入也。不然，他日楚之請，儀將懼其甘心焉。而儀請自往，卒不能害，豈非中其所料也哉！　洪邁云，賂秦攻齊，策尤乖謬不義。齊本與國，宜割地致幣，卑詞謝罪，復求其援，而反欲攻之，軫說謬矣。「子為」、「為臣」之「為」，「使者」、「使齊」之「使」，並去聲。〕

楚絕齊齊舉兵伐楚

楚絕齊，齊舉兵伐楚。陳軫謂楚王〔鮑本懷。〕曰：「王不如以地東解於齊，西講〔鮑本補曰：講，當從「媾」讀，說見前。〕於秦。」

楚王使陳軫之秦，秦王謂軫曰：「子秦人也，〔姚本軫先仕於秦，故言秦人也。〕寡人與子故也，〔姚本故，舊。〕寡人不佞，〔鮑本佞，高才也。〕不能親國事也，〔姚本親，猶知也。　鮑本弟親治國。〕故子棄〔姚本棄，去也。〕寡人事楚王。今齊、楚相伐，〔鮑本軫傳言韓、魏。〕或謂救之便，或謂救之不便，〔姚本便，利也。〕子獨不可以忠為子主計，〔鮑本主，懷王。〕以其餘為寡人乎？」〔姚本以餘計為寡人計也。〕陳軫曰：「王獨不聞吳人之遊〔姚本遊，仕也。〕楚者乎？楚王〔鮑本楚先王。〕甚愛之，病，〔鮑本吳人。〕故使人問之，〔鮑本楚王使問。〕曰：〔鮑本使者還，主問之。〕『誠病乎？意亦思乎？』〔姚本思，思吳乎？〕左右曰：『臣不知〔鮑本「不」作「又」。○　注家說「有」為「又」，則「又」亦「有」也。此言有以知之。正曰：劉辰翁云，「又知」猶「安知」。愚謂，終缺「安」字。按姚本作「不知」，是。〕其思與不思，誠思則將吳吟。』〔姚本吟，歌吟也。　鮑本作吳人呻吟。〕今軫將為王吳吟。〔鮑本言不忘秦。〕王不聞夫管與之說乎？〔姚本曾「管」作「卞」。管，姓也。說，言也。　鮑本軫傳作「館豎子」。〕有兩虎諍〔姚本一作「爭」。　鮑本「諍」作「爭」。○　補曰：字與「爭」通，下同。　札記丕烈案：史記作「爭」。〕人而鬥者，〔鮑本無「者」字。○〕管莊子將刺之，〔鮑本傳「管」作「卞」。刺，有傷也。補曰：索隱引策作「館」。館，謂逆旅舍，其人字莊子。　札記丕烈案：今史記作「辨」。索隱又云，或作「卞」。吳氏所引索隱，困學紀聞引同。今王震澤本如此，與單本不同，單本不引戰國策正文，即作「館莊子」。此文下「管與止之」，史記作「館豎子止之」。當依單本為是。乃史記作「館」，策文作「管」也。〕管與止之曰：『虎者，戾蟲；〔姚本戾，貪也。　鮑本戾，猶暴。〕人者，甘餌也。〔鮑本無「也」字。○　以餅餌喻之。〕今兩虎諍人而鬥，小者必死，大者必傷。子待傷虎而刺之，則是一舉而兼〔姚本兼，得也。〕兩虎也。無刺一虎之勞，而有刺兩虎之名。』〔姚本刺，殺也。〕齊、楚今戰，戰必敗。〔鮑本必有一敗。〕敗，〔姚本錢、劉，一無下「敗」字。〕王起兵救之，有救齊之利，而無伐楚之害。〔姚本害，危也。　鮑本今詳秦王言「為子主計」，則以齊、楚正相伐故也。今軫言「無伐楚」，亦并以忠為主也。〕計聽知覆逆者，〔鮑本能計善聽，知二國之覆逆。覆逆，言不順於理。正曰：覆，謂反覆；逆，謂逆料。「覆」即下文「一二」；「逆」即下文「本末」。〕唯王可也。計者，事之本也；聽者，存亡之機。〔姚本機，要也。　鮑本機主發矢，喻事之要也、先也。〕計失而聽過，能有國者寡也。〔姚本寡，少也。〕故曰：『計有一二者難悖也，〔姚本悖，誤也。一本無「也」字。　鮑本無「也」字。○　「一二」，言反覆計之。集韻，悖，亂也。〕聽無失本末者難惑。』」〔姚本惑，亂也。　鮑本軫傳有。無「計聽」。補曰：蒯通說韓信曰，「聽者事之候也，計者事之機也。聽過計失而能久安者鮮矣。聽不失一二者不可亂以言，計不失本末者不可紛以辭」。〕　　〔鮑本軫為是媾於秦，而勸秦收齊、楚之敝，豈所以忠為主哉？或疑史作韓、魏者，是。考秦惠時，唯十三年，韓舉趙護帥師與魏戰，敗績。去楚絕齊時遠甚，他不見韓、魏相攻事。且策言甚明。竊意楚已遣人解齊，軫之媾秦，欲其不助齊耳。當識其意，不可泥於辭也！〕

秦惠王死公孫衍欲窮張儀

秦惠王死，公孫衍〔姚本公孫衍，魏人也，仕於秦，當六國時號曰犀首。〕欲窮〔姚本窮，困也。〕張儀。李讎〔姚本李讎，秦人也。　鮑本秦人。正曰：李讎，據高注，此無據。〕謂公孫衍曰：「不如召甘茂於魏，召公孫顯〔鮑本秦人。〕於韓，起〔姚本起，猶舉也。〕樗里子於國。三人者，皆張儀〔鮑本「儀」作「子」，下句同。○〕之讎也，〔姚本讎，仇也。〕公用之，則諸侯必見張儀之無秦矣！」〔姚本公，謂公孫衍。用此三人，則諸侯知張儀無權寵於秦（一下有「也」字）。〕

義渠君之魏

義渠君〔姚本義渠，西戎之國名也。　鮑本西戎也，北地郡有義渠道。〕之〔姚本之，至也。〕魏，公孫衍謂義渠君曰：「道遠，臣不得復過矣，〔姚本過，見也。　鮑本不復相過。〕請謁事情。」〔姚本謁，告也。情，實也。言義渠君道里長遠，不能復得相（「相」一本作「數」）見也，請告事之情實。　鮑本謁，白也。情，猶實。〕義渠君曰：「願聞之。」對曰：「中國無事於秦，〔姚本無征伐之事於秦也。〕則秦且燒焫獲君之國；〔姚本燒焫，猶滅壞。滅壞君國也（錢止一「滅壞」字）。鮑本焫，亦燒也。言火其國以得其地。補曰：「焫」即「爇」。〕中國為有事〔鮑本事，皆謂戰。〕於秦，則秦且輕〔鮑本輕，言其行疾。〕使重幣，而事君之國也。」〔姚本將致重幣，求援助於義渠國也。　鮑本此事君之事。〕義渠君曰：「謹聞令。」〔姚本聞，猶受也。令，教也。　鮑本令，猶命。〕

居無幾何，五國伐秦。〔姚本五國，齊、宋、韓、魏、趙也。　鮑本後七年，韓、趙、魏、燕、齊共攻秦。〕陳軫謂秦王曰：「義渠君者，〔鮑本無「者」字。○　札記丕烈案：史記有。〕蠻夷之賢君，王不如賂之以撫〔姚本撫，安也。〕其心。」秦王曰：「善。」因以文繡千匹，好女百人，遺〔鮑本遺，贈也。〕義渠君。

義渠君致〔鮑本致之使至。〕群臣而謀曰：「此乃公孫衍之所謂〔姚本謂，猶言也。〕也。」因起兵襲秦，大敗秦人於李帛之下。〔姚本李帛，秦邑。　鮑本史張儀傳末有此策，「帛」作「伯」，地缺。平原傳注，河內成皋有李城。豈秦兵與諸國遇於此而見敗邪？正曰：正義云，懷州溫縣本李城也，李同父所封。按，趙救邯鄲時，同戰死，封其弟為李侯。意者因此號李城，事在後。且此云李帛，必非。秦既攻五國，不勝而走，秦兵不應至懷。是時諸侯連匈奴，秦恐義渠因而有變，故賂以和之。義渠之襲必次於五國之後，恐非與諸國遇時也。〕 〔鮑本補曰：按史，犀首相魏，張儀去，犀首聞儀復相秦，害之，乃謂義渠君云云。且五國伐秦，事在惠文後七年，次年魏因儀請成于秦，仍復相秦，則此時儀未為秦相也。儀自惠文後三年出相魏，至今在魏，衍不相，則儀必不去也。故大事記謂，伐秦之役，儀在魏，陰為秦用；而又謂衍與義渠語，其相魏之後，蓋亦不能無疑。豈儀去魏之秦，犀首知其必相而害之歟？又按，秦紀書韓、趙、魏、燕、齊帥匈奴伐秦；年表，韓、魏、趙、楚、燕五國伐秦不勝；楚世家書蘇秦約從六國共攻秦，楚懷王為從長，至函谷關，秦擊之，六國皆引歸，齊獨後。互有不同。通鑑據年表，大事記據楚世家。按楚世家特詳者，以從長故，當以為正。年表諸國皆書不勝，齊獨後而不敗，故略不書歟？紀不書楚者，豈以世家文已明歟？修魚之戰，虜韓申差，年表在次年，而紀於此連書之，則紀誠有誤也。高注五國作齊、宋、韓、魏、趙，尤誤。〕

醫扁鵲見秦武王

醫扁鵲〔姚本扁鵲，盧人也，字越人。　鮑本盧人，字越人。正曰：鮑本高注。史，渤海郡鄭人，姓秦氏，名越人。徐廣云，鄭當為鄚。正義云，又家於盧，號盧醫。按周禮釋文引史記，姓秦，名少齊，越人。今史無「少齊」字，恐釋文為是，彼時所見本未缺也。「越人」似非名字。〕見秦武王，〔姚本武王，惠王子也。〕武王示〔姚本示，語也。〕之病，扁鵲請除。〔姚本除，治也。　鮑本欲去其病。〕左右曰：「君之病，在耳之前，目之下，除之未必已也，將使耳不聰，目不明。」君以告扁鵲。扁鵲怒而投其石：〔姚本劉本「石」下有「曰」字。投，棄也。石，砭；所以砭彈人臃腫也（「臃」曾作「癰」）。　鮑本「石」下補「曰」字。○　砭也，所以砭彈臃腫。正曰：此亦本高注。石針曰「砭」，所以刺病。投，棄擲也。〕「君與知之〔姚本一本無「之」字。〕者謀之，而與不知者敗之。使此〔鮑本此，如此。〕知秦國之政也，則君一舉而亡國矣。」〔鮑本按：扁鵲與趙簡子同時，至是百三十年矣。正曰：簡子在晉昭、頃、定公時，周景王、敬王之世也。秦武王元年當赧王五年，相去二百餘年，名字必差。〕

秦武王謂甘茂

秦武王謂甘茂曰：「寡人欲車通三川，以闚周室，〔姚本三川，義陽川。周室，洛邑，王城也，今河南縣也。　鮑本闚，窺同，小視也。周室，洛邑。蓋欲取之，不正言爾。言三川，知其志不止鎬京也。正曰：三川，宜陽。說見周策。大事記，蓋控阨之地，故秦武云云。〕而寡人死不杇乎？」〔姚本「乎」一作「矣」。　鮑本補曰：「乎」史作「矣」。　札記今本「杇」作「朽」。〕甘茂對曰：「請之魏，約伐〔札記今本「伐」誤「代」。〕韓。」王令向壽〔鮑本宣太后外族。〕輔行。〔姚本輔，副介也。　鮑本輔，猶副。〕

甘茂至魏，謂向壽：「子歸告王曰：『魏聽〔姚本聽，從。〕臣矣，然願王勿攻也。』事成，盡以為子功。」〔鮑本補曰：茂欲壽告王勿攻，王必疑其故，而茂得以薦其言，故曰「事成盡以為子功」。大事記云，壽，武王所親幸，故茂以諉之。〕向壽歸以告王，王迎甘茂於息壤。〔姚本息壤，秦邑也。　鮑本山海經，鯀竊息壤以陻洪水；時則訓，於中央言息壤陻洪水之州；而柳子厚言永州有之。則息壤非一處，此秦地也。〕

甘茂至，王問其故。〔鮑本勿攻之故。〕對曰：「宜陽，大縣也，上黨、南陽〔鮑本此屬修武。〕積之久矣，〔鮑本二縣財賦歸之。〕名為縣，其實郡也。〔鮑本此時韓都平陽。春秋傳，上大夫受郡，下大夫受縣。則郡縣之稱久矣。正曰：大事記云，春秋時郡屬於縣，趙簡子所謂上大夫受縣，下大夫受郡是也。戰國時縣屬於郡，所謂上郡十五縣者是也。魏惠十年後，方孝公商鞅時，并小鄉為大縣，縣一令，尚未有郡及守稱。故魏納上郡之後十餘年，秦紀始書漢中郡。或者山東諸侯先變古制而秦效之歟？〕今王倍〔鮑本倍，背同。〕數險，行千里〔鮑本「行」下有「數」字。○補曰：一本「行千里」。　札記丕烈案：史記、新序皆無。〕而攻之，難矣。臣聞張儀西并〔鮑本并，猶兼。〕巴、蜀之地，北取西河之外，南取上庸，〔姚本上庸，楚邑，今漢中東縣也。　鮑本屬漢中。補曰：大事記云，本庸國，今房州竹山縣，漢中要地也。〕天下不以為多張儀〔姚本錢、劉本作「不以多張子」。　鮑本衍「為」字。補曰：姚氏云，錢、劉本無此字。　札記丕烈案：史記無。〕而賢先王。〔姚本先王，謂惠王也。　鮑本惠文。〕魏文侯令樂羊將，攻中山，〔姚本中山，狄都，今盧奴中山也。　鮑本冀州國。後志云，一名中人亭。補曰：見中山策。〕三年而拔之，樂羊反而語功，〔姚本語，言也。拔（一本拔上有「言」字）中山之功也。〕文侯示之謗書一篋，樂羊再拜稽首曰：『此非臣之功，主君之力也。』今臣羇旅之臣也，〔姚本甘茂，本齊人，故曰羇旅也。〕樗里疾、公孫衍〔鮑本補曰：「衍」，史並作「奭」，新序作「公孫子」，謂皆秦諸公子。　札記丕烈案：索隱引此正作「衍」，但此與犀首別一人，即公孫郝、公孫赫也，亦云公孫顯。疑「衍」字有誤。〕二人者，挾韓而議，〔鮑本媒孽之也。〕王必聽之，是王欺魏，而臣受公仲侈〔鮑本「侈」作「朋」。○　朋，公仲名。此書後或名朋，或名侈，「朋」、「侈」字近，故誤。史並作「侈」，然韓策言「公仲侈」，又言「韓侈」，為兩人。今定公仲名，明別韓侈也。正曰：史田齊世家「韓馮」，徐廣云，即「公仲侈」。大事記取「韓」，又有「韓明」、「韓侈」。「馮」、「朋」音混，而「侈」、「明」、「朋」字訛故也。且當各存舊文，辯見各條。　札記丕烈案：甘茂傳與此同，作「侈」。徐廣曰，一作「馮」。〕之怨也。昔者曾子處費，〔姚本費，邑名也。　鮑本魯邑，屬東海。〕費人有與曾子同名族〔姚本名，字。族，姓。〕者而殺人，人告曾子母曰：『曾參殺人。』曾子之母曰：『吾子不殺人。』織自若。〔姚本若，如故也。〕有頃焉，人又曰：『曾參殺人。』其母尚織自若也。頃之，一人又告之曰：『曾參殺人。』〔姚本一本無以上十九字。〕其母懼，投杼〔鮑本機之持緯者。〕踰牆而走。〔姚本踰牆逃走也。〕夫以曾參之賢，與母之信也，而三人疑之，〔姚本疑，猶惑也。　鮑本使其母疑。〕則慈母不能信也。〔姚本信，猶保也。〕今臣之賢不及曾子，而王之信臣又未若曾子之母也，疑臣者〔鮑本疑之於王。〕不適〔姚本適，音翅。　鮑本「適」，「啻」同。〕三人，臣恐王為〔姚本一本「為」上有「之」字。〕臣之投杼也。」王曰：「寡人不聽也，〔姚本聽，受也。〕請與子盟。」於是與之盟於息壤。

果攻宜陽，五月而不能拔也。樗里疾、公孫衍二人在，〔姚本「在」，續：新序作「讒」。　鮑本言在中也。〕爭之王，王將聽之，召甘茂而告之。甘茂對曰：「息壤在彼。」王曰：「有之。」因悉起兵，復使甘茂攻之，遂拔宜陽。〔鮑本在三年，茂傳有。〕

宜陽之役馮章謂秦王

宜陽之役，〔姚本役，事也。　鮑本役，猶戍役。〕馮章〔鮑本秦人。〕謂秦王曰：「不拔宜陽，韓、楚乘吾弊，〔姚本弊，極也。〕國必危矣！不如許楚漢中以懽之。〔姚本與楚漢中以喜之也。　鮑本使楚說也。〕楚懽而不進，韓必孤，無奈秦何矣！」〔姚本韓失楚援，故孤，無如秦何。〕王曰：「善。」果使馮章許楚漢中，而拔宜陽。〔姚本宜陽，韓邑也。〕楚王〔鮑本懷。〕以其言責漢中於馮章，馮章謂秦王曰：「王遂亡臣，〔鮑本詐為逐之。　札記今本「遂」誤「逐」。〕固〔鮑本「固」作「因」。○　札記今本「固」作「因」。〕謂楚王曰：『寡人固無地而許楚王。』」〔鮑本彪謂：此策可以無出地矣，如後不可為約何！正曰：戰國變詐多此類，豈暇慮後邪！懷王親受商於之欺而猶不悟，昏於貪故也。〕

甘茂攻宜陽

甘茂攻宜陽，三鼓〔鮑本鼓以進軍。〕之而卒不上。〔姚本卒，士也。士不上攻也。　鮑本上，猶前。〕秦之右將有尉〔鮑本軍尉。〕對曰：「公不論兵，〔鮑本言不以兵法治士。〕必大困。」甘茂曰：「我羇旅而得相秦者，我以宜陽餌王。〔姚本餌，猶喜也。　鮑本以釣喻也〕今攻宜陽而不拔，公孫衍、〔鮑本補曰：「衍」，史作「奭」，下章同。　札記丕烈案：史記無此文，吳以意言之耳。已見上，不當更出也。〕樗里疾挫〔姚本挫，猶毀也。　鮑本挫，摧也。〕我於內，而公中〔姚本公中，韓侈也。　鮑本「中」作「仲」。○〕以韓窮我於外，是無伐之日已！〔鮑本戰功曰「伐」，言後不復立功。正曰：一本作「無茂」，是，蓋字訛。〕請明日鼓之而不可下，因以宜陽之郭為墓。」〔姚本墓，葬也。　鮑本示必死也。〕於是出私〔札記今本「私」誤「利」。〕金以益〔姚本益，助也。〕公賞。明日鼓之，宜陽拔。〔姚本拔，得也。　鮑本「宜」上有「而」字。○　補曰：一本「鼓之，宜陽拔」。〕

宜陽未得

宜陽未得，〔姚本「得」一本作「拔」。宜陽，韓邑，韓武子所都也。〕秦死傷者眾，甘茂欲息兵。〔姚本甘茂，秦將也。息，休也。〕左成謂甘茂曰：「公內攻於樗里疾、公孫衍，〔姚本惡甘茂譖毀之於內，故曰內攻於疾、衍（一本下有「也」字）。　鮑本二人毀之，如攻國然。〕而外與韓侈〔姚本韓侈，韓相。　鮑本「侈」作「明」。○〕為怨，今公用兵無功，公必窮矣。公不如進兵攻宜陽，宜陽拔，則公之功多矣。〔姚本戰功曰多也。〕是樗里疾、公孫衍無事也，〔姚本無事，樗里疾、公孫衍無以復攻毀甘茂之事也。　鮑本不得事權。〕秦眾盡怨之深矣。」〔姚本秦死傷眾，盡怨樗里疾、公孫衍之造謀伐宜陽，怨深之重也。　鮑本謂死傷多，使茂久攻，二人持之故也。〕

宜陽之役楚畔秦而合於韓

宜陽之役，楚畔秦而合於韓。秦王〔姚本秦武王也。〕懼。甘茂曰：「楚雖合韓，不為韓氏先戰；〔姚本言楚不能為韓氏先與秦戰也。〕韓亦恐戰而楚有變其後。〔姚本恐楚作變難，伐其後也。　鮑本變，背約也。楚時助韓，兵在韓後。正曰：言其後有變也。〕韓、楚必相御也。〔姚本御，猶相瞰望也（「瞰」，錢、劉作「詹」）。　鮑本御，猶制也。二國雖合猶相疑，故自相制。〕楚言與韓，而不餘怨於秦，〔鮑本楚之與韓，有言而已；而其於秦，不見多怨。正曰：聲言與韓，而不遺怨於秦。〕臣是以知其御也。」〔姚本楚雖與韓合，不有餘怨於秦，無怨亦可復合也，故曰：「以是知其相御」。〕

秦王謂甘茂

秦王謂甘茂曰：「楚客來使者多健，〔姚本健者，強也。　鮑本言其強辯。〕與寡人爭辭，寡人數窮焉，〔鮑本辭屈也。〕為之奈何？」甘茂對曰：「王勿患也！〔姚本患，憂也。〕其健者來使者，〔鮑本補曰：「者」字疑衍。　札記丕烈案：據下句「使」下無「者」字也。〕則王勿聽〔姚本聽，從也，受也。〕其事；其需〔鮑本集韻，需，音儒，韋柔滑貌。補曰：「需」即「濡」。〕弱者來使，則王必聽之。然則需弱者用，而健者不用矣！王因而制之。」〔姚本制，御也。　鮑本弱者易制，因可制。〕

甘茂亡秦且之齊

甘茂亡秦，且之齊，〔姚本且，將也。　鮑本茂傳，昭元年，擊魏皮氏，未拔，去。〕出關遇蘇子，〔姚本遇，見也。蘇子，蘇代也。　鮑本代也。代傳，侍燕太子質於齊，將適秦。〕曰：「君聞夫江上之處女乎？」〔鮑本女在室者。〕蘇子曰：「不聞。」曰：「夫江上之處女，有家貧而無燭者，處女相與語，欲去之。〔姚本去，猶遣之也，遣無燭者。　鮑本遣之使去。〕家貧無燭者將去矣，謂處女曰：『妾以無燭，故常先至，掃室布席，何愛〔鮑本「愛」下有「於」字。○〕餘明之照四壁者？幸以賜妾，何妨於處女？妾自以有益於處女，何為去我？』處女相語以為然而留之。今臣不肖，棄逐於秦而出關，〔姚本甘茂言，我不肖，為秦所棄逐也。〕願為足下掃室布席，幸無我逐也。」蘇子曰：「善。請重公於齊。」〔姚本重，尊也。言將使齊尊重公。〕

乃西說秦王曰：「甘茂，賢人，非恒〔鮑本恒，常也。〕士也。其居秦累世重矣，〔鮑本茂事惠、武、昭三王。〕自殽塞、谿谷，地形險易盡知之。〔姚本言周、秦之地悉知也。〕彼若以齊約韓、魏，反以謀秦，是非秦之利也。」〔姚本約，結也。以齊之強，合韓、魏，還以圖秦，能傾之，故曰「非秦之利也」。〕秦王曰：「然則奈何？」蘇代曰：「不如重其贄，〔姚本劉作「重贄」。　鮑本集韻，「贄」與「摯」通，握持也。言多持物往遺之。〕厚其祿以迎之。彼來則置之槐谷，〔姚本續：後語槐谷注，槐里之谷，今京兆始平之地。或作鬼谷，大非。　鮑本扶風有槐，史云鬼谷，注，在陽城。補曰：按史，谿谷、槐谷並作鬼谷。故前則徐注在陽城，后則劉伯莊云在關內雲陽，皆不明。　札記吳氏補曰，按史，谿谷、槐谷並作鬼谷。丕烈案：「槐」、「鬼」者，聲之轉也。此必在關內。徐廣注史記以陽城之鬼谷說之，自誤。而後語注因云「或作鬼谷，大非」，亦未然。〕終身勿出，〔鮑本代知茂必留齊，故言此爾，不為茂游說也。正曰：代以此言激秦王，與之上卿，以相迎之，使齊亦重茂，豈非游說也？〕天下何從圖秦？」秦王曰：「善。」與之上卿，以相迎之〔姚本錢一作「相印迎之」。　鮑本迎之於齊。〕齊。

甘茂辭不往，蘇秦〔姚本「秦」一作「代」。　鮑本「秦」作「子」。○　補曰：姚氏云，一作「代」。按，史同。〕偽謂〔姚本一作「偽謂齊湣王曰」。　鮑本「謂」作「為」。○　補曰：「偽為」二字，疑是「為謂」，蓋上卿之事誠有，何得言「偽」？「為」，一本作「謂」。〕王〔鮑本「王」上補「齊」字。○　王，閔。　札記丕烈案：史記作「蘇代謂齊湣王曰」。〕曰：「甘茂，賢人也。今秦與之上卿，以相迎之，〔姚本劉作「以相印迎之齊」。〕茂德王之賜，故不往，願為王臣。今王何以禮之？王若不留，必不德王。〔姚本德，恩也。〕彼以甘茂之賢，得擅用強秦之眾，則難圖也！」齊王曰：「善。」賜之上卿，命〔鮑本命，猶入命之「命」。茂傳有。〕而處〔姚本處，居也。續：後語，「而厚處之」。〕之。〔鮑本補曰：列女傳，齊女徐吾與鄰婦合燭夜績，辭亦相類。史通謂，游士假設之辭，遽以名字加之者。〕

