Yan Ce — the three books of the Strategies of Yan

The Strategies of the Warring States (Zhanguo Ce) is Liu Xiang's Han-dynasty compilation, arranged by state, of the persuasions, stratagems, and anecdotes that Warring States wandering counselors used to move the courts of their age. These three books, the Strategies of Yan (Yan Ce), carry the record of the state of Yan through some of the most famous episodes in the whole Zhanguo Ce: Su Qin's opening persuasion of Marquis Wen of Yan into the Vertical Alliance with Zhao, and Zhang Yi's later embassy arguing the rival Horizontal Alliance with Qin; King Kuai's abdication of the throne to his chancellor Zizhi on the advice that he was thereby imitating the sage-king Yao, the civil war and the invasion by Qi that followed, and the rise of King Zhao who rebuilt the state from that ruin; the general Yue Yi's campaign for King Zhao that broke Qi and brought down more than seventy of its cities, his sudden recall after the king's death, and the long letter of self-defense he sent back from exile in Zhao rather than answer the charge of disloyalty in person; and, in the book's final section, Prince Dan's commissioning of the retainer Jing Ke, the death of the fugitive general Fan Wuji so that his head might serve as a pretext for the embassy, the farewell song at the Yi River, and the failed attempt on the king of Qin's life in his own throne hall.

Each persuasion or anecdote stands under its own heading drawn from the episode it records, and the three books proceed loosely through Yan's history from the early fourth century BCE to the state's fall to Qin in 222 BCE; the commentary of Bao Biao and Yao Hong travels with the source text below in its own untranslated layer, along with the collation notes set in 〔 〕.

Names of persons and states are given in Hanyu pinyin without tone marks, with the Chinese characters supplied at first appearance; rulers below the rank of king keep their conventional titles such as marquis and lord, and the standing rivalry of the Vertical Alliance (合從) against the Horizontal Alliance (連橫) runs through the earlier persuasions in this book.

Translated for the Good Works Library directly from the classical Chinese, which is printed in full below. J. I. Crump's Chan-kuo Ts'e (1970; revised 1996) is the standing complete English translation of the Strategies of the Warring States; it is named here as a control-in-existence but was not consulted, and this translation makes no claim of firstness.

Contents

• Strategies of Yan, 1 (燕策一)
  • Su Qin, About to Form the Vertical Alliance, Goes North to Persuade Marquis Wen of Yan (蘇秦將為從北說燕文侯)
  • Lord Fengyang, Li Dui, Thought Very Ill of Su Qin (奉陽君李兌甚不取於蘇秦)
  • In the Trouble at Quan, Yan Fought Twice Without Winning (權之難燕再戰不勝)
  • In the Time of Duke Wen of Yan (燕文公時)
  • Someone Spoke Ill of Su Qin to the King of Yan (人有惡蘇秦於燕王者)
  • Zhang Yi, for Qin, Breaks the Vertical Alliance and Links the Horizontal, Addressing the King of Yan (張儀為秦破從連橫謂燕王)
  • Gong Ta Goes as Yan's Envoy to Wei (宮他為燕使魏)
  • Su Qin Died and His Younger Brother Su Dai Wished to Succeed Him (蘇秦死其弟蘇代欲繼之)
  • When King Kuai of Yan Had Been Established (燕王噲既立)
  • At First, Su Qin's Younger Brother Li, Through the Yan Hostage Prince, Sought Audience with the King of Qi (初蘇秦弟厲因燕質子而求見齊王)
  • King Zhao of Yan Came to the Throne After Gathering Up Broken Yan (燕昭王收破燕後即位)
  • Qi Attacked Song and Song Was Hard Pressed (齊伐宋宋急)
  • Su Qin Addresses King Zhao of Yan (蘇秦謂燕昭王)
  • The King of Yan Speaks to Su Dai (燕王謂蘇代)
• Strategies of Yan, 2 (燕策二)
  • Qin Summons the King of Yan (秦召燕王)
  • Su Qin Urges Lord Fengyang to Have Yan Join Zhao in Attacking Qi (蘇秦為奉陽君說燕於趙以伐齊)
  • Su Dai Persuades Qi on Behalf of Yan (蘇代為燕說齊)
  • Su Qin, from Qi, Sends a Man to Speak to King Zhao of Yan (蘇秦自齊使人謂燕昭王)
  • Su Qin, from Qi, Presents a Letter to the King of Yan (蘇秦自齊獻書於燕王)
  • Chen Cui Brings Qi and Yan Together (陳翠合齊燕)
  • King Zhao of Yan Is About to Attack Qi Together with the World (燕昭王且與天下伐齊)
  • Yan Is Famished and Zhao Is About to Attack It (燕饑趙將伐之)
  • Yue Yi, Lord of Changguo, Joins the Armies of Five States for King Zhao of Yan and Attacks Qi (昌國君樂毅為燕昭王合五國之兵而攻齊)
  • Someone Presents a Letter to the King of Yan (或獻書燕王)
  • A Traveler Speaks to the King of Yan (客謂燕王)
  • Zhao Is About to Attack Yan (趙且伐燕)
  • Qi and Wei Contend for Yan (齊魏爭燕)
• Strategies of Yan, 3 (燕策三)
  • Qi, Han, and Wei Jointly Attack Yan (齊韓魏共攻燕)
  • Zhang Chou Is Held Hostage in Yan (張丑為質於燕)
  • King Xi of Yan Sends Li Fu with a Hundred Pieces of Gold to Drink the Health of King Xiaocheng of Zhao (燕王喜使栗腹以百金為趙孝成王壽)
  • Qin Joins with Zhao and Turns North against Yan (秦并趙北向迎燕)
  • Prince Dan of Yan Was a Hostage in Qin and Fled Home (燕太子丹質於秦亡歸)

Translation

Strategies of Yan, 1 (燕策一)

Su Qin, About to Form the Vertical Alliance, Goes North to Persuade Marquis Wen of Yan (蘇秦將為從北說燕文侯)

Su Qin (蘇秦), being about to form the vertical alliance, went north to persuade Marquis Wen of Yan (燕文侯). He said: "Yan has Chaoxian and Liaodong to the east; to the north she has the Linhu and the Loufan; to the west she has Yunzhong and Jiuyuan; to the south she has the Hutuo and the Yi rivers. Her land is more than two thousand li square, her mailed soldiers number several hundred thousand, she has seven hundred chariots and six thousand horsemen, and her grain will support her for ten years. To the south lies the richness of Jieshi and Yanmen; to the north the profit of jujubes and chestnuts. Though the people should never work the fields, the fruit of the jujube and the chestnut would be enough to feed them. This is what men call a treasury of Heaven. For peace and ease without incident, never knowing the sorrow of an army overturned and a general slain, there is nothing beyond Yan. Does the great king know why it is so?

"The reason Yan is not raided and does not suffer war is that Zhao screens her on the south. Qin and Zhao have fought five battles: Qin has won twice and Zhao three times. Qin and Zhao wear each other out, while the king, with Yan whole, controls their rear. This is why Yan meets with no hardship. Moreover, when Qin attacks Yan she must cross Yunzhong and Jiuyuan and pass by Dai and Shanggu, stretching across the land and treading the roads for several thousand li; and though she took a city of Yan, Qin by any reckoning could not hold it. That Qin cannot harm Yan is plain enough. But when Zhao attacks Yan, she calls out the levy and issues her orders, and in less than ten days a host of several hundred thousand is encamped at Dongyuan. Crossing the Hutuo and fording the Yi, in less than four or five days they stand before the capital. Therefore I say: when Qin attacks Yan, she fights beyond a thousand li; when Zhao attacks Yan, she fights within a hundred li. To take no thought for the trouble within a hundred li and to make much of what lies beyond a thousand — no policy could be more mistaken than this. Therefore I wish the great king to enter the vertical alliance with Zhao and be close to her, so that all under Heaven becomes one; then the state will surely have nothing to fear."

The king of Yan said: "My state is small. To the west I am pressed by strong Qin; to the south I am near to Qi and Zhao. Qi and Zhao are strong states. Now that my lord has been so good as to instruct me, and would join the vertical alliance to make Yan safe, I respectfully follow you with my state." Thereupon he furnished Su Qin with chariots, horses, gold, and silk, with which he went on to Zhao.

Lord Fengyang, Li Dui, Thought Very Ill of Su Qin (奉陽君李兌甚不取於蘇秦)

Lord Fengyang, Li Dui (李兌), thought very ill of Su Qin. Su Qin was in Yan, and Li Dui, on Su Qin's behalf, said to Lord Fengyang: "If Qi and Yan are kept apart, Zhao is weighty; if Qi and Yan come together, Zhao is light. Now your driving Yan toward Qi is not to Zhao's advantage. I privately hold that you should not do it."

Lord Fengyang said: "In what way am I joining Yan to Qi?"

He answered: "The man who governs Yan is Master Su. But Yan is a weak state: to the east she is no match for Qi, to the west no match for Zhao. How could she do without Qi on the east and Zhao on the west? Yet you are on very bad terms with Su Qin. Can Su Qin take weak Yan in his arms and stand alone against the world? This is to drive Yan and make her join with Qi. Moreover Yan is what remains of a ruined state, set up by expedient; therefore she must make much of outside powers and must serve the mighty. So, planning for you: if you are on good terms with Su Qin, take him up; and if you are not on good terms with him, take him up all the same, and so make Yan and Qi suspect one another. If Yan and Qi are suspicious, then Zhao is weighty. And if the king of Qi suspects Su Qin, then you have resources in plenty."

Lord Fengyang said: "Good." And he sent an envoy to form a connection with Su Qin.

In the Trouble at Quan, Yan Fought Twice Without Winning (權之難燕再戰不勝)

In the trouble at Quan, Yan fought twice without winning, and Zhao did not come to her rescue. Kuaizi (噲子) said to Duke Wen: "Better to ask terms of Qi with an offer of land; then Zhao will surely rescue us. And if they do not rescue us, they will have no choice afterward but to serve us." Duke Wen said: "Good." He ordered Guo Ren (郭任) to sue for peace with Qi, offering land. When Zhao heard of it she sent out troops at once and rescued Yan.

In the Time of Duke Wen of Yan (燕文公時)

In the time of Duke Wen of Yan, King Hui of Qin (秦惠王) gave his daughter to be the wife of the heir apparent of Yan. Duke Wen died and King Yi (易王) was established. King Xuan of Qi (齊宣王), taking advantage of Yan's mourning, attacked her and took ten cities.

Su Qin, the Lord of Wu'an (武安君), spoke for Yan to the king of Qi. He bowed twice and offered congratulation, then lifted his head and offered condolence. The king of Qi laid hold of his dagger-axe and drew back, saying: "How is it that congratulation and condolence follow one another so fast as this?"

He answered: "The reason a starving man will not eat aconite is that, though he might steal a moment's filling of the belly, the trouble it brings is the same as death. Now Yan, weak and small though she is, is the young son-in-law of powerful Qin. Your Majesty covets her ten cities, and thereby makes a deep enemy of powerful Qin. Now you set weak Yan in the leading file and let powerful Qin control her rear, and so summon down upon yourself the choicest troops of the world. This is of a kind with eating aconite."

The king of Qi said: "What then is to be done?"

He answered: "The sage in ordering affairs turns disaster into blessing and makes defeat into achievement. Thus Duke Huan bore a woman upon his back, and his name was the more honored; Han Xian gave offence, and his alliance grew the firmer. These are all cases of turning disaster into blessing and making defeat into achievement. If Your Majesty can listen to me, nothing is better than to give back Yan's ten cities and to apologize to Qin in humble words. When Qin learns that Your Majesty gave back Yan's cities for Qin's sake, Qin will surely be grateful to you. And Yan, having got ten cities for nothing, will be grateful to you as well. So you will cast off a strong enemy and set up a firm friendship. Furthermore, if Yan and Qin both serve Qi, then when the great king issues his commands all under Heaven will obey. Thus Your Majesty attaches Qin to himself with empty words, and with ten cities takes the world. This is the work of a hegemon and a king. It is what is called turning disaster into blessing and making success out of defeat."

The king of Qi was greatly pleased, and gave back the cities of Yan. Afterward he made his apology with a thousand catties of gold, knocking his head upon the ground in the mud, asking to be as a brother and begging pardon of Qin.

Someone Spoke Ill of Su Qin to the King of Yan (人有惡蘇秦於燕王者)

Someone spoke ill of Su Qin to the king of Yan, saying: "The Lord of Wu'an is the most untrustworthy man in the world. Your Majesty, lord of ten thousand chariots, humbles himself before him and honors him at court; this shows the world that you keep company with a small man."

When the Lord of Wu'an came back from Qi, the king of Yan gave him no lodging. He said to the king of Yan: "I am a rustic of Eastern Zhou. When I first saw you I had not a foot or an inch of merit to my name, yet you met me in the suburbs and made me conspicuous at your court. Now I have gone on a mission for you, gained the profit of ten cities, and by my work preserved Yan in her danger; and yet you will not listen to me. Someone must have said that I am not to be trusted and injured me before Your Majesty. That I am untrustworthy is your own good fortune. Suppose I were as good in faith as Wei Sheng, as scrupulous as Bo Yi, and as filial as Zeng Shen — these three are the highest conduct in the world — and served you with them: would that not do?" The king of Yan said: "It would do." He said: "If I had these, I would not be serving you at all."

Su Qin said: "Consider: a man as filial as Zeng Shen would in righteousness not leave his parents to pass a single night abroad; how could you have got him to go to Qi? A man as scrupulous as Bo Yi would not take food he had not earned; he held King Wu's righteousness to be defiled and would not be his subject; he declined the lordship of Guzhu and starved to death on Mount Shouyang. A man as scrupulous as that — how would he consent to walk several thousand li and serve the endangered ruler of weak Yan? A man as good in faith as Wei Sheng kept the appointed hour, and when she did not come he clasped the pillar of the bridge and died. Faith carried to that length — how would he consent to raise the awe of Yan and Qin before Qi and take a great success? Moreover, keeping faith is what a man does for himself; it is not what he does for others. All these are arts of shielding oneself; they are not the way of advance and attainment. Besides, the Three Kings rose in succession and the Five Hegemons flourished each in turn, and none of them shielded himself. Do you hold self-shielding to be the right course? Then Qi would never have grown beyond Yingqiu, and you would not have crossed the border of Chu nor looked out beyond your frontier towns. Furthermore, I have an aged mother in Zhou; I left my aged mother to serve you, put away the arts of self-shielding, and took up the way of advance and attainment. My aims, then, do not accord with yours. You are altogether a ruler of self-shielding; I am a servant of advance and attainment. Mine is the case of the man who by loyalty and good faith incurs his ruler's blame."

The king of Yan said: "Loyalty and good faith — what blame can there be in them?"

He answered: "You do not know. In the house next to mine there was a man who had gone far away to serve as an officer, and his wife had taken a lover. Her husband was about to come home, and her lover was troubled at it. The wife said: 'Do not be troubled, sir; I have already prepared drugged wine and am waiting for him.' Two days later the husband arrived. The wife had her maid carry in a cup of wine and offer it to him. The maid knew that it was drugged wine: to offer it would kill the master; to speak of it would have the mistress driven out. So she pretended to fall stiff and spilled the wine. The master was in a great rage and had her flogged. Thus by one fall, in spilling the wine, the maid above kept her master alive and below preserved her mistress. Loyalty carried to that length, and yet she did not escape the whip: this is a case of incurring blame by loyalty and good faith. My own affair, by ill fortune, is of a kind with the maid's spilling of the wine. Besides, in serving you I held righteousness high and enriched the state, and now I am found guilty. I fear that hereafter, among all in the world who might serve you, none will dare to be sure of himself. And when I persuaded Qi, I did not deceive them at all. Had another been sent to persuade Qi, no speech would have matched my words; even with the wisdom of a Yao or a Shun, one would not have ventured it."

Zhang Yi, for Qin, Breaks the Vertical Alliance and Links the Horizontal, Addressing the King of Yan (張儀為秦破從連橫謂燕王)

Zhang Yi (張儀), acting for Qin to break the vertical alliance and link the horizontal, said to the king of Yan: "Of all with whom the great king is intimate there is none nearer than Zhao. In former days the king of Zhao gave his elder sister to be wife of the king of Dai, wishing to annex Dai, and arranged to meet the king of Dai at the pass of Gouzhu. He then had his artisans make a metal ladle with a lengthened handle, made so that it could be used to strike a man. He drank with the king of Dai, and secretly told the cook: 'When the wine is at its height and the music merry, bring in the hot broth, and then reverse the ladle and strike him.' So when the wine was at its height and the music merry, they brought in the hot broth. The cook came forward ladling out the stew, then reversed the ladle and struck him, and the king of Dai's brains were spattered on the ground. When his sister heard of it, she sharpened her hairpin and stabbed herself with it. Hence to this day there is a Mountain of the Sharpened Hairpin, and there is no one in the world who has not heard of it.

"That the king of Zhao is wolfish and cruel and has no feeling for his own kin, the great king sees and knows clearly. And do you hold the king of Zhao fit to be intimate with? Zhao raised troops and attacked Yan, twice surrounded the capital of Yan and put the great king under duress, and the great king ceded ten cities in apology before they would withdraw. Now the king of Zhao has already gone to court at Mianchi and presented Hejian in order to serve Qin. If the great king does not serve Qin, Qin will send her armored men down upon Yunzhong and Jiuyuan and drive Zhao to attack Yan; and then the Yi river and the Long Wall will no longer be yours. Besides, at this time Zhao stands to Qin as a commandery or a county, and does not dare raise troops at will to make war. If now the great king serves Qin, the king of Qin will surely be pleased, and Zhao will not dare stir at will. Thus on the west you will have the support of powerful Qin, and on the south no trouble from Qi and Zhao. Therefore I wish the great king to consider this well."

The king of Yan said: "I dwell apart among the Man and the Yi. Though a grown man, I am barely as an infant: my words are not enough to seek out what is right, and my counsels not enough to settle affairs. Now the honored guest has been good enough to instruct me. I beg to take up my altars of soil and grain, face west, and serve Qin, and to present five cities at the tail of Mount Chang."

Gong Ta Goes as Yan's Envoy to Wei (宮他為燕使魏)

Gong Ta (宮他) went as Yan's envoy to Wei. Wei would not listen to him and detained him for several months. A guest said to the king of Wei: "Why do you not listen to the envoy of Yan?" He said: "Because of her disorder." He answered: "When Tang attacked Jie, he wanted him to be in disorder. Therefore from great disorder one may get land, and from small disorder one may get treasure. Now the guest from Yan says: 'If only the matter can be listened to, we would do it though it exhausted our treasure and our land.' Why then does Your Majesty not see him?" The king of Wei was pleased, and so saw the guest from Yan and sent him on his way.

Su Qin Died and His Younger Brother Su Dai Wished to Succeed Him (蘇秦死其弟蘇代欲繼之)

Su Qin died, and his younger brother Su Dai (蘇代) wished to succeed to his place. So he went north and saw King Kuai of Yan (燕王噲), saying: "I am a rustic of Eastern Zhou. I have heard in private that Your Majesty's righteousness is very lofty and very sound. Dull as I am, I laid aside hoe and weeding-fork and came to seek the great king. When I reached Handan, what I heard in Handan was higher still than what I had heard in Eastern Zhou. Bearing that resolve in me, I came to the court of Yan; and having looked upon Your Majesty's assembled ministers and lesser officers, I see that the great king is an enlightened ruler of the world."

The king said: "What sort of man is it that you call an enlightened ruler of the world?"

He answered: "I have heard that an enlightened ruler makes it his business to hear of his own faults and does not wish to hear of his merits. Let me report Your Majesty's faults. Qi and Zhao are Your Majesty's enemies; Chu and Wei are the states that support him. Now Your Majesty upholds his enemies in order to attack the states that support him. This is not the way to profit Yan. Weigh this yourself, and the policy is a mistake. And a man who has nothing with which to remonstrate is no loyal minister."

The king said: "As for Qi and Zhao, they are not states I would dare wish to attack."

He said: "To have no design upon another and yet be suspected by him is perilous; to have a design upon another and let him know it is clumsy; and when a plan has not yet been set in motion and is already heard abroad, that is dangerous. Now I hear that Your Majesty is not easy where he dwells, that food and drink are not sweet to him, that he broods on requiting Qi; that he pares the plates of armor with his own hands, and day by day they come to a great number; and that his consort with her own hands braids the cords of the armor, and day by day they come to a great number. Is this so?"

The king said: "You have heard it, and I shall not dare to hide it. I have deep resentment and stored-up anger against Qi, and for two years I have wished to requite it. Qi is my enemy state, and therefore the one I wish to attack. Only I am troubled that my state is worn out and my strength insufficient. If you can make Yan a match for Qi, then I will take up my state and entrust it to you."

He answered: "Of all the warring states in the world there are seven, and Yan stands among the weak. Fighting alone she cannot do it; but wherever she attaches herself, there is nothing that does not gain weight. Attach yourself in the south to Chu, and Chu is weighty; in the west to Qin, and Qin is weighty; in the middle to Han and Wei, and Han and Wei are weighty. And if the state to which she attaches herself is weighty, this must make Your Majesty weighty too. Now the king of Qi is a ruler of long standing, and he acts upon his own judgment. In the south he attacked Chu for five years, and his stores were scattered. In the west he pressed Qin hard for three years, and his people were haggard and his officers worn and spent. In the north he fought with Yan, overturned three armies and took two generals. And then with his remaining troops he faced south, took the strong state of Song with its five thousand chariots, and enfolded twelve of the feudal lords. In this his ruler has got what he desired, and the strength of his people is exhausted. How could he still take more? Moreover I have heard: frequent battles weary the people, and a long campaign wears out the troops."

The king said: "I have heard that Qi has the clear Ji and the turbid He, which can serve her for a stronghold, and the Long Wall and the Great Dike, which suffice her for a barrier. Is this truly so?"

He answered: "If the seasons of Heaven are not with her, what use are the clear Ji and the turbid He for a stronghold? If the strength of her people is spent and worn, what use are the Long Wall and the Great Dike for a barrier? Besides, in former days the country west of the Ji was not called to service, and this was to guard against Zhao; north of the He no armies were raised, and this was to guard against Yan. Now the land west of the Ji and north of the He is all called to service, and within her borders everything is worn out. An arrogant ruler is sure not to love good counsel, and the ministers of a doomed state are greedy for wealth. If Your Majesty can truly not begrudge a favorite son or a younger brother of the same mother as hostage, and treasure, pearls, jade, and silk to serve those about him, then he will feel himself obliged to Yan and will lightly destroy Song; and then Qi may be destroyed."

The king said: "In the end, through you, I shall receive the mandate of Heaven!"

He said: "If the enemy within is not brought into accord, the enemy without cannot be resisted. Let Your Majesty govern the outside himself, while I work upon the inside: this is the disposition by which Qi may be brought down."

When King Kuai of Yan Had Been Established (燕王噲既立)

When King Kuai of Yan had been established, Su Qin died in Qi. While Su Qin was in Yan he had made a marriage connection with the chancellor Zizhi (子之), and Su Dai was on friendly terms with Zizhi. After Su Qin died, King Xuan of Qi again employed Su Dai.