甘茂相秦

甘茂相秦。秦王愛公孫衍，與之間有所立，〔鮑本請間之。間，暇隙也。因暇與語，將置相也。〕因自謂之曰：「寡人且相子。」〔姚本子，公孫衍也。〕甘茂之吏道而聞之，〔姚本劉無「道而」二字。　鮑本聞之於道。補曰：姚注，劉本無「道而」二字。按韓非子「道而」作「道穴」，云，秦王欲將犀首，樗里疾恐代之將也，鑿穴於王之所常隱語者，王果與犀首計之，境內盡知之，蓋樗里疾道穴聽之矣。　札記丕烈案：韓子在外儲說右上，事與策同。其樗里疾事，以「一曰」為別，吳合為一事者誤。〕以告甘茂。甘茂因入見王曰：「王得賢相，敢再拜賀。」王曰：「寡人託國於子，焉更得賢相？」對曰：「王且相犀首。」〔姚本犀首，公孫衍也。〕王曰：「子焉聞之？」對曰：「犀首告〔姚本告，語也。〕臣。」王怒於犀首之泄也，乃逐〔姚本言甘茂知之，且不欲使公孫衍得相而分（一本無「而」字）其寵也，故言「犀首告臣」，欲王逐之也。　鮑本補「逐」，逐衍也。曰告人足矣，不必告己。補曰：「告人」之云，機更深險。〕之。〔鮑本「逐」下無「之」字。○　札記丕烈案：韓子有。〕

甘茂約秦魏而攻楚

甘茂約秦、魏而攻楚。楚之相秦者屈蓋，〔姚本屈蓋，楚臣也，楚仕於秦，使秦相之也。　鮑本凡屈皆楚人。楚任之於秦，使為秦相。〕為楚和於秦，秦啟關而聽楚使。甘茂謂秦王曰：「怵〔鮑本「怵」作「訹」。○　補曰：策「訹」、「怵」字通。訹，誘也；若怵，則驚耳。〕於楚而不使魏制〔鮑本制，謂主之。〕和，楚必曰『秦鬻〔鮑本以鬻魏之言告魏。鬻，賣也，如賣友云。言始約而終背之。〕魏』。〔鮑本「魏」下補「魏」字。○　補曰：恐缺一「魏」字。〕不悅而合於楚，楚、魏為一，國恐傷〔姚本傷，害也。〕矣。王不如使魏制和，魏制和必悅。〔鮑本絕句。〕王不惡於魏，則寄地〔鮑本言魏且割地與秦。時地未入，故言「寄」。〕必多矣。」

陘山之事

陘山之事，〔姚本陘山，蓋趙并陘塞也。事，役也。　鮑本穰侯傳，魏背秦與齊從親，秦使穰侯攻趙、韓、魏於華陽下，且益趙以兵伐齊，則此役也。陘山在密。後志注云，史記，秦破魏華陽，地亦在縣。則此策書陘山，史書華陽，一役也。事在三十四年。正曰：大事記，華陽之役，秦救韓而擊趙、魏。年表、列傳或云得三晉將，或云攻趙、韓、魏，皆記者之誤。按大事記，赧王四十一年，魏背秦與齊從親，秦魏冉伐魏，拔四城。明年，趙、魏伐韓，秦魏冉救韓，敗趙、魏，且與趙觀津，益趙以兵伐齊。補曰：陘山見前。大事記，華陽，亭名，在密陽。〕趙且與秦伐齊。齊懼，令田章以陽武合於趙，〔姚本陽武，齊邑也。合，和也。　鮑本屬河南，此時屬齊。正曰：此指開封。陽武非齊地，當考。〕而以順子為質。〔姚本順子，齊公子。質，保也。〕趙王〔鮑本惠文。〕喜，乃案兵告於秦曰：「齊以陽武賜弊邑而納順子，欲以解伐。〔姚本解趙，使不與秦俱伐齊。〕敢告下吏。」〔姚本下吏，秦吏。　鮑本不斥王，故言告吏。〕

秦王使公子他之趙，謂趙王曰：「齊與大國救魏而倍約，〔鮑本齊背二國。〕不可信恃，大國不義，〔姚本「不」一作「弗」。錢、劉一作「不以為義」。續：若下注作「弗」，則上當作「弗義」。大國，趙也。弗義，不以為義也。　鮑本趙以齊倍之為不義。〕以告弊邑，〔姚本弊邑，秦自謂也。　鮑本告以伐齊。〕而賜之二社〔鮑本邑皆有社。二社，二邑也。正曰：未詳戰國之制。〕之地，以奉祭祀。今又〔姚本劉、錢「又」作「有」。續：古人「有」多作「又」。〕案兵，且欲合齊而受其地，〔姚本地，陽武也。〕非使臣之所知也。請益甲四萬，大國裁之。」

蘇代為齊獻書穰侯〔姚本蘇代，蘇秦弟。穰侯，秦相也。〕曰：「臣聞往來之者言〔姚本錢、劉一作「往來之言者」。　鮑本「之者」作「者之」。○　補曰：宜作「者之」。史無「之」字。〕曰：『秦且益趙甲四萬人以伐齊。』臣竊必之弊邑之王〔鮑本必者，意其然。王，襄王。〕曰：『秦王明而熟於計，穰侯智而習於事，必不益趙甲四萬人以伐齊。』是何也？夫三晉相結，秦之深〔姚本深，重也。〕讎也。三晉百背秦，百欺秦，不為不信，不為無行。今破齊以肥趙，趙，〔姚本史記有「趙趙」二字。曾、劉無。〕秦之深讎，〔鮑本此二十七年敗趙，取伐光狼。〕不利於秦。一也。秦之謀者必曰：『破齊弊晉，〔鮑本此晉，趙也。以趙破齊，齊破，趙亦敝。〕而後制晉、楚之勝。』〔鮑本二國破敝，秦無後慮，可以南制楚。〕夫齊，罷〔鮑本罷，疲同。〕國也，以天下擊之，譬猶以千鈞之弩〔姚本錢、劉「弩」下有「射」字。　鮑本補曰：史作「決潰癰」。〕潰癰也。秦王安能制晉、楚哉！〔鮑本天能制人，必其威武足以屈人。今攻罷國，勝之，非武也，安能制人。〕二也。秦少出兵，則晉、楚不信；〔鮑本不信其伐齊。〕多出兵，則晉、楚為制於秦。齊恐，則必〔鮑本無「必」字。○〕不走於秦且走晉、楚。〔鮑本兵多，則非獨齊見制，懼晉、楚亦見制。齊畏秦，故不趨秦；而與晉、楚同患，故趨晉、楚。〕三也。齊割地以實晉、楚，則晉、楚安。齊舉兵而為之頓劍，〔鮑本二國惡秦，而齊先伐，故既合，則齊為二國出兵。頓，下也。此以小言之。〕則秦反受兵。四也。是晉、楚以秦破齊，〔鮑本「破」作「伐」。○　晉亦趙也，初與秦伐齊。〕以齊破秦，〔鮑本為之頓劍是也。〕何晉、楚之智而齊、秦之愚！〔姚本齊、秦為晉、楚所帥，故謂之愚也。〕五也。秦得安邑，〔鮑本此攻華陽時得之。安邑，魏地，亦屬韓，猶上黨兩屬也。白起傳，取韓安邑。正曰：按起傳，取韓安邑以東到乾河，在取魏城六十邑前一年，昭王之十七年也。索隱云，韓故地。又魏以安邑入秦，在昭王二十一年。恐非此時得之。〕善齊以安之，亦必無患矣。秦有安邑，則韓、魏必無上黨哉。〔姚本「哉」，劉作「矣」。秦將取之，故曰「無上黨哉」也。　鮑本言可取。〕夫取三晉之腸胃〔姚本腸胃，喻腹心也。　鮑本安邑、上黨如之。〕與出兵而懼其不反也，孰利？故臣竊必之〔姚本曾、集「之」上有「為」字。〕弊邑之王曰：『秦王明而熟於計，穰侯智而習於事，必不益趙甲四萬人以伐齊矣。』」〔鮑本穰侯傳有。補曰：於是穰侯不行，引兵而歸。　「為齊」、「為之」之「為」，「使臣」之「使」，兩「走」字，並去聲。〕

秦宣太后愛魏醜夫

秦宣太后〔姚本惠王之后，昭襄王母，故曰太后也。〕愛魏醜夫。〔鮑本魏人，仕秦。〕
太后病將死，出令曰：「為我葬，必以魏子為殉。」〔姚本殉，殺人以葬。　鮑本以人從葬曰「殉」。〕魏子患之。庸芮〔姚本庸芮，秦臣也。　鮑本秦人。正曰：高注「臣」。〕為〔鮑本補曰：「為魏」之「為」，去聲。〕魏子說太后〔姚本續：十二國史作「虞其為醜夫說太后」。〕曰：「以死者為有知乎？」太后曰：「無知也。」曰：「若太后之神靈，明知死者之無知矣，何為空以生所愛，葬於無知之死人哉！若死者有知，先王積怒〔姚本怒，詬。〕之日久矣，太后救過不贍，何暇乃〔姚本「乃」，曾、錢、劉作「及」。　鮑本補曰：元無「乃」字。〕私魏醜夫乎？」太后曰：「善。」乃止。〔姚本止，不以魏醜夫為殉者也。　鮑本后死在四十二年。〕

秦策 三

薛公為魏謂魏冉

薛公〔鮑本田文。〕為魏謂魏冉曰：「文聞秦王欲以呂禮收齊，〔鮑本收，猶取也。禮時相齊，親禮所以取齊。昭十三年，禮奔魏。其相齊，見周策及孟嘗傳。後至十九年歸秦，明年齊伐宋，伐宋後，文乃相魏。此事合在禮歸秦之前。此時文未相魏，其言為魏，意親之矣。正曰：失考，辨并見周策。〕以濟天下，君必輕矣。齊、秦相聚以臨三晉，禮必并相之，〔鮑本相齊及秦。〕是君收齊以重呂禮也。齊免於天下之兵，其讎君必深。〔鮑本齊讎冉也，欲得陶故。故下章曰，「攻齊不成，陶為鄰恤」。然齊未免於兵，亦不敢爾。正曰：齊無兵患，則可以肆志於冉，與秦得天下則伐齊深文意同，但言其事理當爾。〕君不如勸秦王令弊邑〔鮑本薛也。文以此十三年奔薛。〕卒攻齊之事。齊破，文請以所得封君。齊破晉強，〔鮑本晉，謂魏。〕秦王畏晉之強也，必重君以取晉。〔鮑本文親魏而重冉，故欲取晉，必重冉。〕齊予晉弊邑，〔鮑本「予」作「與」。○　薛雖文舊封，而屬齊，齊破畏魏，且取薛予魏。〕而不能支秦，〔鮑本魏得薛，秦必害之，而魏實弱，不能當秦。〕晉必重君以事秦。是君〔姚本一本無「君」字。〕破齊以為功，操〔鮑本「操」作「採」。○　補曰：姚本「操晉」，是。「採」字訛，義不通。　札記丕烈案：史記是「挾」字。〕晉以為重也。破齊定封，而秦、晉皆重君；若齊不破，呂禮復用，〔鮑本禮雖亡秦之齊，秦方以禮收齊，則復親之。今齊不破，是秦收齊之功遂也。禮為有功於秦，秦必用之，並相齊、秦也。〕子必大窮矣。」

秦客卿造謂穰侯

秦客卿造〔鮑本造，其名。〕謂穰侯曰：「秦封君以陶，〔鮑本冉別封也。越記注，陶，今濟陰定陶。補曰：說見趙策。〕藉君天下〔鮑本借以制天下之權。〕數年矣。攻齊之事成，陶為萬乘，〔鮑本國大也。〕長小國，率〔鮑本無「率」字。○〕以朝天子，天下必聽，五伯之事也；攻齊不成，陶為鄰恤，〔鮑本言近於憂。〕而莫之據也。〔鮑本無緩國可持。正曰：言攻齊不成，則陶且有為鄰國得之之憂。〕故攻齊之於陶也，存亡之機也。

「君欲成之，何不使人謂燕相國曰：『聖人不能為時，〔鮑本時，天時，非人所能為。〕時至而〔鮑本無「而」字。○〕弗失。舜雖賢，不遇堯也，不得為天子；湯、武雖賢，不當桀、紂不王。故以舜、湯、武之賢，不遭時不得帝王。令〔鮑本「令」作「今」。○〕攻齊，此君之大時也已。〔鮑本得時之利無大於此。〕因天下之力，伐讎國之齊，報惠王〔鮑本田單破燕，燕惠王之初。〕之恥，成昭王之功，〔鮑本燕昭王二十八年，樂毅伐齊，入臨淄。三十二年，下齊七十餘城。明年，田單復之。補曰：「惠王」，字疑有誤，且不當在昭王前。　札記丕烈案：吳說非也，此不誤，便文而不依世次也。〕除萬世之害，此燕之長利，而君〔鮑本君，謂燕相。〕之大名也。書〔鮑本「書」作「詩」。○　逸詩。補曰：泰誓，「樹德務滋，除惡務本」。　札記丕烈案：吳氏云泰誓，非也。東晉古文以為泰誓耳。策文當本作「詩」，后人誤依古文，改作「書」也。此與范睢稱詩曰「木實繁者披其枝」，黃歇稱詩云「大武遠宅不涉」，趙武靈王稱詩云「服難以勇，治亂以知，事之計也。立傅以行，教少以學，義之經也」，及謂秦王稱詩云「行百里者，半於九十」同例。「詩」字皆有訛。「遠宅不涉」者，周書「大武遠宅不薄也」。高誘注逸詩，當亦有誤。〕云，樹德莫如滋，〔鮑本滋，益也。〕除害莫如盡。吳不亡越，越故亡吳；齊不亡燕，燕故亡齊。〔鮑本齊閔八年，蘇代為齊說燕噲讓子之，燕幾亡矣，而不卒功，故有樂毅臨淄之役。正曰：齊宣二十七年。注「讓子之」下，宜云「於是燕亂，齊伐之」云云。〕齊亡於燕，吳亡於越，此除疾不盡也。以非〔鮑本「以非」作「非以」。○　正曰：「以非」至「之害」句，或「以」「已」字通，屬上句，上下文兩有此。〕此時也，成君之功，除君之害，秦卒〔鮑本卒，猝同，忽也。〕有他事而從齊，齊、趙〔鮑本「趙」作「秦」。○〕合，其讎君必深矣。挾君之讎〔鮑本讎，謂齊。〕以誅於燕，〔鮑本使燕誅相。〕後雖悔之，不可得也已。君悉燕兵而疾僣〔鮑本「僭」作「攻」。○　正曰：字誤，當作「攻」，下文可證。　札記今本「僭」作「攻」，乃誤涉鮑也。〕之，天下之從君也，若報父子之仇。誠能亡齊，封君於河南，〔鮑本亦河之南，非郡，此蓋寓封。〕為萬乘，達途於中國，南與陶為鄰，世世無患。願君之專志於攻齊，而無〔姚本「無」一作「毋」。〕他慮也。』」〔鮑本補曰：後「為萬乘」之「為」，去聲。〕

魏謂魏冉

魏〔姚本曾、錢本有「文」字。　鮑本「魏」上補「為」字。○〕謂魏冉〔鮑本楚人，宣太后弟，后封穰侯。傳言其用事武王時，此時冉欲如楚，魏恐其合也。〕曰：「公聞東〔鮑本東，山東。〕方之語乎？」曰：「弗聞也。」曰：「辛、張陽、毋澤〔鮑本辛，疑韓人。張，張儀。毋澤，疑齊人。正曰：此章多難通，此類尤難知。下文云，「觀張儀與澤」，又不云「毋澤」，當闕。〕說魏王、〔鮑本哀。正曰：襄。〕薛公、〔鮑本田嬰。〕公叔也，曰：『臣戰，〔鮑本與楚戰。〕載主契國〔鮑本主，木主，軍行載之，禱且告焉。契，言以國為約。〕以與王約，〔鮑本王，魏王。〕必無患矣。若有敗之者，臣請挈領。〔鮑本領，項也。言欲請誅，持其項以受鈇鉞。〕然而臣有患也。〔鮑本患楚與秦合。下衍十六字。〕夫楚王之以其臣請挈領然而臣有患也。〔鮑本一無以上十六字。〕夫楚王〔鮑本懷。〕之以其國依冉也，而事臣之主，〔鮑本事，征伐也。臣，辛、張陽；主，韓、魏、齊也。此二人之辭，非說冉者，故名冉。〕此臣之甚患也。』〔鮑本「之」下有「所」字。○　此下乃說者之辭。〕今公東而因言於楚，〔鮑本公，謂冉。東，東之楚也。因與楚好言。〕是令張儀〔姚本一本無「儀」字。〕之言為禹，〔鮑本儀以武二年死，故此章必次之此。禹善謨，今儀言楚依冉，而冉果與楚合，是儀之謀侔於禹也。〕而務敗公之事也。〔鮑本三國是儀之說，必欲敗冉合楚之事。〕公不如反公國，〔鮑本謂秦。〕德楚〔鮑本但施恩惠，而不之楚。〕而觀薛公之為公也。〔鮑本觀其於冉如何。〕觀三國之所求於秦而不能得者，請以號三國以自信也。〔鮑本為韓、魏、齊請其所欲於秦，因宣言之，所以信於三國。〕觀張儀〔姚本一本無「儀」字。〕與澤之所不能得於薛公者也，〔鮑本衍「也」字。補曰：恐衍。〕而公請之以自重也。」〔鮑本薛公所不與儀者，冉為之請而得，則儀重冉。儀時相魏，為儀請，亦所以為魏，魏亦重冉也。補曰：「為公」之「為」，去聲。〕

謂魏冉曰和不成

謂魏冉曰：「和不成，〔鮑本與趙和秦也。此二十七年白起擊趙，因伐光狼。正曰：無攷。〕兵必出。白起者，且〔鮑本無「且」字。○〕復將。戰勝，必窮公；不勝，必事趙從公。公又輕，〔鮑本不能窮冉，故從冉而和。然先和，則冉重；今不勝而和，故輕。〕公不若毋多，〔鮑本謂專志於和，毋他務也。〕則疾到。」〔姚本續云：「到」，恐作「封」字。　鮑本趙歸我也。此蓋冉欲和，而起欲戰也。起，冉所薦，其言「窮公」，起似不爾。補曰：語不可曉，有缺誤。〕

謂穰侯

謂穰侯曰：「為君慮封，〔鮑本謀所以定其封。〕若〔鮑本「若」作「苦」。○　補曰：此連下，有缺誤。　札記丕烈案：「除」乃「陶」字誤，句絕。「若」上當有「莫」字，鮑所說全謬。趙策云，「莫若於宋」，是其證。〕於除宋罪，重齊怒；〔鮑本宋，齊所惡也，故除宋罪則齊怒，齊怒則冉之封不定，故以為苦。除，解免也。〕須殘伐亂宋，〔鮑本補曰：「須殘」字有衍誤。趙策作「宋罪重，齊怒深，殘伐亂宋」云云；又作「宋之罪重，齊之怒深，殘亂宋」云云。凡兩見。彼言為奉陽君定封，說見彼策。　札記丕烈案：「須」即「深」字誤，句絕。〕德強齊，定身封。此亦百世之時也已！」〔鮑本「時」上有「一」字，「時」下無「也」字。○　札記今本「時」上有「一」字。〕

謂魏冉曰楚破秦

謂魏冉曰：「楚破秦，〔鮑本「秦」下補「秦」字。○　正曰：「秦」下宜復有「秦」字。〕不能與齊縣衡矣。〔鮑本懸衡，輕重等也。此言秦輕於齊。〕秦三世積節於韓、魏，〔鮑本節，猶事也。言累有戰伐之事。正曰：劉辰翁云，積往來之節也。〕而齊之德新加〔鮑本加於韓、魏。〕與。〔姚本「與」一作「焉」。〕齊、秦交爭，韓、魏東聽，〔鮑本衍「秦」上「齊」字，「韓魏」下復有「韓魏」字。○　正曰：姚本「齊秦交爭，韓魏東聽」，自通。札記今本重「韓魏」，乃誤涉鮑也。鮑本有「魏」字，補「韓」字，衍「秦」上「齊」字，吳氏有正。丕烈案：「與」字本上屬，鮑誤下屬也。〕則秦伐矣。齊有東國之地，方千里。楚苞九夷，〔鮑本補曰：索隱曰，屬楚之夷。〕又方千里，南有符離之塞，〔鮑本屬沛。〕北有甘魚〔鮑本未詳，疑為濟陰高魚。正曰：王應麟云，鮑說非，左氏昭十三年傳「次於魚陂」注，竟陵縣城西北甘魚陂。〕之口。權縣宋、衛，〔鮑本言較其輕重。〕宋、衛乃當阿、甄耳。〔鮑本莊十三年注，阿，今濟北東阿，齊之阿邑。甄，屬濟陰。莊十四年會于鄄，史作甄。此言二國如齊邑爾。補曰：鄄本濮州鄄城。〕利有千里者二，〔鮑本謂齊、楚。正曰：恐非，此句正指楚。〕富擅越隸，〔鮑本越，勾踐國。隸，猶禮之秋官肆隸，征伐所獲之民也。擅，專有之事。正曰：越有三，皆屬楚。隸，徒隸，賤稱。此言楚之強。〕秦烏能與齊縣衡韓、魏，〔鮑本無「魏」字。○　正曰：此句與策首不同，當與上「權縣宋、衛」為比。一本「權縣韓、魏」者，是「支分」字上或缺「楚」字。如此，義乃稍通。〕支分方城膏腴之地〔鮑本支，言細散取之。腴，腹肥也。言肥沃如之。〕以薄〔鮑本薄，猶迫也。〕鄭？〔鮑本鄭屬長安，在秦、漢之間。正曰：西都咸林，鄭舊封，去方城遠。新鄭榮陽，是時已為韓。策凡言鄭者，韓也。〕兵休復起，足以傷秦，不必待齊。」

五國罷成睪

五國罷成睪，〔鮑本「睪」作「皋」。○　屬河南。詳見趙策惠文十三年，此二十一年也。史不書。補曰：「皋」，姚本作「睪」。前漢志，皋，故虎牢，亦名制，左傳所謂巖邑也。正義引括地志云，成皋故縣在洛州氾水縣西南。「氾」音似。　札記今本「睪」作「皋」。丕烈案：「睪」即「皋」字也。〕秦王欲為成陽君〔鮑本以趙、魏策知為韓人。此十七年入朝時在其國。〕求相韓、魏，韓、魏弗聽。秦太后〔鮑本宣。〕為魏冉〔鮑本冉，后弟，時主五國之成，后恐成陽害其事，故為之言。〕謂秦王曰：「成陽君以王之故，窮而居於齊，今王見其達而收之，亦能翕其心乎？」〔鮑本翕，猶收也。言收之晚。〕王曰：「未也。」太后曰：「窮而不收，達而報之，恐不為王用；且收成陽君，失韓、魏之道也。」〔鮑本其窮在齊，亦必韓、魏所惡。〕

范子因王稽入秦

范子〔鮑本名睢，字叔，后封應侯。凡范，皆晉舊姓，故史云魏人。補曰：睢，音雖。〕因王稽〔鮑本秦謁者令，時使魏還。〕入秦，獻書昭王曰：「臣聞明主蒞正，〔鮑本史作「政」，字通。〕有功者不得不賞，有能者不得不官；勞大者其祿厚，功多者其爵尊，能治眾者其官大。故不能者不敢當其職焉，能者亦不得蔽隱。使以臣之言為可，則行而益利其道；〔鮑本利，猶達。〕若將弗行，則久留臣無為也。〔鮑本「為」作「謂」。○　札記丕烈案：史記作「為」，鮑改誤。〕語曰：『人主〔鮑本后語作「庸主」。　鮑本補曰：姚云后語作「庸主」，史同。〕賞所愛，而罰所惡。明主則不然，賞必加於有功，刑必斷於有罪。』今臣之胸不足以當椹質，〔鮑本集韻，「椹，斫木鑕」。鑕，铁椹。質，鑕同。〕要不足以待斧鉞，〔鮑本鉞，亦斧也。〕豈敢以疑事嘗〔鮑本嘗，亦試也。〕試於王乎？雖以臣為賤而輕辱臣，獨不重任臣者後無反覆於王前耶！〔鮑本「王前」作「前者」。○　保任人必保其後，後不如言，則為反覆。此任人者所重也，王豈得輕之。　札記丕烈案：「後」，史記作「之」，無「前」字，連上句讀。〕

「臣聞周有砥厄，宋有結綠，梁有懸黎，楚有和璞。〔鮑本卞和之璞。皆美玉名。〕此四寶者，工之所失也，〔鮑本失，謂不能別之。故卞和三刖也。〕而為天下名器。然則聖王之所棄者，獨不足以厚國家乎？〔鮑本厚，言使之重。〕

「臣聞善厚家者，取之於國；善厚國者，取之於諸侯。〔鮑本皆取其人。〕天下有明主，則諸侯不得擅厚矣。是何故也？〔鮑本無「故」字。○　札記丕烈案：史記無。〕為其凋榮〔姚本「凋榮」，曾、錢、劉一作「凋弊」。史記，「割榮」。后語，「害榮」。　鮑本凋，傷也。榮，草華也，此喻厚重。彼有擅之，則此無有。〕也。良醫知病人之死生，聖主明於成敗之事，利則行之，害則舍之，疑則少嘗之，雖堯、舜、禹、湯復生，弗能改已！〔鮑本補曰：睢云「聖主明於成敗之事」，而曰「疑則少嘗之」，語既反覆，又引舜、禹，舜、禹豈嘗疑事者哉？所謂游士之言。〕語之至者，臣不敢載之於書；其淺者又不足聽也。意者，臣愚而不闔〔姚本史記，「闔」作「概」。　鮑本「闔」，「合」同。補曰：「闔」，史作「概」。索隱引策作「關」。〕於王心耶！已〔姚本「已」，錢作「亡」；一作「以」；一作「抑」；曾作「亡」。　鮑本「已」作「亡」。○　補曰：姚云，錢作「亡」。史同。〕其〔鮑本亡其，猶得亡。補曰：亡其，猶亡乃。〕言臣者，將賤而不足聽耶！非若是也，則臣之志，〔鮑本絕句。正曰：史，「自非然者，臣願」云云。按，「自非然者」即策「非若是也」，「臣願」即策「則臣之志願」云云。「志」字句絕，雖奇，非文義。　札記丕烈案：此史記不與策文同。〕願少賜游觀之間，〔鮑本間，暇隙也。〕望見足下〔鮑本不斥王，故指其足下之人，猶陛下也。〕而入之。」

書上，秦王說之，因謝王稽說，〔姚本一無「說」字。　鮑本且謝且說，說其未用之故。正曰：謝其得人，而說其欲見之意。姚云，一本無「說」字。史同。〕使人持車召之。〔鮑本睢傳有。補曰：「為其」之「為」，去聲。「說之」之「說」，音悅。〕

范睢至秦

范睢至秦，王庭迎，謂范睢曰：〔鮑本無「謂」字。○　補曰：一本「謂范睢」。　札記丕烈案：考史記，「謂」或「謝」字誤也。〕「寡人宜以身受令久矣。今者義渠之事急，〔鮑本蓋修李帛之怨。補曰：大事記，赧王四十四年，秦滅義渠。漢匈奴傳，秦昭王時，義渠戎王與宣太后亂，有二子，太后計殺王於甘泉。〕寡人日自請太后。今義渠之事已，寡人乃得以身受命。〔鮑本無「得」字。○　札記丕烈案：史記作「乃得受命」。〕躬竊閔然不敏，〔鮑本閔，猶傷。敏，疾也。自傷其見睢之晚。〕敬執賓主之禮。」范睢辭讓。

是日見范睢，見者〔鮑本下「見」，賢遍反。〕無不變色易容者。秦王屏左右，〔鮑本博雅，屏，除也。此謂去之。〕宮中虛無人，秦王跪而請曰：〔鮑本「請」作「進」。○　札記丕烈案：史記作「請」。〕「先生何以幸教寡人？」〔鮑本以教之為寵。〕范睢曰：「唯唯。」有間，〔鮑本亦隙也。正曰：間，猶頃也。孟子為「間」，如字。〕秦王復請，范睢曰：「唯唯。」若是者三。

秦王跽〔鮑本跽，長跪也。〕曰：「先生不幸教寡人乎？」

范睢謝曰：「非敢然也。臣聞始時呂尚之遇文王也，身為漁父而釣於渭陽之濱耳。〔鮑本渭水出隴西首陽，此渭水之陽。詩注，在咸陽之地。補曰：正義引呂氏春秋云，太公釣於茲泉。酈道元云，磻溪中有茲泉水，源出岐州岐山縣西南凡谷，北流十二里，注於渭。〕若是者，交疏也。〔鮑本絕句。〕已一說而立為太師，〔鮑本曾作「已而立為太師」。〕載與俱歸者，〔鮑本「俱」下補「南」字。○　補曰：姚本無「南」字，史同。〕其言深也。故文王果收功於呂尚，卒擅天下而身立為帝王。即使文王疏呂望〔札記今本「望」誤「尚」。丕烈案：史記作「尚」。〕而弗與深言，是周無天子之德，而文、武無與成其王也。今臣，羇旅之臣也，交疏於王，而所願陳者，皆匡君之〔姚本「臣」字。　鮑本「之」作「臣」。○　札記丕烈案：史記無「臣」字。〕之事，處人骨肉之間，〔鮑本處，猶在也。謂欲言太后及穰侯等。〕願以陳臣之陋忠，而未知王心也，所以王三問而不對者是也。臣非有所畏而不敢言也，知今日言之於前，而明日伏誅於後，然臣弗敢畏也。大王信行臣之言，死不足以為臣患，亡不足以為臣憂，漆身而為厲，〔鮑本音賴，惡疾也。補曰：豫讓傳索隱云：凡漆，有毒，近之者多患瘡腫，若賴然。故以漆塗身，令若癩然。厲、賴聲近，古多借。〕被髮而為狂，不足以為臣恥。五帝之聖〔姚本錢，「聖」下有「焉」字。〕而死，三王之仁〔姚本錢，「仁」下有「焉」字。〕而死，五伯之賢〔姚本錢，「賢」下有「焉」字。〕而死，烏獲之力〔姚本錢，「力」下有「焉」字。　鮑本秦紀，烏獲，武王力士。然自孟子時稱之，則其以力聞久矣。〕而死，奔、育〔鮑本史注，孟奔、夏育皆勇士，育之力能舉千鈞。補曰：皆衛人。〕之勇焉而死。〔鮑本無「焉」字。○　札記丕烈案：史記有，上四句亦有。〕死者，人之所必不免也。〔鮑本無「也」字。○　札記丕烈案：史記有。〕處必然之勢，可以少有補於秦，此臣之所大願也，臣何患乎？伍子胥橐載〔鮑本補曰：后語注云，韋橐。〕而出昭關，〔鮑本楚關名。〕夜行而晝伏，至於蔆水，〔姚本史記作「陵水」。　鮑本「蔆水」作「菱夫」。○　地缺。正曰：索隱云，即溧水。〕無以餌其口，坐行蒲服，〔鮑本匍匐同。飢困故。〕乞食於吳巿，〔鮑本胥傳，在丹陽溧陽。〕卒興吳國，闔廬為霸。使臣得進謀如伍子胥，加之以幽囚，終身不復見，〔鮑本無「終身」二字。○　札記丕烈案：史記有。〕是臣說之行也，臣何憂乎？箕子、接輿，〔鮑本高士傳，楚人陸通，字接輿。〕漆身而為厲，被髮而為狂，無益於殷、楚。使臣得同行於箕子、接輿，漆身〔姚本一本無「漆身」字。〕可以補所賢之主，是臣之大榮也，〔鮑本二子無補於時，猶為之；今為而有補，故特以為榮。正曰：接輿固辟世之士，箕子之心豈睢所能知？鮑順文為說，謬矣！〕臣又何恥乎？臣之所恐者，獨恐臣死之後，天下見臣盡忠而身蹶也，〔鮑本蹶，僵也。〕是以杜口裹足，莫肯即秦耳。〔鮑本即，就也。補曰：「即」一作「鄉」。　札記丕烈案：史記作「鄉」。〕足下上畏太后之嚴，下惑姦臣之態；居深宮之中，不離保傅〔鮑本女保、女傅，非大臣也。〕之手；終身闇惑，無與照姦；大者宗廟滅覆，小者身以孤危。此臣之所恐耳！若夫窮辱之事，死亡之患，臣弗敢畏也。臣死而秦治，賢於生也。」

秦王跽曰：「先生是何言也！夫秦國僻遠，寡人愚不肖，先生乃幸至此，此天以寡人慁〔姚本「慁」，後語作「授」。　鮑本慁，溷同，亂也，濁貌。〕先生，而存先王之廟也。寡人得受命於先生，此天所以幸先王〔札記今本「王」誤「生」。〕而不棄其孤也。先生奈何而言若此！事無大小，上及太后，下至大臣，願先生悉以教寡人，無疑寡人也。」范睢再拜，秦王亦再拜。

范睢曰：「大王之國，北有甘泉、谷口，〔鮑本文紀注，在雲陽。雲陽屬馮翊。〕南帶涇、渭，〔鮑本涇水出安定涇陽。〕右隴、蜀，〔鮑本隴西有隴坻，即隴阪。〕左關、阪；〔鮑本「阪」作「阪」。○　函谷關、隴阪。〕戰車千乘，奮擊百萬。〔姚本劉，「萬」下有「馳」字。〕以秦卒之勇，車騎之多，以當諸侯，譬若馳〔姚本一本無「馳」字。〕韓盧〔鮑本俊犬名。博物志，韓有黑犬，名盧。〕而逐蹇兔也，〔鮑本「馳」作「施」，「蹇」作「駑」。○　駑，言其不俊。補曰：「馳」、「蹇」，史同。〕霸王之業可致。今反閉〔姚本續：李善引有「關」字。　鮑本「閉」下有「關」字。○　補曰：史，「閉」下有「關」字。〕而不敢窺兵於山東者，是穰侯為國謀不忠，而大王之計有所失也。」

王曰：「願聞所失計。」

睢曰：「大王越韓、魏而攻強齊，非計也。少出師，則不足以傷齊；多之則害於秦。臣意王之計〔姚本劉，一作「以」。　鮑本以意測之。〕欲少出師，〔姚本曾、錢，一作「臣計王之少出師」。〕而悉韓、魏之兵則不義矣。〔鮑本義，宜也。己少出師，而使人悉出，非宜。〕今見與國之不可親，〔姚本錢作「可親」。　鮑本「與」，謂韓、魏。〕越人之國而攻，可乎？疏於計矣！昔者，齊人伐楚，〔鮑本閔二十三年，敗楚重丘，大有功。正曰：十三年。〕戰勝，破軍殺將，再辟千里，〔鮑本辟，拓地也。〕膚寸之地無得者，〔姚本「者」一作「也」。　鮑本集韻，側手曰扶，通作「膚」。春秋傳，「膚寸而合」。〕豈齊不欲地哉，形弗能有也。諸侯見齊之罷露，〔鮑本罷，疲同。在野曰露。〕君臣之不親，舉兵而伐之，〔鮑本魏昭十二年，與秦、趙、韓、燕伐齊，敗之。〕主辱軍破，為天下笑。所以然者，以其伐楚而肥韓、魏也。此所謂藉賊兵而齎盜食者也。王不如遠交而近攻，〔鮑本補曰：遠交近攻，秦卒用此術破諸侯，并天下。〕得寸則王之寸，得尺則王之尺也。今舍此而遠攻，不亦繆乎？且昔者，中山之地，〔鮑本「中山」作「山中」。○　補曰：當作中山。　札記丕烈案：史記作「中山之國」。〕方五百里，趙獨擅之，〔鮑本武靈二十七年，亡中山。〕功成、名立、利附，則〔鮑本「則」作「焉」。○　補曰：恐當從史作「焉」。〕天下莫能害。〔鮑本此言近攻之利。〕今韓、魏，中國之處，而天下之樞也。〔鮑本言出入來往所由。〕王若欲霸，必親中國而以為天下樞，以威楚、趙。趙彊則楚附，楚彊則趙附。〔鮑本言雖不能兼制，必有一附。〕楚、趙附則齊必懼，懼必卑辭重幣以事秦，齊附而韓、魏可虛也。」〔鮑本可使為丘墟。〕

王曰：「寡人欲親魏，魏多變之國也，寡人不能親。請問親魏奈何？」范睢曰：「卑辭重幣以事之。不可，削地而賂之。不可，舉兵而伐之。」〔鮑本彪謂：遠交近攻，睢之策當矣。語未卒而復欲親之，既親之又欲伐之，立談之間，矯亂如此，使人主何適從乎？若曰某策為上，某次之，其可也。正曰：大事記，親魏者豈誠愛魏哉？孤韓黨耳！〕於是舉兵而攻邢丘，〔鮑本在河南平皋。補曰：史，廩丘、郪丘，即邢丘也。正義云，漢置平皋縣，在懷州武德縣南。〕邢丘拔〔鮑本四十一年夏，取邢丘。〕而魏請附。

曰：〔鮑本睢復說也。〕「秦、韓之地形，相錯如繡。秦之有韓，若木之有蠹，人之病心腹。天下有變，為秦害者莫大於韓。王不如收韓。」〔鮑本無「王不如收韓」五字。○　札記丕烈案：史記有。〕王曰：「寡人欲收韓，〔姚本劉下更有一「韓」字。　鮑本「韓」下補「韓」字。○　補曰：姚云，劉本有。史同。〕不聽，為之奈何？」

范睢曰：「舉兵而攻滎陽，〔鮑本「滎」作「榮」。○　屬河南。　札記丕烈案：史記作「滎」。〕則成睪之路不通；北斬太行之道〔鮑本河內山陽。唐有此山，晉隘也。〕則上黨之兵不下；一舉而攻榮陽，〔鮑本「榮陽」作「宜陽」。○　補曰：「宜」，一本作「榮」，史同。是時宜陽之拔久矣。　札記今本「榮」作「滎」。〕則其國斷而為三。魏、韓見必亡，〔鮑本衍「魏」字。　補曰：字疑衍。　札記丕烈案：史記作「夫韓」為是。〕焉得不聽？韓聽而霸事可成也。」王曰：「善。」〔鮑本睢傳有。按史，拔邢丘在親魏說後二年，此三十八年也。攻宜陽說亦在拔邢丘前，則此「邢丘拔」，要終言之也。正曰：大事記，秦昭王三十六年，范睢為客卿，三十九年拔懷，四十一年拔邢丘。史拔邢丘後，睢復說攻韓，則此自是兩節，策附載為一章也。昭王四十四年攻韓、取南陽、絕太行道，皆行睢之謀也。〕

范睢曰：「臣居山東，聞齊之內〔姚本一無「內」字。〕有田單，〔姚本「單」，后語一作「文」。　鮑本齊之疏族，后為相，封安平君。史云田文，非也。文去齊，至是已二十余年，不得近舍單，遠論文也。補曰：姚氏云，后語亦作「文」。愚謂舉齊事言，不必一時。〕不聞其王。〔鮑本「王」上有「有」字。○　札記今本「王」上有「有」字。鮑本有。丕烈案：史記有。詳此句，當以「不聞其王」為是。其者，其齊也。下句當云「不聞有王」，衍「其」字。王，即秦王也。史記二句皆云「其有」，各誤衍一字。〕聞秦之有太后、穰侯、涇陽、〔鮑本昭王母弟。〕華陽，〔鮑本補曰：正義云，華陽，亭名，在洛州密縣，故華城在鄭州管城縣南。杜注，新城，密也，故戎又號新城君。涇陽，雍州縣。高陵屬京兆。四貴者，穰侯、涇陽、華陽、高陵也。史「涇陽、華陽擊斷無諱」下有「高陵進退不請」一句。策下文「出高陵」，則此有缺文。又「走涇陽」下，姚云曾有「華陽」字。史同。　札記丕烈案：此文史記作「穰侯、華陽、高陵、涇陽」。〕不聞其有王。夫擅國之謂王，〔鮑本擅，專也。〕能專利害之謂王，制殺生之威之謂王。今太后擅行不顧，〔鮑本不顧王也。〕穰侯出使不報，〔鮑本報，猶白也。言不白王，而擅遣使於外。〕涇陽、華陽擊斷無諱，〔姚本曾，下有「高陵進退不請」六字。　鮑本擊斷，謂刑人。無諱，言不避王。〕四貴備而國不危者，未之有也。為此四者，下乃所謂無王已。然則權焉得不傾，而令焉得從王出乎？臣聞：『善為國者，內固其威，而外重其權。』穰侯使者操王之重，決裂諸侯，〔鮑本謂分剖其地。〕剖符於天下，〔鮑本剖，猶分；符，信也，謂軍符。漢制，以竹長六寸，分而相合。正曰：竹長六寸，說文說也。漢文紀云，郡國守相為銅虎符、竹使符。索隱云，漢舊儀，銅虎符，發兵；竹使符，出入徵發。此「剖符」，承上「決裂」而言，謂擅封爵也。〕征敵伐國，莫敢不聽。戰勝攻取，則利歸於陶；國弊，御於諸侯；〔鮑本國，謂秦。御，言為諸侯所制。補曰：下章「利盡歸於陶，國之幣帛」云云，恐此有缺誤。札記丕烈案：史記文同。小司馬讀「幣御於諸侯」為句，當如吳氏讀「陶」字句絕者為是。〕戰敗，則怨結於百姓，而禍歸社稷。詩曰：『木實〔鮑本實，木子。〕繁者披〔鮑本披，謂褫之。正曰：披，折也，普靡反。〕其枝，披其枝者傷其心。〔鮑本逸詩。〕大其都者危其國，〔鮑本此因詩申之也。補曰：恐此四語皆詩，非必逸詩，古有此語爾。〕尊其臣者卑其主。』淖齒〔鮑本楚將，楚使救齊，因相之。〕管齊之權，〔鮑本管，猶管搉之管，專之也。〕縮閔王之筯，縣之廟梁，宿昔而死。〔鮑本集韻，宿，夜也，通作「昔」。事在閔四十年。正曰：三十年。〕李兌用趙，減食主父，〔鮑本減主父食。〕百日而餓死。〔鮑本趙惠文四年。〕今秦，太后、穰侯用事，高陵、〔鮑本亦昭王母弟。〕涇陽〔姚本曾，下有「華陽」二字。〕佐之，卒無秦王，此亦淖齒、李兌之類已。〔鮑本「已」作「也」。○　札記丕烈案：史記作「也」。〕臣今見王獨立於廟朝矣，且臣將恐後世之有秦國者，非王之子孫也。」

秦王懼，於是乃廢太后，逐穰侯，出高陵，走〔姚本一無「走」字。〕涇陽〔姚本曾，下有「華陽」二字。〕於關外。〔鮑本此四十一年。補曰：按睢傳，睢相在昭王四十一年。秦紀，明年太后薨，葬芷陽驪山。九月，穰侯出之陶。是太后初未嘗廢，穰侯雖免相而未就國，太后葬後，始出之陶。此辯士增飾非實之辭。故大事記從邵氏皇極經世書，免魏冉相國，奪宣太后權，以客卿范睢為丞相，封應侯。其下書華陽君羋戎、王弟涇陽君巿出就封。華陽蓋高陵別名，此書為實。綱目書秦君廢其母不治事，逐魏冉、羋戎、公子巿、公子悝云云，亦失考。　札記吳氏補曰，史有「華陽」字。丕烈案：上策文「高陵、涇陽佐之」，史記作「高陵、華陽、涇陽佐之」。此文，史記作「逐穰侯、高陵、華陽、涇陽君於關外」也。〕

昭王謂范睢曰：「昔者，齊公得管仲，時以為仲父。今吾得子，亦以為父。」〔鮑本睢傳有。補曰：睢欲言太后、穰侯，先已摩切秦王。王曰，「上及太后，下至大臣，願先生悉心以教寡人」。宜可言矣。而且陳遠交近攻之策，至是始極所欲言，此策士之深術也。史所謂未敢言內先言外，以觀秦王之俯仰是矣。而乃謂左右多竊聽者，睢恐故爾，則未然也。睢豈不能屏左右言乎？〕

應侯謂昭王

應侯謂昭王曰：〔鮑本補曰：秦紀，應亭，索隱云在河東臨晉。又，應為太后養地。徐云，潁川父城縣應鄉，又作大城。按括地志之應鄉，在汝州魯山縣東。后策「應侯失韓之汝南」，說者謂與應鄰，則在汝者為是。昭王奪太后養地以封睢，亦惡矣。應，於陵反。〕「亦聞恆思〔鮑本地缺。〕有神叢〔鮑本灌木中有神靈託之。正曰：墨子建國，必擇木之脩茂者以為叢位。史，叢祠。索隱云，高誘注云神祠叢樹也。今高注本缺。〕與？恆思有悍少年，請與叢博，〔鮑本局戲也，六著十二棋。〕曰：『吾勝叢，叢籍我神三日；〔鮑本「籍」作「藉」，下同。○　以神靈借我。〕不勝叢，叢困我。』乃左手為叢投，〔鮑本班固奕指曰，博懸於投，不必慧巧。駰曰，投，投瓊。〕右手自為投，〔鮑本右強而便，欲自取勝。正曰：尚左，尊神也。〕勝叢，叢籍其神。三日，叢往求之，遂弗歸。五日而叢枯，七日而叢亡。今國者，王之叢；勢者，王之神。籍人以此，得無危乎？臣未嘗聞指大於臂，臂大於股，若有此，則病必甚矣。百人輿瓢而趨，〔鮑本負之如輿載物。正曰：輿，載也。〕不如一人持而走疾。〔姚本曾、錢、劉，一無「疾」字。〕百人誠輿瓢，瓢必裂。〔鮑本以爭持者眾。〕今秦國，華陽用之，穰侯用之，太后用之，王亦用之。不稱瓢為器，則已；〔鮑本稱，猶等也。謂比國於瓢。〕已〔鮑本下「已」字無。○〕稱瓢為器，國必裂矣。臣聞之也：『木實繁者枝必披，枝之披者傷其心。都大者危其國，臣強者危其主。』其令邑中自斗食以上，〔鮑本「其」作「且」。○　漢官表，歲俸不滿百斛，計日而食一斗二升。〕至尉、內史〔鮑本秦有郡縣，有內史。郡國官也。〕及王左右，有非相國之人者乎？〔鮑本相國，穰侯。〕國無事，則已；國有事，臣必聞見王獨立於庭也。〔鮑本無「聞」字。○　札記今本無「聞」字。〕臣竊為王恐，恐萬世之後有國者，非王子孫也。

「臣聞古之善為政也，其威內扶，〔鮑本扶，猶持也。言不顛仆。〕其輔外布，〔鮑本輔，謂股肱之臣。〕四〔鮑本「四」作「而」。○　補曰：字誤，宜作「而」言。〕治政不亂不逆，使者直道而行，不敢為非。今太后使者分裂諸侯，而符布天下，操大國之勢，強徵〔鮑本「強徵」作「徵強」。○〕兵，伐諸侯。戰勝攻取，利盡歸於陶；國之幣帛，竭入太后之家；竟內之利，分移華陽。古之所謂『危主滅國之道』必從此起。三貴竭國以自安，〔鮑本據上文，不及涇陽、高陵。〕然則令何得從王出，權何得毋分，是我〔姚本劉本無「我」字。　鮑本衍「我」字。〕王果處三分之一也。」〔鮑本彪謂：人君生事之所嚴，有母而已。范睢說昭王，乃以太后為稱首，忍哉。君子所以進其身，豈舍此獨無說乎？〕

秦攻韓圍陘

秦攻韓，圍陘。〔鮑本僖四年「次于陘」注，楚地。潁川召陵南有陘亭，此時屬韓。韓桓惠九年，秦拔我陘。此四十三年也。正曰：召陵陘亭者，陘山也，說見前，非此陘。史韓世家，秦拔我陘城汾旁。正義云，陘故城在絳州曲沃縣西北汾水之旁。白起傳作邢丘，亦誤。大事記據世家為文。〕范睢謂秦昭王曰：「有攻人者，有攻地者。穰侯十攻魏而不得〔姚本「得」，一作「能」。〕傷者，非秦弱而魏強也，其所攻者，地也。地者，人主所甚愛也。人主者，人臣之所樂為死也。攻人主之所愛，與樂死者鬥，故十攻而弗能〔鮑本無「能」字。○〕勝也。今王將攻韓圍陘，臣願王之毋獨攻其地，而攻其人也。王攻韓圍陘，以張儀為言。〔鮑本儀死至睢之相，四十四年矣，儀亦未嘗在韓，此必誤。〕張儀之力多，且削〔鮑本「削」作「割」。○　補曰：疑即下文「割」字。〕地而〔姚本錢、劉本無「而」字。〕以自贖於王，幾割地而韓不盡；張儀之力少，則王逐張儀，而更與不如張儀者市。〔鮑本無「張」字。○　智不如耳，非力也。　札記「張」，鮑本無。丕烈案：無者當是，上文「張」字皆有訛。〕則王之所求於韓者，言可得也。」〔鮑本「言」作「盡」。○　札記今本「言」作「盡」。〕　　〔鮑本補曰：更，平聲。此章有舛誤，未詳。〕

應侯曰鄭人謂玉未理者璞

應侯曰：「鄭人謂玉未理者璞，〔札記今本「璞」誤「樸」。〕周人謂鼠未腊者朴。周人懷璞〔鮑本「樸」作「朴」。○　補曰：當作「朴」。　札記丕烈案：此當與下「出其朴」互易，作「懷朴」。〕過鄭賈曰：『欲買朴乎？』鄭賈曰：『欲之。』出其朴，視之，乃鼠也。〔鮑本無「視之」二字。○　補曰：一本「出其扑，視之，乃鼠也」。　札記丕烈案：此當與上「懷璞」互易，作「出其璞，視之」。〕因謝不取。〔鮑本謝，辭去也。說亦見尹文子及漢應奉傳。〕今平原君〔鮑本趙公子勝。惠文王弟，后相孝成。見魏無忌傳。正曰：趙記書公子成、李兌，非平原也。「平原」字必有誤。〕自以賢，顯名於天下，然降〔鮑本降，貶損之也。〕其主父沙丘而臣之。〔鮑本鉅鹿有沙丘亭。趙記不書此，未詳。〕天下之王尚猶尊之，是天下之王不如鄭賈之智也，〔鮑本無「也」字。○〕眩〔鮑本眩，目無常主也，故為惑。〕於名，不知其實也。」