In the third year of Kuai of Yan, Yan joined Chu and the Three Jin in attacking Qin, and came back without victory. Zizhi was chancellor of Yan, honored and weighty, and held the decision in his own hands. Su Dai came on a mission from Qi to Yan, and the king of Yan asked him: "What of King Xuan of Qi?" He answered: "He will certainly not become hegemon." The king of Yan said: "Why?" He answered: "Because he does not trust his ministers." Su Dai meant by this to spur the king of Yan to give Zizhi a still heavier charge. Thereupon the king of Yan trusted Zizhi greatly. Zizhi accordingly sent Su Dai a hundred pieces of gold, and Su Dai let himself be used as Zizhi directed.

Lu Maoshou (鹿毛壽) said to the king of Yan: "Better to yield the state to Zizhi. Men call Yao worthy because he offered the world to Xu You; and You was certain not to accept it, so Yao had the name of yielding the world and in fact did not lose the world. Now if Your Majesty yields the state to his chancellor Zizhi, Zizhi will certainly not dare to accept it, and Your Majesty will have acted as Yao did." The king of Yan thereupon made over the whole state to Zizhi, and Zizhi became very weighty indeed.

Someone said: "Yu conferred the succession upon Yi, but made Qi an officer; and when he grew old and held that Qi was not fit to be entrusted with the world, he passed it to Yi. Qi and his faction attacked Yi and took the world from him. So Yu in name passed the world to Yi, but in fact caused Qi to take it for himself. Now Your Majesty says he has made over the state to Zizhi, yet not one of the officials is other than the heir apparent's man. This is to make it over to Zizhi in name while the heir apparent conducts affairs." The king thereupon took back the seals of all officers from three hundred piculs upward and handed them over to Zizhi. Zizhi faced south and performed the offices of king, while Kuai, being old, no longer attended to government, and instead became a subject; and all the affairs of state were decided by Zizhi.

In the third year of Zizhi, the state of Yan fell into great disorder and the people grieved and resented it. General Shi Bei (市被) and the heir apparent Ping (太子平) laid plans to attack Zizhi. Chu Zi (儲子) said to King Xuan of Qi: "Take the occasion to overthrow him, and the breaking of Yan is certain." The king therefore sent a man to say to the heir apparent Ping: "I have heard of the heir apparent's righteousness — that he would abolish the private and establish the public, put in order the duty of ruler and subject and set right the stations of father and son. My state is small and not enough to go before you or behind you. Even so, it is for the heir apparent alone to command it."

The heir apparent thereupon mustered his partisans and gathered a host. General Shi Bei surrounded the ducal palace and attacked Zizhi, but could not overcome him; and then General Shi Bei and the people turned about and attacked the heir apparent Ping. General Shi Bei died, and his body was paraded about. The state was locked in strife for several months; the dead were tens of thousands; the people of Yan grieved and resented, and the hearts of the people were estranged.

Meng Ke (孟軻) said to King Xuan of Qi: "To attack Yan now — this is the hour of Wen and Wu, and it must not be lost." The king therefore ordered Zhangzi (章子) to command the troops of the Five Metropolises and, with the multitudes of the northern territory, to attack Yan. The soldiers did not fight, the city gates were not shut, and King Kuai of Yan died. Qi utterly defeated Yan, and Zizhi perished. Two years later the people of Yan set up Prince Ping; this was King Zhao of Yan (燕昭王).

At First, Su Qin's Younger Brother Li, Through the Yan Hostage Prince, Sought Audience with the King of Qi (初蘇秦弟厲因燕質子而求見齊王)

At first, Su Qin's younger brother Li (蘇厲) sought an audience with the king of Qi through the hostage prince of Yan. The king of Qi bore a grudge against Su Qin and wished to imprison Li; the Yan hostage prince made apology for him and the matter was dropped, and Li then presented his pledge and became a subject.

Zizhi, chancellor of Yan, was allied by marriage with Su Dai, and wishing to gain power in Yan he sent Su Dai to attend the hostage prince in Qi. Qi sent Dai back to report to Yan, and King Kuai of Yan asked him: "Will the king of Qi become hegemon?" He said: "He cannot." He said: "Why?" He said: "Because he does not trust his ministers." Thereupon the king of Yan gave sole charge to Zizhi, and after a while yielded the throne to him, and Yan fell into great disorder. Qi attacked Yan and killed King Kuai and Zizhi. Yan set up King Zhao. Su Dai and Su Li then did not dare to enter Yan, and both in the end went over to Qi, and Qi treated them well.

Su Dai passed through Wei, and Wei seized Dai on Yan's account. Qi sent a man to say to the king of Wei: "Qi offered to enfeoff Lord Jingyang (涇陽君) with Song, and Qin would not accept. It is not that Qin sees no advantage in having Qi and gaining the land of Song; it is that she does not trust the king of Qi and Master Su. Now that Qi and Wei are at odds, and to this degree, Qi will not deceive Qin. Qin will trust Qi; Qi and Qin will join; Lord Jingyang will have the land of Song — and that is not to Wei's advantage. Therefore Your Majesty had better send Master Su east; then Qin will be suspicious and will not trust Master Su. Qi and Qin will not join, there will be no upheaval in the world, and the shape of an attack upon Qi will be formed." Thereupon they released Su Dai and he went to Song, and Song treated him well.

King Zhao of Yan Came to the Throne After Gathering Up Broken Yan (燕昭王收破燕後即位)

King Zhao of Yan came to the throne after gathering up broken Yan. He humbled his person and made his gifts generous in order to draw worthy men, wishing thereby to requite his enemy. So he went to see Master Guo Wei (郭隗) and said: "Qi took advantage of the disorder of my state and fell upon Yan and broke her. I know very well that Yan is small and her strength slight, and not enough to requite it. Yet to obtain worthy officers and share the state with them, and so wipe away the shame of my late father — that is my wish. May I ask what is to be done by one who would requite his enemy with a state?"

Master Guo Wei answered: "He who would be a thearch dwells with his teachers; he who would be a king dwells with his friends; he who would be a hegemon dwells with his subjects; and a state that perishes dwells with its menials. Bend your will and serve them, face north and receive their teaching, and men a hundred times yourself will come. Hurry before them and rest after them, ask first and fall silent last, and men ten times yourself will come. Move when others move, and men your own equals will come. Lean on the armrest and prop yourself on your staff, glance sidelong and point out your orders, and the sort who serve as drudges will come. But if you rage and lash out, roar and trample, shout and scold, then the sort who are bondsmen and slaves will come. This is the ancient method of serving the Way and drawing officers to oneself. If Your Majesty will truly choose broadly among the worthy men of the state and pay court at their gates, then when the world hears that Your Majesty pays court to his worthy ministers, the officers of the world will surely hasten to Yan."

King Zhao said: "Whom shall I pay court to, that it may be well?" Master Guo Wei said: "I have heard that among the rulers of old there was one who sought a thousand-li horse with a thousand in gold, and for three years could not get one. A palace attendant said to his lord: 'Let me seek it.' The lord sent him. In three months he found a thousand-li horse; but the horse was already dead, and he bought its head for five hundred in gold and came back to report to his lord. The lord was in a great rage and said: 'What I sought was a live horse. What have I to do with a dead horse, that you should throw away five hundred in gold?' The attendant answered: 'If you will buy even a dead horse for five hundred in gold, how much more a live one? The world will surely take Your Majesty for one who can buy horses. Horses will come now.' And before a full year was out, three thousand-li horses arrived. Now if Your Majesty truly wishes to draw officers to him, let him begin with Wei. If even Wei is served, how much more those worthier than Wei? Will they think a thousand li too far?"

Thereupon King Zhao built a palace for Wei and took him as his teacher. Yue Yi (樂毅) came from Wei, Zou Yan (鄒衍) from Qi, Ju Xin (劇辛) from Zhao, and officers vied with one another to gather in Yan. The king of Yan condoled with the dead and inquired after the living, and shared with the people their sweet and their bitter. In the twenty-eighth year Yan was rich and abundant, her soldiers were at ease and content and made light of battle. Thereupon he made Yue Yi supreme general, and took counsel with Qin, Chu, and the Three Jin to attack Qi. The troops of Qi were defeated, and King Min fled abroad. The troops of Yan alone pursued the fleeing and entered as far as Linzi; they took all the treasures of Qi and burned her palaces and ancestral temples. Of the cities of Qi, the only ones that did not fall were Ju and Jimo.

Qi Attacked Song and Song Was Hard Pressed (齊伐宋宋急)

Qi attacked Song, and Song was hard pressed. Su Dai thereupon sent a letter to King Zhao of Yan: "Ranked among the states of ten thousand chariots, you yet lodge a hostage with Qi: your name is lowered and your power made light. You uphold Qi and help her attack Song: your people toil and your substance is spent. You break Song, ravage Chu's land north of the Huai, and fatten and enlarge Qi: your enemy grows strong and your own state weak. These three are great ruin to a state, and yet you do them, meaning by it to remove a harm and win the trust of Qi. But Qi has not increased her trust in you, and her jealousy of Yan grows worse than ever. If that is so, then in serving Qi you have lost the thing you acted for. Your people toil, your substance is spent, and you have not a foot or an inch of merit; you break Song and fatten your enemy, and generations will bear the calamity of it. You add the land north of the Huai to Song, and that is a strong state of ten thousand chariots; and Qi swallows it — this is to add one more Qi. The northern Yi are seven hundred li square; add Lu and Wei to them, and this too is what men call a strong state of ten thousand chariots; and Qi swallows it — this is to add a second Qi. Against the strength of one Qi, Yan already cannot hold out; and now three Qis bear down upon Yan. The calamity must be great.

"Even so, I have heard that the wise man in undertaking affairs turns disaster into blessing and makes success out of defeat. The men of Qi dye spoiled plain silk purple, and its price is tenfold. King Goujian of Yue took refuge upon Kuaiji, and afterward destroyed Wu and made himself hegemon of the world. These are all cases of turning disaster into blessing and making achievement out of defeat. If Your Majesty now wishes to turn disaster into blessing and make achievement out of defeat, then nothing is better than from afar to make Qi hegemon and honor her lavishly, and to send an envoy to swear covenant at the house of Zhou and burn all the tallies of Qin in the world, and to covenant, saying: 'The highest plan is to break Qin; the next is to shut Qin out for good.' With Qin held off as an outsider and awaiting her breaking, the king of Qin must be troubled by it. For five generations Qin has bound the feudal lords to her, and now she is put below Qi; and the will of the king of Qin is such that, could he but bring Qi to extremity, he would not shrink from making the capital of a whole state the price of it.

"That being so, why does Your Majesty not send a man in plain cloth to persuade Qin with the argument for bringing Qi to extremity, saying to the king of Qin: 'That Yan and Zhao break Song, fatten Qi, honor Qi and put themselves below her — Yan and Zhao gain nothing by it. Why, then, do they do it, without gain, under the force of circumstance? Because they do not trust the king of Qin. Why does Your Majesty not now send men who can be trusted to take up Yan and Zhao? Let Lord Jingyang or Lord Gaoling (高陵君) go first to Yan and Zhao, and if there is any change in Qin let them be held as hostages; then Yan and Zhao will trust Qin. Let Qin be Emperor of the West, Zhao Emperor of the Center, and Yan Emperor of the North; set up three emperors, and by them command the feudal lords. If Han and Wei will not obey, then Qin attacks them; if Qi will not obey, then Yan and Zhao attack her. Who under Heaven would then dare not to obey? And when the world submits and obeys, then drive Han and Wei to attack Qi, saying: the land of Song must be given back, and Chu's land north of the Huai returned. Now the giving back of Song's land and the return of Chu's Huai north are things by which Yan and Zhao alike gain; and the joint setting up of three emperors is what Yan and Zhao alike desire. When in substance they get their gain and in name they get their wish, then Yan and Zhao will cast off Qi as a man throws away a worn-out slipper. If Your Majesty does not take up Yan and Zhao, Qi's hegemony will surely be accomplished. If the feudal lords uphold Qi and Your Majesty alone does not follow them, then your state is attacked. If the feudal lords uphold Qi and Your Majesty follows them, then your name is lowered. If Your Majesty does not take up Yan and Zhao, his name is lowered and his state endangered; if he takes up Yan and Zhao, his name is honored and his state at peace. To leave honor and peace and go over to lowness and danger — a wise man does not do it.' When the king of Qin hears such a speech, it must be to him as a stab in the heart. Why then does Your Majesty not take pains to send wise officers to persuade Qin with words such as these? Qin will surely attack Qi. To win Qin is the highest of connections; to attack Qi is a straight advantage. To honor the highest connection and pursue the straight advantage is the business of a sage king."

King Zhao of Yan approved of the letter and said: "My forebears were once under obligation to the Su family. In the disorder of Zizhi the Su family left Yan. If Yan would requite her enemy upon Qi, there is no one but the Su family who can do it." So he summoned the Su family and again treated them well; and he took counsel with them for the attack on Qi, and in the end broke Qi, and King Min fled.

Su Qin Addresses King Zhao of Yan (蘇秦謂燕昭王)

Su Qin said to King Zhao of Yan: "Suppose there were a man here as filial as Zeng Shen and Xiao Ji, as good in faith as Wei Shenggao, as scrupulous as Bao Jiao and Shi Qiu; and suppose he joined these three kinds of conduct in himself and so served Your Majesty. How would that be?" The king said: "That would be enough." He answered: "If you think it enough, then I shall not serve you. I shall abide in the business of doing nothing and go home to plough the upper lands of Zhou; I shall plough and eat of it, weave and clothe myself with it." The king said: "Why?" He answered: "A man as filial as Zeng Shen and Xiao Ji does no more than nourish his parents. A man as good in faith as Wei Shenggao does no more than not deceive people. A man as scrupulous as Bao Jiao and Shi Qiu does no more than not steal the goods of others. Now I am a man of advance and attainment. I hold that scrupulousness does not come to eminence together with the man who has it, and that righteousness does not establish itself together with a man's life. Benevolence and righteousness are the way of keeping oneself whole; they are not the art of advance and attainment."

The king said: "Is keeping oneself whole not enough?" He answered: "If keeping oneself whole were enough, then Qin would never have come out beyond the Xiao pass, Qi never beyond Yingqiu, and Chu never beyond Shuzhang. The Three Kings succeeded one another in their places and the Five Hegemons each changed the government, and all of them because they did not keep themselves whole. If keeping oneself whole were enough, then I too would go to Zhou and carry a basket. Why should I trouble the court of the great king? In former days Chu took Zhangwu, and the feudal lords faced north and came to court. Qin took Xishan, and the feudal lords faced west and came to court. In earlier days, had Yan not let go the upper lands of the house of Zhou, the feudal lords would not have turned their horses another way to pay court. I have heard that one who manages affairs well first measures the size of his state and weighs the strength or weakness of his troops; therefore his work can be accomplished and his name established. One who cannot manage affairs does not first measure the size of his state and does not weigh the strength or weakness of his troops; therefore his work cannot be accomplished and his name cannot be established. Now Your Majesty has a mind to march east and attack Qi, and your foolish servant knows it."

The king said: "How do you know it?" He answered: "You haft your halberds and whet your swords, climb a hill, and face east and sigh. By this your foolish servant knows it. Now Wu Huo (烏獲) could lift a weight of a thousand jun, but when he came to eighty years he had to ask to be helped along. So Qi, strong state though she is, has been worn out in the west by Song and exhausted in the south by Chu; her army can be beaten, and Hejian can be taken."

The king of Yan said: "Good. I beg to appoint you senior minister and to present you with a hundred chariots. Would you take these and travel east to Qi for me? How would that be?" He answered: "If you give from love, then why do you not give them to your beloved sons, to your uncles on either side, and to the grandsons still clinging to their beds? They do not get them, and instead you give them to a servant of no ability. Why? What sort of man does Your Majesty judge me to be? What I serve you with is loyalty and good faith; and I fear that for that very loyalty and good faith I shall be found guilty by those about you."

The king said: "How can there be a man who as a subject exhausts his strength and spends his abilities and yet is found guilty?" He answered: "Let me make a comparison for Your Majesty. In former days there was such a case in the upper lands of Zhou. A man had been in office three years without coming home, and his wife took a lover. Her lover said: 'When your husband comes, what then?' His wife said: 'Do not be troubled; I have made drugged wine and am waiting for his coming.' Presently the husband did come, and she thereupon ordered her maid to pour out the drugged wine and offer it to him. The maid knew of it and stopped halfway. She reflected: 'If I give this to my master to drink, I kill my master; if I tell my master of it, my mistress will be driven out. Rather than kill my master or have my mistress driven out, better to feign a stumble and spill it.' So she pretended to fall stiff and overturned it. The wife said: 'Because you had come from far away I made fine wine, and now the maid has carried it and spilled it.' Her husband did not know, and bound the maid and flogged her. So the reason the maid was flogged was her loyalty and good faith. Now I am to go on a mission to Qi for you, and I fear that my loyalty and good faith will not be understood by those about you. I have heard it said: the lord of ten thousand chariots is not controlled by his ministers; the house of ten chariots is not controlled by the multitude; the common man who goes on foot is not controlled by wife and maid. How much more the worthy ruler of the present age? I beg leave to go; and I hope that you will not be controlled by your assembled ministers."

The King of Yan Speaks to Su Dai (燕王謂蘇代)

The king of Yan said to Su Dai: "I greatly dislike the words of men who deal in false speech." Su Dai answered: "In the land of Zhou they hold matchmakers cheap, because they praise both sides. Going to the man's house they say, 'The girl is beautiful'; going to the girl's house they say, 'The man is rich.' And yet by the custom of Zhou no man takes a wife for himself. Besides, a maid without a matchmaker will grow old and not be married; and if she puts the matchmaker aside and displays herself, she is spoiled and finds no buyer. What goes smoothly and is not spoiled, what is sold and not left marred, is the matchmaker and nothing else. Moreover, an affair is not established without expedient and not accomplished without leverage. And what lets a man sit still and receive a thing already accomplished is the dealer in false speech alone." The king said: "Well said."

Strategies of Yan, 2 (燕策二)

Qin Summons the King of Yan (秦召燕王)

Qin summoned the king of Yan, and the king of Yan wished to go. Su Dai held the king of Yan back, saying: "Chu got Zhi and lost her state; Qi got Song and lost her state. Why could Qi and Chu not use their possession of Zhi and Song to serve Qin? Because those who have achievements are Qin's bitterest enemies. Qin's taking of the world is not the practice of righteousness; it is violence.

"When Qin practiced violence upon the world, she declared openly to Chu: 'The armored men of Shu, in light boats, will float upon the Wen, ride the summer flood down the Jiang, and in five days reach Ying. The armored men of Hanzhong will take boat and come out at Ba, ride the summer flood down the Han, and in four days reach the Five Isles. I have massed armor at Wan and shall come east down upon Sui. The wise will have no time to plan and the brave no time to grow angry; I shall be like a man shooting a falcon. And you wait for the world to attack Hangu — is that not far off?' For this reason the king of Chu served Qin for seventeen years.

"Qin declared openly to Han: 'If I rise from Shaoqu, in one day I cut off the Taihang. If I rise from Yiyang and strike Pingyang, in two days there is nothing that is not shaken. If I pass by the two Zhous and strike Zheng, in five days the state is taken.' The house of Han thought it true, and therefore served Qin.

"Qin declared openly to Wei: 'I take Anyi and block Nüji, and Han and Taiyuan are cut off. I come down upon Zhi, take the road by Nanyang, Feng, and Ji, encircle the two Zhous, ride the summer flood and float light boats, with strong crossbows in front and sharp dagger-axes behind; I breach the mouth of Xing, and Wei has no Daliang; I breach the mouth at Baima, and Wei has no Jiyang; I breach the mouth at Suxu, and Wei has no Xu and no Dunqiu. By land I strike Henei; by water I destroy Daliang.' The house of Wei thought it true, and therefore served Qin.

"Qin wished to attack Anyi and feared that Qi would rescue it; so she made Song over to Qi, saying: 'The king of Song is without the Way. He made a wooden man in my likeness and shot it in the face. My land is cut off from his and my troops are far, and I cannot attack him. If Your Majesty can break Song and possess it, it will be as though I had got it myself.' Having got Anyi and blocked Nüji, she then made the breaking of Song a crime charged against Qi.

"When Qin wished to attack Qi, it feared that the world would come to Qi's rescue, and so it made Qi over to the world, saying: 'The king of Qi has four times made a covenant with me and four times deceived me, and three times he has surely led the world in an attack upon me. If there is Qi there is no Qin; if there is no Qi there is Qin. We shall certainly attack him, we shall certainly destroy him!' Then, having taken Yiyang and Shaoqu and gained Lin and Shi, Qin turned about and made the breaking of Qi a crime charged against the world.

"When Qin wished to attack Wei, it made much of Chu, and so it made Nanyang over to Chu, saying: 'I have already broken with Han for good. Ruin Junling, block the Meng defile — if it profits Chu, I shall count it as though I held it myself.' Wei then abandoned its allies and joined with Qin; and Qin turned about and made the blocking of the Meng defile a crime charged against Chu.

"When its army was hard pressed at Linzhong, Qin made much of Yan and Zhao, and made Jiaodong over to Yan and the land west of the Ji over to Zhao. When Zhao had gained a settlement with Wei, Qin held Prince Yan as a pledge and, through Xishou, joined its columns on the march and attacked Zhao. When its troops were cut up at Lishi (離石) and it met defeat at Maling, it made much of Wei, and so made Ye and Cai over to Wei. Once it had gained a settlement with Zhao, it put pressure on Wei, and Wei would not cede land for it. In straits, Qin had the Queen Dowager and the Marquis of Rang make peace for it; when it had won, it cheated both its uncle and its mother. To the one it charged in Yan it said, 'On account of Jiaodong.' To the one it charged in Zhao it said, 'On account of the land west of the Ji.' To the one it charged in Wei it said, 'On account of Ye and Cai.' To the one it charged in Chu it said, 'On account of the blocking of the Meng defile.' To the one it charged in Qi it said, 'On account of Song.' Thus it makes its words run round like a ring, and uses its armies as lightly as a needle plies embroidery, so that its mother cannot restrain it and its uncle cannot bind it. The battle of Longjia, the battle of Anmen, the battle of Fengling, the battle of Gaoshang, the battle of Zhao Zhuang — the men of the Three Jin whom Qin has killed number several millions. Those who are alive now are all the orphans of men who died at Qin's hands. The land west of the Yellow River, the territory of Shangluo, and the Three Rivers — the calamity that has come upon the state of Jin is half of the Three Jin. Qin's harm is as great as this, and yet those men of Yan and Zhao who go over to Qin all vie with one another in urging their rulers to serve Qin. This is what I greatly fear."

King Zhao of Yan did not go. Su Dai was again held in honor in Yan. Yan turned back and bound the feudal lords in the vertical alliance of kinship, as in Su Qin's day; some joined it and some did not, but from this time the world took the Su family's vertical covenant as its model. Dai and Li both died of old age, and their names were renowned among the feudal lords.

Su Qin Urges Lord Fengyang to Have Yan Join Zhao in Attacking Qi (蘇秦為奉陽君說燕於趙以伐齊)

Su Qin urged Lord Fengyang (奉陽君) that Yan should join with Zhao to attack Qi, and Lord Fengyang would not listen. So he went into Qi and blackened Zhao there, and made Qi break off from Zhao. When Qi had broken with Zhao, he went on to Yan and said to King Zhao:

"Han Wei said to me: 'Someone told Lord Fengyang: "The man who has made Qi distrust Zhao is Master Su. The man who has now had the king of Qi summon Master Shu and keep him from attacking Song is Master Su. The man who plotted with the king of Qi to take the road to Qin in order to plot against Zhao is Master Su. And the man who had Qi guard Zhao's hostage prince under arms is again Master Su. Let the request be made to Qi through Gaozi: if Qi does indeed guard Zhao's hostage prince under arms, then I shall certainly guard you under arms."' Those are evil words. Even so, Your Majesty need not be troubled by them. I knew from the first that to go into Qi would bring the enmity of Zhao upon me. I went out and did it in order to accomplish what I wanted. If I die and Qi comes to hate Zhao bitterly, then I am still alive. Now that Qi and Zhao have broken off, there may be a great confusion. It is only that I am no Zhang Mengtan (張孟談); but if I were made a Zhang Mengtan, then among Qi and Zhao there would surely be one to play the part of Zhi Bo.