天下之士合從相聚於趙

天下之士，合從相聚於趙，而欲攻秦。秦相應侯曰：「王勿憂也，請令廢之。秦於天下之士非有怨也，相聚而攻秦者，以己欲〔鮑本「欲」作「有」。○　補曰：一本「有」作「欲」。〕富貴耳。王見大王之狗，臥者臥，起者起，行者行，止者止，毋相與鬥者；投之一骨，輕起相牙者，〔鮑本輕，猶忽也。牙，言以牙相噬。〕何則？有爭意也。」於是〔鮑本「唐」上補「使」字。○〕唐雎載音樂，予之五十〔鮑本「十」作「千」。○　札記今本「十」作「千」。丕烈案：「千」字是也。下「復載五十金」同。〕金，居武安，〔鮑本屬魏郡。趙奢傳注，在邯鄲西。正曰：武安，說見前。〕高會〔鮑本高紀注，大會也。〕相與飲，謂：「邯鄲〔鮑本邯鄲，趙國都。〕人誰來取者？」於是其謀者固未可得予也，〔鮑本用金少，故未能動謀者。〕其可得與者，〔鮑本「與」作「子」。○〕與之昆弟矣。〔鮑本謀人之昆弟。正曰：言與之和好若昆弟矣。此下有缺文。　札記丕烈案：此當讀「與之」上屬，而缺在「昆弟矣」上。〕

「公與秦計功者，〔鮑本應侯教唐睢云。〕不問金之所之，金盡者功多矣。今令人復載五十金隨公。」唐雎行，行〔鮑本「行」字不重。○〕至武安，散不能三千金，天下之士，大相與鬥矣。〔鮑本士得金復為秦，故其謀不協。補曰：六國猶連雞，群士如鬥狗，所以虎狼秦張顧哆其口。秦記，尉繚說秦王曰，「願大王毋愛財物，賂其豪臣，以亂其謀，不過亡三十萬金，則諸侯可盡」。大事記云，前此范睢之散合從，後此陳平之間項羽，同出一術。蓋亂世風俗貪鄙，故此術每中。有言禮義廉恥於多事之際，必以為迂闊，不知撥亂之策莫要於此。愚謂，郭開之間李牧，晉鄙客之讒信陵，后勝之勸王建，秦卒亡此三國者，皆應侯之術也。高祖購陳豨將，亦陳平之故智歟？〕

謂應侯曰君禽馬服乎

謂應侯曰：「君禽馬服〔鮑本「馬服」下補「君」字。○　趙括也，襲其父稱。補曰：史白起傳，昭王四十八年，秦復定上黨，分軍為二，王齕攻虎牢，拔之；司馬梗定太原。韓、趙恐，使蘇代說應侯。大事記引服虔曰，馬服，猶言服馬也。崔浩曰，馬服，官名，言服武事也。　札記今本「服」下有「君」字。丕烈案：史記作「武安君禽馬服子乎」，此文「君」上有脫。〕乎？」曰：「然。」「又即圍邯鄲〔鮑本四十八年十月。〕乎？」曰：「然。」「趙〔鮑本「趙」上補「曰」字。○　札記丕烈案：史記無。〕亡，秦王王矣，武安君為三公。武安君所以〔姚本一無「以」字。〕為秦戰勝攻取者七十餘城，南亡鄢郢、漢中，〔鮑本南郡宜城注，故鄢。江陵注，郢都，又郢，故郢。正曰：詳見後「五都」注。〕禽馬服之軍，不亡一甲，雖周、〔姚本錢、劉下有「召」字。　鮑本補曰：姚云，錢、劉本此下有「召」字。〕呂望之功，亦不過此矣。趙亡，秦王王，武安君為三公，君能為之下乎？雖欲無為之下，固不得之矣。秦嘗攻韓邢，〔姚本一本下有「丘」字。劉本無「邢丘」二字。　鮑本趙國襄國注，故邢國，此字當作「陘」。補曰：上章秦攻韓圍陘。史桓惠王九年，秦拔我陘汾旁。十年，秦擊我太行，我上黨郡守以郡降趙。事正相次也。　札記丕烈案：史記作「邢丘」，鮑說未是。〕困於上黨，上黨之民皆返為趙。〔鮑本馮亭事。〕天下之民，不樂為秦民之日固久矣。今攻趙，北地入燕，東地入齊，南地入楚、魏，則秦所得不一幾何。〔姚本劉改「不一」作「無幾何」。　鮑本「一」作「能」。○　正曰：字誤。史作「所得民亡幾何」，此蓋「亡」字誤分。　札記今本「一」作「能」，乃誤涉鮑也。〕故不如因而割之，〔鮑本許趙割地來和。〕因以為武安功。」〔鮑本如是則起無大功，睢不為之下。補曰：史「無以為」，此「因」字非。史又云，「於是應侯言於秦王，王聽之，割韓垣、雍，趙六邑以和，武安君由是與應侯有隙」，下接「復欲伐趙」云云。〕

應侯失韓之汝南

應侯失韓之汝南。〔鮑本梁州郡。近應國，應侯嘗取得之。〕秦昭王謂應侯曰：「君亡〔姚本一本下有「汝南」二字。〕國，其憂乎？」應侯曰：「臣不憂。」王曰：「何也？」曰：「梁人有東門吳者，其子死而不憂，其相室〔鮑本室家之相，此女也。男曰「家老」。〕曰：『公之〔鮑本「之」作「子」。○〕愛子也，〔鮑本衍「也」字。〕天下無有，今子死不憂，〔鮑本「死」下有「而」字。○〕何也？』東門吳曰：『吾嘗無子，無子之時不憂；今子死，乃即與無子時同也。臣奚憂焉？』臣亦嘗為子，〔鮑本此「臣」，應侯。子，餘子也。此時無地。〕為子時不憂；今亡汝南，乃與即為〔姚本劉一無「即為」二字。　鮑本「與即」作「即與」。○　補曰：當作「即與」。〕梁餘子同也。〔鮑本大司徒可任之餘，為餘子。正曰：周禮「小司徒致餘子」注，餘子，謂羨也。傳，晉有公族、餘子。杜云，嫡子之母弟也。呂氏春秋，張儀，魏氏餘子。索隱云，支庶也。又，季子也。莊子注，不應丁夫為餘子。趙策亦有餘子字。按，梁餘子，恐是睢入秦而亡其餘子之在梁者。「臣亦嘗為子」，言己亦若東門吳；「乃即與為梁餘子同」，言亡地與亡子同。〕臣何為憂？」

秦王以為不然，以告蒙傲〔鮑本秦人。補曰：「傲」恐即「驁」。始皇七年死，此時相及。　札記丕烈案：李善注求自試表引作「驁」。「傲」、「驁」同字。〕曰：「今也，寡人一城圍，食不甘味，臥不便席，今應侯亡地而言不憂，此其情〔姚本一本下有「何」字。〕也？」〔鮑本問其心誠然否？〕蒙傲曰：「臣請得其情。」

蒙傲〔鮑本無「蒙傲」二字。○〕乃往見應侯，曰：「傲欲死。」應侯曰：「何謂也？」曰：「秦王師君，天下莫不聞，而況於秦國乎！今傲勢得秦為王〔姚本一本無「為」字。　鮑本「為王」作「王為」。○　補曰：當作「王為」。姚云，一本無「為」字，是。〕將，將兵，臣以韓之細也，顯逆〔鮑本言其國小而逆節著。正曰：顯逆亂之誅。又作「顯違誅戮」，義亦通。〕誅，奪君地，傲尚奚生？不若死。」應侯拜蒙傲曰：「願委之卿。」蒙傲以報於昭王。

自是之後，應侯每言韓事者，秦王弗聽也，以其為汝南虜〔姚本錢一無「虜」字。〕也。〔鮑本汝南民為韓虜獲者。　補曰：「以為」、「為憂」、「為將」之「為」，如字。依姚本句，則「為秦」之「為」，亦如字。〕

秦攻邯鄲

秦攻邯鄲，十七月不下。莊〔鮑本人名也。〕謂王稽曰：「君何不賜軍吏乎？」王稽曰：「吾與王也，不用人言。」莊曰：「不然。父之於子也，令有必行者，必不行者。曰『去貴妻，賣愛妾』，此令必行者也；因曰『毋敢思也』，此令必不行者也。守閭嫗〔鮑本嫗，母也。正曰：廣韻，老嫗也。此引說文，不切。〕曰，『其夕，某懦子〔姚本曾云，恐作「孺」。劉作「孺」。　鮑本「其」作「某」。○　孺子，乳也，婦之嘗乳者。亦婦人之美稱，齊策，「王有七孺子」。〕內某士』。〔鮑本內，私之也。言嫗之言亦有必行者。〕貴妻已去，愛妾已賣，而心不有。〔鮑本有，猶欲之也。言父雖令之，而非其所欲，故令之勿思，則必不行。〕欲教之者，人心固有。〔鮑本教，猶告也。孺子內士，人心固欲其告，雖非至親，令必行也。〕今君雖幸於王，不過父子之親；〔鮑本言王之令，亦能奪其所貴愛，有不必行者。〕軍吏雖賤，不卑於守閭嫗。〔鮑本言且告稽。〕且君擅主輕下之日久矣。聞『三人成虎，〔鮑本即魏策龐蔥所稱者。〕十夫楺椎。〔鮑本楺，屈申木也。〕眾口所移，毋翼而飛』。故曰，不如賜軍吏而禮之。」王稽不聽。軍吏窮，果惡王稽、杜摯以反。〔鮑本摯，稽之副也。睢傳言稽與諸侯通。則此所惡，亦其實也。〕

秦王大怒，而欲兼誅范睢。〔鮑本稽始薦睢，睢后任稽守河東。補曰：史，王稽為河東守，三歲不上計。鄭安平降趙，應侯請罪。秦法，任人而所任不善者，以其罪罪之。於是應侯當收三族，昭王恐傷其意，加賜益厚。后二歲，稽與諸侯通，坐誅，應侯益以不懌。昭王臨朝嘆息，應侯懼，不知所出。此策「睢曰」云云，當在此時。所謂「秦王大怒而欲兼誅睢」者則非，當從史。然王益厚賜而善遇之者，所以愧之也。〕范睢曰：「臣，東鄙之賤人也，〔鮑本魏在秦東。〕開罪於楚、〔鮑本開，言始得罪。衍「楚」字。補曰：恐衍。〕魏，遁逃來奔。臣無諸侯之援，親習之故，〔鮑本習，猶狎，故舊也。言非王近習之舊。〕王舉臣於羇旅之中，使職事，〔鮑本職，猶主。〕天下皆聞臣之身與王之舉也。今遇惑〔鮑本「今」作「令」，「遇」作「愚」。○　補曰：當作「愚」。　札記今本「遇」作「愚」，乃誤涉鮑也。〕或與罪人同心，〔鮑本罪人，謂王稽。衍「或」字。補曰：衍。　札記今本無「或」字，乃誤涉鮑也。〕而王明誅之，是王過舉〔鮑本過，猶誤也。昔舉而今誅之，是舉之誤。〕顯於天下，而為諸侯所議也。臣願請藥賜死，而恩以相葬臣，〔鮑本既殺之而加恩，以國相禮葬之。〕王必不失臣之罪，〔鮑本已殺之。〕而無過舉之名。」王曰：「有之。」〔鮑本然其過舉之言。〕遂弗殺而善遇之。

蔡澤見逐於趙

蔡澤〔鮑本燕人。〕見逐於趙，而入韓、魏，遇奪釜鬲於塗。〔姚本劉無「鬲」字。　鮑本人奪之也。爾雅，鬲，鼎也。〕聞應侯任鄭安平、〔鮑本魏齊困范睢，安平匿之。時安平擊魏，以二萬人降趙。〕王稽，〔鮑本通諸侯也。〕皆負重罪，應侯內慚，乃西入秦。將見昭王，使人宣言以感怒應侯曰：「燕客蔡澤，天下駿雄弘辯之士也。彼一見秦王，秦王必相之而奪君位。」

應侯聞之，使人召蔡澤。蔡澤入，則揖應侯，應侯固不快，及見之，又倨。應侯因讓之曰：「子常〔鮑本「常」作「嘗」。○　札記丕烈案：史記作「常」。〕宣言〔姚本一本下有「欲」字。〕代我相秦，豈有此乎？」對曰：「然。」應侯曰：「請聞其說。」蔡澤曰：「吁！何君〔姚本劉一作「君何」。　鮑本「何君」作「君何」。○　札記丕烈案：史記作「君何」。〕見之晚也。夫四時之序，成功者去。夫人生手足堅強，耳目聰明聖知，豈非士之所願與？」應侯曰：「然。」蔡澤曰：「質〔鮑本質，猶禮。〕仁秉義，行道施德於天下，天下懷樂敬愛，願以為君王，豈不辯智之期與？」〔鮑本期，猶志也。辨智者志期得此。〕應侯曰：「然。」蔡澤復曰：「富貴顯榮，成理〔鮑本理，治也。〕萬物，萬物各得其所；生命壽長，終其年而不夭傷；天下繼其統，〔鮑本統，絕也。〕守其業，傳之無窮，名實純粹，〔鮑本言其兩全美。〕澤流千世，稱之而毋絕，與天下終。〔鮑本無「與天下終」四字。○　補曰：一本此下有「與天下終」一句。　札記丕烈案：史記有，作「與天地終始」。〕豈非道之符，〔鮑本言行道之效。〕而聖人所謂吉祥善事與？」應侯曰：「然。」澤曰：「若秦之商君，楚之吳起，〔鮑本衛人，仕魏，后相楚而死。〕越之大夫種，〔鮑本姓文，越王勾踐之相。〕其卒亦可願矣。」〔鮑本「矣」作「與」。○　補曰：「矣」，史作「歟」。〕應侯知蔡澤之欲困己以說，復曰：「何為不可？夫公孫鞅事孝公，極身毋二，〔鮑本極身，猶竭己。〕盡公不還私，〔鮑本還，反顧也。〕信賞罰以致治，竭智能，示情素，〔鮑本素，其所蓄積。正曰：「素」，「愫」通，誠也。〕蒙怨咎，〔鮑本集韻，蒙，覆也。「蒙」，「冒」同。鞅嘗刑太子之傅，知必見怨咎，猶冒為之。〕欺舊交，虜魏公子卬，〔鮑本卬，則鞅之舊也。〕卒為秦禽將，破敵軍，攘地千里。吳起事悼王，使私不害公，讒不蔽忠，言不取苟合，行不取苟容，行義不固〔姚本「固」，曾一作「顧」。　鮑本「固」作「顧」。○　札記丕烈案：史記作「不避難」。徐廣曰，一云「不困毀譽」。「固」或「困」字誤耳。〕毀譽，必有〔鮑本「有」作「欲」。○　札記今本「有」作「欲」，乃誤涉鮑也。丕烈案：史記「必有」作「然為」。〕伯主強國，不辭禍凶。大夫種事越王，主離困辱，〔鮑本「主」作「王」。○　「離」，「罹」同。集韻，遭也。〕悉忠而不解，〔鮑本解，懈同。〕主雖亡絕，盡能而不離，〔鮑本離，猶去。〕多功而不矜，貴富〔鮑本「貴富」作「富貴」。○　札記丕烈案：史記作「貴富」。〕不驕怠。若此三子者，義之至，忠之節也。故君子殺身以成名，義之所在，身雖死，無憾悔，〔姚本劉一作「身雖無，咸無悔」。〕何為〔鮑本「為」下有「而」字。○　札記丕烈案：史記無。〕不可哉？」蔡澤曰：「主聖臣賢，天下之福也；君明臣忠，國之福也；父慈子孝，夫信婦貞，家之福也。故比干忠，〔姚本錢「忠」下有「而」字。〕不能存殷；子胥知，〔姚本錢本有「而」字。〕不能存吳；申生孝，而晉惑〔姚本「惑」一作「國」。　鮑本僖五年。〕亂。是有忠臣孝子，國家滅亂，何也？無明君賢父以聽之。故天下以其君父為戮辱，〔姚本曾本有「而」字。　鮑本戮，殺也。賤之如刑戮詬辱之人。〕憐其臣子。夫待死而後可以立忠成名，是微子不足仁，孔子不足聖，管仲不足大也。」於是應侯稱善。

蔡澤得少間，〔鮑本間，言有隙可乘。〕因曰：「商君、吳起、大夫種，其為人臣，盡忠致功，〔鮑本「功」作「力」。○　札記丕烈案：史記作「功」。〕則可願矣。閎夭事文王，周公輔成王也，豈不亦忠〔姚本一本有「聖」字。〕乎？以君臣論之，〔鮑本「君臣」二字作「聖」。○　札記丕烈案：史記作「君臣」。〕商君、吳起、大夫種，其可願孰與閎夭、周公哉？」應侯曰：「商君、吳起、〔姚本一本有「與」字。〕大夫種不若也。」蔡澤曰：「然則君之主，慈仁任〔鮑本任，猶信。〕忠，不欺舊故，孰與秦孝公、楚悼王、〔鮑本無「公」字、「王」字。○　札記丕烈案：史記有。〕越王乎？」應侯曰：「未知何如也。」蔡澤曰：「主固親忠臣，不過秦孝、越王、楚悼。君之為主，〔姚本曾本作「令主」。〕正亂、批〔鮑本批，𢱧同，匹齊切，擊也。集韻，𢱧或作批，又蒲結切。〕患、折難，廣地殖〔鮑本植，種也。〕穀，富國、足家、強主，威蓋海內，功章萬里之外，不過商君、吳起、大夫種。而君之祿位貴盛，私家之富過於三子，而身不退，竊為君危之。語曰：『日中則移，月滿則虧。』物盛則衰，天之常數也；進退、盈縮、變化，聖人之常道也。昔者，齊桓公九合諸侯，〔鮑本無「九合諸侯」四字。○　補曰：一本有「九合諸侯」一句。　札記丕烈案：史記有。〕一匡天下，至葵丘〔鮑本杜注，陳留外黃東有葵丘。〕之會，有驕矜之色，畔者九國。〔鮑本僖九年。〕吳王夫差無適於天下，〔鮑本「適」作「敵」。○　正曰：史作「敵」，「適」通。適，人開反。〕輕諸侯，凌齊、晉，〔鮑本「凌」作「陵」。○　正曰：「陵」通。史「凌雲」，漢書「陵雲」。　札記今本「凌」作「陵」，乃誤涉鮑也。丕烈案：史記作「陵」。〕遂以殺身亡國。夏育、太史啟〔姚本「啟」，曾作「噭」。　鮑本太史，周官，其人未詳。史作「太史激」，豈君王后之父耶？〕叱〔鮑本叱，訶也。〕呼駭三軍，然而身死於庸夫。此皆乘至盛不及〔鮑本「及」作「近」。○札記丕烈案：史記作「返」。〕道理也。夫商君為孝公平權衡、正度量、調輕重，決裂阡陌，教民耕戰，是以兵動而地廣，兵休而國富，故秦無敵於天下，立威諸侯。功已成，〔鮑本「成」下補「矣」字。○　補曰：史有。〕遂以車裂。楚地持戟百萬，白起率數萬之師，以與楚戰，一戰舉鄢、郢，再戰燒夷陵，〔鮑本屬南郡。〕南并蜀、漢，又越韓、魏攻強趙，北坑馬服，誅屠四十餘萬之眾，〔鮑本屠，言殺之酷。〕流血成川，沸聲若雷，使秦業帝。〔鮑本有帝之業。〕自是之後，趙、楚懾服，〔鮑本懾，失氣也。〕不敢攻秦者，白起之勢也。身所服者，七十餘城。功已成矣，賜死於杜郵。〔鮑本起傳注，在咸陽西門十里。〕吳起為楚悼罷無能，廢無用，損不急之官，塞私門之請，壹楚國之俗，南攻楊越，〔鮑本「楊」作「揚」。○　越屬揚州。　札記丕烈案：史記作「楊」。〕北并陳、蔡，破橫散從，使馳說之士無所開其口。功已成矣，卒支解。〔鮑本斷其四支。按起傳，宗戚大臣射刺起死。〕大夫種為越王墾草創〔姚本錢、劉一作「仞」。曾一作「入」。　鮑本墾，耕。創，造也。〕邑，辟地殖〔鮑本殖，植同。〕穀，率四方士，〔鮑本「方」下補「之」字，「士」下補「專」字。○　補曰：史，「方」下有「之」字，「士」下有「專」字。恐此有缺。〕上下之力，以禽勁吳，成霸功。勾踐終棓而殺之。〔鮑本「棓」作「拮」。○　「拮」，「戞」同，櫟也。蓋逼之。楚記言「賜劍死」。　札記丕烈案：史記作「負」。「負」，「棓」聲之轉也。〕此四子者，成功而不去，〔鮑本「成功」作「功成」。○　札記丕烈案：史記作「功成」。〕禍至於此。此所謂信而不能詘，往而不能反者也。范蠡知之，超然避世，長為陶朱。〔鮑本居陶，易姓朱。〕君獨不觀博者乎？或欲分〔姚本一本無「分」字。　鮑本衍「分」字。　札記史記無此，因下衍耳。〕大投，〔鮑本大，言全勝也。〕或欲分功。〔鮑本分勝者所獲。〕此皆君之所明知也。今君相秦，計不下席，謀不出廊廟，坐制諸侯，利施三川，以實宜陽，決羊腸之險，〔鮑本「決」上補「以」字。○　補曰：一本及史無此字。〕塞太行之口，又斬范、中行之途，〔鮑本斬，謂絕之。此言斷三晉之路。〕棧道千里〔鮑本棧，棚也，施於險絕，以濟不通。〕於蜀、漢，〔鮑本「於」上補「通」字。○　補曰：史，「於」上有「通」字。〕使天下皆畏秦。秦之欲得矣，君之功極矣。此亦秦〔鮑本秦，秦人也。〕之分功之時也！如是〔鮑本「是」作「時」。○　補曰：史作「是」。〕不退，則商君、白公、吳起、大夫種是也。君何不以此時歸相印，讓賢者授之，必有伯夷之廉；長為應侯，世世稱孤，而有喬、松之壽。〔鮑本喬，王子喬。松，赤松子。皆不死。〕孰與以禍終哉！此則君何居焉？」應侯曰：「善。」乃延入坐為上客。

後數日，入朝，言於秦昭王曰：「客新有從山東來者蔡澤，其人辯士。臣之見人甚眾，莫有及者，臣不如也。」秦昭王召見，與語，大說之，拜為客卿。

應侯因謝病，〔鮑本因病辭去。〕請歸相印。昭王彊起應侯，應侯遂稱篤，〔鮑本篤，猶甚。〕因免相。昭王新說蔡澤計畫，遂拜為秦相，〔鮑本在五十二年。〕東收周室。

蔡澤相秦王數月，人或惡之，懼誅，乃謝病歸相印，號為剛成君。〔鮑本補曰：水經云，鴈門子，延水東逕罡成南。澤，燕人，疑此即其所邑與？〕秦〔姚本一本有「居」字。　鮑本「秦」上補「居」字。○　補曰：史同。〕十餘年，昭王、〔鮑本「昭」上補「事」字。○　正曰：史，「昭」上有「事」字。〕孝文王、莊襄王，卒事始皇帝。為秦使於燕，三年〔鮑本居燕三年。〕而燕使太子丹入質於秦。〔鮑本澤傳有。彪謂：周衰，辯士皆矜材角智，趣於利而已。唯澤為近道德明哲保身之策，故其得位不數月引去，優游於秦，以封君令終，美矣！「非苟知之，亦允蹈之」，澤之謂乎！正曰：澤知范睢內慚，故西入秦，志在奪相。楊雄所謂「搤其咽，抗其氣，拊其背，而奪其位」，乃矜材角智，趣利之尤者；相秦數月，懼誅歸印，亦智巧之尤。無功而退，既無當於道德之旨、明哲保身之義，彼何足以知之哉！補曰：「為主」、「為君」、「為孝」、「為楚」、「為越」、「為秦」之「為」，去聲。〕

秦策 四

秦取楚漢中

秦取楚漢中，再戰於藍田，大敗楚軍。韓、魏聞楚之困，乃南襲至鄧，楚王引歸。後三國〔姚本齊、韓、魏。〕謀攻楚，恐秦之救也，或說薛公：「可發使告楚曰：『今三國之兵且去楚，楚能應而共攻秦，雖〔鮑本無「秦取楚漢中再戰於藍田大敗楚軍韓魏聞楚之困乃南襲至鄧楚王引歸後三國謀攻楚恐秦之救也或說薛公可發使告楚曰今三國之兵且去楚楚能應而共攻秦雖」六十六字。○　補曰：姚氏本章首有此六十六字。　札記丕烈案：無者脫。〕藍田豈難得哉！〔姚本去，舍也。舍楚而往攻秦。藍田，秦邑也，攻秦則得之矣，故曰「豈難得哉」。藍田，今長安東南。　鮑本屬京兆。此策上有脫簡，蓋三國攻楚，楚求秦救，薛公時在魏，說者欲使薛公遣使之楚，告以舍楚攻秦，以疑秦使不救楚。此言三國既舍楚攻秦，藍田可得也〕況於楚之故地？』〔鮑本藍田，秦近邑也，尚可得，而況楚地？謂秦且以漢中予楚。〕楚疑於秦之未必救己也，而今三國之辭去，〔鮑本「去」作「云」。○　三國攻楚，史不書。「辭云」，上所言者也。補曰：當作「云」。〕則楚之應之也必勸，〔姚本應，和也。勸，進也。　鮑本勸，樂之也，言樂從，從三國攻秦。此一說也。〕是楚與三國謀出秦兵矣。〔鮑本出兵敵三國也，其謀自楚。〕秦為知之，必不救也。〔姚本知楚與三國謀，故必不肯救之（一無「肯」、「之」二字）。〕三國疾攻楚，楚必走秦以急；〔姚本一本以下有「告」字。走，去也。告急求救也。　鮑本趨秦告急。〕秦愈不敢出，〔姚本秦益疑，故不敢出兵。　鮑本畏三國也，此又一說。〕則是我離秦而攻楚也，〔鮑本我，三國也。離，言絕其交。〕兵必有功。」〔姚本離，絕也。使秦疑楚而不救也。三國得專勢攻楚，故兵出必有功也。〕

薛公曰：「善。」遂發重使之楚，楚之應之果勸。〔姚本果，竟。〕於是三國并力攻楚，楚果告急於秦，秦遂不敢出兵。大臣〔姚本「臣」，曾作「勝」。　鮑本衍「臣」字。　補曰：姚氏云，曾作「勝」。高注亦作「大勝」。〕有功。〔姚本三國伐楚大勝有功也。〕　　〔鮑本此章應屬齊若魏，然附之齊，則薛公時在魏；附之魏，則無薛公事。以其事不完不明，而齊、魏無所適屬也，故次之此。正曰：秦惠王後十三年，取楚漢中，非薛公在魏時事。鮑不見脫簡文，故其說妄謬而次之此。〕

薛公入魏而出齊女

薛公入魏而出齊女。〔姚本婦人大歸曰「出」。　鮑本魏公子負芻之母，薛公惡齊，故逐之。〕韓春謂秦王曰：「何不取為妻，以齊、秦劫〔鮑本「劫」，「劫」同。〕魏，〔姚本秦王，昭王也。勸使取魏所出齊女以為妻，而與齊并勢攻魏。〕則上黨，秦之有也。〔姚本攻魏則并得上黨也。　鮑本此上黨屬魏。〕齊、秦合而立負蒭，負蒭立，其母在秦，則魏，秦之縣也〔姚本負蒭即魏公子，其母即魏所出齊女也。欲令秦王取之，故曰「其母在秦」，故云「魏，秦之縣也」。　鮑本言負芻以母故必事秦。〕已。呡〔姚本呡，魏之臣也。　鮑本「呡」作「珉」。○　下同。字書無之。而韓呡，韓策作「珉」，今並從之。此魏人也。正曰：「已」字句，今連作「已珉」，非。「呡」、「珉」，策字通，恐即「韓珉」也。　札記今本「呡」作「珉」，乃誤涉鮑也。〕欲以齊、秦劫〔姚本劫，脅也。〕魏〔鮑本无「劫魏」二字。○　爭魏權故。補曰：一本「欲以齊、秦劫魏而困薛公」。〕而困薛公，〔姚本薛公在魏，故欲困苦之也。〕佐欲定其弟，〔姚本佐，負蒭兄也，故欲定其弟。　鮑本負芻庶兄也。定，定其立。〕臣請為王因呡與佐也。〔姚本臣，韓春自謂也。呡欲困薛，故言請為王因呡與佐也。　鮑本因二人可以劫魏困薛。〕魏懼而復之，〔姚本復之齊女。　鮑本反齊女。〕負蒭必以魏歿世事秦。〔姚本世，身。〕齊女入魏而怨薛公，〔姚本入，還也。齊女還，怨薛公出己也。〕終以齊奉事王矣。」〔姚本王，秦王也。韓春設此言，言齊女以齊奉事王矣。秦王不慊韓春計，故其事無效。　鮑本齊女德秦，而齊，其父母國也，齊又與薛公隙，故女能得之以事秦。〕

三國攻秦入函谷

三國攻秦，入函谷。〔姚本三國，齊、韓、魏也。　鮑本魏記，哀二十一年，與齊、韓共攻秦，此九年也。正曰：「哀」當作「襄」。〕秦王謂樓緩〔鮑本趙人，見穰侯傳。此九年，相秦而免。〕曰：「三國之兵深矣，寡人欲割河東而講。」〔姚本深，猶盛也。割，分。講，成也。（一「也」字下有「分」字）河東地以卑三國，與之成。　鮑本大河之東，非地名。補曰：「講」，「媾」通，說見前。〕對曰：「割河東，大費也；免〔鮑本「免」作「勉」。○　補曰：策「免」、「勉」通。〕於國患，大利也。此父兄之任也。〔姚本曾云，大利，不入三國；大費，失土。大利不亡國，故曰「父兄之任也」。　鮑本謂公族。〕王何不召公子池〔鮑本「池」作「他」。○　正曰：「池」即「他」，且當從本文。〕而問焉？」

王召公子池而問焉，〔鮑本「焉」作「之」。○〕對曰：「講亦悔，不講亦悔。」王曰：「何也？」對曰：「王割河東而講，三國雖去，王必曰：『惜矣！〔姚本惜河東地也。　鮑本悔其失地。〕三國且去，吾特以三城從之。』〔姚本且，將也。特，獨也。三城，河東三縣也。〕此講之悔也。〔姚本悔，恨也。〕王不講，三國入函谷，咸陽必危，〔姚本咸陽，秦都也。今長安都渭橋西北咸陽城是也。　鮑本咸陽，秦都。扶風渭城也。補曰：大事記，山南曰陽，水北亦曰陽。其地在渭水之北，九𡽀諸山之南，故曰咸陽。〕王又曰：『惜矣！吾愛三城而不講。』此又不講之悔也。」王曰：「鈞〔鮑本「鈞」，「均」同。平也。〕吾悔也，寧亡三城而悔，無危咸陽而悔也。寡人決〔姚本決，必。　鮑本決，斷也，猶必。〕講矣。」卒使公子池以三城講於三國，之兵〔鮑本「之兵」上補「三國」二字。○　補曰：宜復有「三國」二字。〕乃退。〔鮑本緩時相秦，對以池之言，豈為侵官哉！而曰「此父兄之任」，焉用彼相矣。補曰：緩之不自言，池以兩悔言，皆箝其主之術也。　周策，韓慶為西周說薛公，令臨函谷而無攻楚，割東國以與齊，而秦出楚王以為和，薛公從之，會公子池來媾，遂罷兵。大事記說見彼章，當參照。按三城者，武遂與韓，封陵與魏，齊城與齊，武遂、封陵在河東，齊城無考。事在年表秦昭九年。下十一年，書韓與齊魏擊秦，與我武遂。大事記謂即此年事，誤分也。通鑑綱目以為樓緩、公子池之對者，誤。〕

秦昭王謂左右

秦昭王謂左右曰：「今日韓、魏，孰與始強？」〔姚本始，初也。言韓、魏初時強耶？今時強也？〕對曰：「弗如也。」〔姚本言不如始時強也。〕王曰：「今之如耳、〔姚本如耳，韓臣。　鮑本魏人。正曰：高注，韓臣。按「如」，姓，魏有如姬。〕魏齊，〔姚本魏齊，魏臣也。　鮑本魏相。〕孰與孟嘗、〔鮑本先時相魏。〕芒卯之賢？」〔鮑本不言韓人，魏主兵也。　札記今本「與」誤「如」。〕對曰：「弗如也。」王曰：「以孟嘗、芒卯之賢，帥強韓、魏之兵以伐秦，猶無奈寡人何也！今以無能之如耳、魏齊，帥弱韓、魏以攻秦，其無奈寡人何，亦明矣！」左右皆曰：「甚〔姚本甚，謂誠也。〕然。」〔鮑本無「左右皆曰甚然」六字。○　補曰：姚本有。　札記丕烈案：史記有，韓子有，「皆」作「對」。說苑有，作「左右皆曰然」。無者非也，高注亦可證。〕

中期〔姚本中期，秦臣也。　鮑本武王時已出此人，至是四十四、五年矣。補曰：「期」，史作「旗」。說苑，「申旗」。　札記丕烈案：「申」即「中」訛耳。「期」、「旗」同字。〕推琴〔姚本續：史記「中旗憑琴」注，引戰國策作「推琴」。後語，「中旗伏琴」。韓子作「推瑟」。說苑作「伏琴」。　鮑本補曰：史，「馮琴」。索隱引後語，「伏琴」。韓子，「推瑟」。說苑「伏瑟」。愚謂，此記其推琴而起對，猶論語記「舍瑟」也。莊子云「孔子推琴」。　札記丕烈案：「推」或「馮」字之訛，「馮」，「伏」聲之轉，與論語、莊子義不同也。吳氏所說未是。〕對曰：「三〔鮑本「三」作「王」。○　札記今本「三」作「王」。鮑本作「王」。丕烈案：「王」字是也。〕之料〔姚本料，數也。　鮑本料，量也。〕天下過〔姚本過，謬也。〕矣。昔者六晉〔姚本六卿分晉。智氏、范、中行氏、魏、韓氏、趙氏，乘周之衰，僭號皆曰諸侯，謂六晉也。曾、劉皆作六晉者，無咎滅趙氏、魏氏。　鮑本智、范、中行、韓、魏、趙，晉卿也，實分晉國。〕之時，智氏最強，滅破范、中行，〔姚本范、中行氏，於晉最薄而苛峭，故智伯瑤先破滅也。〕帥韓、魏〔鮑本「帥」上有「又」字。○　札記丕烈案：史記、說苑有。韓子作「而從韓、魏」。〕以圍趙襄子於晉陽。〔姚本智伯殺范、中行氏，志意驕盈，求地於諸侯，趙襄子不與地，故帥韓、魏二君伐趙氏，圍晉陽。晉陽，趙襄子邑。〕決晉水〔鮑本出晉陽。補曰：正義引括地志云，晉水出并州晉陽縣西，東南流注汾水。〕以灌晉陽，城不沈者三板耳。〔姚本沈，沒也。廣二尺曰板。　鮑本板，高三尺。〕智伯出行〔鮑本行，去音。按視也。〕水，韓康子御，魏桓子〔姚本說苑、韓子作魏宣子。〕驂乘。〔姚本三人共載曰「驂乘」。　鮑本徐無鬼疏，在左為驂，在右為御。〕智伯曰：『始，吾不知水之可亡〔姚本亡，滅。〕人之國也，乃今知之。汾水利以灌安邑，〔姚本安邑，魏桓子邑。　鮑本汾水，出汾陽，屬河東。補曰：漢志，汾水出太原汾陽縣北山，至河東汾陽縣入河。正義云，安邑，在絳州夏縣。汾水東北歷安邑、西河入河。〕絳水利以灌平陽。』〔姚本平陽，韓康子邑。　鮑本絳水、平陽並屬河東。正曰：晉遷新田，今絳縣。謂平陽為故絳。正義引括地志云，絳水一名白水，今名弗泉，源出絳山。〕魏桓子肘韓康子，〔鮑本不敢正語，以肘築之。〕康子履魏桓子，躡其踵。〔鮑本躡，蹈。踵，跟也。〕肘足接於車上，〔姚本曾、劉本云，「魏桓子肘韓康子，康子躡其踵，踵、肘接於車上」。〕而智氏分矣。〔姚本韓、魏兆其肘、踵之謀，破智伯於車上。智氏貪暴滅亡，三家卒共分之，故曰「智氏分也」。〕身死國亡，為天下笑。〔姚本智伯身死，為襄子所殺也。身死，國為三家所分，天下共笑也。〕今秦之強，不能過智伯；韓、魏雖弱，尚賢在晉陽之下也。〔姚本賢於趙襄子見圍於晉陽也。賢，猶勝也。　鮑本「在」上有「其」字。○　札記丕烈案：史記、說苑有。　韓子作「未至如其在晉陽之下也」。〕此乃方其用肘足時也，願王之勿易也。」。〔姚本勿，無。易，輕也。〕　　〔鮑本彪謂：此賢人君子之言也，人君閒暇，宜數聞之。魏釐十一年有，此四十一年也。以在取邢丘下，故不可先范睢事。正曰：秦自孝公商鞅以來，政俗彌惡，當時動以遺禮義，棄仁恩，虎狼目之。是以魯連、孔順義所不臣，蓋聖賢之徒之所絕也。凡委質於其國者，雖有忠言嘉謨，皆不得在君子之科。〕

楚魏戰於陘山

楚、魏戰於陘山。〔鮑本魏記蘇秦傳注，在密縣。密屬河南。楚記，威王卒，魏因喪取我陘山。魏襄六年伐楚，敗之陘山，在此前九年。正曰：徐廣云，召陵有陘亭，密縣有陘山。正義云，括地志云在鄭州新鄭縣西南。大事記取鮑氏所引召陵。韓策引正義，又謂楚北有汾陘之塞，即此，皆一地也。愚恐「汾」字有誤，因「韓陘城汾旁」訛也。說見彼條。　從通鑑，在惠後六年，高注作惠。〕魏許秦以上洛，〔鮑本洛，屬弘農。〕以絕秦於楚。〔姚本魏許賂秦以上洛，絕秦便不助楚。　鮑本使不助楚。〕魏戰勝，楚敗於南陽。〔姚本南陽，陘山所在也。　鮑本荊州郡。非修武所謂。〕秦責〔鮑本責，求也。〕賂於魏，魏不與。〔姚本賂，上洛也。不與上洛也。〕營〔姚本曾「營」或作「管」。〕淺〔鮑本秦人。〕謂秦王曰：「王何不謂楚王〔鮑本懷。〕曰，魏許寡人以地，今戰勝，魏王〔鮑本襄。正曰：惠。〕倍寡人也。王何不與寡人遇。〔姚本遇，合也。　鮑本遇，猶會。〕魏畏秦、楚之合，必與秦地矣。是魏勝楚而亡地於秦也；〔姚本謂失上洛。〕是王以魏地〔鮑本無「魏」字。○　補曰：一本「以魏地德寡人」。〕德寡人，〔鮑本秦因楚會得地，楚之惠也。〕秦之楚者多資矣。〔姚本之，至也。資，財幣也。　鮑本之，往也。言將以厚幣往結楚好。〕魏弱，若不出地，〔鮑本補曰：劉辰翁云，多「弱」字，即「若」。愚謂，以「弱」句，義亦善。〕則王攻其南，寡人絕〔鮑本「絕」作「攻」。○〕其西，魏必危。」〔姚本危，亡。〕秦王〔姚本昭王也。〕曰：「善。」以是告楚。楚王揚言〔鮑本揚，顯言之。〕與秦遇，魏王聞之恐，效上洛於秦。〔姚本魏惠王。效，致也。〕

楚使者景鯉在秦

楚使者景鯉在秦，從秦王與魏王〔鮑本襄。正曰：惠。〕遇於境。〔姚本遇，合。境，秦界也。　鮑本此下脫簡，有秦使周最解說與魏所以遇之意。見高注。而楚策有其事。補曰：按鮑所謂楚策原在韓。曰齊、楚之交善，秦與魏遇，且以善齊而絕齊乎？楚景鯉之秦，與於遇，楚王怒，恐秦以楚為有陰於秦、魏也，且罪鯉云云。〕楚怒秦合，周冣為楚王曰：「魏請無與楚遇而合〔姚本遇之合也。〕於秦，〔鮑本無「楚怒秦合周冣為楚王曰魏請無與楚遇而合於秦」二十字。○　補曰：別本以此足缺文，在「是以鯉與之遇也」句上，即高注「秦使周最解說」者。姚本「楚怒秦合」、「最為楚王曰」、「魏王遇於境」、「楚使者」、「是以」云云，其文缺誤，不如別本明白。　札記此二十字鮑本無，吳氏補有。「合」作「令」，「冣」作「最」，「為」作「謂」。丕烈案：「令」字、「謂」字是也，「冣」作「最」者非。吳氏所稱姚本，與影抄梁溪安氏本合，乃姚氏一本耳。〕是以鯉與之遇也。弊邑之於與遇善之，〔鮑本加好於魏。正曰：敝邑，秦自稱。謂鯉與秦、魏遇此以為善。蓋二國之遇，將以善齊，而絕齊於楚，而楚使在焉，故齊疑之而不與合也。〕故齊不合也。」楚王因不罪景鯉而德周、秦。〔姚本秦使周最解說楚王與魏遇之意，故不罪景鯉，而弟德周與秦也。〕　　〔鮑本齊，魏讎也，好魏故齊不合。齊，楚敵也，齊不合故楚說。正曰：以齊、楚交善章考之，其失可見。〕

楚王使景鯉如秦

楚王〔鮑本懷。〕使景鯉如秦。客謂秦王曰：「景鯉，楚王使景〔姚本一本無「使景」二字。　鮑本衍「使景」二字。〕所甚愛，王不如留之以市地。〔姚本市，求也。　鮑本市，買賣所之也。言使楚以地贖鯉如之。〕楚王聽，則不用兵而得地；楚王不聽，則殺景鯉，更〔鮑本補曰：更，平聲。〕不〔鮑本衍「不」字。　補曰：疑衍。　札記今本無上「不」字，乃誤涉鮑也。〕與不如景鯉留，〔姚本「留」，曾、劉一作「者」。　鮑本「留」作「者」。○　補曰：姚云，「留」，曾、劉作「者」，是。〕是便〔鮑本便，猶利安。〕計也。」秦王乃留景鯉。

景鯉使人說秦王曰：「臣見王之權輕天下，〔鮑本權，猶勢也。天下所輕。〕而地不可得也。臣之來使也，聞齊、魏皆且割地以事秦。所以然者，以秦與楚為昆弟國。今大王留臣，是示天下無楚也，齊、魏有何重於孤國也。〔姚本言留臣，則秦（一本下有「與楚」二字）絕，秦無楚援，則為孤國，故齊、魏不復尊重秦也。鮑本「有」，猶「又」。補曰：二字古通用，後策陳軫云「又何重孤國」，即此文。〕楚知秦之孤，不與地，而外結交諸侯〔鮑本無「諸侯」二字。○〕以圖，〔鮑本圖秦。〕則社稷必危，不如出臣。」秦王乃出之。〔姚本出，遣景也。景鯉還楚也。〕　　〔鮑本補曰：「來使」之「使」，去聲。〕

秦王欲見頓弱

秦王〔姚本秦王，始皇趙正也。即位二十六年，乃稱帝，故曰秦王。〕欲見頓弱，〔鮑本秦人。〕頓弱曰：「臣之義不參拜，王能使臣無拜，即可矣。〔鮑本「即」作「則」。○　札記「即」，鮑本作「則」，下「從成，即楚王」同。〕不，即不見也。」秦王許之。於是頓子曰：「天下有〔姚本一本「有」字下更有「有」字。　鮑本「有」下補「有」字。○　正曰：一本有，姚同。〕其實而無其名者，有無其實而有其名者，有無其名又無其實者。王知之乎？」王曰：「弗知。」頓子曰：「有其實而無其名者，商人是也。無把銚推耨之勢，〔姚本銚，芸苗器也，音括。續：銚，姚、調二音，古田器。　鮑本「勢」作「勞」。○　銚，芸苗器。耨，耨器。　補曰：徐按詩傳，錢銚也，七遙反，字與「鍬」同。耨，亦芸田器，莊子作「鎒」。〕而有積粟之實，此有其實而無其名者也。無其實而有其名者，農夫是也。解凍而耕，暴背而耨，無積粟之實，此無其實而有其名者也。無其名又無其實者，王乃是也。已立為萬乘，無孝之名；以千里養，無孝之實。」秦王悖然而怒。〔鮑本悖，艴同，語色艴如也。補曰：艴如，說文文。今論語作「勃」。〕

頓弱曰：「山東戰國有六，威不掩於山東，而掩於母，〔姚本秦王，名正也。以母媱通於嫪毐，閉之於雍門宮，故頓弱曰不能掩威於六國，而掩威於母也。　鮑本始皇母，帝太后也。本呂不韋姬，通不韋，又通繆毐，人告之，王怒，九年遷雍。〕臣竊為大王不取也。」秦王曰：「山東之建國〔鮑本「建」作「戰」。○〕可兼〔姚本兼，并。〕與？」頓子曰：「韓，天下之咽喉；魏，天下之胸腹。王資〔姚本資，給。　鮑本「資」，「齎」同。〕臣萬金而遊，〔姚本遊，行。〕聽之韓、魏，〔鮑本時不通諸國，故請王聽其往也。〕入〔姚本入，納也。〕其社稷之臣於秦，〔鮑本說之使歸秦。〕即韓、魏從。韓、魏從，〔鮑本「韓魏從」不重。○　補曰：一本疊此三字。〕而天下可圖也。」〔姚本從於秦。圖，取。〕秦王曰：「寡人之國貧，恐不能給也。」〔姚本給，供。〕頓子曰：「天下未嘗無事也，非從即橫也。橫成，則秦帝；從成，即楚王。秦帝，即以天下恭養；〔鮑本且敬且養。〕楚王，即王雖有萬金，弗得私也。」〔姚本私，愛也。〕秦王曰：「善。」乃資萬金，使東遊韓、魏，入其將相。北遊於〔鮑本衍「於」字。〕燕、趙，而殺李牧。〔姚本李牧，趙將。　鮑本趙良將，遷王七年殺之。此十八年。〕齊〔鮑本無「王」字。○　補曰：一本此下有「王」字。〕王入朝，〔姚本朝於秦也。〕四國〔姚本四國，燕、趙、韓、魏。　鮑本齊、魏、燕、趙也。殺牧時已虜韓。正曰：高注「燕、趙、韓、魏」，是，上已言齊矣。殺牧，是要終言之。〕必〔鮑本「必」作「畢」。○　補曰：疑「畢」。　札記今本「必」作「畢」，乃誤涉鮑也。丕烈案：鮑改吳補皆非也。古或借「必」為「畢」字。〕從，頓子之說也。〔鮑本說始皇在十年還太后前，此要終言之。彪謂：頓子之義高於范睢，而其說過之遠矣，惜其不知擇木！焉有仁人君子而為始皇用哉？魯連視之蔑矣！正曰：大事記，茅焦說秦王曰，秦方以天下為事，而大王有遷母太后之名，恐諸侯聞之由比倍秦。頓子告始皇，山東戰國有六，威不掩於山東，而掩於母。始皇所重者獨兼并諸侯耳，茅焦所以能復太后者，特以諸侯背秦恐之，非能以母子天性感悟之也。愚按：頓弱雖有「威掩於母」之一言，其下即說以「兼并」行許，未嘗正諫遷母之失，又非茅焦比。二人雖異於范睢，於義皆不足取。〕