"Lord Fengyang said to Zhu Huan and Zhao Zu: 'The king of Qi sent Gongyu Yue to deliver his word: he would certainly not bring Han Min back — and now he has summoned him; he would certainly not employ Master Su in affairs — and now he has enfeoffed him and made him chancellor; he would not join with Yan — and now he makes Yan his first ally. The man I relied on was Shun; but now his words have changed even further than his father's, and Shun was in the beginning Master Su's enemy. When I looked at it, I thought there was no harm in it; but now they hold him worthy and give him both honors at once. It is finished — Qi is lost to me!'

"Lord Fengyang's anger is very great. Since the king of Qi does not trust Zhao and treats Lord Fengyang as a small man, Qi will on this account turn its back on Zhao. If we do not throw them into great confusion now, they will be reconciled and joined again, and afterward nothing can be done. Therefore, if the joining of Qi and Zhao could be brought round to serve Yan, then death would not be enough to count as a trouble to me, flight would not be enough to be my shame, to be made a feudal lord would not be enough to be my glory, and to loosen my hair and lacquer my body and go as a leper would not be enough to be my disgrace. Yet I do have one fear: that I should die and Qi and Zhao still not come round, the hatred of both being divided upon me, and that afterward men would take my case as their model. That is my fear. But if my death would surely set them attacking one another, I would strive for it and seek death in it. Yao and Shun were worthy, and they died; Yu and Tang were wise, and they died; Meng Ben was brave, and he died; Wu Huo was strong, and he died. Among living things, is there any that does not die? To use what must certainly come in order to accomplish what one wants — what does Your Majesty doubt in this?

"I think it would be better for me to flee and be gone. Let me go by way of Han and Wei and so come round to Qi, and there win Qin for Qi, while binding Zhao closely so as to make it strong. In that case they will be near to attacking each other. Though in doing this I might seem to implicate Yan — Lord Fengyang said to Zhu Huan: 'Master Su is angry that the king of Yan, for my sake, would not give him the chancellorship, nor even a ministership; he is all but done with Yan.' His suspicion goes as far as that; and so, though I do it, it will not implicate Yan, nor will it require anything of Your Majesty. Yi Yin twice fled Tang and went to Jie, and twice fled Jie and went to Tang, and in the end took part in the battle of Mingtiao and made Tang the Son of Heaven. Wu Zixu fled Chu and went to Wu, and in the end took part in the battle of Boju and avenged his father. Now if I flee and throw Qi and Zhao into confusion, that at least may be written into the annals. And among those who have undertaken great affairs, who has not fled? In Duke Huan's troubles, Guan Zhong fled to Lu. In the troubles of Yang Hu, Confucius fled to Wey. Zhang Yi fled to Chu. Bai Gui fled to Qin. When Wangzhu was chancellor of Zhongshan and went as envoy to Zhao, Zhao seized him and demanded land, and Wangzhu forced the barrier and got out. In the trouble of the daughter's son, the Lord of Xue gave up his carriage and escaped out through the pass, and the Three Jin praised him as a gentleman. Therefore, in the undertaking of great affairs, flight is not enough to be a disgrace."

In the end he cut Qi off from Zhao, and Zhao joined with Yan to attack Qi and defeated it.

Su Dai Persuades Qi on Behalf of Yan (蘇代為燕說齊)

Su Dai went to persuade Qi on behalf of Yan. Before he had seen the king of Qi, he first spoke to Chunyu Kun (淳于髡): "There was a man who had a fine horse to sell. Three mornings running he stood in the market, and no one knew it for what it was. He went to see Bo Le (伯樂) and said: 'I have a fine horse and wish to sell it. Three mornings running I have stood in the market, and no one has spoken a word to me. I beg you to walk round it and look at it, and to glance back at it as you leave; I will give you the fee of a single morning.' Bo Le then walked round it and looked at it, and glanced back at it as he left, and in one morning the price of the horse was ten times what it had been. Now I wish to come before the king as such a fine horse, but there is no one to go before me and behind me. Have you a mind to be Bo Le for me? I beg to present a pair of white jade discs and a thousand yi of gold as fodder for the horse." Chunyu Kun said, "I have respectfully heard your command." He went in and spoke of him to the king and had him presented, and the king of Qi was greatly pleased with Master Su.

Su Qin, from Qi, Sends a Man to Speak to King Zhao of Yan (蘇秦自齊使人謂燕昭王)

Su Qin, from Qi, sent a man to say to King Zhao of Yan: "I have driven a wedge between Qi and Zhao, and Qi and Zhao are now isolated. Why does Your Majesty not send out troops to attack Qi? I beg leave to weaken it for Your Majesty." Yan accordingly made war on Qi and struck at Jin.

He had a man say to King Min: "Yan's attack on Qi is meant to recover its old territory. Yan's troops are at Jin and do not advance; this means that their army is weak and their counsel uncertain. Why does Your Majesty not have Master Su take command and meet Yan? With a man as worthy as Master Su in command against a weak Yan, the breaking of Yan is certain. If Yan is broken, Zhao will not dare to disobey; so Your Majesty will break Yan and subdue Zhao." King Min said, "Good." Then he said to Master Su: "Yan's troops are at Jin, and I am now sending out troops to meet them. I wish you to take command for me." He replied: "In the matter of arms, what am I that I should be equal to it? Let Your Majesty raise up another. If Your Majesty employs me, it will be to ruin Your Majesty's army and to make me a gift to Yan. If the battle is not won, there will be no retrieving it." The king said, "Go. I know you."

Master Su accordingly took command and fought the men of Yan below Jin, and the army of Qi was beaten. Yan took twenty thousand armored heads. Master Su gathered up the remaining troops and held Yangcheng, and reported to King Min: "Your Majesty raised me up wrongly and had me meet Yan. Now the army is beaten and twenty thousand men are lost. I deserve the axe and the block, and beg to deliver myself to the officers for execution." King Min said, "This is my own fault. Do not take it upon yourself as a crime."

The next day he again had Yan attack Yangcheng and Li. And again he had a man say to King Min: "The other day Qi did not win below Jin. This was no fault of the troops: Qi was unlucky, and Yan had the luck of Heaven. Now Yan attacks Yangcheng and Li again, making Heaven's luck into merit of its own. Let Your Majesty send Master Su against them once more: having first lost Your Majesty's army, he will afterward surely strive to repay Your Majesty with a victory." The king said, "Good." So he sent Master Su again. Master Su firmly declined, but the king would not listen. He therefore took command and fought Yan at Yangcheng. The men of Yan won a great victory and took thirty thousand heads. In Qi ruler and ministers were no longer close, and the hearts of the people were estranged. Yan thereupon had Yue Yi raise a great army and attack Qi, and broke it.

Su Qin, from Qi, Presents a Letter to the King of Yan (蘇秦自齊獻書於燕王)

Su Qin, from Qi, presented a letter to the king of Yan, saying: "When I set out, I knew well that there would be talk against me, and so I presented a letter to your attendants before going, which said: 'If I am honored in Qi, the grandees of Yan will not trust me; if I am held cheap, they will make light of me; if I am employed, they will demand much of me; if Qi does anything unfriendly, they will lay the blame on me; if the world does not attack Qi, they will say that I plan well for Qi; if the world does attack Qi, they will join with Qi in selling me. The place I hold is heavy indeed: it is a heap of eggs.' Your Majesty said to me: 'I will certainly not listen to the many mouths and to slander. My trust in you is as clean as a stroke of the blade. At best you may win employment in Qi; failing that, you may win trust among those below. So long as you do not die, there is nothing you may not do; you may go by your own judgment.' And you said to me: 'You may leave Yan and go to Qi; only aim at getting the business done.'

"I received your command and took Qi as my charge, and five years have passed. Qi has sent out its armies again and again, and has never once plotted against Yan. In the dealings of Qi and Zhao, now they join and now they part; and where Yan did not plot with Qi against Zhao, it plotted with Zhao against Qi. Qi's trust in Yan went so far that it left its northern land bare of defenses and marched its troops out. Now Your Majesty believes the words of Tian Fa and of Can and Quji, and is about to attack Qi, so that I am made Qi's dog and horse and held cheap, and even so I have not spoken of Yan. Now Your Majesty has again sent Qing to tell me: 'I wish to employ the man I favor.' If Your Majesty wishes to employ him, then I beg to serve him on Your Majesty's behalf. If Your Majesty wishes to release me and to entrust the charge wholly to the man you favor, then I beg to come home and give up my office. If only I may be granted an audience, my wish is full."

Chen Cui Brings Qi and Yan Together (陳翠合齊燕)

Chen Cui was bringing Qi and Yan together, and was about to have the younger brother of the king of Yan sent as a hostage to Qi. The king of Yan consented. When the queen dowager heard of it she was furious and said: "If Sir Chen cannot manage another man's state, then let him leave it be. What is this parting of a mother from her child? This old woman means to have her will of him."

Chen Cui wished to see the queen dowager. The king said, "The queen dowager is angry with you just now; you had better wait." Chen Cui said, "There is no harm in it." He went in and saw the queen dowager and said, "Why so thin?" The queen dowager said: "I live on the leavings of the late king's geese and ducks; I have no cause to be thin. If I am thin, it is from grief that the prince is to go as hostage to Qi."

Chen Cui said: "A ruler's love for a child is not so deep as a commoner's. And it is not merely that rulers do not love their children: they love their sons least of all." The queen dowager said, "How so?" He replied: "When Your Ladyship marries a daughter to a feudal lord, you send her off with a thousand pieces of gold and a hundred li of land, and so make an end for her. Now the king wishes to enfeoff the prince; but the hundred offices hold to their duties and the assembled ministers offer their loyalty, saying, 'The prince has no merit and ought not to be enfeoffed.' In sending the prince as hostage the king means to make this the prince's merit and enfeoff him for it, and Your Ladyship will not hear of it. This is how I know that a ruler loves a son least of all. Moreover, while Your Ladyship and the king are happily alive, the prince is honored; but after Your Ladyship's thousand autumns, when the king has left the state and the heir apparent has taken the throne, the prince will be lower than a commoner. So unless the prince is enfeoffed while Your Ladyship and the king still live, he will go all his life without a fief."

The queen dowager said, "This old woman did not understand the elder's plan." She then ordered the prince to bind up his carriage and have clothes made, as gear for the road.

King Zhao of Yan Is About to Attack Qi Together with the World (燕昭王且與天下伐齊)

King Zhao of Yan was about to attack Qi together with the world. There was a man of Qi holding office in Yan, and King Zhao summoned him and said to him: "I am about to attack Qi together with the world, and the order will go out at any hour. You are sure to argue against it; and when you argue and I do not listen, then leave and go to Qi. There may come a time when I am reconciled with Qi again, and then I shall use you to serve Qi." At that time Yan and Qi could not both stand; and yet he alone constantly kept this wish of gathering Qi back to him, as this shows.

Yan Is Famished and Zhao Is About to Attack It (燕饑趙將伐之)

Yan was famished, and Zhao was about to attack it. Chu sent a general to Yan. Passing through Wei, he saw Zhao Hui. Zhao Hui said: "To keep trouble from ever arriving is easier than to rescue a state from trouble. Wu Zixu and Gong Zhiqi were not used; Zhu Zhiwu and Zhang Mengtan received great rewards. Therefore men of counsel all apply themselves to the art of removing trouble, but the first thing is to keep trouble from ever arriving. Now to send you off with a hundred pieces of gold would not be so good as to send you off with a word. Listen to my word and persuade the king of Zhao, saying: 'In former times Wu attacked Qi because Qi was famished. The attack on Qi was not certain to succeed, and weak Yue took advantage of Wu's exhaustion and became hegemon. Now Your Majesty attacks Yan, and likewise because Yan is famished. The attack is not certain to succeed, and strong Qin will bring its troops to bear upon Your Majesty's west. This is to put weak Zhao in the place of strong Wu, and to put strong Qin in the place by which weak Yue became hegemon. I beg Your Majesty to consider it well.'"

The envoy accordingly used this to persuade the king of Zhao. The king of Zhao was greatly pleased and desisted. When King Zhao of Yan heard of it, he enfeoffed him with land.

Yue Yi, Lord of Changguo, Joins the Armies of Five States for King Zhao of Yan and Attacks Qi (昌國君樂毅為燕昭王合五國之兵而攻齊)

Yue Yi (樂毅), Lord of Changguo, for King Zhao of Yan joined the armies of five states and attacked Qi. He brought down more than seventy cities and made them all commanderies and counties belonging to Yan. Three cities had not yet fallen when King Zhao of Yan died. King Hui came to the throne, and, taken in by a counter-agent from Qi, grew suspicious of Yue Yi and sent Qi Jie to replace him in command. Yue Yi fled to Zhao, and Zhao enfeoffed him as Lord of Wangzhu. Tian Dan of Qi deceived Qi Jie, in the end defeated the army of Yan, recovered the seventy cities, and restored Qi. The king of Yan repented, and feared that Zhao would use Yue Yi to take advantage of Yan's exhaustion and attack Yan.

The king of Yan then sent a man to reproach Yue Yi, and at the same time to apologize to him, saying: "The former king raised up the whole state and entrusted it to you, General. You broke Qi for Yan and avenged the former king, and there was none in the world who was not shaken. How should I dare for a single day to forget your merit, General? It happened that the former king left his ministers and I had newly come to the throne, and those about me led me into error. In sending Qi Jie to replace you, General, my reason was that you had long been exposed to the weather abroad, and so I called you back to rest and to take counsel with me. You misheard, General, and so fell out with me, and thereupon cast off Yan and went over to Zhao. As a plan for yourself, General, that may do; but with what does it repay the intent with which the former king treated you?"

The Lord of Wangzhu then sent a man with a letter in reply to the king of Yan, saying: "I am without talent, and could not carry out the teaching of the former king so as to accord with the hearts of those about you. I feared to incur the penalty of the axe and the block, thereby wounding the former king's discernment and harming your own righteousness, and so I fled and ran to Zhao. Bearing on myself the guilt of unworthiness, I did not dare to plead my case. Now Your Majesty has sent an envoy to number my faults. I fear that your attendants do not perceive the principle by which the former king kept and favored me, and further are not clear about the heart with which I served the former king; and so I make bold to answer with a letter.

"I have heard that a worthy and sage ruler does not use emoluments to favor his kin, but bestows them upon those of greatest merit, and does not give office according to his affection, but places in it the man who is equal to it. Therefore he who examines ability and bestows office is a ruler who accomplishes his work, and he who weighs conduct and forms his friendships is an officer who establishes a name. Judging by what I have studied, the former king's acts and dispositions had in them a purpose that rose above his age; and so I borrowed a credential from the king of Wei and came in person to be examined in Yan. The former king raised me beyond my desert, drew me out from among his guests, and set me above his assembled ministers; without consulting his elder kinsmen he made me deputy minister. I thought that in receiving his orders and carrying out his teaching I might be lucky enough to be without fault, and so I accepted the charge and did not decline.

"The former king commanded me: 'I have a stored-up grudge and a deep anger against Qi. Without measuring my own lightness and weakness, I wish to make Qi my business.' I answered: 'Qi has the residue of a hegemon's training and the legacy of repeated victories; it is practiced in arms and armor and skilled in battle and assault. If Your Majesty wishes to attack it, you must raise up the whole world to plan against it. And to raise up the whole world to plan against it, there is no shorter road than to bind Zhao. Moreover the land north of the Huai and the land of Song are what Chu and Wei alike desire. If Zhao consents, and Chu and Wei are bound by covenant, and Song exerts its strength, then with four states attacking, Qi may be greatly broken.' The former king said, 'Good.' Then I received his command by word of mouth, made ready tally and credential, and was sent south as envoy to Zhao. I turned straight back and reported, troops were raised, and we followed on and attacked Qi. By the way of Heaven and by the spirit-power of the former king, the lands north of the Yellow River came into his possession as far as the Ji, following upon his advance. The army on the Ji, acting on his orders, struck Qi and greatly defeated it. With light and picked troops it drove far on and reached the capital. The king of Qi fled and ran to Ju, barely escaping with his person. Pearls and jade, treasure and wealth, chariots and armor and precious vessels were all gathered in and brought into Yan. The Great Lü bell was set out in the Yuanying palace, the old cauldron went back to the Lishi hall (曆室), and the vessels of Qi were placed on the Ningtai terrace. What was planted on the hill of Ji was planted among the bamboo of the Wen. Since the Five Hegemons, there has been no merit that reached the former king's. The former king held that his purpose had been satisfied and that I had not let his charge fall to the ground, and so he cut off land and enfeoffed me, so that I might rank with the lords of a small state. Without talent as I am, I thought that in receiving his orders and carrying out his teaching I might be lucky enough to be without fault, and so I accepted the charge and did not decline.

"I have heard that with a worthy and enlightened ruler merit once established is not abandoned, and so it is written in the annals; and that with a man of early insight a name once made is not destroyed, and so he is spoken of by later ages. As for the former king — avenging his grudge and wiping away his shame, leveling a strong state of ten thousand chariots, taking in the hoarded stores of eight hundred years — even on the day he left his ministers, the commands he left behind and the standing right he charged upon his heirs, that by which the ministers who hold the government and bear its business have been able to follow law and ordinance and to keep the sons of the concubines in order, reached down to the common people and the bondsmen, and all of it may serve as a teaching to later ages.

"I have heard that one who is good at making a thing is not necessarily good at completing it, and one who begins well does not necessarily end well. In former times Wu Zixu's counsel was heeded by Helü, and so the king of Wu carried his tracks as far as Ying. Fuchai did not think it right, and gave him the leather sack and set him floating on the river. Thus King Fuchai of Wu did not see that the earlier counsel could establish merit, and so he sank Zixu and did not repent; and Zixu did not see soon enough that his lord's measure was not the same, and so he went into the river unchanged. To escape with my person and keep my merit whole, and so make plain the traces of the former king, is my best course. To meet with the wrong of ruin and disgrace, and so pull down the name of the former king, is what I most greatly dread. To face an unfathomable charge and take a lucky chance as my profit is what righteousness does not dare to do.

"I have heard that the gentlemen of old, when a friendship was broken off, uttered no evil word, and that a loyal minister, when he departs, does not clear his own name. Unskilled though I am, I have often received the teaching of gentlemen. I fear that your attendants are close to the talk of those about you and do not examine the conduct of one far off. Therefore I make bold to answer with a letter, and beg only that Your Lordship give it your attention."

Someone Presents a Letter to the King of Yan (或獻書燕王)

Someone presented a letter to the king of Yan: "If a king cannot stand on his own, he does not despise a lowly name but serves the strong; and if serving the strong can make the state secure and lasting, that is a good plan for ten thousand generations. But if serving the strong cannot be made to hold for ten thousand generations, then it is better to unite the weak. What is to be done, when the weak unite and yet cannot be as one? This is what makes me grieve for the lands east of the mountains.

"The flatfish cannot go unless the two find each other, and so the men of old praised it, because it joins two and makes them as one. Now the lands east of the mountains unite in weakness and cannot be as one: the wit of the eastern lands is less than a fish's. Again, take carters drawing a cart: when three men cannot make it go, they call for two more, and with five the cart goes. Now three states east of the mountains are weak and cannot match Qin; let them call in two more states, and they can overcome Qin. Yet the eastern lands do not know how to call one another in — their wisdom is certainly less than the carters'. The Hu and the men of Yue do not understand each other's speech and their minds do not reach one another, but in one boat riding the waves they come to one another's rescue as if they were one. Now the way the eastern lands are with one another is like being in one boat crossing over; and when the troops of Qin arrive, they cannot rescue one another as one — so their wisdom is less than that of the Hu and the men of Yue. These three things are all within human power, and yet the rulers east of the mountains do not wake to them. This is what makes me grieve for the eastern lands. I beg Your Majesty to consider it well.

"If the lands east of the mountains join together, their rulers need bear no lowly name, their states may long endure, and their soldiers may send men out to garrison the western border of Han and Liang. This is the best plan for Yan. If it is not made a matter of urgency, the state will surely be in danger and its ruler in great distress. Now the three states of Han, Liang, and Zhao have joined. When Qin sees that the Three Jin are firm, it will surely march south against Chu. When Zhao sees Qin attacking Chu, it will surely march north against Yan. There are things whose circumstances differ and whose calamity is the same. Qin attacked Han long, and Zhongshan perished; now it attacks Chu long, and Yan will surely perish. In my private counsel for Your Majesty, it would be best to take troops south and join the Three Jin, and to covenant to garrison the western border of Han and Liang. If the eastern lands cannot hold firm to this, they will all surely perish."

Yan did in the end take troops south and join the Three Jin.

A Traveler Speaks to the King of Yan (客謂燕王)

A traveler said to the king of Yan: "Qi broke Chu in the south and bent Qin in the west; it uses the troops of Han and Wei and the multitudes of Yan and Zhao as a man uses whip and switch. If Qi were to face north and attack Yan, five Yans could not withstand it. Why does Your Majesty not send out envoys in secret and scatter wandering officers abroad, to blunt Qi's armies and wear out its multitudes, so that generation after generation shall be without trouble?" The king of Yan said, "Give me five years, and I shall have my will." Master Su said, "Let me ask Your Majesty for ten." The king of Yan was pleased, furnished Master Su with fifty chariots, and sent him south as envoy to Qi.

He said to the king of Qi: "Qi broke Chu in the south and bent Qin in the west; it uses the troops of Han and Wei and the multitudes of Yan and Zhao as a man uses whip and switch. I have heard that a king who rises in his age must punish the violent and set disorder right, must raise arms against the lawless and attack the unrighteous. Now the king of Song shoots at Heaven and flogs the earth; he has cast images of the feudal lords and made them stand attendance by the privy, stretching out their arms and flicking their noses. Here is the lawlessness and unrighteousness of the world, and if Your Majesty does not punish it, Your Majesty's name will never be made. Moreover Song is the richest land of the Middle States, and the neighboring people dwell there; better to gain ten li in Song than a hundred li in Yan. To attack it is righteous in name and profitable in fact. Why does Your Majesty not do it?" The king of Qi said, "Good." He accordingly raised troops and attacked Song, overturned Song three times, and Song was taken.

When the king of Yan heard of it, he broke off relations with Qi, led the troops of the world to attack Qi, fought one great battle and two small ones, blunted the state of Qi, and made his name. Therefore it is said: take a thing's strength and make it stronger, and then it may be snapped; take a thing's breadth and make it broader, and then it may be broken away.

Zhao Is About to Attack Yan (趙且伐燕)

Zhao was about to attack Yan. Su Dai, on behalf of Yan, said to King Hui: "As I came here today I crossed the Yi River. A mussel had just come out to sun itself, and a snipe pecked at its flesh; the mussel closed and gripped the snipe's beak. The snipe said, 'If it does not rain today and does not rain tomorrow, there will be a dead mussel.' The mussel said to the snipe in turn, 'If you do not get out today and do not get out tomorrow, there will be a dead snipe.' Neither would let the other go, and a fisherman came along and caught them both. Now Zhao is about to attack Yan. If Yan and Zhao hold each other off for long and wear out their great multitudes, I fear that strong Qin will be the fisherman. Therefore I beg Your Majesty to consider it well." King Hui said, "Good," and desisted.

Qi and Wei Contend for Yan (齊魏爭燕)

Qi and Wei contended for Yan. Qi said to the king of Yan, "I have got Zhao." Wei also said to the king of Yan, "I have got Zhao." Yan had no way to decide between them, and had not yet given itself to either. Master Su said to the chancellor of Yan: "I have heard that he whose words are humble and whose gifts are heavy is one who is losing the world, and that he whose words are haughty and whose gifts are light is one who is gaining it. Now Wei's words are haughty and its gifts light." Yan therefore joined with Wei and gained Zhao, and Qi was thereupon beaten.

Strategies of Yan, 3 (燕策三)

Qi, Han, and Wei Jointly Attack Yan (齊韓魏共攻燕)

Qi, Han, and Wei jointly attacked Yan, and Yan sent its heir apparent to ask Chu for rescue. The king of Chu sent Jing Yang in command to rescue it. At evening, when they made camp, he had the marshals of the left and right each mark out ground for the ramparts, and when this was done they set up the marker posts. Jing Yang was angry and said: "The ground you have marked out — the water will come and drown the markers. How can one camp here?" He ordered them to move. The next day there was a great rain, the mountain waters came down in flood, and where they had marked out the ground the water drowned all the markers. Then the officers of the army submitted to him.

Thereupon he did not rescue Yan after all, but attacked Yongqiu of Wei, took it, and gave it to Song. The three states were afraid and disbanded their armies. But the army of Wei lay to his west and the army of Qi to his east, and the army of Chu wished to withdraw and could not. Jing Yang then opened the western gate of the camp, and by day with chariots and horsemen and by dusk with torches he passed envoys back and forth with Wei. The host of Qi thought this strange, supposing that Yan and Chu were plotting with Wei, and drew off its troops and left. When the troops of Qi had gone, Wei had lost its ally and had no one to join it in striking Chu, and so it slipped away by night. Then the army of Chu returned home.

Zhang Chou Is Held Hostage in Yan (張丑為質於燕)

Zhang Chou was held as a hostage in Yan. The king of Yan wanted to kill him, and he fled and was about to cross the border when the border officer caught him. Chou said: "The reason the king of Yan is going to kill me is that someone has told him I have a precious pearl, and the king wants to get it. Now I have lost it, and the king of Yan does not believe me. If you hand me over now, I shall say that you took my pearl from me and swallowed it. The king of Yan will certainly kill you, cut open your belly and go through your bowels. A ruler bent on getting a thing cannot be talked round by profit. I shall die in any case, and your bowels too will be cut into inches." The border officer took fright and let him go.

King Xi of Yan Sends Li Fu with a Hundred Pieces of Gold to Drink the Health of King Xiaocheng of Zhao (燕王喜使栗腹以百金為趙孝成王壽)

King Xi of Yan sent Li Fu with a hundred pieces of gold to drink the health of King Xiaocheng of Zhao. After three days of drinking he came back and reported: "The able-bodied men of Zhao all died at Changping, and their orphans are not yet grown. Zhao may be attacked." The king then summoned Yue Jian (樂間), Lord of Changguo, and asked him, "What of it?" He replied: "Zhao is a state open on four sides; its people are all practiced in arms. One must not go to war with them." The king said, "What if I attack with twice their number?" He said, "It will not do." "With three times?" "It will not do." The king was greatly angered. All those about him held that Zhao could be attacked, and he hastily raised six hundred thousand men to attack Zhao. He had Li Fu attack Hao with four hundred thousand and sent Qing Qin to attack Dai with two hundred thousand. Zhao sent Lian Po with eighty thousand to meet Li Fu at Hao, and sent Yue Cheng with fifty thousand to meet Qing Qin at Dai. The men of Yan were heavily defeated. Yue Jian went over to Zhao.

The king of Yan sent him a letter to make his apology, saying: "I am without talent, and could not carry out and accord with your wishes, and so you cast off the state and left; my unworthiness is plain. I made bold to press my wish upon you, and you would not listen; therefore I send an envoy to set out my foolish thoughts, and beg you to weigh them. The saying goes: 'The benevolent do not break off lightly; the wise do not resent lightly.' What you were to the former king the whole age knows clearly. I hoped that when I did wrong you would cover it over, and did not look for you to charge me openly with the fault; I hoped that when I erred you would instruct me, and did not look for you to cast me off openly. As for my fault, there is no one in the state who does not know it and no one in the world who has not heard of it. You went quietly out and made your resentment plain and so cast me off; then I must indeed be at fault. Even so, I fear you have not been wholly generous. The proverb says: 'The generous man does not tear another down to profit himself; the benevolent man does not endanger another to seize a name.' Therefore to cover another's wrongdoing is the conduct of the generous, and to rescue another from his errors is the way of the benevolent. If there is any in the world to cover my wrongdoing and to rescue me from my error, is it not on you that my heart has set its hope?

"Now you received rank generously from the former king and so came to honor, yet you lightly cast me off to gratify your feelings; then the covering of my wrongdoing and the rescuing of me from error will be hard to get from you. Moreover there are men in the world who, though treated meanly, give generously in return, and who, when a man's conduct is at fault, therefore favor him and employ him. As it is now, I am left bearing the guilt of unworthiness while you bear the burden of a failure in generosity; and if I were to choose for you, there is nothing here to be gained. A state's having borders is like a household's having walls: they serve to hold good things together and to cover what is ugly. If a household cannot live in harmony and goes out to talk to the neighbors, that is no far-seeing plan. To make an open break before any grudge or ill has appeared is not wholly generous. Unworthy as I am, I am not as disordered as Zhou of Yin; and though you have not had your way, you have not suffered as Shang Rong and the Viscount of Ji suffered. That being so, not to cover me from within but to make your resentment plain abroad — I fear this is just enough to injure your loftiness and cheapen your conduct. It ought not to be so. If it could make your righteousness plain and complete your loftiness, then even to bear an evil name would not be hard for me to accept. But as it is, you meant to make my meanness plain, and you get no credit for generosity; to spread abroad my disgrace, and you get no glory. This is one act with two losses. The righteous man does not diminish another to profit himself; how much less will he wound another to his own loss! I beg you not to let my unworthiness spoil the beauty of what is past.

"In former times Liuxia Hui served as an officer in Lu and was three times dismissed, and did not leave. Someone said to him, 'You may go.' Liuxia Hui said, 'If I differ from other men, where can I go and not be dismissed? Since I shall be dismissed in any case, I would rather it were in my own country.' Liuxia Hui did not let three dismissals burden him, and so his earlier work was not forgotten; he did not set his heart on leaving, and so neither near nor far was there censure of him. Now my fault is not known to the people of the state, and yet those who censure me fill the world. The saying goes: 'Judgment is not shaped by private feeling; discussion is not encumbered by things; the benevolent do not break off lightly; the wise do not slight merit.' To throw away a great merit is to give up halfway; to break off lightly from a rich benefit is resentment. To give up and cast a thing aside, to resent and to burden a man with it — these are fitting in a man far removed; I did not look for them from you. Now since I am at no fault toward you, why should you resent me? I beg you to lay resentment aside, to think back upon the former king, and to come again and teach me. Perhaps you say to yourself: 'I will keep an ill heart, and so complete your fault; I will take no thought of the former king, and so make your evil plain,' so that I can neither go forward and mend my merit nor go back and correct my error. This is what you have measured out. Consider it, I beg you. Such are my foolish thoughts. I respectfully lay them before you in this letter."

Yue Jian and Yue Cheng resented that their counsel had not been used; the two men stayed on in Zhao in the end, and sent no reply.

Qin Joins with Zhao and Turns North against Yan (秦并趙北向迎燕)

Qin joined with Zhao and turned north to meet Yan in arms. When the king of Yan heard of it, he sent a man to congratulate the king of Qin. The envoy passed through Zhao, and the king of Zhao detained him. The envoy said: "If Qin and Zhao are one, the world submits. The reason Yan has taken its orders from Zhao is Qin. Now I am going as envoy to Qin, and Zhao detains me: this means that there is a rift between Qin and Zhao. If there is a rift between Qin and Zhao, the world will surely not submit, and Yan will take no orders. Besides, my going as envoy to Qin is no hindrance to Zhao's attacking Yan." The king of Zhao thought this right and sent him on.

The envoy saw the king of Qin and said: "The king of Yan has privately heard that Qin has joined with Zhao, and has sent an envoy with a thousand pieces of gold to offer his congratulations." The king of Qin said: "Yan is without the Way; I am having Zhao take it. What do you congratulate me for?" The envoy said: "I have heard that when Zhao was whole, its neighbor to the south was Qin, and to the north Xiaquyang belonged to Yan; Zhao was three hundred li across, and it has stood against Qin for more than fifty years. The reason it could never turn and overcome Qin is that the state was small and there was no land it could take. Now if Your Majesty has Zhao annex Yan in the north, then Yan and Zhao will be of one strength, and they will surely never again take orders from Qin. I privately fear this for Your Majesty." The king of Qin thought this right, and raised troops to rescue Yan.

Prince Dan of Yan Was a Hostage in Qin and Fled Home (燕太子丹質於秦亡歸)

Prince Dan (丹) of Yan was a hostage in Qin and fled home. Seeing that Qin was on the point of destroying the six states, and that its troops had already come down to the Yi River (易水), he feared the disaster would reach Yan. Prince Dan was troubled by it and said to his Grand Tutor Ju Wu (鞫武), "Yan and Qin cannot stand together. I would have you, Grand Tutor, be so good as to plan for it."

Wu answered, "Qin's territory spreads over all under Heaven, and it overawes Han, Wei, and the house of Zhao. Then north of the Yi River nothing has been settled. How, for a grudge at having been slighted, would you strike at the dragon's reversed scale?"

The prince said, "Then by what way?"

The Grand Tutor said, "Go within and rest; I shall plan it."

Some time after this, General Fan (樊將軍) fled from Qin to Yan, and the prince took him in. His Grand Tutor Ju Wu remonstrated: "This will not do. The violence of the king of Qin, and the grudge he has stored up against Yan, are enough of themselves to chill the heart — how much more when he hears that General Fan is here! This is to lay out meat on the path of a starving tiger: the disaster will surely be past saving. Though you had a Guan Zhong (管) or a Yan Ying (晏), they could plan nothing. I would have the prince send General Fan quickly into the Xiongnu, to put an end to the talk. Then let us bind the Three Jin in the west, join Qi and Chu in the south, and come to terms with the chanyu in the north; after that the thing may be planned."

Prince Dan said, "The Grand Tutor's plan stretches the days out and drags on long. My heart is clouded, and I fear I cannot wait even a moment. And it is not this alone. General Fan is driven to extremity in the world and has committed his person to me. I will not in the end, under the pressure of a strong Qin, cast off a friend I pity and set him among the Xiongnu. That would truly be the hour when my own life came to its close. I would have the Grand Tutor think again."

Ju Wu said, "There is in Yan a Master Tian Guang (田光). His wisdom runs deep and his courage lies deep within him; with him one may take counsel."

The prince said, "I should like, through the Grand Tutor, to be brought into friendship with Master Tian. May it be?"

Ju Wu said, "Respectfully I agree."

He went out and saw Tian Guang and spoke of the prince: "He wishes to plan the affairs of the state with you, sir."

Tian Guang said, "Respectfully I receive the instruction." And so he went to him.

The prince knelt and came out to meet him, walked backward before him to lead the way, and knelt to dust the mat. When Master Tian was seated and no attendants were near, the prince left his own mat and made his request: "Yan and Qin cannot stand together. I would have you, sir, give the matter your mind."

Tian Guang said, "I have heard that when a fine steed is in its full vigor it runs a thousand li in a day; but when it has declined, even a broken-down nag goes before it. Now the prince has heard of Guang in the time of his vigor and does not know that my strength is already spent. Even so, Guang will not dare let the affairs of the state go short. There is one I am on good terms with, Jing Ke (荊軻); he may be employed."

The prince said, "I should like, through you, sir, to obtain the friendship of Jing Ke. May it be?"

Tian Guang said, "Respectfully I agree." He rose at once and hurried out. The prince saw him to the gate and said, "What I have told you, and what you have said, sir, are great affairs of state. I would have you, sir, let nothing out."

Tian Guang bowed his head and laughed: "Agreed."

Stooping as he walked, he went to see Jing Ke and said, "That Guang and you are on good terms, no one in the state of Yan does not know. Now the prince has heard of Guang in the time of his vigor and does not know that my body no longer reaches so far; yet he was good enough to instruct me, saying, 'Yan and Qin cannot stand together. I would have you, sir, give the matter your mind.' Guang privately did not hold himself an outsider, and spoke of you to the prince. I would have you go to the prince at his palace."

Jing Ke said, "Respectfully I receive the instruction."

Tian Guang said, "I have heard that the conduct of an elder does not leave men in doubt of him. Now the prince bound Guang, saying, 'What has been said is a great affair of state; I would have you, sir, let nothing out.' This is the prince doubting Guang. To act so that men doubt you is not the way of a man of principle and chivalry." He meant to kill himself in order to spur Jing Ke on, and said, "I would have you go quickly to the prince and tell him that Guang is dead, to make it clear that I said nothing." Then he cut his own throat and died.

Ke saw the prince and told him that Tian Guang was dead, to make it clear that he had said nothing. The prince bowed twice and knelt, went forward on his knees, weeping, and after a while spoke: "What I asked of Master Tian — that he say nothing — was in order to complete the plan of a great affair. Now Master Tian has made it clear by his death that he let nothing out. How could that have been my heart?"

When Jing Ke was seated, the prince left his mat and knocked his head on the ground: "Master Tian did not hold my unworthiness against me, and brought it about that I may come before you. I would say something. This is how Heaven pities Yan and does not cast off its orphan.

"Now Qin has a greedy and devouring heart, and its desires cannot be filled. Short of taking all the land under Heaven and making vassals of every king within the seas, its purpose will not be satisfied. Qin has already taken the king of Han captive and swallowed all his land; it has raised troops and struck south at Chu, and looks northward on Zhao. Wang Jian (王翦), commanding a host of several hundred thousand, stands over Zhang and Ye, while Li Xin (李信) comes out by Taiyuan and Yunzhong. Zhao cannot hold out against Qin and must go in as its vassal; and when it goes in as a vassal, the disaster reaches Yan. Yan is small and weak and has been worn down by war again and again; and now, by my reckoning, the whole state raised together is not enough to face Qin. The feudal lords have submitted to Qin, and none dares join in the Vertical Alliance.

"My own private reckoning — foolish as it is — is this: if we could truly get a brave man of the world and send him to Qin, tempting the king with great profit, the king of Qin, greedy for the gift, would surely give us what we wish. If we could truly seize the king of Qin and force him to give back in full all the land he has taken from the feudal lords, as Cao Mo (曹沫) did with Duke Huan of Qi, that would be best of all; and if that cannot be, then stab and kill him. His great generals hold his armies abroad, and if there is great disorder within, ruler and ministers will doubt one another. Making use of that interval, the feudal lords may join in the Vertical Alliance, and their requital and the breaking of Qin are certain. This is my highest wish, and I do not know into whose hands to commit my life. I only ask that you, Master Jing, give the matter your mind."

After a long while Jing Ke said, "This is a great affair of state. I am a broken-down and lowly man; I fear I am not fit to be charged with it."

The prince came forward and knocked his head on the ground, pressing his request and allowing no refusal. Then Ke agreed. Thereupon he honored Jing Ke as a senior minister, lodged him in the finest lodging, and came every day to ask after him, providing him the grand tailao fare and rare things, and from time to time presenting chariots and horsemen and beautiful women, giving Jing Ke free rein in whatever he wanted, so as to fall in with his mind.

A long time passed, and Master Jing showed no intention of going. The Qin general Wang Jian broke Zhao, took the king of Zhao captive, gathered in all his land, and pushed his troops northward, overrunning the country as far as the southern border of Yan. Prince Dan was afraid and made his request to Master Jing: "The Qin troops will cross the Yi River any morning or evening. Then, though I should wish to attend upon you long, how could it be had?"

Master Jing said, "Even without the prince's word, I should have asked leave to speak of it. To go now with nothing that warrants good faith would be to have no way of coming close to Qin. Now as for General Fan — the king of Qin has set a price on him of a thousand catties of gold and a fief of ten thousand households. If we could truly get General Fan's head, and with it the map of the Dukang (督亢) lands of Yan, and present them to the king of Qin, the king of Qin would surely be pleased to see me, and then I should have the means to requite the prince."

The prince said, "General Fan came to me in his extremity. I cannot bear, for my own private ends, to wound the feelings of an honorable man. I would have you think again."

Jing Ke knew that the prince could not bear it, and so went privately to Fan Wuji (樊於期) and said, "Qin's treatment of you, General, may be called extreme. Your father and mother and your whole clan have all been put to the sword and taken. Now I hear it has set a price on your head of a thousand catties of gold and a fief of ten thousand households. What will you do?"

General Fan looked up to Heaven, sighed deeply, and wept: "Whenever I think of it the pain is always in my marrow; but as for a plan, I cannot see where one is to come from."

Ke said, "Now I have a word that can undo the trouble of the state of Yan and requite your enmity, General. How would that be?"

Fan Wuji came forward: "How is it to be done?"

Jing Ke said, "I would get your head, General, to present to Qin. The king of Qin will surely be delighted and will graciously receive me. With my left hand I shall grasp his sleeve, and with my right stab him in the breast. Then your enmity, General, is requited, and the shame of Yan's humiliation is wiped away. Have you the will for it, General?"

Fan Wuji bared one shoulder, gripped his wrist, and came forward: "This is what I have gnashed my teeth and beaten my breast over, day and night. Only now have I heard how it may be done." Then he cut his own throat.

When the prince heard of it he galloped there, threw himself upon the corpse and wept in the extremity of grief. When it was over there was nothing to be done, and so he took up Fan Wuji's head, laid it in a case, and sealed it.

Thereupon the prince sought out beforehand the sharpest dagger in the world. He obtained the dagger of Xu Furen (徐夫人), a man of Zhao, took it for a hundred pieces of gold, and had a craftsman quench it in poison. It was tried upon men: where the blood wetted so much as a thread, none failed to die on the spot. Then the baggage was made up and Jing Ke was sent off.

There was in Yan a brave man, Qin Wuyang (秦武陽). At twelve years old he had killed a man, and no one dared meet his eye. Qin Wuyang was made Ke's second. Jing Ke was waiting for someone he wished to take with him; the man lived far off and had not yet come, and for his sake Ke stayed and waited. Some time passed and he had not set out. The prince thought him slow and suspected that he had changed his mind and repented, and so he asked him again: "The days are used up. Can it be that Master Jing has no intention? Let me send Qin Wuyang ahead."

Jing Ke was angry and shouted at the prince: "To go today and not come back — that is a mere boy's work! To go now, carrying a single dagger, into an unfathomable and mighty Qin — the reason I stay is that I am waiting for my guest, to go together with him. Now the prince thinks me slow. Then let me take my leave and be gone!" And he set out.

The prince, and those of his guests who knew of the affair, all wore white robes and caps to see him off. They came to the bank of the Yi River, made the sacrifice of departure, and took the road. Gao Jianli (高漸離) struck the zhu, and Jing Ke sang in harmony with it, in the mournful bianzhi mode, and the men all let their tears fall and wept. Then he came forward and made a song:

The wind soughs and sighs, the Yi River is cold;
the brave man goes forth once and never comes back!

Then he changed to the fierce and stirring yu mode, and the men all glared with staring eyes, their hair rising and pushing at their caps. Thereupon Jing Ke mounted the carriage and went, and to the end did not look back.

When he had come to Qin, he took gifts and goods worth a thousand in gold and made a rich present to Meng Jia (蒙嘉), the zhongshuzi and a favorite of the king of Qin. Jia spoke for him beforehand to the king of Qin: "The king of Yan truly trembles in awe and admiration before your majesty's power, and does not dare raise troops to resist your majesty. He wishes to bring his whole state in as an inner vassal, to be ranked with the feudal lords, to render tribute and service like a commandery or a county, and to be allowed to serve and keep the ancestral temple of his former kings. In his fear he did not dare set this out himself. He has respectfully cut off the head of Fan Wuji, and offers with it the map of the Dukang lands of Yan, sealed in their cases; the king of Yan has bowed and sent them from his courtyard, and has dispatched an envoy to make it heard by your majesty. Let your majesty command in the matter."

The king of Qin heard it and was greatly pleased. He put on court robes, arranged the ceremony of the nine ushers, and received the envoy of Yan in the palace at Xianyang. Jing Ke bore the case with Fan Wuji's head, and Qin Wuyang bore the box with the map, and they advanced in order to the foot of the steps. Qin Wuyang changed color and shook with fear, and the assembled ministers thought it strange. Jing Ke looked round and laughed at Wuyang, then came forward and made his apology: "He is a rustic from among the northern barbarians and has never seen the Son of Heaven; that is why he trembles. I would have your majesty bear with him a little, so that he may finish his errand before you."

The king of Qin said to Ke, "Rise, and take the map that Wuyang is holding."

Ke took the map and presented it. He unrolled the map, and when the map ran out the dagger appeared. With that he seized the king of Qin's sleeve with his left hand, and with his right hand held the dagger and stabbed at him. Before it reached his body the king of Qin started in alarm, drew himself back and rose, and the sleeve tore away. He reached to draw his sword; the sword was long, and he grasped at the scabbard. In that moment of anger and haste the sword held fast, and so it could not be drawn at once.

Jing Ke pursued the king of Qin, and the king of Qin ran round a pillar. The assembled ministers were astonished; the thing had come up suddenly and beyond expectation, and they all lost their bearing. Now by the law of Qin, ministers in attendance in the hall might not carry a weapon of a foot's length. The gentlemen of the guard who bore arms were all ranged below the hall, and without a summons might not come up. In the moment of urgency there was no time to call up the troops below; and so Jing Ke pursued the king of Qin, while the ministers, in their sudden terror, had nothing with which to strike Ke, and beat at him together with their bare hands. At this the attending physician Xia Wuju (夏無且) flung the medicine bag he carried at Ke.

While the king of Qin was still running round the pillar, in his sudden terror not knowing what to do, those about him cried, "King, put the sword on your back! King, put the sword on your back!" So he drew it and struck Jing Ke and cut through his left thigh. Jing Ke was crippled; he then took up his dagger and hurled it at the king of Qin. It missed, and struck the pillar. The king of Qin struck Ke again, and Ke received eight wounds.

Ke knew of himself that the thing would not be accomplished. He leaned against the pillar and laughed, and sprawling with his legs out like a winnowing basket he cursed: "The reason the thing was not brought off is that I wished to take him alive, so as to be sure of getting a covenant to carry back to the prince."

Those about the king then came forward and cut Jing Ke down, and the king of Qin was dizzy for a long while. Afterward he assessed merits, rewarding the assembled ministers and dealing with those liable to punishment, each according to his degree. And he gave Xia Wuju two hundred yi of gold, saying, "Wuju loves me, and threw a medicine bag at Ke."