頃襄王二十年

頃襄王二十年，秦白起拔楚西陵，或拔鄢、郢、夷陵，燒先王之墓。王徙東北，保于陳城，楚遂削弱，為秦所輕。於是白起又將兵來伐。

楚人有黃歇者，游學博聞，襄王以為辯，故使於秦。說昭王曰：「天下莫強於秦、楚，今聞大王欲伐楚，此猶兩虎相鬥而駑犬受其弊，不如善楚。臣請言其說。臣聞之：〔姚本續：此段首有闕文。史記、新序、後語皆有之，文亦小異。今以後語聊足此段之闕。　鮑本無「頃襄王二十年」至「臣聞之」一百十字，有「說秦王曰」四字。○　按史，此春申君未封時，書在擊芒卯后，此三十四年也。補曰：案，此當下接「物至」云云，而章首「說秦王曰」四字已在此段內，當為衍文。　札記丕烈案：吳說非也。策文但當作「說秦王曰，物至而反」云云，並無闕文。高注：「秦王」云，秦王名正，不以為黃歇說昭王，與史記不同。新序、后語皆本於史，不據此。以為此段首有闕文者，出於姚氏，其實不得高意。李善注文選辨亡論引「楚、魏之兵，雲翔而不敢校」，以為頓子說秦王，蒙上章為說，必戰國策舊讀。且策文即實為黃歇說，亦止當駁高注耳。正文作「說秦王曰」自足，前后多如此例。〕『物至〔鮑本至，猶極。〕而反，冬夏是也。〔姚本秦王名正，莊王楚之子。冬至生，夏至殺，故曰反也。〕致〔鮑本致，言取物置之物上。〕至〔姚本至，極也。〕而危，累碁是也。』今大國之地半天下，有二垂，〔鮑本邊陲。〕此從生民以來，萬乘之地未嘗有也。〔姚本未嘗有地也。〕先帝〔姚本今之王，古之帝，故咸言先帝。　鮑本尊稱之耳，時未為帝。〕文王、〔鮑本惠文王。非孝文。〕莊王，〔鮑本「莊」作「武」。○　按史，秦輕楚頃襄王，歇乃上書說秦昭王，則史與此策書此為「莊王」，謬也。補曰：「莊」當作「武」。　札記丕烈案：鮑改、吳補皆非也，高注可證。史記亦是「莊」字。新序無此以下三句，或以其不合而削之也。〕王之身，三世〔姚本文王，始皇祖。莊王，始皇父。故曰三世。〕而不接地於齊，〔鮑本不與通也。〕以絕從親之要。〔鮑本要，約也。〕今王三使盛橋〔鮑本無「三」字，「盛」作「成」。○　秦人。補曰：劉伯莊云，「橋」音「矯」。　札記今本無「三」字，「盛」作「成」。丕烈案：史記、新序皆無「三」，當衍也；皆作「盛橋」。此下文云「成橋」，當是策文作「成」，史記作「盛」。「成」、「盛」同字。新序出史記。〕守〔鮑本守，猶待。〕事於韓，成橋以北入燕。〔姚本燕入朝秦也。　鮑本「以」作「已」。○　使燕入朝於秦。正曰：「以」，「已」通。補曰：史作「盛橋以其地入秦」，為是。新序同。此言韓入地，下言取魏地也。〕是王不用甲，不伸威，而出〔鮑本出，言割地。燕入秦，必割地予秦，秦使之出也。〕百里之地，王可謂能矣。王又舉甲兵而攻魏，杜〔鮑本「杜」作「社」。○　補曰：姚本作「杜」，是。　札記丕烈案：鮑本誤。因讀上屬，謬甚。〕大梁〔姚本大梁，魏惠王所都也。今陳留浚儀西大梁城是也。〕之門，舉〔姚本舉，猶得也。〕河內，〔鮑本屬司隸。正曰：正義云，即懷州也。在河南之北，西河之東，東河之西。〕拔燕、酸棗、虛、桃人，〔姚本拔，取也。燕，南燕。酸棗，今屬陳留。桃人，邑名，處則未聞。虛，空也。鮑本燕，南燕，屬東郡。酸棗屬陳留。徐注，始皇五年，取酸棗、燕、虛。又蘇代曰，決宿、胥之口，魏無虛、頓丘。按此，則虛，魏地也。桃人，史作桃，注，燕縣有桃城。今按任城有桃聚。補曰：燕，張儀傳注，滑州胙城縣。酸棗，正義云，故城在滑州酸棗縣北，古酸棗縣南。虛，正義云，謂殷虛，今相州所理。大事記解，始皇紀引正義云，姚虛在濮州雷澤縣東，二地不同。按高注作「虛」，文協。〕楚、燕之兵〔鮑本補曰：史作「魏之兵」。意此上皆魏地，當作「魏之兵」。不然，「燕楚」以來援者言之。　札記丕烈案：李善引「燕」作「魏」。史記、新序皆作「邢魏之兵」，「邢」當作「荊」。徐廣曰，平皋有邢丘者，非，即策文之楚也。史記上文桃人，「人」字誤作「入」，乃連「入邢」為讀。新序「人」作「仁」，「人」、「仁」同字。可知劉向時，史記不作「入」也。俗本新序，乃反依今史記改作「入」，誤之甚矣。唯予家所有北宋刻本新序未誤。〕云翔不敢校，〔姚本云翔，史作「雲翔」，猶解散。　鮑本「云」作「雲」，「不」上有「而」字。○　雲翔，散也。論語注包曰，校，報也。正曰：爾雅「其飛也翔」注，布翅翶翔。按，翔有高起貌。漢書言翔貴，古人每言高翔。　札記丕烈案：李善引作「雲翔而」。史記、新序皆同。〕王之功亦多矣。〔姚本不與秦校戰，故曰王之功亦多矣。〕王申〔姚本申，洛也。　鮑本「申」作「休甲」。○　元作「申」，無「休」字，今從史。正曰：史文雖順，此作「重」義，自通。　札記丕烈案：史記、新序，「休甲」，與策文不同。〕息眾二年，然後復之，〔姚本休眾二年而後復用之。〕又取蒲、衍、首垣，〔鮑本河東蒲阪，注故蒲。蘇代曰，北有河外、卷、衍，注不地。今按屬魏。故魏記書拔我卷、垣、蒲陽、衍。而張儀說魏王，秦據卷、衍。又南陽有杜衍。「垣」原作「恒」。河東有首山、首垣。正曰：徐廣及索隱皆云，此「蒲」在衛之長垣蒲鄉。索隱云，衍在河南，與卷近。卷，丘權反。正義云，屬鄭州。「恒」，姚本作「垣」。索隱云，「首」蓋「牛首」，「垣」即「長垣」，非河東之垣也。長垣，開封縣。　札記「垣」，鮑本作「恒」，改作「垣」。丕烈案：史記、新序作「垣」。〕以臨仁、平兵，〔鮑本「兵」作「丘」。○　補曰：「兵」，從史文作「丘」。　札記丕烈案：新序作「丘」。〕小黃、濟陽嬰城，〔姚本當戰國時，皆魏邑也。　鮑本地並屬陳留。嬰，猶縈也，蓋二邑環兵自守。補曰：按燕策，決白馬之口，魏無黃、濟陽。史作外黃。正義云，故黃城，在曹州考城縣東。濟陽故城在曹州冤朐縣西南。大事記云，水經注，河水舊在白馬縣南，泆通黃溝。趙世家，拔魏黃城。正義引括地志云，故黃城在魏州冠氏縣南十里，因黃溝為名。舊注陳留外黃者，非。〕而魏氏服矣。王又割濮、磨〔鮑本周紀注，在江、漢之南。楚紀注，建寧邵南有濮夷。後志當陽縣注，荊州記沮水西有磨城，子胥所造。正曰：江、漢南之濮，乃書所謂彭濮之濮，沮水、磨城遠不相涉。下文比屬之燕，可見濮即衛之濮上，水出東郡濮陽，南入鉅野者也。索隱云，磨，地近濮。按史表有磨侯程黑。索隱云，表作歷。歷縣在信都，地、邑並無磨。愚按，此字作「磨」與「歷」通，猶樂毅書「磨室」之類。新序正作「濮歷」，則其字甚明。　札記丕烈案：「磨」者「歷」字之誤。顏氏家訓所謂「容成造歷」，以「歷」為「碓磨」之「磨」者也。〕之北屬之燕，斷齊、秦之要，絕楚、魏之脊。天下五合、六聚而不敢救也，〔姚本天下五合，六國集聚，不敢救助。〕王之威亦憚矣。〔姚本憚，難也。六國諸侯皆有畏難秦王之威也。　鮑本補曰：「憚」，史作「單」，是。新序同。「殫」，盡也。　札記丕烈案：此不與策文同，高注可證。〕王若能持功守威，〔鮑本補曰：「守威」疑「守成」。　札記丕烈案：史記、新序皆作「威」，吳說未是。〕省〔姚本省，減。〕攻伐之心而肥仁義之誡，〔姚本肥，猶厚也。地，猶道。厚宣仁義之道，則天下皆仰之。「誡」字一本作「誠」字。　鮑本高注「地猶道」，則此「誡」字原作「地」也。補曰：史「誡」作「地」，新序同。　札記丕烈案：此「地」作「誡」，必不知者所改耳。高注甚明，鮑氏亦引高，而反不改為「地」以正之，何也？〕使無復後患，〔姚本复何（一本「何」字下有「後」字）患之有，故曰使無复後患。〕三王不足四，五伯不足六也。〔姚本言不足小畜之也。〕

「王若負〔姚本負，恃也。〕人徒之眾，材兵甲之強，〔姚本一本無「材」字。　鮑本「材」作「恃」，「兵甲」作「甲兵」。○　補曰：元作「材」，史作「仗」。札記丕烈案：史記作「仗兵革」。此「材」者「杖」之訛。新序無此字。〕壹毀魏氏之威，〔姚本毀，敗也。　鮑本「壹」作「一」。○　前勝魏有威矣，今自挫毀，不持守也。補曰：史作「乘」，新序同。正曰：從「乘」字，義明。〕而欲以力臣天下之主，〔姚本臣，服也。主，謂諸侯。〕臣恐有後患。詩云：『靡不有初，鮮克有終。』〔姚本詩大雅之首章。靡，無也（一本「也」字下有「鮮少也」三字）。〕易曰：『狐濡其尾。』〔鮑本未濟注，小狐不能涉大川，雖濟而無餘力，將濡其尾，不能終也。〕此言始之易，終之難也。〔姚本言人初始無不為誠信，少能有終也。言秦強，威可以克定天下，恐不能終持之，若狐濡其尾，故難在後也，故曰終之難也。〕何以知其然也？智氏見伐趙之利，而不知榆次〔鮑本榆次屬太原，智伯葬處。正曰：索隱云，敗於榆次。正義云，屬并州縣。〕之禍也；〔姚本一本無「也」字。智伯瑤但貪趙襄子晉陽之地，而不知襄子與韓、魏之陰謀，卒殺于鑿台之上，葬之於榆次。謂（一本無「謂」字）設利於前，而禍隨其后也（一本無「也」字）。〕吳見伐齊之便，而不知干隧〔鮑本干隧，吳地。蘇秦、春申傳並不注。道應注，干隧在臨淮，豈此耶？蓋或越王逐北至是。正曰：正義云，出萬安山西南一里太湖，即夫差自剄處，在蘇州吳縣西北四十里。〕之敗也。〔姚本一本無「也」字。吳王夫差自見服越王為前，而心復廣貪齊之寶而伐之，又欲取伯名於晉，而越奄殺之於干隧，亦貪利前而凶在后也。〕此二國者，非無大功也，設〔姚本「設」字，劉本一作「沒」字。　鮑本「設」作「沒」。○　沒，猶溺。札記丕烈案：史記、新序作「沒」。〕利於前，而易〔鮑本補曰：易，音亦。前之利易後之患也。〕患於後也。〔姚本設，貪（一本下有人字）也。但見目前之利而問伐，不見後患，故曰易患於後也。〕吳之信越也，從而伐齊，〔姚本從，合也。信越人之卑服，舍之，北師伐齊曰干隧也。〕既勝〔鮑本「既勝」作「遂攻」。○　札記丕烈案：史記、新序作「既勝」。〕齊人於艾陵，〔姚本艾陵，邑也。　鮑本補曰：艾陵在兗州博縣南。〕還為越王禽於三江之浦。〔姚本還自黃也，為越所殺（「殺」字一本作「禽」字）也。流尾（「流尾」一本作「浦厓」字）也，即干隧也。　鮑本禮，揚州其川三江。浦，水濱也。高注，即干隧。正曰：書蔡傳，婁江、東江、松江也。〕智氏信韓、魏，從而伐趙，攻晉陽之城，勝有日矣，〔姚本日，謂明當勝也。　鮑本其日可期。〕韓、魏反之，殺智伯瑤於鑿臺〔姚本晉陽下台名。鑿地作渠，以灌晉陽城，因聚土為台而止其上，故曰鑿臺也。　鮑本史注，在榆次。〕之上。今王妒〔姚本「妒」字，曾本一作「姤」字。〕楚之不毀〔鮑本謂無傷。〕也，而忘毀楚之強魏〔鮑本楚毀不能侵之，故強。考下文，宜有「韓」字。補曰：史作「韓、魏」，新序同。〕也。臣為大王慮而不取。〔鮑本補曰：史「取」下有「也」字，文順。　札記丕烈案：新序有。〕詩云：『大武遠宅不涉。』〔姚本逸詩。　鮑本逸詩。武，足跡。宅，猶居也。言地之居遠者，雖有大足，不涉之也。正曰：威武之大者，遠安定之，不必涉其地也。〕從此觀之，楚國，援〔姚本援，助。〕也；鄰國，敵〔姚本敵，讎。〕也。詩云：『他人有心，予忖度之。躍躍毚兔，遇犬獲之。』〔姚本詩巧言之四章。他人有毀害之心，己忖度之。躍躍，跳走也。毚，狡也。喻狡兔騰躍躍（一本無躍字），以為難得也，或時遇犬獲之。喻讒人如毀傷人，遇明君則治女罪也。　鮑本大雅巧言詩。忖，亦度也。躍躍是也。毚，狡也。言兔雖善走，或時遇犬，犬能得之；人心難知，或可忖度。補曰：躍，天力反。〕今王中道〔鮑本中道，在前後間。〕而信韓、魏之善王也，此正吳信越〔姚本越不可信，而吳信之。〕也。臣聞，敵不可易，時不可失。臣〔札記今本「臣」誤「正」。〕恐韓、魏之卑辭慮患，〔鮑本以慮患，故卑辭。〕而實欺大國也。此何也？〔鮑本無「此何也」三字。○　札記丕烈案：史記、新序無。〕王既無重〔鮑本重，猶累。〕世之德於韓、魏，而有累〔姚本累，猶重也。〕世之怨矣。〔鮑本「怨」下有「焉」字，「矣」作「夫」。○　札記丕烈案：史記、新序皆作「焉夫」。「矣」或「夫」字訛也。〕韓、魏父子兄弟接踵而死於秦者，百世矣。〔姚本「百」，一作「累」。　鮑本補曰：「百世」，史作「將十世」。新序同。〕本國殘，社稷壞，宗廟隳，刳腹折頤，〔鮑本頤，頷也。〕首身分離，〔姚本折，斷。〕暴〔鮑本暴，日乾也。〕骨草澤，頭顱僵仆，〔鮑本顱，首骨。僵，僨。仆，倒也。〕相望於境；父子老弱係虜，〔鮑本係纍為虜。虜，獲也。〕相隨於路；鬼神狐祥〔鮑本狐之為妖者。正曰：史「狐傷」，是。新序作「潢洋」二字。楚辭、后語注，潢，戶廣反；洋，音養。〕無所食，〔鮑本無人為之依也。〕百姓不聊〔姚本聊，賴。〕生，族類離散，流亡為臣妾，〔鮑本男為人臣，女為妾。〕滿海內矣。韓、魏之不亡，秦社稷之憂也。今王之攻楚，不亦失乎！是〔鮑本「是」作「且」。○　札記丕烈案：史記、新序作「且」。〕王攻楚之日，則惡〔鮑本惡，安也。〕出兵？王將藉路於仇讎之韓、魏乎！兵出之日而王憂其不反〔姚本反，還。〕也，是王以兵資於仇讎之韓、魏。王若不藉路於仇讎之韓、魏，〔鮑本無「王若不藉路於仇讎之韓魏」十一字。○　札記丕烈案：史記、新序有。無者脫耳。〕必攻陽、右壤。〔姚本一本「攻」下有「隨」字。隨陽、右壤，皆楚邑也。　鮑本「攻」下有「隨」字，無下「隨陽右壤」四字。○　補曰：一本「隨陽右壤」疊一句。新序同，「陽」作「水」。索隱云，楚都陳，隨水之右壤，蓋在隨之西多山林者是也。　札記丕烈案：俗本新序亦誤脫一句，吳引與北宋刻本正合。〕隨陽、右壤，此皆廣川大水，山林谿谷不食之地，王雖有之，不為得地。〔姚本與不得地無異。〕是王有毀楚之名，無得地之實也。

「且王攻楚之日，四國〔姚本四國，趙、韓、魏、齊也。　鮑本齊、趙、韓、魏也。方言南攻，故不及燕，應言以兵從之，蓋躡秦也。〕必應〔姚本一本無「應」字。　鮑本「必」下無「應」字。○　補曰：姚云一本無，史同。　札記丕烈案：新序無。〕悉起應王。秦、楚之〔鮑本「之」下補「兵」字。○　補曰：史「之」下有「兵」字。　札記丕烈案：新序同。〕構〔姚本構，連。〕而不離，魏氏將出兵而攻留、〔鮑本屬楚國。〕方與、銍、胡陵、〔鮑本方與、胡陵屬山陽。〕碭、蕭、相，〔鮑本碭屬梁國，餘屬沛。〕故宋必盡。〔姚本七邑，宋邑也。宋，戰國時屬楚，故言「故宋必盡」也。　鮑本七國故皆宋也。〕齊人南面，泗北〔鮑本濟陰乘氏注泗水入淮。魯國卞縣注入沛。補曰：書蔡傳，泗水出魯國卞縣桃墟西北陪尾山，四源皆導，因名。西南過彭城，又東南過下邳，入淮。卞，今泗水縣。〕必舉。此皆平原四達，膏腴之地也，〔姚本廣平曰原野也，為膏潤腴美也。〕而王使之獨攻。〔鮑本秦與楚戰，不暇救七邑及泗北。二國攻之，兵勢無所分也。〕王破楚於〔姚本劉本無「於」字。　鮑本楚史、新序同。〕以肥韓、魏於中國而勁齊，韓、魏之強足以校〔姚本校，猶亢也。　鮑本「校」，「較」同，直也。言與之敵。〕於秦矣。齊南以泗為境，東負〔姚本以泗水為南界。負，背也。　鮑本負，與抱反，背也。〕海，北倚河，而無後患，〔姚本倚，猶依也。患，難也。〕天下之國，莫強於齊。齊、魏得地葆〔鮑本「葆」，「保」同。〕利，而詳事〔姚本事，治。〕下吏，〔鮑本「下」作「不」。○　補曰：「不吏」，姚本「下吏」，是。詳其事以下於吏，慎重之意，應上葆利言。　札記丕烈案：史記、新序作「下」，「不」字訛。〕一年之後，為帝若未能，於以禁〔鮑本禁，制也。〕王之為帝有餘。〔姚本劉本「餘」字下有「矣」字。言齊、魏未能為帝也，然強大足以禁秦，使不得為帝，有餘力也。〕夫以王壤土之博，人徒之眾，兵革之強，〔姚本眾，多也。強，盛也。〕一舉眾〔鮑本無「一舉眾」三字。○　札記丕烈案：史記、新序「眾」作「事」，此「眾」字必不知者所改耳。高注云，事，戰事也。其字甚明。鮑無此三字者，非。〕而注地於楚，〔姚本事，戰事也。注，屬。　鮑本注，猶屬。言地廣。正曰：注瀉之注。補曰：史作「樹怨於楚」。新序同。姚本「一舉眾而注地」。〕詘〔姚本詘，反。〕令韓、魏，歸帝重於齊，〔鮑本正曰：魏句。詘命令於韓、魏，歸為帝之重於齊。言齊、韓、魏皆強，而齊尤甚也。〕是王失計也。

「臣為王慮，莫若善楚。秦、楚合而為一，臨以〔姚本劉本「臨以」作「以臨」。　鮑本「臨以」作「以臨」。○〕韓，韓必授首。〔鮑本「授」作「受」。○　言其服而請誅。　札記丕烈案：史記作「斂手」，新序作「拱手」。古或借「首」為「手」，「授」、「受」二字皆有誤也。〕王襟〔姚本劉本，「襟」字作「施」字。曾作「襟」。　鮑本蔽障如襟。〕以山東之險，帶〔鮑本圍繞如帶。〕以河曲之利，韓必為關中之候。〔姚本為秦察諸侯動靜也。　鮑本比之候吏。〕若是，王以十成鄭，梁氏寒心，〔姚本梁氏，魏也。寒心，懼也。　鮑本「十」下補「萬」字，「成」作「戍」。○　補曰：史「十」下有「萬」字，是。新序同。「成」史作「戍」，是。新序作「伐」。　札記今本「十」下有「萬」字，「成」作「戍」，乃誤涉鮑也。〕許、鄢陵〔鮑本并屬潁川。〕嬰城，上蔡、召陵〔鮑本三地并屬汝南。〕不往來也。〔姚本不往來於魏也。　鮑本韓、魏不通。補曰：史，「上蔡」上有「而」字。新序同。從此，則上以「嬰城」句。〕如此，而魏亦關內候〔朴記今本「候」誤「侯」。〕矣。〔姚本魏為秦察諸侯動靜也。〕王一善楚，而關內二萬乘之主注地於齊，〔鮑本「齊」作「秦」。○　補曰：當作「秦」。　札記丕烈案：鮑改、吳補皆非也。史記「注地於齊」，索隱曰，謂以兵裁之也，新序作「注入地於齊」，皆可證此字之不當作「秦」。〕齊之右壤〔姚本壤，地。〕可拱〔鮑本拱，斂手。〕手而取也。是王之地一任〔鮑本「任」作「注」。○　補曰：史作「經」，是。　札記今本「任」作「經」。丕烈案：新序作「桎」。〕兩海，〔姚本一注「東海」。　鮑本東南。正曰：索隱云，西海至東海。〕要〔姚本要，取。　鮑本要，謂中。〕絕天下也。是燕、趙無齊、楚，〔鮑本補「齊楚」二字。○　補曰：宜從史疊「齊楚」字，是。新序同。〕無燕、趙也。然後危動燕、趙，〔鮑本以危亡之事恐動之。〕持齊、楚，〔鮑本持，劫之也。補曰：史「直搖齊、楚」。新序同。通鑑綱目從之。〕此四國者，不待痛而服矣。」〔姚本痛，急也。不待急攻而服從也。　鮑本痛，言攻伐之酷。春申傳有。補曰：史，昭王曰善，於是止白起，而謝韓、魏，發使賂楚，約為與國。〕　　〔鮑本惡，音烏。重世之「重」，平聲。藉，音僭。方與音房預。為王之「為」，去聲。〕

或為六國說秦王

或為六國說秦王〔姚本王，王正也。已為始皇帝。〕曰：「土廣不足以為安，人眾不足以為強。若土廣者安，人眾者強，則桀、紂之後將存。〔姚本言王者以仁義為安強，雖土廣人眾而無仁義，猶將危亡，故桀、紂不能自存也。〕昔者，趙氏亦嘗〔姚本曾作「嘗亦」。〕強矣。曰趙強何若？〔鮑本「何若」作「若何」。○　曰，猶言。〕舉左案齊，〔鮑本言舉兵於左，則齊下。案，下也。〕舉右案魏，厭案〔鮑本厭，言案之不一。正曰：厭，益涉反，培壓也，又伏也。〕萬乘之國，二國，千乘之宋也。〔鮑本宋於七國時為千乘，今使齊、魏如之。〕築剛平，〔鮑本趙地，缺。趙敬侯四年築剛平以侵衛，五年，齊、魏為衛取我剛平，皆不注。正曰：正義云，蓋在河北。〕衛無東野，〔鮑本詳此，則剛平，趙取之衛也。〕芻牧薪采〔鮑本芻，草也，以食馬。牧，養牛人也。大者薪，小者採。正曰：芻，草也。牧，牧人也。〕莫敢闚東門。〔姚本剛平，衛地。趙築之以為邑，故衛無東野。故衛人芻牧不敢出於東門。〕當是時，衛危於累卵，天下之士相從謀曰：『吾將還其委質，〔鮑本還，反。言改事也。僖二十三年注，委質，屈膝也。正曰：彼注不明，此強節入。「質」，「贄」通，即下文「抱質」，孟子「傳質」是也。委，致也。〕而朝於邯鄲之君乎！』於是天下有稱伐邯鄲者，莫不令朝行。〔鮑本「令」上補「夕」字。○　札記今本「令」上有「夕」字，乃誤涉鮑也。丕烈案：此當衍「不」字。「莫」，即「暮」字也。〕魏伐邯鄲，〔鮑本魏惠三十年伐趙，趙告急齊，是以有馬陵之敗。正曰：在後。〕因退為逢澤之遇，〔姚本遇，會。　鮑本開封東北有逢池，或曰宋之逢澤。〕乘夏車，〔鮑本夏，取其文。禮有夏篆。正曰：乘夏車者，言中夏之車，下文可徵。夏，亥雅反。禮注，夏，赤也。孤東、夏篆，非天子之車。〕稱夏〔鮑本夏，中國也。〕王，朝為〔鮑本「朝」上補「一」字。○　正曰：朝，音潮，即驅十二諸侯朝天子者。「為」字疑衍。　札記今本「朝」上有「一」字，乃誤涉鮑也。〕天子，天下皆從。〔姚本皆從其化。〕齊太公〔姚本太公，田和也，始伐（「伐」一本作「代」字）呂氏齊侯，謚為太公，齊威王之祖父也。　鮑本「太公」作「宣王」。○　太公和時無此事。補曰：二字有誤。　札記丕烈案：策文本作「太公」，高注即其證矣。鮑改、吳補皆非其意。〕聞之，舉兵伐魏，壤地兩分，〔姚本兩分魏之壤地。〕國家大危。〔鮑本無「壤地兩分國家大危」八字。○　補曰：一本此下有「壤地兩分國家大危」八字。　札記丕烈案：高注可證，無者脫耳。〕梁王身抱質〔鮑本「質」，「贄」同，羔雁之屬。〕執璧，請為陳侯臣，〔姚本陳侯，齊侯也。陳氏篡，呂氏絕，故曰陳侯也。　鮑本齊陳敬仲之後，故稱陳侯。趙成侯二十二年，魏拔邯鄲，齊亦敗魏于桂陵，不至如此所稱，故定為宣王馬陵之役。正曰：按大事記，周顯王十六年，魏惠十八年，齊威二十六年，趙成侯二十二年，魏拔趙邯鄲，服十二諸侯，遂稱王。齊乘其敝，敗之桂陵。二十七年，秦孝公會諸侯於逢澤以朝王。策謂魏伐邯鄲，遂為逢澤之遇。按魏既克邯鄲，即為齊、楚所襲，天下未嘗皆從。當據史書周顯王三十八年，魏惠三十年，齊宣二年，魏伐韓，齊伐魏以救韓，敗魏于馬陵。魏世家書魏伐趙乃往歲事，是時亦田忌、孫臏將，而桂陵、馬陵易混故爾。其後惠王用惠施之言，朝齊以怒楚。魏策有。顯王三十六年，魏惠後二年，齊宣十年，楚成六年，楚伐齊，大敗申縛於泗上。今以此考之，伐邯鄲乃魏惠十八年事，逢澤之遇，秦為之，非魏也。敗魏馬陵，而魏朝之者，齊宣王也。「舉兵伐魏」一語，在會逢澤後，則亦指馬陵之役。而上文伐邯鄲，乃敗桂陵時事。天下皆從，指服泗上十二諸侯言之，亦未免記舛也。大事記又謂，魏為逢澤之遇，天下皆從，又梁君驅十二諸侯以朝天子，語雖不可盡信，但魏自拔邯鄲後稱王，則無可疑者。〕天下乃釋梁。郢威王聞之，寢不寐，食不飽，帥天下百姓，以與申縛〔札記今本「縛」作「縳」。丕烈案：「縛」即「縳」字，下同。申縳見齊策。〕遇於泗水之上，〔姚本威王，懷王父也。郢，楚都也。怒齊人之臣伏魏王，故帥百姓以與申縛遇，而敗之也。申縛，齊將也。　鮑本郢，楚都也。亦避始皇父諱。楚威七年伐齊敗之徐州。縛，齊將。揚之水注，申，諸姜。〕而大敗申縛。趙人聞之至枝桑，〔鮑本地缺。趙記注，「根桑」一曰「平桑」，疑即此。此魏地也，蓋赴魏之難。〕燕人聞之至格道。〔姚本燕、趙怒齊之臣魏王，故出兵至枝桑、格道，將伐也。〕格道不通，平際〔姚本一本無「際」字。　鮑本二地缺。〕絕。齊戰敗不勝，謀則不得，使陳毛釋劍掫，〔鮑本掫，夜戒，有所擊引也。釋二者，不自衛，示卑也。補曰：掫，側侯反。〕委南聽罪，〔姚本聽罪於楚子也。　鮑本委去南面之尊。正曰：聽罪於楚。〕西說趙，〔鮑本說，使人解之。〕北說燕，內喻其百姓，而天下乃齊釋。〔姚本釋，舍。　鮑本不攻齊也。〕於是夫〔鮑本「夫」作「天」，「天」下補「下」字○　正曰：一本「於是夫」，「天」即「夫」之訛。　札記今本「夫」作「天下」二字，乃誤涉鮑也。〕積薄而為〔姚本曾、劉本無「為」字。〕厚，聚少而為〔姚本曾、劉本無「為」字。〕多，以同言郢威王於側紂之間。〔姚本「紂」當為「牖」，聲之誤也。〕臣豈以郢威王為政衰謀亂以至於此哉？郢為強，〔鮑本絕句。〕臨天下諸侯，故天下樂伐之也！」〔鮑本補曰：「同言郢威王」云云，言天下又欲謀楚也。此章先言趙強而魏伐之，魏強而齊伐之，齊強而楚伐之，楚強而諸侯又謀之。言強者之不足恃，召天下之所惡，而欲共攻之者也。言此欲以止秦之攻，故云「為六國說也」。〕