Thereupon Qin was greatly enraged against Yan, sent still more troops on to Zhao, and ordered by decree that Wang Jian's army attack Yan. In the tenth month it took Ji, the city of Yan. King Xi of Yan (燕王喜), Prince Dan, and the rest all led their picked troops east and held Liaodong. The Qin general Li Xin pursued and struck at the king of Yan; the king, hard pressed, used the plan of Jia, king of Dai (代王嘉), killed Prince Dan, and wished to present his head to Qin. Qin advanced its troops again and attacked him. In the fifth year it destroyed the state of Yan at last and took King Xi of Yan captive. Qin annexed all under Heaven.

Afterward Gao Jianli, a retainer of Jing Ke, was received by the August Emperor of Qin for his playing of the zhu, and with the zhu he struck at the August Emperor of Qin, to requite Yan's enmity. He missed, and died.

Colophon

This file was prepared for the Chinese shelf of the Good Works Library, translated independently from the classical Chinese text printed below. Each persuasion and anecdote keeps its own heading as the 士禮居叢書 text divides it, and speeches are rendered as continuous direct discourse rather than broken into summary; the song Jing Ke sings at the Yi River is kept as verse, in its two changing modes, as the source sets it apart from the surrounding prose. Only the main text is translated; the interlinear commentary of Bao Biao and Yao Hong, together with the collation notes set in 〔 〕, are printed in the source layer but not rendered into English.

J. I. Crump's Chan-kuo Ts'e (1970; revised 1996) is a complete published English translation of the Zhanguo Ce and is named here as a control-in-existence; it was not fetched or consulted in preparing this file, and no claim of firstness is made for this translation.

A note on names: Su Qin's younger brother Su Dai and his fellow persuader Su Li both appear in this book pursuing their late brother's trade of persuasion in Yan and Qi; they are kept distinct throughout by the names given them at first appearance. Yue Yi, general and Lord of Changguo, is also addressed by his later title, Lord of Wangzhu, once he has taken refuge in Zhao, again following the source's own usage.

Prepared for the Good Work Library by the Tianmu Anglican Church with AI-assisted translation and editorial work.

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Source Text: 戰國策 燕策

Classical Chinese text in the Chinese Wikisource transcription of the 士禮居叢書 edition, with the commentary of Bao Biao and Yao Hong and the collation notes set in 〔 〕 as the transcription carries them. Presented complete for reference, study, and verification alongside the English translation above; the commentary is not translated.

燕策 一

〔鮑本燕　東有漁陽、右北平、遼西、遼東；西有上谷、代郡、鴈門；南有涿郡之易、容城、范陽；北有新城、故安、涿縣、良鄉、新昌。及勃海之安次、樂浪、玄菟亦屬焉。〕

蘇秦將為從北說燕文侯

蘇秦將為從，〔鮑本此二十八年。〕北說燕文侯曰：「燕東有朝鮮、〔鮑本屬樂浪。補曰：朝鮮，箕子所封，今高麗國。索隱云，音潮仙。〕遼東，〔鮑本并州郡。〕北有林胡、樓煩，〔鮑本補曰：見趙策。〕西有雲中、九原，〔鮑本屬五原。補曰：正義云，雲中郡城在林榆縣東北。九原郡城在林榆縣西界。二郡皆在勝州。〕南有呼沱、易水。〔鮑本出涿故安。補曰：呼沲。見前。正義云，易水源出易縣西谷中之東，東南流與滹沱河合。水經，易水出涿郡故安縣良鄉西山。大事記引此二條。〕地方二千餘〔鮑本無「餘」字。○　札記丕烈案：史記有。〕里，帶甲數十萬，車七百乘，騎六千疋，粟支十年。〔鮑本「十」作「二」。○　札記丕烈案：史記作「數」。索隱引戰國策「十年」，「二」字誤。〕南有碣石、鴈門〔鮑本并州郡。補曰：正義云，碣石山在平州，燕東南；鴈門山在代，燕西南。〕之饒，北有棗粟〔鮑本「粟」作「栗」。○　札記今本「粟」作「栗」。丕烈案：「栗」字是也。〕之利，民雖不由田作，棗栗之實，足食於民矣。此所謂天府也。夫安樂無事，不見覆軍殺將之憂，無過燕矣。大王知其所以然乎？夫燕之所以不犯寇被兵者，以趙之為蔽於南也。秦、趙五戰，〔鮑本補曰：設辭也。〕秦再勝而趙三勝。秦、趙相弊，而王以全燕制其後，此燕之所以不犯難也。且夫秦之攻燕也，踰雲中、九原，過代、上谷，彌埊踵道〔鮑本彌，猶亙。踵，猶繫。正曰：踵，足後也。徐曰，猶言繼踵也。〕數千里，雖得燕城，秦計固不能守也。秦之不能害燕亦明矣。今趙之攻燕也，發興號令，〔鮑本「興號」作「號出」。○　札記丕烈案：史記作「號出」。〕不至十日，而數十萬之眾，軍於東垣矣。〔鮑本垣，謂城。正曰：正義云，東垣，趙之東邑，在恆州真定縣南，故常山城。〕度呼沱，涉易水，不至四五日，距國都矣。故曰，秦之攻燕也，戰於千里之外；趙之攻燕也，戰於百里之內。夫不憂百里之患，而重千里之外，計無過於此者。是故願大王與趙從親，天下為一，則國必無患矣。」

燕王曰：「寡人國小，西迫強秦，南近齊、趙。〔鮑本「南」作「促」。○　補曰：一本「南近齊、魏」。　札記丕烈案：史記云，迫強趙，南近齊。此策文當有誤。〕齊、趙，強國也，〔鮑本無「也」字。○　補曰：一本有「也」字。〕今主君幸教詔之，合從以安燕，敬以國從。」於是齎蘇秦車馬金帛以至趙。〔鮑本傳在說諸國之初。〕

奉陽君李兌甚不取於蘇秦

奉陽君李兌〔鮑本衍「李兌」二字。〕甚不取於蘇秦。〔鮑本傳亦云。正曰：奉陽君李兌者，通封邑姓名言之也。蘇秦當作蘇代，因蘇秦稱奉陽君不說之語而訛也。此策有蘇代為奉陽君說燕於趙以伐齊，奉陽君不聽，乃入齊。即奉陽君不取蘇秦之事也。李兌因為蘇秦云云，此李兌二字誤羨也。大事記以此章備載於蘇秦說燕與趙合從之下。又據古史，謂肅侯時，奉陽君公子成實未亡，削去「捐館」之語。愚嘗辨蘇秦所稱奉陽君必別為一人。奉陽君實李兌，非公子成也。且此章知決為蘇代者，其言曰，「燕弱國也，東不如齊，西不如趙」。又曰，「燕亡國之餘」。此言正之、噲之役，昭王未破齊之時也。文公據全燕之盛，何得若此言哉？史遷謂，世言蘇秦事多異，異時事有類者皆附之秦，則此類也。〕蘇秦在燕，李兌因為蘇秦謂奉陽君曰：「齊、燕離則趙重，齊、燕合則趙輕。今君之齊，〔鮑本謂以燕合齊。〕非趙之利也。臣竊為君不取也。」

奉陽君曰：「何吾合燕於齊？」〔鮑本問何以言然。〕

對曰：「夫制於燕者蘇子〔鮑本言其制燕。〕也。而燕弱國也，東不如齊，西不如趙，豈能東無齊、西無趙哉？而君甚不善蘇秦，蘇秦能抱弱燕而孤於天下哉？是驅燕而使合於齊也。且燕亡國之餘也，〔鮑本惠公六年，大夫誅其姬，而惠公奔齊。齊、晉入之，至而卒。正曰：史年表，燕惠公欲殺公卿立幸臣，公卿誅幸臣，公恐，出奔齊。此事在周景王六年，至燕文公二十八年蘇秦說燕之歲，為二百有五年，不應遠舉此事。此必齊破燕，昭王既立之時也。以此言知非蘇秦約從時事。說亦見趙策。〕其以權〔鮑本權，謂外與貴也。〕立，以重外，以事貴。〔鮑本並謂齊、趙。正曰：「以權立」者，謂燕破亡之餘，太子平以權宜立。其勢微弱，必重外，必事貴。外與貴，謂他國，齊、趙之屬也。〕故為君計，善蘇秦則取，〔鮑本「取」下有「之」字。○　取，言與之交。〕不善亦取之，以疑燕、齊。〔鮑本齊不善蘇子，蘇子在燕，而趙人取之，則齊疑燕合趙而外己。齊疑燕，燕亦不能信齊矣。〕燕、齊疑，則趙重矣。齊王〔鮑本宣。正曰：湣。〕疑蘇秦，則君多資。」〔鮑本疑其合燕於趙。〕

奉陽君曰：「善。」乃使使與蘇秦結交。〔鮑本正曰：此策非文公時。〕

權之難燕再戰不勝

權之難，〔鮑本與齊戰也。〕燕再戰不勝，趙弗救。噲子〔鮑本文公孫子噲。〕謂文公曰：「不如以埊請合於齊，趙必救我。若不吾救，不得不事。」〔鮑本燕、齊合，則趙輕。雖不救我，後必事我。〕文公曰：「善。」令郭任以埊請講於齊。趙〔姚本曾本更添「齊趙」二字。〕聞之，遂出兵救燕。〔鮑本齊策此役言及魏冉，知為文公末年。補曰：大事記從鮑說。〕

燕文公時

燕文公時，秦惠王以其女為燕太子婦。〔鮑本文公二十年。正曰：史，二十八年。〕文公卒，易王立。齊宣王因燕喪攻之，取十城。

武安君蘇秦為燕說齊王，再拜而賀，因仰而弔。〔鮑本補曰：索隱曰，當時慶弔應有其辭，史不錄耳。〕齊王桉戈而卻〔鮑本卻秦使退。〕曰：「此一何慶弔相隨之速也？」

對曰：「人之飢所以不食烏喙〔鮑本本草，烏頭，一名「天雄」。〕者，以為雖偷充腹，而與死同患也。今燕雖弱小，強秦之少婿也。王利其十城，而深與強秦為仇。今使弱燕為鴈行，而強秦制其後，以招天下之精兵，〔鮑本此言秦兵為天下精。〕此食烏喙之類也。」

齊王曰：「然則柰何？」〔鮑本「何」下有「乎」字。○〕

對曰：「聖人之制事也，轉禍而為福，因敗而為功。故桓公負婦人而名益尊，〔鮑本齊桓公也，好內而霸。正曰：齊伐宋章，蘇代曰：智者之舉事也，轉禍而為福，因敗而成功。齊人紫敗素也，而賈十倍。正義引韓子云，齊桓公好服紫，一國盡服紫，當時十素不得一紫，取惡素帛染為紫，其賈十倍。按二章所稱，文意正同。蓋紫者婦人之服，紫敗素得厚利，所謂名益尊也。〕韓獻開罪而交愈固，〔鮑本宣十二年，楚伐鄭，許之平。晉救之。荀桓子欲還，彘子不可。韓獻子謂桓子，「彘子以偏師陷，子罪大矣，不如進也」。戰于邲，晉敗績。成十三年，獻子將下軍，孟獻子曰，「晉師乘和，必有大功」。十六年，戰于鄢陵，楚敗績。〕此皆轉禍而為福，因敗而為功者也。王能聽臣，莫如歸燕之十城，卑辭以謝秦。秦知王以己之故歸燕城也，秦必德王。燕無故而得十城，燕亦德王。是棄強仇而立厚交也。且夫燕、秦之俱事齊，則大王號令天下皆從。是王以虛辭附秦，而以十城取天下也。此霸王之業矣。〔鮑本衍「矣」字。〕所謂轉禍為福，因敗成功者也。」

齊王大說，乃歸燕城。以金千斤謝其後，頓首塗中，〔鮑本塗，泥也。自卑之甚。〕願為兄弟而請罪於秦。〔鮑本傳有。〕

人有惡蘇秦於燕王者

人有惡蘇秦於燕王者，曰：「武安君，天下不信人也。王以萬乘下之，尊之於廷，示天下與小人群也。」

武安君從齊來，而燕王不館〔姚本曾本云，史作「不官」。〕也。謂燕王曰：「臣東周之鄙人也，見足下〔鮑本初見時。〕身無咫尺之功，而足下迎臣於郊，顯臣於廷。今臣為足下使，利得十城，功存危燕，足下不聽臣者，人必有言臣不信，傷臣於王者。臣〔鮑本「臣」上有「且」字。○〕之不信，是足下之福也。使臣信如尾生，廉如伯夷，孝如曾參，三者天下之高行，而以事足下，不〔鮑本無「不」字。○〕可乎？」燕王曰：「可。」曰：「有此，臣亦不事足下矣。」

蘇秦曰：〔鮑本衍「蘇秦曰」三字。〕「且夫孝如曾參，義不離親一夕宿於外，足下安得使之之齊？廉如伯夷，不取素〔鮑本詩注，素，空也。〕飡，〔鮑本「飡」作「飱」。○〕汙武王之義而不臣焉，〔鮑本無「焉」字。○　札記丕烈案：焉，於也，屬下讀，鮑無者非。〕辭孤竹〔鮑本爾雅，孤竹，四荒中北國。漢屬遼西令支。〕之君，餓而死於首陽之山。〔鮑本伯夷傳注，在蒲阪華山之北，河曲之中。〕廉如此者，何肯步行數千里，而事弱燕之危主乎？信如尾生，期而不來，〔鮑本傳言與女子期。〕抱梁柱而死。〔姚本史記，「信如尾生，與女子期於梁下，女子不來，水至不去，抱柱而死」。〕信至如此，何肯楊〔鮑本「楊」作「揚」。○　札記今本「楊」作「揚」。〕燕、秦〔鮑本補曰：燕、秦，「秦」字疑衍。　札記丕烈案：上文有其事，吳說誤也。〕之威於齊而取大功乎哉？且夫信行者，所以自為也，非所以為人也。皆自覆〔鮑本覆，猶庇護也，自護其名。〕之術，非進取之道也。且夫三王代興，五霸迭盛，皆不自覆也。君以自覆為可乎？則齊不益於營丘，〔鮑本即北海營陵。太公所封。〕足下不踰楚境，〔鮑本衍「楚」字。正曰：此正以燕、楚相達言之。〕不窺於邊城之外。且臣有老母於周，離老母而事足下，去自覆之術，而謀進取之道，臣之趣固不與足下合者。足下皆自覆之君也，僕者進取之臣也，所謂以忠信得罪於君者也。」

燕王曰：「夫忠信，又何罪之有也？」

對曰：「足下不知也。臣鄰家有遠為吏者，其妻私人。其夫且歸，其私之者憂之。其妻曰：『公勿憂也，吾已為藥酒以待之矣。』後二日，夫至。妻使妾奉卮酒進之。妾知其〔鮑本「其」下有「為」字。○〕藥酒也，進之則殺主父，言之則逐主母，乃陽僵棄酒。主父大怒而笞〔鮑本笞，擊也。〕之。故妾一僵而棄酒，〔鮑本「故妾一僵而棄酒」作「妾之棄酒」。○　札記丕烈案：史記作「故妾一僵而覆酒」。〕上以活主父，下以存主母也。〔鮑本補曰：陽僵覆酒事，亦見列女傳，云周室大夫妻。一本「故妾一僵而棄酒」。〕忠至如此然不免於笞，此以忠信得罪者也。臣之事，適不幸而有類妾之棄酒也。且臣之事足下，亢義〔鮑本亢，高極也。言高其義。〕益國，今乃得罪，臣恐天下後事足下者，莫敢自必也。且臣之說齊，曾不欺之也。使之〔鮑本衍「之」字。〕說齊說，莫如臣之言也，雖堯、舜之智，不敢取也。」〔鮑本言無成功者，雖聖智不足取也。按，秦傳有而略。補曰：此與後章蘇代謂燕昭王章同。惟中一段，彼言燕欲伐齊事為異，記者或有差互，不可考也。人言秦不信，故秦言己之不信，乃足下之福，如尾生亦無益，謂守行義不成功名者之不足貴也。又曰，僕所謂以忠信得罪，則又以信自待公為反覆，以誑時君而莫有詰之者也。〕

張儀為秦破從連橫謂燕王

張儀為秦破從連橫，謂燕王曰：〔鮑本補曰：儀說在昭元年。〕「大王之所親，莫如趙。昔趙王〔鮑本「王」作「主」。○　襄子也。正曰：魏策稱襄子謂「襄王」，即此類。　札記丕烈案：史記作「襄子」。〕以其姊為代王妻，欲并代，約與代王遇於句注〔鮑本補曰：句注，見趙策。〕之塞。乃令工人作為金斗，長其尾，〔鮑本補曰：索隱云，凡方者為斗，若安長柄則名枓。尾即斗之柄，其形若刀者是也。按韻書，「枓」、「斗」音同。索隱皆云斗。〕令之可以擊人。與代王飲，而陰告廚人曰：『即酒酣樂，進熱歠，〔鮑本飲也。〕即因反斗擊之。』於是酒酣樂進取熱歠。廚人進斟羹，〔鮑本斟，注也。補曰：即酒酣樂，讀；進熟歠，句。於是酒酣樂進取熱歠，句。正曰：索隱云，熱而啜之，是羹也。斟，謂羹汁，故名汁曰「斟」。〕因反斗〔鮑本補曰：正義云，反斗，倒柄擊也。〕而擊之，〔鮑本無「之」字。○〕代王〔鮑本「代王」下有「殺之王」三字。○〕腦塗地。〔鮑本塗，猶污。補曰：一本「反斗而擊之，代王腦塗地」。　札記丕烈案：史記作「以擊代王，殺之，王腦塗地」。〕其姊聞之，摩笄〔鮑本笄，簪也。〕以自刺也。故至今有摩笄之山，〔鮑本補曰：正義云，摩笄山在蔚州飛狐縣東北百五十里。〕天下莫不聞。〔鮑本補曰：事亦見趙世家。大事記，元王元年，晉趙無恤滅代。解題，代，北狄之別種也，其國在今蔚州。史記誤以簡子卒在貞定王十一年，十二年滅代，今從外紀。古史又云，襄子夏屋之役（見史記），行如虎狼，蓋生於兼并無親之國，而承簡子貪暴之規，遂以為臨大利，決大計，非用仁義之所也。〕

「夫趙王〔鮑本武靈。〕之狼戾無親，〔鮑本暴戾如狼。〕大王之所明見知也。且以趙王為可親邪？趙興兵而攻燕，再圍燕都而劫大王，〔鮑本趙、燕記皆不書。〕大王割十城乃郤以謝。今〔鮑本無「今」字。○　補曰：一本「今趙王」。　札記丕烈案：史記有。〕趙王已入朝澠池，效河間以事秦。大〔鮑本「大」上有「今」字。○　補曰：一本此句無「今」字。　札記丕烈案：史記有。〕王不事秦，秦下甲雲中、九原，驅趙而攻燕，則易水、長城非王之有也。〔鮑本濟北盧注云，東至海，蓋亦距燕云。正曰：易水見前章。正義云，長城在易州界。〕且今時趙之於秦，猶郡縣也，不敢妄興師以征伐。今大王事秦，秦王〔鮑本昭。〕必喜，而趙不敢妄動矣。是西有強秦之援，而南無齊、趙之患，是故願大王之熟計之也。」

燕王曰：「寡人蠻夷辟處，雖大男子，裁〔鮑本補曰：裁，史注音在，僅也。〕如嬰兒，言不足以求正，謀不足以決事。今大客幸而教之，請奉社稷西面而事秦，獻常山之尾〔鮑本補曰：尾，猶末也。恆山之東。〕五城。」〔鮑本傳有，在楚、韓、齊、趙後。彪謂：燕昭，賢智主也，非儀此說能震動。且人之性稟，有父子不相肖者，自襄至武靈七八傳矣，而欲以其狼戾無親例之，人豈信之哉？然而燕昭之聽之也，卑甚。蓋拊摩新附之民，勢未可以有事，又諸國從之者眾，故為卑辭以紓其國，是儀之橫有天幸也。加之數年，收集繕治有其緒，則若云者固昭王之所乘而棄者。史言蘇代復重燕，燕使約從如初，此昭王之素所畜積也。〕

宮他為燕使魏

宮他為燕使魏，魏不聽，留之數月。客謂魏王〔鮑本哀。正曰：無考。〕曰：「不聽燕使何也？」曰：「以其亂也。」對曰：「湯之伐桀，欲其亂也。故大亂者可得其埊，小亂者可得其寶。今燕客〔鮑本客，即他。〕之言曰：『事苟可聽，〔鮑本補曰：西周等策有宮他，未知即此人否？「事苟可聽」云云，語燕客之言，以利誘王，使見之也。〕雖盡寶、地，猶為之也。』王何為不見？」魏王說，因見燕客而遣之。〔鮑本彪謂：是客也，以鄰國為壑者也，彼惡知所謂天下為度者乎？〕

蘇秦死其弟蘇代欲繼之

蘇秦死，其弟蘇代欲繼之，乃北見燕王噲曰：〔札記吳氏正曰，大事記云，皆說昭王之辭也。按史記誤同。丕烈案：此策文本如此，今未可專輒。「奉陽君甚不取於蘇秦」，亦然。〕「臣東周之鄙人也，竊聞王義甚高甚順，鄙人不敏，竊釋鉏耨而干大王。至於邯鄲，所聞於邯鄲者，又高於所聞東周。臣竊負其志，乃至燕廷，觀王之群臣下吏，大王天下之明主也。」〔鮑本觀其臣，知其主。〕

王曰：「子之所謂天下之明主者，何如者也？」

對曰：「臣聞之，明主者務聞其過，不欲聞其善。臣請謁王之過。夫齊、趙者，王之仇讎也；楚、魏者，王之援國也。今王奉仇讎以伐援國，非所以利燕也。王自慮此則計過。無以諫者，非忠臣也。」

王曰：「寡人之於齊、趙也，非所敢欲伐也。」〔鮑本言雖知其讎，以其強，故奉之不敢伐。〕

曰：「夫無謀人之心，而令人疑之，殆；有謀人之心，而令人知之，拙；謀未發而聞於外，則危。今臣聞王居處不安，食飲不甘，思念報齊，〔鮑本「念」作「齊」。○　因喪見伐之怨。正曰：說誤。見後。〕身自削甲扎，〔鮑本札，牒也。甲之革緣如之。正曰：札，木簡，牒之薄者。甲，用革緣之。左成十六年，養由基蹲甲而射之，徹七札焉。注，言能陷堅。札，側滑反。〕曰有大數矣，〔鮑本無「曰有大數矣」五字。○　札記今本無「曰有大數矣」五字。今本乃誤依鮑本刪去也。〕妻自組甲絣，〔鮑本絣，綿也。治之為組以穿札。正曰：景帝詔「纂組」注，組，今綬絲絛也。韻書，以繩直物曰絣。此謂編組穿甲之繩也。絣，悲萌反。鮑因莊子「洴澼絖」之文生義，不知彼字與此不同。〕曰有大數矣，〔鮑本補曰：一本「身自削甲扎，曰有大數矣」，與下文同。大事記引此。姚本同。　札記丕烈案：兩「曰」字，皆讀人質切。〕有之乎？」

王曰：「子聞之，寡人不敢隱也。我有深怨積怒於齊，而欲報之二年〔鮑本自即位至是。正曰：「二年」字必誤。〕矣。齊者，我讎國也，故寡人之所欲伐也。直患國弊，力不足矣。子能以燕敵〔鮑本上「伐」作「報」，此「敵」作「報」。○　札記丕烈案：史記作「伐」。〕齊，則寡人奉國而委之於子矣。」

對曰：「凡天下之戰國七，而燕處弱焉。獨戰則不能，有所附則無不重。南附楚則楚重，西附秦則秦重，中附韓、魏則韓、魏重。且苟所附之國重，此必使王重矣。今夫齊王，〔鮑本閔。〕長主也，〔鮑本補曰：司馬貞云，年長也。或謂齊強，故稱長主。〕而自用也。〔鮑本不如燕之附人。正曰：自恃其強也。〕南攻楚五年，稸〔鮑本稸，亦「積」。〕積散。西困秦三年，〔鮑本為秦所困。正曰：秦為齊困。〕民憔瘁，士罷〔鮑本罷，音疲。〕弊。北與燕戰，覆三軍，獲二將。〔鮑本史並不書。〕而又以其餘兵南面而〔鮑本「而」作「西」。○　札記丕烈案：史記無。〕舉五千乘之勁宋，〔鮑本舉宋在齊閔二十八年、燕昭王二十六年，此時未舉也。而下十一章，亦言齊以宋地封涇陽，蓋宋策齊宣也，所拔五城。正曰：此言舉五千乘之宋，非僅得其城邑而已，蓋在滅宋之後明矣。下章包十二諸侯，即史所謂泗上諸侯、鄒魯之君皆稱臣者。〕而包十二諸侯。此其君之欲得也，〔鮑本得其欲。〕其民力竭也，安猶取哉？〔鮑本言齊不可復攻取。〕且臣聞之，數戰則民勞，久師〔鮑本師，兼不戰言之。〕則兵弊。」

王曰：「吾聞齊有清濟、濁河，可以為固；有長城、鉅防，足以為塞。〔鮑本補曰：「清濟」以下，說見秦策。〕誠有之乎？」

對曰：「天時不與，雖有清濟、濁河，何足以為固？民力窮弊，雖有長城、鉅防，何足以為塞？且異日也，濟西不役，〔鮑本不役者，養兵以備敵。〕所以備趙也；河北不師，所以備燕也。〔鮑本補曰：濟西，濟州以西也；河北，謂滄、博等州，在漯河之北者。正義云。〕今濟西、河北，盡以役矣，封內弊矣。夫驕主必不好計，而亡國之臣貪於財。王誠能毋愛寵子、母弟以為質，寶珠玉帛以事其左右，彼且德燕而輕亡宋，〔鮑本輕者，易為之。然則前言舉，未亡也。〕則齊可亡已。」

王曰：「吾終以子〔鮑本補「子」字。○　補曰：一本有「子」字。姚同。　札記丕烈案：史記有。〕受命於天矣！」

曰：「內寇不與，〔鮑本寇，猶亂。與，猶和。〕外敵不可距。〔鮑本「距」作「拒」。○　言不能制內，則不可以拒外。〕王自治其外，〔鮑本謂謀敵齊。〕臣自報其〔鮑本謂亂於內。補曰：為燕間齊，敝其內也。〕內，此乃亡之之勢也。」〔鮑本彪謂：燕昭之舉，實自代發之。正曰：大事記云，戰國策載蘇代說燕之辭，誤以為噲，使噲能有志如是，豈至覆國乎？論其世，考其事，皆說昭王之辭也。按，史記誤同。〕

燕王噲既立

燕王噲既立，蘇秦死於齊。蘇秦之在燕也，與其相子之為婚，而蘇代與子之交。及蘇秦死，而齊宣王〔鮑本「宣」作「閔」。○　下並同。正曰、通鑑、大事記，赧王二年，齊湣王元年，齊伐燕。子之、子噲死，在赧王元年，正宣王時事。策與孟子合，甚明。辨見秦策。　札記丕烈案：史記亦是「宣」字。〕復用蘇代。

燕噲三年，與楚、三晉攻秦，不勝而還。子之相燕，貴重主斷。蘇代為齊使於燕，燕王問之曰：「齊〔鮑本衍「宣」字。　札記丕烈案：此追稱，群書多矣。史記無，然不必衍。〕宣王何如？」對曰：「必不霸。」燕王曰：「何也？」對曰：「不信其臣。」蘇代欲以激燕王以厚任子之也。於是燕王大信子之。子之因遺蘇代百金，聽其所使。

鹿毛壽〔鮑本鹿，蓋鉅鹿，壽之所居。補曰：徐廣云，一作「厝毛」。甘陵縣本名厝，音昔。索隱云，春秋後語亦作「厝」。韓子作潘壽。〕謂燕王曰：「不如以國讓子之。人謂堯賢者，以其讓天下於許由，由必不受，有讓天下之名，實不失天下。今王以國讓相子之，子之必不敢受，是王與堯同行也。」燕王因舉國屬〔鮑本屬，猶付與。〕子之，子之大重。

或曰：「禹授益而以啟為吏，〔鮑本「啟」下有「人」字。○　以啟臣為益吏。　札記丕烈案：有者當是。韓子、史記正有「人」字。索隱曰，人，猶臣也。下文「而吏無非太子人者」可證。〕及老，而以啟為不足任天下，傳之益也。啟與支〔鮑本「支」作「友」。○　札記丕烈案：韓子作「友」，史記作「交」。〕黨攻益而奪之天下，是禹名傳天下於益，〔鮑本「益」下有「也」字。○　補曰：一本無「也」字。　札記丕烈案：韓子、史記無。〕其實令啟自取之。今王言屬國子之，而吏無非太子人者，是名屬子之，而太子用事。」王因收印自三百石〔鮑本「石」上有「里」字。○　補曰：大事記，以石計祿，始見於此。〕吏而效之子之。子之南面行王事，而噲老〔鮑本以老自休。〕不聽政，顧為臣，國事皆決子之。

子之三年，燕國大亂，百姓恫怨。將軍市被、太子平謀，將攻子之。儲子〔鮑本見離婁下。正曰：何以知即此人？〕謂齊宣王：「因而仆之，破燕必矣。」王因令人謂太子平曰：「寡人聞太子之義，將廢私而立公，飭〔鮑本飭，戒也，猶正。〕君臣之義，正父子之位。寡人之國小，不足先後。〔鮑本補曰：正義云，「先後」並去聲。〕雖然，則唯太子所以令之。」

太子因數黨聚眾，將軍市被圍公宮，攻子之，不克；將軍市被及百姓乃反攻太子平。將軍市被死已〔鮑本「已」作「以」。○〕殉，國構難數月，死者數萬眾，燕人恫怨，〔鮑本「怨」作「恐」，又改作「怨」。○　札記丕烈案：史記作「恐」。〕百姓離意。

孟軻謂齊宣王曰：「今伐燕，此文、武之時，不可失也。」〔鮑本補曰：此當時所謂孟子勸齊伐燕者也。使無孟子之書，則人將此言之信乎？要之聖賢決無是事也。推此，則凡後世之誣罔聖賢而無徵者可知。〕王因令章子將五都〔鮑本都，大邑。補曰：索隱云，五都，即齊也。臨淄是五都之一。〕之兵，以因北地〔鮑本齊之北，近燕。〕之眾以伐燕。士卒不戰，城門不閉，燕王噲死。齊大勝燕，子之亡。二年，〔鮑本「年」下有「而」字。○　札記丕烈案：史記有「而」字。〕燕人立公〔鮑本「公」作「太」。○　補曰：當作「太」，史有。〕子平，是為燕昭王。〔鮑本記三年有。彪謂：王噲，七國之愚主也，惑蘇代之淺說，貪堯之名，惡禹之實，自令身死國破，蓋無足筭。齊閔所以請太子者，近於興滅繼絕矣。而天下不以其言信其心，蓋名實者天下之公器也，豈可以虛稱矯舉而得哉？故齊閔之勝，適足以動天下之兵，而速臨淄之敗也。正曰：大事記云，之、噲安知所謂堯、舜者哉？彼子之之徒，借是名以篡國。子噲特為說客所愚耳。方子之未得國也，則說以堯讓許由，由不受，有讓天下之名，實不失天下。噲於是乎以燕讓。及子之既得國也，則又說以禹不如堯，薦益而以啟人為吏，已而攻益奪其國。噲於是乎收三百石吏以上而效之。其愚至此，尚足論乎？後世因此，遂有不可慕虛名受實禍之論。是論肆行，則利祿之外，無非虛名；妨吾利祿者，無非實禍，人紀滅矣！此君子之所懼也！欲不惑者，其唯知實理乎？〕

初蘇秦弟厲因燕質子而求見齊王

初，蘇秦弟厲因燕質子而求見齊王。〔鮑本閔。〕齊王怨蘇秦，〔鮑本秦為燕謀齊故。〕欲囚厲，燕質子為謝乃已，遂委質為臣。

燕相子之與蘇代婚，而欲得燕權，乃使蘇代持〔鮑本「持」作「侍」。○　補曰：史作「侍」。　札記丕烈案：世家索隱引此策文正作「侍」。〕質子於齊。齊使代報燕，燕王噲問曰：「齊王其伯也〔鮑本無「也」字。○〕乎？」曰：「不能。」曰：「何也？」曰：「不信其臣。」於是燕王專任子之，已而讓位，燕大亂。齊伐燕，殺王噲、子之。燕立昭王。而蘇代、厲遂不敢入燕，皆終歸齊，齊善待之。

蘇代過魏，魏為燕執代。齊使人謂魏王〔鮑本哀。正曰：襄。〕曰：「齊請以宋封涇陽君，秦不受。秦非不利有齊而得宋埊也，不信齊王與蘇子也。今齊、魏不和，如此其甚，則齊不欺秦。〔鮑本秦所以不信齊，疑其合魏也。〕秦信齊，齊、秦合，涇陽君有宋地，非魏之利也。故王不如東蘇子，〔鮑本使歸齊。〕秦必疑而不信蘇子矣。〔鮑本疑其合齊、魏。〕齊、秦不合，天下無變，〔鮑本五國無秦之兵。〕伐齊之形成矣。」〔鮑本時齊、魏相惡，故云。〕於是出蘇伐〔鮑本「伐」作「代」，「代」下又補「代」字。○　補曰：史復有「代」字。　札記今本「伐」作「代」。〕之宋，宋善待之。〔鮑本補曰：此策自「蘇代過魏」以下，又見魏策，疑自為一章而複出，姚本別提行。〕

燕昭王收破燕後即位

燕昭王收破燕後即位，卑身厚幣，以招賢者，欲將以〔鮑本無「以」字。○　補曰：一本此有「以」字。姚同。〕報讎。故往見郭隗〔鮑本補曰：五罪反。〕先生曰：「齊因孤國之亂，而襲破燕。孤極知燕小力少，〔鮑本無「少」字。○　補曰：一本此有「少」字。姚同。〕不足以報。然得賢士與共國，以雪先王之恥，孤之願也。〔鮑本記有此文。〕敢問以國報讎者柰何？」

郭隗先生對曰：「帝者與師處，王者與友處，霸者與臣處，亡國與役〔鮑本役，僕役。〕處。詘指〔鮑本屈指也。正曰：屈指，猶言折節。〕而事之，北面而受學，則百己者至。先趨而後息，〔鮑本先彼而趨，後之而息。〕先問而後嘿，則什己者至。人趨己趨，〔鮑本無「己趨」二字。○　補曰：一本「人趨己趨」，是。姚同。〕則若己者至。馮〔鮑本馮，據也。〕几據杖，眄視指使，則廝〔鮑本補曰：音斯。〕役之人至。若恣睢〔鮑本睢，仰目。正曰：恣睢，暴戾也。後荀彧傳注，暴怒貌。睢，呼回反。唐史，音錐。〕奮擊，呴籍叱咄，〔鮑本呴，呵；藉，踐也。當從足。集韻，咄，呵也。正曰：呴，呼俱、呼具二反。咄，都活反。下言叱咄，上有呴字為復。呴藉，義亦不類，當是「跔藉」。見韓策，釋為跳躍。此謂跳躍蹈藉也。〕則徒隸之人至矣。此古服〔鮑本服，猶事，事有道者。〕道致士之法也。王誠博選國中之賢者，而朝其門下，天下聞王朝其賢臣，天下之士必趨於燕矣。」

昭王曰：「寡人將誰朝而可？」郭隗先生曰：「臣聞古之君人，有以千金求千里馬者，三年不能得。涓人〔鮑本謁者也。正曰：楚世家，鋗人。見國語。韋昭云，今之中涓。漢書顏注，中涓，官名，居中而涓潔也。如淳云，主通書謁出入命也。〕言於君曰：『請求之。』君遣之。三月得千里馬，馬已死，買其首五百金，反以報君。君大怒曰：『所求者生馬，安事死馬而捐五百金？』涓人對曰：『死馬且買之五百金，況生馬乎？天下必以王為能市馬，馬今至矣。』於是不能期年，千里之馬至者三。〔鮑本記無之。〕今王誠欲致士，先從隗始；隗且見事，況賢於隗者乎？豈遠千里哉？」

於是昭王為隗築宮而師之。樂毅自魏往，鄒衍自齊往，劇辛自趙往，士爭湊燕。燕王弔死問生，與〔姚本曾、錢作「於」。劉作「與」。〕百姓同其甘苦。二十八年，燕國〔鮑本「國」上無「燕」字。○〕殷富，士卒樂佚輕戰。於是遂以樂毅為上將軍，與秦、楚、三晉合謀以伐齊。齊兵敗，閔王出走於外。燕兵獨追北入至臨淄，盡取齊寶，燒其宮室宗廟。齊城之不下者，唯獨莒、即墨。〔鮑本記同。彪謂：燕昭、郭隗皆三代人也，欲為國雪恥，君臣問對無他言，專欲得賢士而事之，此「無競惟人」之誼也，欲無興，得乎哉？臣役之對，天下之格言；市馬之喻，萬世之美談。太史公獨何為削之，亦異於孔氏刪修之法矣。正曰：立國用賢，固三代之道，未可即以為三代之人。太史公固為疏略，然孔氏刪修之法，則不係此。補曰：大事記解題引國策、說苑云云。今按說苑文小異，鶡冠子博選篇亦用隗言，此則柳宗元所謂偽書取以充入者也。〕

齊伐宋宋急

齊伐宋，〔鮑本此二十七年。〕宋急。蘇代乃遺燕昭王書曰：「夫列在萬乘，而寄〔鮑本寄，猶委也。一說，如質子寄寓。〕質於齊，名卑而權輕。秦〔鮑本「秦」作「奉」。○　史作「奉萬乘助齊」。〕齊助之伐宋，民勞而實費。破宋，殘楚淮北，〔鮑本楚之淮北，宋鄰也。宋破則此地殘。補曰：此已取淮北明矣。下文又曰，必反宋地而歸楚之淮北。〕肥〔鮑本肥，亦大也。〕大齊，讎強而國弱也。此三者，皆國之大敗也，而足下行之，將欲以除害取信於齊也。〔鮑本宋者，齊之害。〕而齊未加信於足下，而忌燕也愈甚矣。然則足下之事齊也，失所為矣。夫民勞而實費，又無尺寸之功，破宋肥讎，而世負〔鮑本負，猶荷。〕其禍矣。足下以宋加淮北，強萬乘之國也，〔鮑本宋，五千乘國也，又加之淮北，則萬乘而強。〕而齊并之，是益一齊也。北夷〔鮑本齊之北國。正曰：索隱云，北夷，謂山戎狄附齊者。正義云，齊桓公伐山戎。〕方七百里，加之以魯、衛，〔鮑本言齊因舉宋，且并此數國。〕此所謂強萬乘之國也，而齊并之，是益二齊也。夫一齊之強，而燕猶不能支也，今乃以三齊臨燕，其禍必大矣。

「雖然，臣聞知者之舉事也，轉禍而為福，因敗而成功者也。齊人紫敗素也，〔鮑本敗，猶惡也。素，白繒，染為紫。〕而賈十倍。越王勾踐棲於會稽，而後殘吳霸天下。此皆轉禍而為福，因敗而為功者也。今王若欲轉禍而為福，因敗而為功乎？則莫如遙伯齊而厚尊之，使使盟於〔鮑本下「使」字作「之」。○　背秦而從，使齊主盟。補曰：一本「使使盟於」。　札記丕烈案：史記作「使使盟於」。〕周室，盡焚天下之秦符，約曰『夫上計破秦，其次長賓〔鮑本正曰：賓即「擯」。〕之〔鮑本「之」作「客」。○〕秦。』秦挾賓客以待破，〔鮑本挾，如挾長之挾。秦挾賓客，本欲并天下，而反見破，故必患。正曰：姚本「長賓之秦」，史「長賓之秦，挾賓以待破」。史文為是。按魏策有此文法。二「客」字，因「賓」字誤衍。〕秦王〔鮑本昭。〕必患之。秦五世以結諸侯，今為齊下；秦王之志，苟得窮齊，不憚以一國都為功。〔鮑本將割以賂與國。〕然而王何不使布衣之人，以窮齊之說說秦，謂秦王曰：『燕、趙破宋肥齊尊齊而為之下者，燕、趙非利之也。弗利而勢為之者，何也？以不信秦王也。今王何不使可以信者接收燕、趙。今〔鮑本「今」作「令」。○　札記丕烈案：「令」字是也。史記作「令」。〕涇陽君若高陵君〔鮑本二君秦所重，天下信之。〕先於燕、趙，秦有變，〔鮑本謂背二國。〕因以為質，則燕、趙信秦矣。秦為西帝，趙為中帝，燕為北帝，立為三帝而以令諸侯。韓、魏不聽，則秦伐之。齊不聽，則燕、趙伐之。天下孰敢不聽？天下服聽，〔姚本一作「德」。〕因驅〔姚本一作「馳」。〕韓、魏以攻齊，曰，必反宋地，而歸楚之淮北。夫反宋地，歸〔鮑本「歸」上有「而」字。○　丕烈案：史記無。〕楚之淮北，燕、趙之所同利也。並立三帝，燕、趙之所同願也。夫實得所利，名得所願，則燕、趙之棄齊也，猶釋弊躧。〔姚本一云：「脫屣也」。鮑本革履也，當作「蹝」。正曰：躧，所綺反。說文，舞履也。徐云，謂足根不正納履也。引漢志「邯鄲女跕」。「躧」字與「蹝」、「屣」通。〕今王之不收燕、趙，則齊伯必成矣。諸侯戴齊，而王獨弗從也，是國伐〔姚本曾改作「代」。　鮑本秦受齊伐。〕也。諸侯戴齊，而王從之，是名卑也。王不收燕、趙，名卑而國危；王收燕、趙，名尊而國寧。夫去尊寧而就卑危，知者不為也。』秦王聞若說也，必如刺心〔鮑本言其切己。正曰：心痛如刺。〕然，〔鮑本補曰：「然」字句，可。〕則王何不務使知士以若此〔姚本劉去「此」字。〕言說秦？秦伐齊必矣。夫取秦，上交也；伐齊，正利也。尊上交，務正利，聖王之事也。」

燕昭王善其書，曰：「先人嘗有德蘇氏，〔鮑本資秦合從。〕子之之亂，而蘇氏去燕。燕欲報仇於齊，非蘇氏莫可。」乃召蘇氏，〔鮑本王噲。策言，魏出之，之宋，宋善待之，今在宋也。正曰：按此策文，蓋齊已滅宋，取楚淮北之後。勸之尊齊擯秦，而說秦以伐齊，非將伐宋時事也。策云，蘇代過魏，魏為燕執之，齊使人說魏出代，代之宋，宋善待之。史遂以此策首語接其下。且史紀代事前後固多誤，如舉五千乘云云，以為說子噲之類。代為燕間齊，勸之伐宋，見於策者可考矣。是宋未滅時，代已至燕，豈至此時尚留宋而為之說燕哉？此策不能無舛，而史尤失之也。〕復善待之。與謀伐齊，竟破齊，閔王出走。〔鮑本代傳有。〕

蘇秦謂燕昭王

蘇秦謂燕昭王曰：「今有人於此，孝如曾參、孝己，信如尾生高，廉如鮑焦、史鰌，〔鮑本衛卿子魚。〕兼此三行以事王，奚如？」王曰：「如是足矣。」對曰：「足下以為足，則臣不事足下矣。臣且處無為之事，歸耕乎周之上埊，耕而食之，織而衣之。」王曰：「何故也？」對曰：「孝如曾參、孝己，則不過養其親其。〔鮑本下「其」字作「耳」。○　札記丕烈案：「耳」字是也。〕信如尾生高，則不過不欺人耳。廉如鮑焦、史鰌，則不過不竊人之財耳。今臣為進取者也。臣以為廉不與身俱達，〔鮑本不苟取，故多窮。〕義不與生俱立。仁義者，自完之道也，非進取之術也。」

王曰：「自憂〔鮑本憂，亦完也。不完則憂，故曰完，又曰憂。〕不足乎？」對曰：「以自憂為足，則秦不出殽塞，齊不出營丘，楚不出疏章。〔鮑本地缺。〕三王代位，五伯改政，皆以不自憂故也。若自憂而足，則臣亦之周負籠〔鮑本籠，竹器。〕耳，何為煩〔鮑本煩，浼也。〕大王之廷耶？昔者楚取章武，〔鮑本屬渤海。〕諸侯北面而朝。秦取西山，諸侯西面而朝。曩者使燕毋去周室之上，〔鮑本去，猶失也。上，上地。燕嘗攻得而不取也。正曰：此句未詳，恐註非。〕則諸侯不為別馬〔鮑本「馬」作「駕」。○〕而朝矣。〔鮑本言同軌，而朝燕與朝秦、楚同。〕臣聞之，善為事者，先量其國之大小，而揆〔鮑本揆，度也。〕其兵之強弱，故功可成，而名可立也。不能為〔姚本曾作「其」。〕事者，不先量其國之大小，不揆其兵之強弱，故功不可成而名不可立也。今王有東嚮伐齊之心，而愚臣知之。」

王曰：「子何以知之？」對曰：「矜戟砥劍，〔鮑本矜，矛柄。戟，蓋為矜施戟。砥，柔石，所以礪也。〕登丘東嚮而歎，是以愚臣知之。今夫烏獲舉千鈞之重，行年八十，而求扶持。故齊雖強國也，西勞於宋，南罷於楚，則齊軍可敗，而河間可取。」

燕王曰：「善。吾請拜子為上卿，奉子車百乘，子以此為寡人東游於齊，〔鮑本為燕間齊。〕何如？」對曰：「足下以愛之故與，〔鮑本補曰：與，平聲。〕則〔鮑本無「則」字。○〕何不與愛子與諸舅、叔父、負床〔鮑本負，言背。倚床立，未能行。〕之孫，不得，〔鮑本此屬皆不得，不得與車。〕而乃以與無能之臣，何也？王之論臣，何如人哉？今臣之所以事足下者，忠信也。恐以忠信之故，見罪於左右。」

王曰：「安有為人臣盡其力，竭其能，而得罪者乎？」對曰：「臣請為王譬。昔周之上埊嘗有之。其丈夫官〔鮑本「官」作「宦」。○　札記丕烈案：「宦」字是也。〕三年不歸，其妻愛人。其所愛者曰：『子之丈夫來，則且柰何乎？』其妻曰：『勿憂也，吾已為藥酒而待其來矣。』已而其丈夫果來，於是因令其妾酌藥酒而進之。其妾知之，半道而立。慮曰：『吾以此飲吾主父，則殺吾主父；以此事告吾主父，則逐吾主母。與殺吾〔鮑本「父」上補「主」字。○　補曰：此宜有「主」字。〕父、逐吾主母者，寧佯躓〔鮑本躓，跲也。〕而覆之。』於是因佯僵而仆之。其妻曰：『為子之遠行來之，故為美酒，今妾奉而仆之。』其丈夫不知，縛其妾而笞之。故妾所以笞者，忠信也。今臣為足下使於齊，恐忠信不諭於左右也。臣聞之曰：萬乘之主，不制於人臣。十乘之家，不制於眾人。疋夫徒步之士，不制於妻妾。而又況於當世之賢主乎？臣請行矣，願足下之無制於群臣也。」〔鮑本補曰：此策說見前蘇秦章。〕