秦策 五

謂秦王

謂秦王〔姚本秦始皇也。〕曰：「臣竊惑王之輕齊易楚，而卑畜韓也。臣聞，王兵勝而不驕，〔姚本驕，驕慢。〕伯主約而不忿。〔姚本忿，怨也。伯主約儉勞謙，故不有所忿怨。　鮑本主天下之要約。正曰：斂約也。〕勝而不驕，故能服世；約而不忿，故能從鄰。〔姚本王者德大不驕逸，故能服鄰國（一本作「服世從鄰」）。服，慊也。　鮑本使鄰國服從。〕今王廣〔姚本曾一作「得」。劉一作「失」。　鮑本大施恩惠。〕德魏、趙，而輕失齊，驕也；戰勝宜陽，不恤楚交，忿也。〔姚本恤，顧。　鮑本言不以交楚為意。〕驕忿非伯主〔鮑本「主」作「王」。○〕之業也。〔姚本業，事。〕臣竊為大王慮之而不取也。

「詩云：『靡不有初，鮮克有終。』〔鮑本大雅蕩詩。〕故先王之所重者，唯始與終。〔姚本先王，聖王也。敬始慎終，故曰「唯始與終」也。　鮑本「始」、「終」互易，「然」下有「也」字。○　補曰：一本「唯始與終，何以知其然。」〕何以知其然？昔智伯瑤殘范、中行，圍逼晉陽，卒為三家笑；〔姚本智伯，智襄子也。殘，滅也。范，范吉射，昭子也。中行，中行寅，文子也。二子之後，以苛為察，以剋下為功，於晉六卿中，薄德前衰。智伯滅而兼之，志意驕盛，求地於趙襄子，襄子不與，故率韓圍晉陽，以伐趙氏。趙氏與韓、魏通謀，韓、魏為反間，令趙氏囗得殺智伯，故曰「三家笑」也。　鮑本無「逼」字。○　范吉射、中行寅，晉兩卿。趙、魏、韓三家也。事見韓策。晉出公十七年。晉陽屬太原，故許唐國。補曰：大事記，晉陽，漢太原郡所治，龍山在西北，晉水所出。北齊分晉陽，置龍山縣，隋改龍山曰晉陽，而以晉陽為太原縣。正曰：大事記，晉出公十七年，晉荀瑤與趙、韓、魏氏分范、中行之地，反攻，出公奔齊，道死。晉哀公四年，趙約韓、魏攻荀瑤，滅之。〕吳王夫差棲越於會稽，〔鮑本故越國，揚州郡，亦山名。事見哀元年。〕勝齊於艾陵，〔鮑本杜注，齊地。哀十一年。補曰：正義云，艾山在兗州博縣南。〕為黃池〔鮑本陳留外黃注，縣有黃溝。又魏內黃注，吳會諸侯于黃池。今黃溝是。哀十三年。正曰：哀十三年杜注，陳留封丘縣南有黃亭，近濟水。按，外黃、小黃、封丘皆屬陳留。外黃有黃溝，故指為黃池；而內黃隸相者，亦有黃溝。水經注所謂河水決通濮、濟、黃溝者也。相與封丘殊遠，當以杜注為正。路史同杜注。〕之遇，無禮於宋，〔鮑本並哀十三年。吳欲伐宋，殺其大夫，囚其婦人。〕遂與〔鮑本「與」作「為」。○　補曰：當作「為」。〕勾踐禽，死於干隧；〔姚本「隧」，一作「隊」。吳王夫差伐越，勝之。勾踐奔走，棲於會稽山之上。遂北伐齊，勝長求平。勾踐起兵伐其國，遽救之，越人殺之干隧。干隧，邑名。　鮑本無「於干隧」三字。○　補曰：一本「死于干遂」。勾踐禽死，二十二年。〕梁君伐楚勝齊，制趙、韓〔鮑本「趙韓」作「韓趙」。○〕之兵，驅十二諸侯以朝天子於孟津，〔姚本梁君，梁惠王也。伐楚、齊，勝之，制御趙、韓之兵，驅使十二諸侯魯、衛、曹、宋、鄭、陳、許之君，朝天子于孟津。　鮑本在河內河陽縣南。魏記，惠王二年，敗韓于馬陵，敗趙于懷。十五年，魯、衛、宋、鄭君來朝。二十八年，中山君為相。不見齊、楚及朝天子事。正曰：年表，二十九年。〕後子〔鮑本太子申也。三十年齊敗魏馬陵，虜申。〕死，身布冠〔鮑本以喪禮自居也。〕而拘於秦。〔姚本後東伐齊，敗于馬陵，太子見殺，故「布冠」而拘執于秦也。　鮑本拘，猶制。〕三者非無功也，能始而不能終也。〔姚本終，終難也。〕

「今王破宜陽，殘三川，〔姚本初秦昭王滅東、西周，置宜陽及三川郡，故曰「破宜陽，殘三川」也。〕而使天下之士不敢言；〔姚本言，議。〕雍〔姚本雍，有也。　鮑本「雍」，「擁」同，言據有之。〕天下之國，徙兩周之疆，〔姚本兩周，東、西周也。杆宜陽界而東之，故曰「徒兩周之疆」也。　鮑本侵逼之。〕而世主不敢交〔姚本世主，謂諸侯也。　鮑本「交」作「窺」。○〕陽侯之塞；〔姚本諸侯懾怖畏秦，不敢交會。陽侯，諸侯（一下有「之」字）。塞，隘處也。　鮑本河東陽注，陽侯國。〕取黃棘，〔鮑本秦紀、楚記，懷王與昭王盟于黃棘，皆不地。正曰：正義云，蓋在房、襄二州。〕而韓、楚之兵不敢進。王若能為此尾，〔姚本尾，後也。　鮑本言善其後。正曰：尾，終也。即上文能終之說。〕則三王不足四，五伯不足六。〔姚本言王為策討之，始得之矣。如能終卒沒，則王伯之道立也。故曰「三王不足四，五伯不足六」。〕王若不能為此尾，而有後患，〔姚本有滅亡之患也。〕則臣恐諸侯之君，河、濟〔鮑本濟水在溫西北，此言中國爾。正曰：濟水出絳州垣曲縣王屋山，伏流至孟州濟源縣，出二源，合流，至溫縣入河，出河南溢而為滎，自鄭以東貫滑、曹、鄆、濟、齊、青入于海。〕之士，以王為吳、智之事也。〔姚本吳，吳王夫差。智，智伯也。事，滅亡之事。〕

「詩云：『行百里者半於九十。』此言末路之難。〔姚本逸詩言之。百里者，已行九十里，適為行百里之半耳。譬若強弩至牙上，甫為上弩之半耳。終之尤難，故曰「末路之難」也。〕今大王皆有驕色，以臣之心觀之，天下之事，依〔鮑本依，猶據。〕世主之心，〔姚本心，驕約之心也。〕非楚受兵，必秦也。〔姚本言不伐楚，則伐秦也。秦、楚之驕侈故也。　鮑本皆驕強故。〕何以知其然也？秦人援魏以拒楚，楚人援韓以拒秦，〔姚本援，助。　鮑本「秦」下有「王」字。○〕四國之兵敵，〔鮑本秦、楚、韓、魏也。韓、魏雖弱，以得援，故與之敵。〕而未能復戰也。〔姚本敵，強弱等也。未，無也。　鮑本敵，故不敢輕戰。〕齊、宋在繩墨之外以為權，〔姚本權，援助之勢也。　鮑本外，言四國不以為意。權，言能輕重四國。〕故曰先得齊、宋者伐秦。〔鮑本此言魏、韓得之。正曰：下文楚先得齊可見。〕秦先得齊、宋，則韓氏鑠；〔姚本鑠，消鑠也。言其弱。　鮑本以銷金喻。〕韓氏鑠，則楚孤而受兵也。〔姚本韓弱而楚失援，故孤而受兵。〕楚先得齊，〔鮑本「齊」作「之」。○〕則魏氏鑠；魏氏鑠，則秦孤而受兵矣。〔姚本魏為秦與國。魏弱，故秦失援而孤，受諸侯兵也。〕若隨此計而行之，則兩國〔姚本兩國，秦、楚也。〕者必為天下笑矣。」〔鮑本彪謂：此策，孟軻之徒也，惜其不名。正曰：孟子曰，仲尼之徒，無道桓、文之事者，五伯者三王之罪人。今策云伯王之業，五伯不足六，孟子而有是言歟？驕者必敗，亦論之常。其言先得齊、宋與失之，揣量事勢，計較強弱，不過以力服人而已！豈可與孟子同日語哉？補曰：「為大」之「為」去聲。〕

秦王與中期爭論

秦王與中期〔姚本中期，秦辨士也。〕爭論，不勝。秦王大怒，中期徐行而去。或為〔鮑本「為」作「與」。○〕中期說秦王曰：「悍人〔鮑本悍，勇也。勇者多迕。補曰：當曰「中期悍人也」，有錯文。　札記丕烈案：中期下屬為句，吳說未是。〕也。中期適遇明君故也，向者遇桀、紂，必殺之矣。」〔姚本有人為中期說，言遭遇明君，不罪勝己臣，故不見誅也。若其遇桀、紂，則必（一下有「誅」字）殺也。〕秦王因不罪。〔姚本言桀殺逄蒙，紂殺比干，惡其勝己也。秦王恥襲桀、紂之闕，故不罪。〕

獻則謂公孫消

獻則〔鮑本楚人，為羋戎游說者。〕謂公孫消〔姚本皆公孫消。　鮑本秦人。〕曰：「公，大臣之尊者也，數伐有功。〔姚本公，謂公孫消也。尊，重也。數行戰伐有功勞也。　鮑本伐，戰伐。〕所以不為相者，太后〔鮑本宣太后。〕不善公也。〔姚本不為秦相者，不為羋太后不善者也。〕辛戎〔姚本辛戎，楚人，自楚亡在東周。　鮑本「辛」作「羋」。○　補曰：當作「羋」，下同。　札記丕烈案：此形近之訛。韓策，「謂羋戎曰，廢公叔」，不誤。〕者，太后之所親也。〔姚本太后，楚女，孝文皇后，莊襄王母也，號華陽夫人者也。　鮑本穰侯傳，后同父弟羋戎為華陽君。凡羋皆楚人。〕今亡於楚，在東周。〔姚本東周，洛陽成周也。〕公何不以秦、楚之重，資而相之於周乎？〔姚本使辛戎為周相也。〕楚必便之矣。〔鮑本戎雖以罪去楚，楚既與秦共資之，必為楚用，故楚利之。〕是辛戎有秦、楚之重，太后必悅公，公相必矣。」〔姚本言必見用為秦相也。〕

樓𠵦約秦魏

樓𠵦〔姚本續：𠵦，管子七臣七主篇云，「事無常而法令申，不𠵦則國失勢」。注，「𠵦」，古「伍」字，謂偶合也。言雖申布法令，於事不合。他字書無之。　鮑本「𠵦」作「牾」。○　魏人。後又作「梧」。補曰：一本作「𠵦」，姚同。愚按，玉篇無「𠵦」字，有「牾」字，五故反，觸也，逆也。策後作「梧」。韻書，牾、忤；梧、午。荀子，「午其軍蘁」。莊子，「悟」。燕策，「韓于迕」。前漢，走逜、遻梧、牾、捂、梧、枝梧，凡十一字，典籍往往通借，上、去聲。　札記丕烈案：此「𠵦」，「梧」同字，吳補詳之矣。〕約秦、魏，魏太子為質，〔姚本質于秦也。　鮑本此十一年朝秦。正曰：世家，襄王十二年，太子朝于秦，秦來拔我皮氏，未拔而解。此策云太子為質，既而留於酸棗，昭衍說後，不云復遣，當缺。〕紛彊欲敗之。〔姚本紛彊，魏臣也。敗，害也。〕謂太后曰：「國與還者也，〔姚本還，周旋於利也。　鮑本還，猶反也。兩國相與好惡，循環不定。〕敗秦而利魏，魏必負之，〔姚本負，昔也。　鮑本負，言魏得利而強，將不事秦，所謂還反。〕負秦之日，太子為糞矣。」〔鮑本即所謂糞之。正曰：糞，棄除也。〕太后坐王而泣。〔鮑本使王坐而泣於前。　札記今本「王而」誤「而王」。〕王因疑於太子，〔姚本疑，不欲令太子質秦。　鮑本不決遣。〕令之留〔姚本留，止。〕於酸棗。樓子患之。昭衍為周之梁，樓子告之。〔姚本告昭衍魏太子止酸棗意。〕昭衍見梁王，梁王曰：「何聞？」曰：「聞秦且伐魏。」〔姚本梁，魏都也。故將伐魏。〕王曰：「為期〔姚本「期」，曾作「其」。〕與我約矣。」〔鮑本言期以太子結約而不遣，為此故伐邪？正曰：言與我結約矣，何為而伐？〕曰：「秦疑於王之約，以太子之留酸棗而不之秦。秦王〔鮑本昭。正曰：無考。〕之計曰：『魏不與我約，必攻我；我與其處而待之見攻，不如先伐之。』以秦彊折節而下與國，〔鮑本與與國共伐魏。〕臣恐其害於東周。」〔姚本昭衍不欲正言害魏也，故詭言恐害東周也。秦來伐，必徑東周故也。　鮑本不欲正言魏受伐。魏與周鄰，言周，則魏可知。元在秦策。正曰：交載秦、魏事，從舊可。補曰：「為周」之「為」，去聲。〕

濮陽人呂不韋賈於邯鄲

濮陽〔鮑本屬東郡。〕人呂不韋賈於邯鄲，見秦質子異人，〔姚本異人，秦莊襄王之孫，孝文之子，昭王時質於趙，時不韋賈邯鄲而見也。　鮑本子楚初名，孝文王子。〕歸而謂父〔姚本曾本有「母」。〕曰：「耕田之利幾倍？」曰：「十倍。」「珠玉之贏〔姚本贏，利。〕幾倍？」曰：「百倍。」「立國家之主贏幾倍？」曰：「無數。」〔姚本多不可數也。〕曰：「今力田疾作，不得煖衣餘〔姚本餘，饒。〕食；今建國立君，澤可以遺世。〔姚本世，後世也。　鮑本遺，猶貽。世，後世。〕願往事之。」〔鮑本事，猶為。補曰：不韋鄙耕田珠玉之小贏，而圖建國立君之大利，自以為計得矣！徙蜀飲酖之時，能無悔乎？〕

秦子異人質於趙，處於〈戶夘〉城。〔姚本聊城，趙邑。　鮑本趙地，缺。　補曰：字書無「〈戶夘〉」字。龍龕手鑑云，音腳。　札記丕烈案：史記呂不韋傳正義引此作「聊」。〕故往說之曰：「子傒〔姚本子傒，秦太子也，異人之異母兄弟。　鮑本異人異母兄。　札記今本「傒」誤「徯」。〕有承國之業，又有母在中。〔姚本中，猶內也。　鮑本異人母曰夏姬，無寵，如無母然。〕今子無母於中，外託於不可知之國，〔姚本謂秦託子於趙，安危吉凶不可知也。　鮑本史言趙不禮之，故禍福未可知也。〕一日倍約，身為糞土。〔鮑本棄死且賤也。〕今子聽吾計事，〔姚本事，治。　鮑本以求歸為事。正曰：劉辰翁云，計事，猶謀事。求歸，別句。〕求歸，可以有秦國。吾為子使秦，必來請子。」〔姚本子，異人也。言必使秦來請子於趙。〕

乃說秦王后〔姚本秦王后，孝文皇帝華陽夫人也，時昭王時也，或言后耳。〕弟陽泉君曰：「君之罪至死，君知之乎？〔姚本不韋云，君有不遠圖之罪，知不？〕君之門下無不居高尊位，太子〔姚本太子，子傒。〕門下無貴者。君之府藏珍珠寶玉，君之駿馬盈外廄，美女充後庭。王之春秋高，〔姚本言昭王年老也。　鮑本春秋，舉成歲。此言其年高。〕一日山陵崩，太子用事，〔姚本一日，猶一旦也。山陵，喻尊高也。崩，死也。用事，即位治國事。　鮑本山陵，喻高且固。崩，喻死。〕君危於累卵，而不壽於朝生。〔姚本君，謂陽泉君也。累卵，至危也。朝生，木堇也，朝榮夕落。真為短命不壽也，命將不至終日也。　鮑本木槿也，朝榮夕死。令又不如。〕說有可以一切〔鮑本權宜也。〕而使君富貴千萬歲，其〔鮑本衍「其」字。〕寧於太山四維，〔姚本四維，持之也。　鮑本四方之隅，不可移也。正曰：以太山為四維。〕必無危亡之患矣。」〔姚本患，憂。〕陽泉君避席，〔鮑本離席前請。〕請聞其說。不韋曰：「王年高矣，王后無子，子傒有承國之業，士倉又輔〔姚本輔，猶助也。〕之。王一日山陵崩，子傒立，士倉用事，王后之門，必生蓬蒿。子〔姚本子，異人名。〕異人賢材也，棄在於趙，無母於內，引領西望，而願一得歸。王后〔姚本王后，華陽夫人耳。　札記今本「西」誤「四」。〕誠請而立之，是子異人無國而有國，王后無子而有子也。」陽泉君曰：「然。」入說王后，王后乃請趙而歸之。

趙未之遣，不韋說趙曰：「子異人，秦之寵子也，無母於中，王后欲取而子之。〔姚本欲為己子。〕使秦而欲屠趙，不顧一子以留計，〔鮑本留，不決也。〕是抱空質也。〔姚本抱，持。　鮑本此質本以交好，今不能然，故曰「空」。〕若使子異人歸而得立，趙厚送遣之，是不敢倍德〔姚本德，恩。〕畔施，是自為德講。〔姚本講，誠。曾本作「誠講」。　鮑本必以恩德講好于趙。正曰：講，即「媾」字。〕秦王老矣，一日晏駕，〔姚本晏，晚也。日暮而駕歸大陰也，謂死亡也。　鮑本天文志，天子當早作，而方崩隕，臣子之心猶謂宮車晚出。〕雖有子異人，不足以結〔姚本結，固。〕秦。」趙乃遣之。〔鮑本不韋傳，秦圍邯鄲，趙欲殺子楚，子楚脫亡歸，與此駁。　札記丕烈案：此策文與史記多不同，詳在小司馬索隱也。〕

異人至，不韋使楚服〔姚本楚服，盛服。鮑本以王后楚人，故服楚製以說之。〕而見。王后悅其狀，〔姚本狀，皃。〕高其知，〔姚本高，大。〕曰：「吾楚人也。」而自子之，〔姚本夫人，楚女也，故曰「吾楚人」。而自子之，以異人為己子。〕乃變其名曰楚。王使子誦，〔姚本誦經。　鮑本誦所習書。〕子曰：「少棄捐在外，嘗無師傅所教學，不習〔姚本習，曉。　鮑本補曰：大事記，不習於誦，此焚書之兆也。愚按，昭王問荀卿，儒無益於人之國，其來久矣。〕於誦。」王罷之，乃留止。〔姚本止，曾作「請」。　鮑本止宮中。〕間〔姚本間，須臾也。　鮑本間政事之隙。〕曰：「陛下嘗軔車於趙矣，〔姚本陛下，謂孝文王也。昔嘗質趙。軔車，止仕也。不欲言其質，故住車，故止於趙敢國。　鮑本高紀五年注「陛者」云云。軔，碾車木。〕趙之豪桀，得知名者不少。〔鮑本以名見知於王。〕今大王反國，皆西面〔姚本面，向。〕而望。大王無一介之使以存〔姚本存，勞問也。　鮑本昭二十八年注，一介，單使也。存，問也，問其存亡。〕之，臣恐其皆有怨心。使邊境早閉晚開。」〔鮑本有警則然。〕王以為然，奇其計。王后勸立之。王乃召相，令之曰：「寡人子莫若楚。」立以為太子。

子楚立，〔鮑本是為莊襄王。〕以不韋為相，號曰文信侯，食藍田十二縣。〔姚本官祿。〕王后為華陽太后，諸侯皆致秦邑。〔鮑本致邑，為太后養地也。按，此是子楚以孝文王立後，不韋說使歸之。不韋傳則言孝文為安國君時歸，與此駁。彪謂：不韋，賈人也，彼安能知義？欲圖贏而奪嫡立庶，秦國之不亂敗者幸也！以是得贏，而飲酖於蜀，於是知有天道矣！凡不韋所立，於時皆喪身滅國之事。周衰，士之陰險傾邪，無輩於不韋者。不足筭也，不足筭也！子楚之計平平耳，孝文稱為奇而立之，非老悖乎？〕

文信侯欲攻趙以廣河間

文信侯欲攻趙以廣河間，使剛成君蔡澤事燕三年，而燕太子〔姚本太子，燕僖王之子子丹也。〕質於秦。文信侯因請張唐〔鮑本秦人。〕相燕，〔姚本曾作「往相燕」。〕欲與燕共伐趙，以廣河間之地。〔鮑本無「欲與燕共伐趙以廣河間之地」十二字。○　札記丕烈案：無者是也。策文在首，史記取之而移於此。有者，乃依史記添入而誤複耳。〕張唐辭曰：「燕者必徑〔鮑本徑者，道所出也。〕於趙，趙人得唐者，受百里之地。」文信侯去而不快。〔姚本快，樂。〕少庶子甘羅〔姚本少庶子，官名。甘羅，文相家臣也。　鮑本禮，庶子，掌諸侯卿大夫之庶子。羅，茂之孫。正曰：索隱引策甘羅事呂不韋為庶子，即指此也。注以周制言秦官，誤。庶子說，又見後。〕曰：「君侯何不快甚也？」文信侯曰：「吾令剛成君蔡澤事燕三年，而燕太子已入質矣。今吾自請張卿〔姚本張卿，即唐。〕相燕，而不肯行。」甘羅曰：「臣行之。」〔姚本一本「臣」下有「請」字。〕文信君叱去〔姚本曾作「曰去」，劉作「去曰」。　鮑本「君」作「侯」。○　正曰：以羅所事言，故稱君。　札記丕烈案：史記作「文信侯叱曰去」。〕曰：「我自行之而不肯，汝安能行之也？」甘羅曰：「夫項櫜〔姚本續：史記作大項橐，司馬貞音「託」。尊其道德，故曰「大」。　鮑本「櫜」作「橐」。○　列子有問日出者，豈其人乎？正曰：無稽。　札記丕烈案：「橐」字是也。史記作「橐」。〕生七歲而為孔子師，今臣生十二歲於茲矣！君其試臣，奚以遽言叱也？」〔姚本奚，何。叱，呵。〕