燕王謂蘇代

燕王謂蘇代曰：「寡人甚不喜訑〔鮑本沇州謂「欺」曰訑。補曰：訑，徒案反，或作誕。〕者言也。」蘇代對曰：「周埊賤媒，為〔札記今本「為」誤「謂」。〕其兩譽也。之男家曰『女美』，之女家曰『男富』。然而〔姚本舊作「乎」。劉又改作「而」。〕周之俗，不自為取妻。且夫處女無媒，老且不嫁；舍媒而自衒，弊〔鮑本「弊」作「敝」。○　敝，猶敗，無成事也。〕而不售。順而無敗，售而不弊者，唯媒而已矣。且事非權不立，非勢不成。夫使人坐受成事者，唯訑者耳。」王曰：「善矣。」〔鮑本彪謂：訑亦君所惡，而實不可廢。古者使功、使過、使智、使愚，蓋用人可也，處己則否。正曰：利誕謾之人以為用，此不正之論也。使過之道，不類使愚、使貪、使勇，亦謂御得其道耳，非此之謂也。〕

燕策 二

秦召燕王

秦召燕王，燕王欲往。蘇代約〔鮑本約，猶止。〕燕王曰：「楚得枳〔鮑本屬巴郡。〕而國亡，〔鮑本皆謂失地。秦昭廿七、八、九年，連拔楚郡。〕齊得宋而國亡，〔鮑本即此二十八年入臨淄，三十二年下七十城。〕齊、楚不得以有枳、宋事秦者，何也？是則有功者，秦之深讎也。〔鮑本言此以見克齊者，秦之所惡也。〕秦取天下，非行義也，暴也。

「秦之行暴於天下，正告楚曰：〔鮑本無「於」字，「正告楚曰」作「正告天下告楚曰」。○　札記丕烈案：史記作「秦之行暴，正告天下，告楚曰」，或鮑本依之改耳。〕『蜀地之甲，輕舟浮於汶，〔鮑本汶江水出岷山。補曰：汶，眉貧反，即岷。〕乘夏水〔鮑本江夏註，沔水自江別至南郡華容，為夏水。正曰：索隱云，夏音暇，謂夏潦之水盛漲時也。下文「乘夏水」兩出，可見。〕而下江，五日而至郢。漢中之甲，乘舟出於巴，乘夏水而〔鮑本無「而」字。○　補曰：一本「而下」。姚同。　札記丕烈案：史記有。〕下漢，四日而至五渚。〔鮑本史注，在洞庭。正曰：今詳本文「下漢而至五渚」，則五渚乃漢水下流。洞庭在江之南，非其地也。〕寡人積甲宛，東下隨，〔鮑本屬南陽。〕知者不及謀，勇者不及怒，寡人如射隼矣。〔鮑本隼，祝鳩，喻易也。正曰：射隼，見易解卦。正義云，隼，今之鶻也。〕王乃待天下之攻函谷，不亦遠乎？』楚王為是之故，十七年事秦。

「秦正告韓曰：『我起乎少曲，〔鮑本韓地。范睢傳，「伐韓少曲」。補曰：本文少曲，高平。正義云，相近高平，在懷州河陽縣西北。〕一日而斷太行。〔鮑本補曰：正義云，太行山羊腸阪道北過韓上黨也。〕我起乎宜陽而觸平陽，〔鮑本補曰：宜陽，見前。平陽，即近武遂，韓墳墓所在者。〕二日而莫不盡繇。〔鮑本「繇」，「由」同。正曰：索隱云，繇，音搖，搖動也。「我」屬下句。〕我離兩周而觸鄭，五日而國舉。』韓氏以為然，故事秦。

「秦正告魏曰：『我舉安邑，塞女戟，韓氏、太原卷。〔鮑本不通此四處。正曰：安邑、女戟見前。太原在河東，時屬趙。卷，見魏策。正義云，卷，猶斷絕，軌免反。太原當為太行。蓋曰秦舉魏之安邑，塞魏之女戟，則韓氏、太行斷絕也。按趙策，秦舉安邑而塞女戟，韓氏、太原絕。正義以「卷」為「絕」，據此。〕我〔姚本舊無「我」字，曾有。　鮑本無「我」字。○〕下枳，道〔鮑本「枳」作「軹」，「道」下復有「道」字。○　道，道所由也。補曰：按枳道即河內軹。「枳」、「軹」字通。　札記丕烈案：史記作「我下軹，道南陽」。索隱以為言「道」者，衍字。今詳其文，乃「下枳」句絕，「道」字下屬，復有者誤。〕南陽、封、冀，〔鮑本後志，河東皮氏有冀亭，註引此。補曰：南陽即修武。封，封陵，杜預云，在蒲州。〕包兩周，乘夏水，浮輕舟，強弩在前，銛戈〔鮑本「包」上有「兼」字，「戈」作「戟」。○　札記丕烈案：史記作「錟戈」。〕在後，決榮口，〔姚本一作「滎陽之口」。鮑本「榮」作「滎」。○　滎澤之口。補曰：索隱曰，滎澤口與今汴河口通，其水深，可以灌大梁。公子無忌亦云然。大事記，灌大梁之策，戰國以來，人皆知之，秦卒用此策。〕魏無大梁；決白馬之口，魏無濟陽；決宿胥之口，〔鮑本徐註，紀年曰，魏救山塞集胥口。〕魏無虛、頓丘。〔鮑本補曰：大事記云，水經註，河水舊在白馬縣南，決通濟陽、黃溝。白馬，本衛之曹邑，今滑州縣。史作「外黃、濟陽」。大事記作「黃、濟陽」。說又見秦策。宿胥、虛、頓丘，並見秦、魏策。〕陸攻則擊河內，水攻則滅大梁。』魏氏以為然，故事秦。

「秦欲攻安邑，恐齊救之，〔鮑本「救」作「據」。○　札記丕烈案：史記作「救」。〕則以宋委於齊，曰：『宋王無道，為木人以寫〔鮑本「寫」作「象」。○　補曰：一本作「寫」，蓋古「象」字作「𤉢」訛也。　札記丕烈案：史記作「寫」，「寫」字是。〕寡人，射其面。寡人地絕兵遠，不能攻也。王苟能破宋有之，寡人如自得之。』已得安邑，塞女戟，因以破宋為齊罪。

「秦欲攻齊，〔鮑本「齊」作「韓」。○〕恐天下救之，則以齊委於天下曰：『齊王〔鮑本「王」作「人」。○　補曰：一本「人」作「王」。姚同。　札記丕烈案：史記作「王」。〕四與寡人約，四欺寡人，必〔鮑本必，言攻之決。〕率天下以攻寡人者三。有齊無秦，無齊有秦，必伐〔姚本劉作「代」。〕之，必亡之！』已得宜陽、少曲，致藺、石，〔姚本三本同作「君」。　鮑本「石」上補「離」字。○　補曰：「藺、離石」見前。據文恐有「離」字。姚註，「石」字三本同作「君」，詳此當缺。　札記丕烈案：史記作「致藺、石」。〕因以破齊為天下罪。

「秦欲攻魏，重楚，〔鮑本恐楚擊其後。〕則以南陽〔鮑本補曰：鄧之南陽。〕委於楚曰：『寡人固與韓且絕矣！殘均陵，〔鮑本地缺。正曰：正義云，均州故城在隨州西南，蓋均陵也。〕塞鄳隘，〔鮑本「鄳」作「黽」。○　補曰：見楚策。　札記丕烈案：史記作「鄳」，下同。〕苟利於楚，寡人如自有之。』魏棄與國而合於秦，因以塞鄳隘為楚罪。

「兵困於林中，〔鮑本補曰：見魏策。〕重燕、趙，以膠東〔鮑本膠東國。故齊國。項紀註，即墨也。〕委於燕，以濟西委於趙。趙〔鮑本「趙」作「己」。○　札記丕烈案：史記作「趙」。〕得講於魏，至〔鮑本「至」作「質」。○　補曰：索隱云，當改「質」。〕公子延，〔鮑本秦子。正曰：魏子。〕因犀首屬行而〔鮑本無「屬行而」三字。○　補曰：一本「首」下有「屬行而」三字，史、姚同。索隱曰，謂連兵相屬也。行，胡郎反。〕攻趙。兵傷於離石，〔鮑本史「離石」作「譙石」。〕遇敗於馬陵，而重魏，則以葉、蔡〔姚本曾改「馬陵」作「陽馬」。曾改「葉、蔡」作「南陽」。　鮑本馬陵，葉、蔡，并見前。史「馬陵」作「陽馬」。索隱云，並趙地名。〕委於魏。已得講於趙，則劫魏，魏不為割。困則使太后、穰侯為和，羸則兼欺舅〔鮑本「羸」作「贏」。○　贏，謂勝。舅，謂穰侯。　札記丕烈案：史記作「嬴」。〕與母。適〔鮑本「適」，「謫」同。補曰：適，即上所謂因以為罪者。〕燕者曰：『以膠東。』適趙者曰：『以濟西。』適魏者曰：『以葉、蔡。』適楚者曰：『以塞鄳隘。』〔鮑本「隘」作「阨」。○　札記丕烈案：史記作「阨」。〕適齊者曰：『以宋。』此〔鮑本無「此」字。○　札記丕烈案：史記有。〕必令其言如循環，〔鮑本補曰：言其無窮不可致詰也。〕用兵如刺蜚繡，〔姚本錢本添入「蜚」字。　鮑本「蜚」下無「繡」字。○　蜚，集韻，蟲名。喻易也。補曰：蜚，匪微反，又上、去二音。一本「刺繡」。　札記今本脫「繡」字。丕烈案：史記作「刺蜚」，此必策文作「繡」，史記作「蜚」，遂兩存也。今本刪去「繡」字者誤。〕母不能制，〔鮑本「制」作「知」。○　補曰：一本「知」作「制」。　札記丕烈案：史記作「制」。〕舅不能約。龍賈之戰，〔鮑本魏襄五年，秦拔我龍賈軍。補曰：此據世家、年表，在二年。大事記從年表，云魏惠王後二年。〕岸門之戰，封陸之戰，〔鮑本「陸」作「陵」。○　魏哀十六年，秦敗我封陵。忠岸亭在穎。韓記注，岸門，封陵，亭名。然則封陵亦屬穎川。正曰：哀當作襄。封陵，見封丘註。補曰：岸門之戰，赧王元年，當韓宣惠王十九年。　札記丕烈案：史記作「陵」。〕高商之戰，〔姚本錢本無此上八字。　鮑本史不書。〕趙莊之戰，〔鮑本趙肅侯十三年，趙莊與秦戰，死河西。〕秦之所殺三晉之民數百萬。今其生者，皆死秦之孤也。〔鮑本補曰：死於秦者之孤。〕西河之外、上雒之埊、三川，晉國之禍，三晉之半。〔鮑本言上三地被禍，居晉國之半。正曰：西河、上雒，魏地。三川，韓地。言秦已得三晉之半也。〕秦禍如此其大，而燕、趙之〔鮑本補曰：「之」下恐有缺字。　札記丕烈案：史記文正同，吳氏說未是。〕秦者，皆以爭事秦說〔姚本舊本作「議」。〕其主，此臣之所大患。」

燕昭王不行，蘇代復重於燕。燕反約諸侯從親，如蘇秦時，或從或不，〔鮑本「不」作「否」。○　札記今本「不」作「否」。丕烈案：史記作「不」。〕而天下由此宗蘇氏之從約。代、厲皆以壽死，名顯諸侯。〔鮑本代傳有，在伐齊事後。彪謂：秦之所以正告諸侯及其用詐，皆愚弄之也。而諸侯莫省，獨一燕昭知之，然亦不久死矣。彪故曰，秦橫之成，天幸也。補曰：文甚明快。〕

蘇秦為奉陽君說燕於趙以伐齊

蘇秦為〔鮑本「為」作「謂」。○〕奉陽君〔鮑本此亦其後襲稱。正曰：說見趙策。〕說燕於趙以伐齊，奉陽君不聽。乃入齊〔鮑本代入。〕惡趙，令齊絕於趙。齊已絕於趙，因之燕，謂昭王曰：「韓為謂臣曰：『人告奉陽君曰：使齊不信趙者，蘇子也；今〔鮑本「今」作「令」。○〕齊王〔鮑本閔。〕召蜀子〔鮑本齊將。正曰：無考。〕使不伐宋，〔鮑本「宋」下補「者」字。○〕蘇子也；與齊王謀〔鮑本「道」作「遁」。○　遁，逃去也，言避秦兵。取，言與之合。正曰：即此策下文所云，「臣以為不若逃而去之，以韓、魏循自齊，而為之取秦，深結趙以勤之」。〕道取秦以謀趙者，蘇子也；令齊守趙之質子以甲者，又蘇子也。請告子〔鮑本告子，名不害，代請之使為己請齊。正曰：無據，妄引。韓為謂代舉或人告奉陽君之言。請者，或人之請，為趙言於齊也。〕以請齊，果〔鮑本果者，必欲告子如是。〕以守趙之質子以甲，吾必守子以甲。』〔鮑本言告子不聽則然。正曰：謂告子，齊果守趙質子以甲，則吾將守子以甲。〕其言惡矣。雖然，王勿患也。〔鮑本人所告奉陽之言，於代為惡，燕王善代，必患之。故代告王以無患，為其亂齊、趙，所以利燕。〕臣故知入齊之有趙累也。〔鮑本言趙惡代。〕出為之以成所欲，〔鮑本出者，奮不顧也，言知其有累而奮為之。欲，謂利燕。〕臣死而齊大惡於趙，臣猶生也。令〔鮑本「令」作「今」。○〕齊、趙絕，可大紛已。〔鮑本紛，亂也。〕持〔鮑本持，猶使。補曰：「持」字疑「特」。〕臣非張孟談也，使臣也如張孟談也，齊、趙必有為智伯者矣。

「奉陽君告朱讙與趙足曰：〔鮑本代稱奉陽之言，然二皆趙人。〕『齊王使公王曰〔鮑本「王」作「玉」。○　齊人姓名。正曰：一本「公王」。按字書，三畫中近上者，于方反；三畫勻者，虞欲反。隸始加點，以別王字。新序有公玉丹，史公玉帶，則公玉，姓也。此疑有缺誤。札記丕烈案：誤字，此字是其名。〕命說〔鮑本奉陽君。補曰：「說」即「兌」之訛。說見趙策。〕曰，必不反韓珉，今召之矣。〔鮑本言故反前。下類此。〕必不任蘇子以事，今封而相之。令〔鮑本「令」作「必」。○　札記「令」，今本誤「今」。〕不合燕，今以燕為上交。吾所恃者順也，〔鮑本公玉父名。正曰：無考。鮑因下言「有甚於其父」，遂云爾。按趙策齊欲攻宋章，以三晉劫秦，使順也甘之，恐即此人。〕今其言變有甚於其父，順始與蘇子為讎。見之知〔鮑本「知」作「如」。○　札記丕烈案：此當有訛。〕無厲，〔鮑本補曰：無害也。〕今賢之兩之，〔鮑本兩，謂封與相。正曰：賢之，謂以代為賢。兩之，謂與之並處。〕已矣，吾無齊矣！』〔鮑本并述奉陽之言。〕

「奉陽君之怒甚矣。〔鮑本此代自言。〕如齊王王〔鮑本衍「王」字。補曰：衍字。〕之不信趙，而小人奉陽君也，〔鮑本待之為小人。〕因是而倍〔鮑本音背，言燕宜然。正曰：言齊因是倍趙。〕之。不以今時大紛之，解而復合，則後不可柰何也。故齊、趙之合苟可循〔姚本錢一作「脩」。　鮑本循，言順燕。〕也，死不足以為臣患；〔鮑本代本以二國之合，必不順燕。今乃合而順之，故有死、逃之罪。正曰：言二國之合，必害於燕，苟順而無害，國之利也，故己之死、逃、榮、辱，皆不足論。〕逃不足以為臣恥；為諸侯，不足以為臣榮；被髮自漆為厲，不足以為臣辱。〔鮑本補曰：厲，史音賴，見秦策。「死不足以為臣患」及「堯、舜之賢而死」兩節，與秦策范睢說同。〕然而臣有患也，臣死而齊、趙不循，惡交分於臣也，〔鮑本燕以二國可因，而代不欲，則三國皆惡代矣。然二國卒不可因，則代之惡，皆有所分。交，猶皆。〕而後相效，〔鮑本「效」作「效」。○　效，後人見其不可因而效己。〕是臣之患也。〔鮑本患其後時。〕若臣死而必相攻也，〔鮑本齊、趙相攻。〕臣必勉之而求死焉。堯、舜之賢而死，禹、湯之知而死，孟賁之勇而死，烏獲之力而死，生之物固有不死者乎？在必然之物〔鮑本死者，人之必然。〕以成所欲，王何疑焉？

「臣以為不若逃而去之。〔鮑本無「為」字。○　詐以罪逃去。補曰：一本此有「為」字。〕臣以韓、魏循自〔姚本一作「日」。〕齊，〔鮑本言逃燕，則自韓、魏順行至齊。〕而為之取秦，〔鮑本言勁齊以怒趙。〕深結趙以勁之。〔鮑本「勁」作「勤」。○　此勁趙以怒齊也。結，亦以韓、魏、趙自燕結之。勤，猶厚。〕如是則近於相攻。〔鮑本「攻」下有「也」字。○〕臣雖為之累燕，〔鮑本「累」上補「不」字。○　正曰：「臣雖為之累燕」，下文引奉陽君之言而釋之曰，臣雖為之不累燕。〕奉陽君告朱讙〔鮑本亦代稱之。〕曰：『蘇子怒於燕王之不以吾故，〔鮑本以，用也。吾，指奉陽君。〕弗予相，又不予卿也，〔鮑本兩「予」字作「子」。○　子，謂讙。正曰：子，謂代。補曰：一本「不予相，又不予卿也」。予，亦為蘇子自予也。〕殆無燕矣。』其疑至於此，〔鮑本燕王善代，而奉陽謂其怒燕者，疑也。〕故臣雖為之不累燕，〔鮑本疑代怒燕，故代雖為燕紛二國，二國不怨燕也。〕又不欲〔鮑本欲，猶須也。言其自相攻，不須燕。〕王。伊尹再逃湯而之桀，〔姚本舊無「再逃湯而之桀」六字。曾、錢有。　鮑本無「再逃湯而之桀」六字。○　補曰：一本此句上有「再逃湯而之桀」六字，姚本同。〕再逃桀而之湯，果與鳴條之戰，而以湯為天子。伍子胥逃楚而之吳，果與伯〔鮑本「伯」作「柏」。○　正曰：古字通。古今人表柏虎、柏益、柏樂之類。〕舉之戰，而報其父之讎。今臣逃而紛齊、趙，始可著於春秋。且舉大事者，孰不逃？桓公之難，管仲逃於魯；陽虎之難，孔子逃於衛；〔鮑本定八年，陽虎作難，十四年，孔子乃適衛，不如此所云。　札記今本「虎」誤「貨」。〕張儀逃於楚；〔鮑本傳不書。正曰：即儀至楚之事。〕白珪逃於秦；〔鮑本未詳。〕望諸〔鮑本此與樂毅同號。〕相中山也使趙，趙劫之求埊，望諸攻關而出逃；〔鮑本無「逃」字。○〕外孫之難，〔鮑本未詳。〕薛公釋戴〔鮑本「戴」作「載」。○　不乘車也。〕逃出於關，〔鮑本齊湣二十五年，田文入秦，秦因欲殺之，因秦幸姬得出，馳去，變姓名出關。〕三晉稱以為士。〔鮑本「士」上補「好」字。○　太史公曰，好客自喜。補曰：「士」上恐有缺字。　札記丕烈案：此無缺字，吳說非。〕故舉大事，逃不足以為辱矣。」

卒絕齊於趙，趙合於燕以攻齊，敗之。〔鮑本補曰：此策文多未詳，注多未妥。〕

蘇代為燕說齊

蘇代為燕說齊，未見齊王，〔鮑本閔。〕先說淳于髡曰：「人有賣駿馬者，比〔鮑本比，猶連。〕三旦立市，人莫之知。往見伯樂曰：『臣有駿馬，欲賣之，比三旦立於市，人莫與言，願〔鮑本無「願」字。○〕子還而視之，去而顧之，〔鮑本顧，反視。補曰：還，當音旋，義同。〕臣請獻一朝之賈。』〔鮑本「賈」作「費」。○　補曰：疑「費」字。〕伯樂乃還而視之，去而顧之，一旦而馬價十倍。今臣〔鮑本「臣」下有「之」字。○　補曰：一本無。姚同。〕欲以駿馬〔鮑本馬，自喻也。〕見於王，莫為臣先後者，〔鮑本為之助也。〕足下有意為臣伯樂乎？臣請獻白璧一雙，黃金千鎰，以為馬食。」〔鮑本自喻為馬，則此所獻，馬之食也。正曰：獻此以為馬之食。〕淳于髡曰：「謹聞命矣。」入言之王而見之，齊王大說蘇子。

蘇秦自齊使人謂燕昭王

蘇秦自齊使人謂燕昭王曰：「臣聞〔鮑本「聞」作「間」。○　間，猶傾也。補曰：當作「間」。正曰：間，去聲，致隙曰間。間，隔也。〕離齊、趙，齊、趙已孤矣，王何不出兵以攻齊？臣請王弱之。」燕乃伐齊攻晉。〔鮑本疑兵也，實合魏而陽攻以疑齊。正曰：晉，地名，下文云「晉下」，可見。〕

令人〔鮑本代令之。〕謂閔王曰：「燕之攻齊也，欲以復振古〔鮑本「古」作「故」。○　振，舉也。蓋欲復王噲所失。〕埊也。燕兵在晉而不進，則是兵弱而計疑也。王何不令蘇子將而應燕乎？夫以蘇子之賢，將而應弱燕，燕破必矣。燕破則趙不敢不聽，是王破燕而服趙也。」閔王曰：「善。」乃謂蘇子曰：「燕兵在晉，今寡人發兵應之，願子為寡人為之將。」對曰：「臣之於兵，何足以當之，王其改舉。〔鮑本別用他將。〕王使臣也，是敗王之兵，而以臣遺燕也。戰不勝，不可振〔鮑本振，救也。〕也。」王曰：「行，寡人知子矣。」

蘇子遂將，而與燕人戰於晉下，〔鮑本晉之下地。〕齊軍敗。燕得甲首二萬人。蘇子收〔鮑本「收」作「以」。○〕其餘兵，以守陽城，而報於閔王曰：「王過舉，令臣應燕。今軍敗亡二萬人，臣有斧質之罪，請自歸於吏以戮。」閔王曰：「此寡人之過也，子無以為罪。」