甘羅見張唐曰：「卿之功，孰與武安君？」〔姚本武安君，秦將白起。〕唐曰：「武安君戰勝攻取，不知其數；攻城墮邑，不知其數。〔姚本言眾多不可數知也。〕臣之功不如武安君也。」甘羅曰：「卿明知功之不如武安君歟？」曰：「知之。」「應侯之用秦也，〔鮑本見用于秦。〕孰與文信侯專？」〔姚本專，權重也。〕曰：「應侯不如文信侯專。」曰：「卿明知為不如文信侯專歟？」曰：「知之。」甘羅曰：「應侯欲伐趙，武安君難之，去咸陽七里，絞而殺之。〔姚本難應侯，二萬眾還歸於郿陽（曾作「二萬眾解於郿陽」），賜死于杜郵也。　鮑本起傳言賜劍。〕今文信侯自請卿相燕，而卿不肯行，臣不知卿所死之處矣！」〔姚本言白起死于杜郵，但未知卿死何處（「處」一作「所」）。〕唐曰：「請因孺子而行！」〔姚本請，聽也。言行（「行」一作「因」）之燕也。　鮑本因之請於文信。離婁注，孺子，童子。〕令庫具車，廄具馬，府具幣，〔姚本幣，貨財也。〕行有日矣。甘羅謂文信侯曰：「借臣車五乘，請為張唐先報〔姚本報口也，往為張唐先說趙王也。〕趙。」

見趙王，〔鮑本悼襄。〕趙王郊迎。謂趙王曰：「聞燕太子丹之入秦與？」曰：「聞之。」「聞張唐之相燕與？」曰：「聞之。」「燕太子入秦者，燕不欺秦也。張唐相燕者，秦不欺燕也。秦、燕不相欺，則伐趙，危矣。燕、秦所以不相欺者，無異故，〔姚本異，怪。〕欲攻趙而廣河間也。今王齎臣五城以廣河間，請歸燕太子，與強趙攻弱燕。」趙王立割五城以廣河間，歸燕太子。趙〔鮑本「趙」上補「與」字。○　札記丕烈案：史記無，鮑補誤。〕攻燕，得上谷〔鮑本幽州郡。〕三十六縣，與秦什一。〔姚本續：史記，得上谷三十城，令秦有十一。後語，三十餘城，令秦有其十二。　鮑本以十之一與秦也，羅傳有。補曰：史云，得上谷二十城，令秦有十一。索隱云，謂以十一城予秦也。二說未知孰是？〕

文信侯出走

文信侯出走，〔鮑本始皇十年免相就國，十二年徙蜀，飲酖死。〕與司空馬〔鮑本不韋吏也。補曰：「與」字疑衍。　札記吳氏補曰「與」字疑衍，是也。〕之趙，趙以為守相。〔姚本守相，假也。　鮑本守，假官也，馬為之。〕秦下甲而攻趙。〔姚本甲，兵。〕

司空馬說趙王曰：「文信侯相秦，臣事之，為尚書，〔鮑本秦官，屬少府。〕習秦事。今大王使守〔姚本「守」，一作「臣」。〕小官，習趙事。請為大王設秦、趙之戰，〔鮑本設者，無其事，施陳為之。〕而親觀其孰勝。趙孰與秦大？」曰：「不如。」「民孰與之眾？」曰：「不如。」「金錢粟孰與之富？」曰：「弗如。」「國孰與之治？」曰：「不如。」「相孰與之賢？」曰：「不如。」「將孰與之武？」曰：「不如。」「律令孰與之明？」曰：「不如。」司空馬曰：「然則大王之國，百舉而無及秦者，大王之國亡。」趙王曰：「卿不遠趙，而悉教〔鮑本「悉」作「惠」。○　札記今本「教」誤「敵」。〕以國事，願於因計。」〔姚本因，猶受也。　鮑本因，非正為之，猶秦王謂陳軫「以其餘為寡人計」也。〕司空馬曰：「大王裂趙之半以賂秦，秦不接刃而得趙之半，秦必悅。內惡趙之守，〔鮑本秦雖說於得地，趙猶有守之者，秦所患也。〕外恐諸侯之救，秦必受之。〔姚本「之」，一作「地」。　鮑本患於有守有救，則其受之，不得不急。〕秦受地而郄〔姚本「郄」，一作「卻」。　鮑本「郄」作「卻」。○　補曰：此書「郤」，通。姚本作「郄」，同。〕兵，趙守半國以自存。秦銜賂以自強，山東必恐；亡趙自危，〔姚本亡，失。　鮑本趙亡，則五國有唇亡之憂。〕諸侯必懼。懼而相救，則從事可成。〔姚本山東六國相親從，（一上有「則」字）事可成。　鮑本「可」作「有」。○〕臣請大王約〔姚本約，結。　鮑本「請」下有「為」字。○〕從。從事成，則是大王名亡趙之半，實得山東以敵秦，秦不足亡。」〔姚本言輕之也（一「言」上有「不足」二字）。〕趙王曰：「前日秦下甲攻趙，趙賂以河間十二縣，地削兵弱，卒不免秦患。今又割趙之半以強秦，力不能自存，因以亡矣。願卿之更計。」〔鮑本「卿」下無「之」字。○　更，猶易。補曰：王之言是，馬之計非。「更」，如字可。〕司空馬曰：「臣少為秦刀筆，〔姚本一本作「奉筆」。　鮑本謂為尚書也。筆以書札；刀，削其不當者。〕以官長而守小官，〔鮑本「官」作「吏」。○　其官之長任之屬吏。〕未嘗為兵〔鮑本為，猶治也。馬謙言。〕首，〔鮑本「首」作「百」，又改為「臣」。○　補曰：姚本作「首」，當屬上文。　札記吳氏補曰「當屬上文」，是也。〕請為大王悉趙兵以遇。」〔姚本遇秦敵也。　鮑本與秦接戰。〕趙王不能將。〔姚本趙不（一本「趙」下有「王」字）能用司馬（一作司空馬）為將。　鮑本不用馬為將。〕司空馬曰：「臣效愚計，大王不用，是臣無以事大王，願自請。」〔姚本自請而去。　鮑本猶乞骸骨。〕

司空馬去趙，渡平原。平原津令〔鮑本列女傳有趙津吏，蓋此官也。〕郭遺勞而問：「秦兵下趙，上客〔姚本上客，尊客。〕從趙來，趙事何如？」司空馬言其為趙王計而弗用，〔鮑本「弗」作「勿」，又改為「不」。○　補曰：一本作「弗勝」。〕趙必亡。平原令曰：「以上客料〔姚本料，數。〕之，趙何時亡？」司空馬曰：「趙將武安君，期年而亡；〔姚本武安君，李牧也。趙若用之為將，可期而亡。〕若殺武安君，不過半年。趙王之臣有韓倉者，以曲〔姚本曲，邪。　鮑本曲，不正也。〕合於趙王，其交甚親，其為人疾賢妒功臣。今國危亡，王必用其言，武安君必死。」〔姚本韓倉必讒殺武安君也。〕

韓倉果惡之，〔鮑本惡牧。〕王使人代。〔姚本人代武安君為將也。　鮑本「使」作「令」。○　使趙葱、顏聚代牧。〕武安君至，使韓倉數之〔姚本數，讓。　鮑本數列其罪。〕曰：「將軍戰勝，王觴將軍。〔姚本觴，酒爵也。〕將軍為壽於前〔鮑本上趙王壽。〕而捍匕首，〔姚本「捍」，劉一作「捭」。　鮑本匕首，刃名，蓋其首如匕。漢鹽鐵論，「荊軻懷數年之謀而事不就者，尺八匕首不足恃也」。捍，衛也。誣其以匕首自衛，如欲刺王然。　補曰：姚本注，捍，劉一作「捭」。按，李善注文選引此。說文，捭，兩手擊也，希買反。匕，短劍也，補履反。捍，捍衛匕首也。　札記丕烈案：此謝靈運之郡初發都詩注。李，希買反。「捭」字是也。作「捍」者，形近之訛耳。〕當死。」武安君曰：「繓〔姚本繓，李牧名。　鮑本牧名。補曰：此因高注。繓，子活反。說文，結也。〕病鈎，〔鮑本短傴如鉤。正曰：病鉤，即所謂臂短也。〕身大臂短，不能及地，起居不敬，〔鮑本起居，問王起居也。不及地為不敬。〕恐懼死罪於前，〔鮑本不敬者其罪死，故以死懼。〕故使工人為木材以接手。〔姚本接，續。〕上若不信，繓請以出示。」出之袖中，以示韓倉，狀如振㧢，〔姚本「㧢」，曾作「棡」。　鮑本「㧢」作「栶」。○栶就也。蓋為木接手，可以就地，因以舉身也。集韻，梱，門橛也，又㮯柎也，與「楎」同，音袞，犂轅也。疑此木類此，故名。正曰：一本作「栶」。集韻以「因」為「栶」。今鮑本作「栶」，而說乃作「梱」，恐刊本誤。「栶」乃木名，鮑先據「栶」字，以就地因舉身，為說迂曲；又以為「梱」，苦本反，門橛也，此字頗近而通。既又引「栶」「楎」為言，則汨矣。「楎」，呼歸反；「㮯」，自為胡本反也。蓋牧右臂短，故為木材接之，如振動梱橛也。匕首挾以刺人，牧為壽王前，不敢出，其振梱有若捍匕首，故以挾匕首罪。　札記丕烈案：吳說亦非也。此「㧢」字乃「捆」字形近之譌，讀當以「捆纏之以布」為句。「狀如振」，「振」，乃狀木材所如之物者，其字亦有譌，當闕。〕纏之以布。「願公入明之。」韓倉曰：「受命於王，賜將軍死，不赦。臣不敢言。」〔姚本言不敢明將軍。〕武安君北面再拜賜死，〔鮑本拜賜死之命。〕縮劍將自誅，〔姚本縮，取。　鮑本「縮」，當作「摍」。　集韻，引也，抽也。〕乃曰：「人臣不得自殺宮中。」遇司空馬門，〔姚本劉，一作「過司馬門」。　鮑本「遇」作「過」，衍「空」字。○　門，宮門。〕趣甚疾，〔鮑本「趣」作「趨」。○　此言牧之知禮也。而史言牧不受命，捕得斬之。不知遷舍此何所聞而云乎？補曰：大事記，牧之恭如此，傳乃謂牧不受命，趙使人徵捕得斬之，非也。使不受命，韓倉安得不數之。豈非因廉頗不受代事而誤載乎？愚按，下章亦明。〕出諔〔鮑本「諔」作「䛂」，又改為「誃」。○　誃，別也。補曰：未詳。　札記今本「諔」作「誃」，乃誤涉鮑也。「諔」，鮑本作「䛂」，鮑改「䛂」為「誃」。吳氏補曰「未詳」，是也。〕門也。右舉劍將自誅，〔姚本「誅」，一作「殺」。〕臂短不能及，銜劍徵之於柱以自刺。〔鮑本徵，猶驗也。口銜劍，不自知其可死，即柱以為驗也。正曰：銜劍於口，因柱以自刺，驗其手之不能及也。〕武安君死五月，趙亡。〔姚本亡，滅也。上所謂「不過半年」，秦將王翦破趙為郡也。　鮑本此七年誅牧，八年邯鄲為秦。補曰：終上文之旨。〕

平原令見諸公，必為言之曰：〔鮑本「言之」作「之言」。○　補曰：一本「言之」。〕「嗟嗞〔姚本劉，一無「嗞」。　鮑本嗞，亦嗟也。　札記今本「嗞」誤「茲」。〕乎，司空馬！」又以為司空馬逐於秦，非不知也；〔鮑本「為」作「謂」，「知」作「智」。○〕去趙，非不肖也。趙去司空馬而國亡。〔鮑本「國亡」作「亡國」。○補曰：一本「而國亡」。〕國亡者，非無賢人，不能用也。〔鮑本彪謂：從橫之說，皆有所偏，而從人欲合六弱，以攻一強，其勢若可為也，患諸侯之不一耳！使諸侯而明於事變，不惑小利，不修小怨，并力合慮而西，雖不可以大有為，其於蹙秦有餘。惜乎當時不知此也！自蘇秦死，從終不堅，秦兵四出，諸侯挫於走北，其氣奪矣。司空馬欲以此時割趙之半說秦，而反其兵，因以復合天下之從，豈不謬哉！夫以全趙猶惴惴不自保，安能守半趙以自存乎？秦有并吞天下之心，雖得半趙，不盡不止，而何以說之？諸侯勢去，自春申不能從以難秦，司空馬獨能之乎？故趙幽之亡，罪在用韓倉而殺李牧，無與司空馬。平原令非篤論也。補曰：秦策，秦王資頓弱以金，北遊燕、趙，而殺李牧。史稱，秦多與趙王寵臣郭開金，為反間，而殺牧。而廉頗傳稱，頗之仇郭開與使者金，使毀頗。及張釋之傳云，趙用李牧幾霸，會趙王遷立，其母倡也，遷用郭開讒，卒誅李牧。列女傳云，趙悼后者，邯鄲倡女，前嫁，亂一宗族。既寡，悼襄王以其美而娶之，李牧諫云云，不聽。後生子遷，立為幽閔王。后通於春平君，多受秦賂，而使王誅其良將李牧。趙亡後，大夫怨倡后之譖太子喜殺李牧，乃殺倡后，滅其家。諸說皆可互考。但史因廉頗不受代事而誤以為牧，恐郭開、韓倉亦有差互耳。　三「請為」、「其為」、「必為」之「為」，去聲。〕

四國為一將以攻秦

四國〔姚本四國，燕、趙、吳、楚也。史記無此篇。後引史記注，別見。　鮑本荊、齊、燕、代，見下文。〕為一，將以攻秦。秦王召群臣賓客六十人而問焉，曰：「四國為一，將以圖秦，寡人屈於內，〔姚本屈，客。　鮑本財力困也。〕而百姓靡〔姚本靡，盡。〕於外，為之奈何？」群臣莫對。姚賈〔姚本「姚」，劉、曾本皆作「桃」。　鮑本魏安。〕對曰：〔姚本姚賈，譏周公誅管、蔡不仁不知者，在孟子之篇也。〕「賈願出使四國，必絕〔姚本絕，斷。〕其謀，而安〔姚本安，止。　鮑本「安」作「案」。○。　札記正曰：息也。丕烈案：鮑改誤也，高注即其證也。〕其兵。」乃資車百乘，金千斤，衣以其衣，〔鮑本以王衣衣之，寵之也。〕冠舞以其劍。〔姚本「舞」，劉本作「帶」。　鮑本無「冠」字。○　古者飲則以劍舞，今以王劍賜之，使為舞時用。　札記丕烈案：齊策有「冠舞其劍」，正同。「舞」者，「帶」字俗作「<𨗼-辶>」而譌也。〕姚賈辭行，絕其謀，止其兵，與之為交以報秦。秦王大悅。賈封〔姚本劉一作「封賈」。〕千戶，以為上卿。

韓非知之，〔姚本「知」，一作「短」。韓非，韓公子也，著刑名之書十餘萬言。是時在秦，故知之也（「知」一作「短」）。終死于譖姚賈也。續云：史記注引戰國策曰，姚賈，韓非短之。　鮑本韓之諸公子，秦王見其書，恨不及見之。攻韓，韓遣之使秦，秦王說之。賈與李斯毀之死。〕曰：「賈以珍珠重寶，南使荊、吳，〔鮑本「吳」作「齊」。○　此章無吳事。此四國，後亡者也。三晉滅久矣。正曰：無考，當從舊。札記丕烈案：韓詩外傳云，昔吳、楚、燕、代為一，舉而欲伐秦。姚賈，監門之子也，為秦往使之。是策文本如此。〕北使燕、代之間三年，四國之交未必合也，而珍珠重寶盡於內。是賈以王之權，國之寶，〔鮑本無「國之寶」三字。○　補曰：一本此下有「國之寶」三字。〕外自交於諸侯，願王察之。且梁監門子，〔鮑本監門卒也。賈其子。〕嘗盜於梁，臣於趙而逐。〔姚本嘗盜竊於大梁，為趙臣而見逐者。〕取世監門子，〔姚本父死子繼，曰世。言世世監門卒子耳。〕梁之大盜，趙之逐臣，與同知社稷之計，非所以厲群臣也。」〔鮑本厲，礪同，䃺也。〕

王召姚賈而問曰：「吾聞子以寡人財交於諸侯，有諸？」對曰：「有。」〔姚本劉作「有之」。〕王曰：「有何面目復見寡人？」對曰：「曾參孝其親，天下願以為子；子胥忠於君，天下願以為臣；貞女工巧，〔鮑本有婦功也。〕天下願以為妃。〔鮑本妃，匹也。補曰：妃，當音配。「曾參」止「之身」云云，即陳軫之說。〕今賈忠王而王不知也。賈不歸四國，尚焉之？使賈不忠於君，四國之王尚焉用賈之身？桀聽讒而誅其良將，〔姚本殺關龍逢也。〕紂聞〔鮑本「聞」作「聽」。○〕讒而殺其忠臣，〔姚本剖比干之心。〕至身死國亡。〔姚本亡，失天下。〕今王聽讒，則無忠臣矣。」

王曰：「子監門子，梁之大盜，趙之逐臣。」〔姚本言韓非譖。〕姚賈曰：「太公望，齊之逐夫，〔姚本太公呂尚望，為老婦之逐。　鮑本婦逐之也，不經見。〕朝歌之廢屠，〔姚本賣肉於朝歌，肉上生臭不售，故曰廢屠。　鮑本朝歌屬河內。賈肉不售，故曰「廢」。補曰：楚辭，「師望在肆昌何識，鼓刀揚聲后何喜」。集注云，「呂望鼓刀在列肆，文王親往問之，望曰，『下屠屠牛，上屠屠國』。文王喜，載與俱歸」。此與獵渭濱而得之說不同，蓋當時好事者之言，猶伊尹、百里奚自鬻之比。惜乎孟子時無問者，不得并掊擊之也。〕子良之逐臣，〔姚本子良不用，而斥逐也。　鮑本未聞。〕棘津之讎不庸，〔姚本釣魚於棘津，魚不食餌；賣庸作，又不能自售也。　鮑本後志，琅邪西海，太公所出，又釣于棘津，今存。讎，售同。蓋嘗求售與人為庸，不見用也。〕文王用之而王。〔姚本王有天下也。〕管仲，其鄙人之賈人也，〔姚本「賈人」，一無「人」字。為巿賣儈，求其小利於其鄙人。鄙人，邑名。鮑本五酇為鄙，蓋酇鄙之人為賈者。仲嘗與鮑叔賈。補曰：「鄙」下「人」字疑衍。　札記丕烈案：吳說非也。高注即其證矣。〕南陽之弊幽，魯之免囚，〔姚本弊，隱也。幽，潛。不見升用，貧賤于南陽，故曰「南陽之弊幽」。於公子糾不死其難，為魯所束縛而歸齊，故曰「魯之免囚」也。　鮑本修武，南陽也。仲，穎上人，嘗以貧困隱此。敝，困。幽，隱也。見莊九年。〕桓公用之而伯。百里奚，虞之乞人，傳賣以五羊之皮，穆公相之而朝西戎。〔姚本百里奚，虞臣。虞君不用，傳之門，自鬻於秦，號五羊大夫。於穆公，伯西方，戎來朝也。傳曰，五羖用而秦霸。此之謂也。　鮑本奚，虞臣也，不見用，自鬻於秦養牲者，以五羖羊皮鬻之。補曰：說見上。說苑，鄒子說梁王曰，管仲故成陰之狗盜也，天下之庸夫也；太公望故老婦之出夫也，朝歌之屠佐也，棘津迎客之舍人也，云云。亦此類。〕文公用中山盜，而勝於城濮。〔姚本傳曰，晉文公用咎犯之謀，破楚成王於城濮。此云中山之盜，則未聞也。　鮑本僖二十八年，晉文公用咎犯之謀，破楚成王于城濮，與此不同。杜注城濮及史注，止云衛地。正曰：文公用中山盜而勝于城濮，與上句穆公相之而朝西戎，文意同。此但言用人不問其出於賤惡，而卒有如是之功耳。按，文公有寺人披斬祛、豎頭須竊藏二事。鄒陽書，「文公親其讎而強伯諸侯」，注以為寺人勃鞮。新序，文公用其盜，以為里鳧須，即豎頭須也。二事皆可通。〕此四士者，皆有詬醜，〔姚本詬，辱。醜，恥。〕大誹天下，〔姚本曾作「於天下」。〕明主用之，知其可與立功。〔姚本立，成功也。　鮑本「功」下有「也」字。○〕使若卞隨、務光、申屠狄，人主豈得其用哉！〔姚本卞隨、務光，湯時隱士。湯伐桀以天下讓之，二人曰，「爾為不義，欲以慢我也」，自沉於清冷之淵。申屠不忍見紂之無道，抱石自沉於澗水。故曰「人主豈得用哉」！　鮑本卞隨、務光，並湯時人，辭湯之聘；申屠狄，紂時人，自沉于淵。並見莊子。〕故明主不取其汙，不聽其非，察其為己用。〔鮑本汙者、非者，雖不取不聽，知其為用，則或聽取。察，言聽取之。〕故可以存社稷者，雖有外誹者不聽；雖有高世之名，無咫〔鮑本八尺曰咫。〕尺之功者不賞。是以群臣莫敢以虛願望於上。」〔姚本明主為明君，賞有功，不賞有高名虛空無功用於國者。不敢望賞於君者也。　鮑本無功而願賞，虛願也。補曰：魏無知之論陳平曰，今有尾生、孝己之行，而無益勝負之數，王何暇用之乎！即姚賈之說也。燕策蘇秦、蘇代之說，亦此類。〕

秦王曰：「然。」乃可〔姚本劉無「可」字。　鮑本衍「可」字。補曰：一本無。〕復使姚賈而誅〔姚本誅，殺也。賞功不賞名者也（一無「者也」二字）。〕韓非。〔鮑本高誘，妄人也。註此書，謬妄非一處。如此策以姚賈為陳賈，齊策以伐燕為齊宣王，初不考其歲月。賈乃與李斯同時，安得見於孟子之書？宣、閔皆嘗伐燕，而之、噲之役，實閔王也。誘之率意如此，愚天下後世甚矣。彪之校注，蓋為此發憤，故其所稱皆必有依據，懼獲罪於後人也。正曰：鮑注是書，謂高氏以姚賈為孟子書陳賈，以伐燕為齊宣王，為是憤發，凡策之書宣者，悉據史記改從閔，大詆高氏，而以此為稱首。夫學者考訂於千載之上，義理事徵而已。歲月名字之差互者，當博取徵驗，而折以事理之是非，信其可徵者。或彼此有據，則並存之可也。擇焉不精，憑私臆決，妄詆前人，輒改舊文，何鮑氏之果哉？考之趙策，趙使姚賈約韓、魏，時雖不可考，其云趙使，則趙臣也。魏策，周最入齊，秦王怒，令姚賈讓魏王。秦武、魏襄時也。其云秦令，則秦臣也。此策姚賈，梁監門子，則魏人。仕秦，並始皇、李斯時者，殆非一姚賈矣。姚以舜姓得為陳，高不為無據。使誠孟子書所稱，當與秦武、魏襄相及，並始皇、李斯者，則非。然未知的為一人？而高輒以此姚賈為孟子書譏周公不仁不智者，固非矣。唯之、噲之役，則有可言者。史記年表，齊宣王立十九年，卒，湣王立。燕噲七年，當湣王十年，書噲、子之皆死，惟孟子以為宣王，而策之文與之合。此通鑑所據也。通鑑，宣王二十九年伐燕，視史記下移十年。宣王伐燕，即薨。次年，湣王立。宣、閔之年，或亂而失次。通鑑必有所據。而大事記亦從之。伐燕之事，莫詳於孟子，莫著於國策。史記年表無明文，齊世家不書，特燕世家剟取國策而易宣以湣耳。安得據史記之略，而廢孟子、國策之詳且明哉？傳曰，所見異辭，所聞異辭，所傳聞異辭。宣王伐燕，孟子所見也，史記所傳聞者也，安得據所傳聞而廢所見者哉？或謂荀卿嘗事宣王，為之諱也。孟子之書，幸有國策明徵，不然，則非孟之徒，得以肆其說矣。策文書宣，非出高氏，豈為率意繆妄？鮑之詆高氏，乃所以自謂也。高注呂氏春秋陰康氏，據漢書改為陶唐氏，昔人譏其不視古今人表，妄改本文。鮑之失正，類此。學者之所以慎於傳疑也。〕

Source Colophon

The Chinese text follows the Chinese Wikisource transcription of the Strategies of the Warring States (articles 戰國策 (士禮居叢書本)/秦/一, 戰國策 (士禮居叢書本)/秦/二, 戰國策 (士禮居叢書本)/秦/三, 戰國策 (士禮居叢書本)/秦/四, 戰國策 (士禮居叢書本)/秦/五, revisions of 7 October 2024 to 7 October 2024), inspected from a witness copy captured on 22 August 2026. Chinese Wikisource transcriptions are published under CC BY-SA 4.0 and the GFDL; the text itself is ancient and in the public domain. The wiki header, navigation links, license templates, and modern contributors' footnotes have been removed; the text is otherwise complete and unaltered.

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