明日又使燕攻陽城及狸。〔鮑本燕地也。趙悼襄九年，攻燕取狸、陽城。正曰：據此策，則燕取之於齊者也。大事記引正義云，燕無狸陽，疑字誤，當作漁陽。按此文兩云陽城及狸，則正義亦未可據。〕又使人謂閔王曰：「日者齊不勝於晉下，此非兵之過，齊不幸而燕有〔姚本曾作「有」。〕天幸也。今燕又攻陽城及狸，是以天幸自為功也。王復使蘇子應之，蘇子先敗王之兵，其後必務以勝報王矣。」王曰：「善。」乃復使蘇子，蘇子固辭，王不聽。遂將以與燕戰於陽城。燕人大勝，得首三萬。齊君臣不親，百姓離心。燕因使樂毅大起兵伐齊，破之。〔鮑本彪謂：蘇代之於燕、齊，皆嘗隙而復善，其情禮均也。而獨為燕圖齊之深，何哉？昭王賢也。雖然，糜爛人之民人以行其說，而奉其所賢，仁者不為也，獨不念嘗委質於齊乎？補曰：蘇代傾詐不義，一至於此，其罪浮於張儀矣。〕

蘇秦自齊獻書於燕王

蘇秦自齊獻書於燕王曰：「臣之行也，固知將有口事，〔鮑本言人譖之。〕故獻御書而行，〔鮑本獻侍御者以書。〕曰：『臣貴於齊，燕大夫將不信臣；臣賤，將輕臣；臣用，將多望〔鮑本望，猶責。〕於臣；齊有不善，〔鮑本謂惡燕。〕將歸罪於臣；天下不攻齊，將曰善為齊謀；天下攻齊，將與齊兼鄮〔鮑本「鄮」作「貿」。○　貿，猶賣。補曰：貿，當作買，互易也。字增「邑」，訛。〕臣。臣之所重處重卯也。』〔鮑本「卯」作「留」。○　重，猶難也。留，謂處於齊為難。正曰：一本「卯」作「卵」。據此，則「重」當平聲。重卵，猶言累卵，謂己處危也。上文恐多「重」字。〕王謂臣曰：『吾必不聽眾口與讒言，吾信汝也，猶剗𠛄者〔鮑本「剗𠛄者」作「列眉」。○　言無可疑。補曰：「列眉」，未詳。一本「猶剗𠛄者也」。龍龕手鑑，「𠛄」，古「剗」字。愚謂，即刈字也。剗刈者，斬斷果決之意。〕也。上可以得用於齊，次可以得信於下，苟無死，女無不為也，以〔鮑本以，猶由。〕女自信可也。』與之言曰：〔鮑本王與之。〕『去燕之齊可也，期〔鮑本「期」作「其」。○　補曰：當作「期」字，通借。〕於成事而已。』臣受令以任齊，〔鮑本得任於齊。正曰：以齊為任。〕及五年。齊數出兵，未嘗謀燕。齊、趙之交，一合一離，燕王〔鮑本衍「王」字。〕不〔鮑本無「不」字。○　正曰：一本「不與齊謀趙，則與趙謀齊」，疑「王」即「不」字之訛。〕與齊謀趙，則與趙謀齊。〔鮑本燕與齊謀趙，實欲離齊於趙，代因與趙謀齊，以成燕之謀。正曰：見上。〕齊之信燕也，至於虛北埊〔鮑本虛，言不設備。齊北近燕。〕行其兵。〔鮑本以北兵伐他國。〕今王信田伐與參、去疾之言，〔鮑本三人讒代者。〕且〔鮑本且，辭也。〕攻齊，使齊犬馬𩤊〔鮑本無「𩤊」字。○　犬馬，言己賤齊為之也，又不泄燕之謀。補曰：一本「犬馬𩤊」，姚同。字書無「𩤊」字，恐即「賤」。案：此句帛書作「使齊大戒而不信燕」〕而不言燕。今王又使慶〔鮑本燕臣名。〕令臣曰：『吾欲用所善。』王苟欲用之，〔鮑本「王苟欲」下有「用所善王欲」五字。○　補曰：姚本「王苟欲用之」，無中間五字，文義為勝。〕則臣請為王事之。王欲醳〔鮑本「醳」，「釋」同，見鄒忌說琴。補曰：魏世家，如耳云，「以秦醳衛」。張儀傳，「醳之」。索隱云，古「釋」字。〕臣剸〔鮑本「剸」作「專」。○　補曰：「專」字訛。　札記丕烈案：「剚」、「專」同字，猶「醳」、「釋」同字也。〕任所善，則臣請歸醳事。臣苟得見，則盈願。」〔鮑本彪謂：為人間者，均有此六患，非燕昭之明，代其危哉！功成矣，猶不能為此者，況他人乎？代之謀齊，亦異乎豫讓之於趙矣。彼哉！彼哉！補曰：此策蓋代在齊，而或有疑之於王者，故代以書自白，文多未詳。燕昭即位，志復齊讎，非一日矣。樂毅以趙亂適衛至燕，在十七年之後。又十年，始合五國以破齊。方其患齊之強，志未逞也。蘇代之徒，為之間齊，離趙之交，激秦之怒，勸之以伐宋，驕其兵而罷其師，齊卒以亡，代有力焉，而世不數何也？蓋毅之為燕約結，信義服人，卒用此以勝，何假乎代之為哉？代之傾詐反覆，效用於燕，亦昭王之賢明有以御之，非倚以成功也。〕

陳翠合齊燕

陳翠合齊、燕，將令燕王之弟為質於齊，〔鮑本代傳，說王噲已，乃使一子質齊。正曰：鮑因此指為王噲事。然史云一子質齊，而此云燕王之弟，則不合矣。其時未可定。〕燕王許諾。太后聞之大怒曰：「陳公不能為人之國，亦則〔鮑本「亦則」作「則亦」。○〕已矣，焉有離人子母者，老婦欲得志焉。」〔鮑本以殺辱之為快。〕

陳翠欲見太后，王曰：「太后方怒子，子其待之。」陳翠曰：「無害也。」遂入見太后曰：「何臞〔鮑本臞，少肉。〕也？」太后曰：「賴得先王〔札記今本「王」誤「生」。〕鴈鶩之餘食，不宜臞。〔鮑本「臞」下有「者」字。○　補曰：姚本無「者」字。〕臞者，憂公子之且為質於齊也。」

陳翠曰：「人主之愛子也，不如布衣之甚也。非徒不愛子也，又不愛丈夫子獨甚。」太后曰：「何也？」對曰：「太后嫁女諸侯，奉以千金，齎埊百里，以為人之終也。〔鮑本嫁則女之事畢矣，封亦公子之終也。〕今王願封公子，百官持職，〔鮑本持，猶守也。封無功者，爭之職也。〕群臣效忠，曰：『公子無功不當封。』今王之以公子為質也，且以為公子功而封之〔鮑本無「而封之」三字。○　補曰：一本「且以為公子功而封之也」。姚同。〕也。太〔鮑本「太」上有「而」字。○〕后弗聽，臣是以知人主之不愛丈夫子獨甚也。且太后與王幸而在，故公子貴；太后千秋之後，王棄國家，而太子即位，公子賤於布衣。故非及太后與王封公子，則公子終身不封矣！」

太后曰：「老婦不知長者之計。」乃命公子束車制衣為行具。〔鮑本補曰：此與觸讋諫趙威后同。戰國所載事多如此，然觸讋言尤婉切，所以人多稱之。〕

燕昭王且與天下伐齊

燕昭王且與天下伐齊，而有齊人仕於燕者，昭王召而謂之曰：「寡人且與天下伐齊，旦暮出令矣。子必爭之，爭之而不聽，子因去而之齊。寡人有時復合和也，〔鮑本無「和也」二字。○　預言不勝與齊合。補曰：一本「復合和也」。〕且以因子而事齊。」當此〔鮑本補曰：「當此」以下，紀述者之辭。〕之時也，燕、齊不兩立，然而常獨欲有復收〔鮑本收，猶合。不兩立，則不可復合，而不能無合之之志。〕之之志若此也。〔鮑本彪謂：此少年狡獪之行，小人患失之類，而燕昭為之，此其所以不王也。〕

燕饑趙將伐之

燕饑，趙將伐之。楚使將軍之燕，過魏，見趙恢。趙恢曰：「使除患無至，〔鮑本除之使不至。〕易於救患。伍子胥、宮之奇不用，〔鮑本此除患者。〕燭之武、〔鮑本僖三十年，晉、秦圍鄭，佚之狐言於鄭伯曰，「國危矣，若使燭之武見秦君，師必退」。之武見秦伯曰，「鄭知亡矣，而有益於君，敢以煩執事。越國以鄙遠，君知其難也，焉用亡鄭以倍鄰？鄰之厚，君之薄也」。秦伯說，乃還。〕張孟談〔鮑本皆救患者。〕受大賞。是故謀者皆從事於除患之道，〔鮑本「道」作「遺」，下有「者」字。○　謂救患者。補曰：一本「遺」作「道」，下無「者」字。姚同，義是。〕而先〔鮑本「先」作「無」。○　補曰：上疑有闕文。〕使除患無至者。今予〔鮑本「予」作「與」。○　補曰：一本作「予」。姚同。〕以百金送公〔鮑本公，謂楚使。〕也，不如以言。公聽吾言而說趙王〔鮑本惠文。〕曰：『昔者吳伐齊，為其饑也，伐齊未必勝也，而弱越乘其弊以霸。今王之伐燕也，亦為其饑也，伐之未必勝，而強秦將以兵承〔鮑本「承」作「乘」。○　正曰：此書「乘」、「承」通。後昌國君章有。〕王之西，〔姚本曾、劉改「西」作「北」。〕是使弱趙居強吳之處，而使強秦處弱越之所以霸也。願王之熟計之也。』」

使者乃以說趙王，趙王大悅，乃止。燕昭王聞之，乃封之以地。〔鮑本封恢也。恢蓋趙之仕魏而為燕者，為燕亦所以為魏也。正曰：無據。〕

昌國君樂毅為燕昭王合五國之兵而攻齊

昌國君樂毅為燕昭王合五國之兵〔鮑本傳云，并合趙、楚、韓、魏、燕之兵。補曰：正義云，故昌城在淄州淄川縣東北。〕而攻齊，下七十餘城，盡郡縣之以屬燕。三城未下，〔姚本聊、即墨、莒。　鮑本補曰：毅傳，唯莒、即墨未下。燕世家云，聊、莒、即墨未下。蓋因燕將守聊城不下之事而誤。說見齊策。〕而燕昭王死。惠王即位，用齊人反間，疑樂毅，而使騎劫代之將。樂毅奔趙，趙封以為望諸君。〔鮑本補曰：史，趙封毅於觀津，號望諸君。索隱云，望諸，澤名，在齊，蓋趙有之，故號焉。〕齊田單欺〔鮑本無「欺」字。○　丕烈案：無者當是。〕詐騎劫，卒敗燕軍，復收七十城以復齊。燕王悔，懼趙用樂毅承〔鮑本「承」作「乘」。○　正曰：說見上。　札記丕烈案：史記作「乘」。〕燕之弊以伐燕。

燕王乃使人讓樂毅，且謝之曰：「先王舉國而委將軍，將軍為燕破齊，報先王之讎，天下莫不振動，寡人豈敢一日而忘將軍之功哉！會先王棄群臣，寡人新即位，左右誤寡人。寡人之使騎劫代將軍者，〔姚本曾本添「者」字。　鮑本無「者」字。○　札記丕烈案：史記無。〕為將軍久暴〔鮑本「暴」，「曝」同。〕露於外，故召將軍且休計事。將軍過聽，以與寡人有郄，〔鮑本「郄」作「隙」。○　隙，不合也。　札記丕烈案：史記作「隙」。〕遂捐燕而歸趙。將軍自為計則可矣，而亦何以報先王之所以遇將軍之意乎？」〔鮑本補曰：自「先王舉國」止此一節，恐當在後章燕王書「寡人不佞」云云之上。餘說見彼章。〕

望諸君乃使人獻書報燕王曰：「臣不佞，不能奉承先王之教，以順左右之心，恐抵斧質之罪，以傷先王之明，而又害於足下之義，〔鮑本無罪而殺毅，非義也。〕故遁逃奔趙。自負〔鮑本負，言荷罪在身。〕以不肖之罪，故不敢為辭說。今王使使者數之罪，臣恐侍御者之不察先王之所以畜幸〔鮑本畜，養也。幸，親愛之。〕臣之理，而又不白〔鮑本白，猶明。〕於臣之所以事先王之心，故敢以書對。

「臣聞賢聖之君，不以祿私其親，功多者授之；不以官隨其愛，能當之〔鮑本無「之」字。○〕者處之。故察能而授官者，成功之君也；論行而結交者，立名之士也。臣以所學者觀之，先王之舉錯，有高世之心，故假節於魏王，〔鮑本時諸侯不通，出關則以節假之，故上言毅自魏往見王。正曰：毅傳，毅為魏昭王使燕，燕王以客禮待之。毅辭讓，遂委質為臣。正義云，假魏節使燕。〕而以身得察於燕。〔鮑本補曰：毅傳，趙人，因沙丘之亂，適魏至燕，故大事記附見于燕昭王十七年。〕先王過舉，擢之乎賓客之中，而立之乎群臣之上，不謀於父兄，而使臣為亞〔鮑本亞，次也。〕卿。臣自以為奉令承教，可以幸無罪矣，故受命而不辭。

「先王命之曰：『我有積怨深怒於齊，不量輕弱，而欲以齊為事。』臣對曰：『夫齊霸國之餘教也，〔鮑本無「也」字。○　札記丕烈案：史記、新序此皆無「也」字。〕而驟勝之遺事也，閑於兵甲，習於戰攻。王若欲攻之，則必舉天下而圖之。舉天下而圖之，莫徑〔鮑本「徑」作「勁」，又改作「徑」。○　補曰：一本作「徑」。　札記丕烈案：新序云，「莫若徑結趙」。史記云，「莫若於結趙」。〕於結趙矣。且又淮北、宋地，〔鮑本楚欲得淮北，魏欲得宋，時皆屬齊。〕楚、魏之所同願也。趙若許，〔鮑本許燕。〕約楚、魏，宋盡力，四國攻之，〔鮑本「魏」作「趙」。○　宋雖已舉，其遺民怨之。補曰：一本「約楚、魏，宋盡力」。史云，「趙若許而約四國攻之」，其文為明。　札記丕烈案：史記與策文不同，考新序校此，但無「宋」字，此當衍「宋」也。〕齊可大破也。』先王曰：『善。』臣乃口受令，具符節，南使臣於趙。顧〔鮑本回顧而反，言其速。〕反命，起兵隨而攻齊。以天之道，先王之靈，河北之地，隨先王舉而有之於濟上。濟上之軍，奉令擊齊，大勝之。輕卒銳兵，長驅至國。〔姚本錢作「齊」。〕齊王〔鮑本閔。〕逃遁走莒，僅以身免。珠玉財寶，車甲珍器，盡收入燕。〔鮑本補曰：此數語，毅罪狀也。〕大呂陳於元英，〔鮑本大呂，律名。元英，燕樂名。正曰：索隱云，大呂，齊鐘名。元英，燕宮殿名。〕故鼎反於曆室，〔鮑本「於」作「乎」。○　故鼎，齊所得燕鼎。凡鼎以占休咎，故歸之律曆之室。正曰：「曆」，史作「磿」。周禮，「遂師抱磿」，音歷。又，史表「磿侯」，漢表作「曆」，古字通用。說見秦策。正義引括地志云，元英、曆室，燕二宮名，在幽州薊縣西四里寧臺之下。高誘云，燕噲亂，齊伐燕，殺噲，得鼎，今反歸故鼎。今註本無。　札記丕烈案：新序作「歷」。索隱引此同。〕齊器設於寧臺。〔鮑本燕臺。〕薊丘之植，〔鮑本薊，幽州國。植，旗幟之屬。〕植於汶皇。〔鮑本「皇」作「篁」。○　汶水，出泰山萊蕪原。竹田曰篁。言燕以齊為塞。正曰：索隱云，薊丘，燕所都。言燕薊丘之所植，植齊王汶上之竹。徐註謂燕之疆界移於齊之汶水，非此之謂。此言燕薊丘之所植，移植於汶上之竹田。索隱云亦然。樓助集古今文以毅書為首，有策問云，「夷門之植，植為燕雲」。蓋用毅語也。愚謂，左氏以太宮之椽，歸為盧門之椽，句法正同，補曰：一本「汶皇」。　札記丕烈案：史記、新序作「篁」。〕自五伯以來，功未有及先王者也。先王以為愜其志，〔鮑本「愜」作「順」，下有「于」字。○　補曰：一本「以為愜于志」。丕烈案：史記作「慊于志」，新序「快其志」。〕以臣為不頓〔鮑本頓，猶墜。〕命，故裂地而封之，〔鮑本補曰：謂封昌國君也。〕使之得比乎小國諸侯。臣不佞，自以為奉令承教，可以幸無罪矣，故受命而弗辭。

「臣聞賢明之君，功立而不廢，故著於春秋；蚤知〔鮑本蚤知，先見也。〕之士，名成而不毀，故稱於後世。若先王之報怨雪恥，夷萬乘之強國，收八百歲之蓄積，〔鮑本通太公數之。〕及至棄群臣之日，餘令詔後嗣之遺義，執政任事之臣，所以能循法令，順庶孽〔鮑本新立之君皆患庶孽之亂，昭王能預順之。〕者，施及萌〔鮑本「萌」，「氓」同。〕隸，皆可以教於後世。

「臣聞善作者，不必善成；善始者，不必善終。昔者五子胥〔鮑本「五」作「伍」。○　札記今本「五」作「伍」。丕烈案：「五」、「伍」同字。史記，新序作「伍」。〕說聽乎闔閭，故吳王遠跡至於郢。夫差弗是也，〔鮑本不然子胥之說。〕賜之鴟夷〔鮑本鴟夷，榼名。馬革為其形，以歛骸骨。正曰：史，乃取子胥尸，盛以鴟夷革。應劭云，取馬革為鴟夷榼形。〕而浮之江。故吳王夫差不悟〔鮑本「悟」作「悞」。○　札記丕烈案：史記作「寤」，新序作「計」。〕先論之可以立功，故沉子胥而不〔鮑本「不」作「弗」。○　札記丕烈案：史記、新序作「不」。〕悔。子胥不蚤見主之不同量，故入江而不改。〔鮑本補曰：史，「不化」。索隱云，言子胥怨恨，故雖投江而神不化，猶為波濤之神也。　札記丕烈案：新序亦作「化」。〕夫免身全功，以明先王之跡者，臣之上計也。離〔鮑本離，麗也，猶遭。正曰：「離」，「罹」通，遭也。〕毀辱之非，墮先王之名者，臣之所大恐也。臨不測之罪，以幸為利者，義之所不敢出也。

「臣聞古之君子，交絕不出惡聲；〔鮑本補曰：正義曰，不說己長而談彼短。〕忠臣之去也，不潔其名。〔鮑本毀其君而自潔。〕臣雖不佞，〔鮑本「佞」下有「乎」字。○　補曰：一本無「乎」字，蓋衍。　札記丕烈案：史記、新序，此無「乎」字。〕數奉教於君子矣。恐侍御者之親左右之說，而不察疏遠之行也。故敢以書報，唯君之留意焉。」〔鮑本傳有。補曰：大事記，延平陳氏曰，樂毅之下齊也，止侵略，寬賦歛，除暴令，脩舊政，求逸民顯而禮之，祀桓公、管仲於郊，表賢者之閭，封王蠋之墓，凡可以悅其民者，無不為之。此孟子所以教齊者，齊王不能用之於燕，而樂毅能用之於齊。呂子讀書記曰樂毅伐齊云云，曰，「若不遂乘之，待彼悔前之非，改過恤下，而撫其民，則難慮也」。推此言，則世之論毅者，豈其然乎？朱子曰，「樂毅亦戰國之士，何嘗是王者之師」？又曰，「毅初合秦、魏之師，又因人怨湣王之暴，故一舉下齊七十餘城。湣王死，人心之怒已解，恐三國分功，故急遣之，以燕之力亦止於此。況田單忠義死節，堅守二城，自不可攻，非不欲取，蓋力不能爾。毅在當時亦恣意虜掠，正孟子所謂毀其宗廟，遷其重器者爾」！愚謂，樂毅之伐齊，取寶器，燒宮室，見於田齊、燕世家，毅傳、國策皆然。徵以毅之自言，蓋不誣矣。陳氏首以止侵掠為美，似未察其實也。齊以燕伐燕，燕以齊伐齊，孟子所以教齊王者，毅實違之，是尚為能用之乎？雖有寬賦、除暴、反政、禮賢數端，不足以揜其罪也。故愚著朱子說，併記呂子他日之論，以見其不滿於毅如此。而取陳氏者，特一時之見，未為定論也。〕

或獻書燕王

或〔姚本錢本添「或」字。〕獻書燕王：「王〔鮑本「王」上有「燕」字。○　補曰：一本無此「燕」字。姚同。〕而不能自恃，〔鮑本弱國必得援。〕不惡卑名以事強，事強可以令國安長久，萬世之善計。〔鮑本「計」下補「也」字。○〕以事強而不可以為萬世，則不如合弱。將柰何合弱而不能如一，〔鮑本以不一為無如之何。〕此臣之所為山東苦也。

「比目之魚，〔鮑本爾雅，東方有比目魚，不比不行，謂之鰈。〕不相得則不能行，故古之〔鮑本無「之」字。○〕人稱之，以其合兩而如一也。今山東合弱而不能如一，是山東之知不如魚也。又譬如車士之引車也，三人不能行，索二人，五人而車因行矣。今山東三國〔鮑本蓋韓、魏、趙也。〕弱而不能敵秦，索二國，因能勝秦矣。然而山東不知相索，〔鮑本「索」下有「者」字。○〕智固不如車士矣。胡與越人，言語不相知，志意不相通，同舟而凌波，至其相救助如一也。今山東之相與也，如同舟而濟，秦之兵至，不能相救助如一，智又不如胡、越之人矣。三物者，〔鮑本物，猶事。〕人之所能為也，山東之〔鮑本無「之」字。○　補曰：一本「主」上有「之」字。〕主遂不悟，此臣之所為山東苦也。願大王之熟慮之也。

「山東相合，之主者不〔鮑本「不」下補「惡」字。○　札記丕烈案：此所補誤甚。「之主者不卑名」為一句，下文「之國者可長存」為一句，二者對文，皆山東相合之效也。之，此也。此，山東相合，主也，國也。吳氏讀亦非，見下。〕卑名，之國者可長存，〔鮑本言山東欲存，惟不羞自卑者可也。〕之卒者〔鮑本之，猶其也。「卒」，「猝」同。補曰：疑當以三「者」字句，不然，「卒者」下有缺文。　札記吳氏補曰，疑當以三「者」字句。丕烈案：此非也。見上。又曰，不然，卒者下有缺文。是矣。〕出士以戍韓、梁之西邊，此燕之上計也。不急為此，國必危矣，主〔鮑本「主」作「王」。○〕必大憂。今韓、梁、趙三國以合矣，秦見三晉之堅也，必南伐楚。趙見秦之伐楚也，必北攻燕。〔鮑本無「北」字。○　補曰：一本「必北攻」。姚同。〕物固有勢異而患同者。秦久〔鮑本「久」作「之」。○　補曰：一本「之伐」作「久伐」，下句同。姚並同。〕伐韓，故中山亡；〔鮑本秦不暇救，故趙亡之。正曰：秦非助中山者。補曰：按趙策，蘇厲曰，楚人久伐而中山亡。魏策曰，中山恃齊、魏以輕趙，齊、魏伐楚而趙亡中山。大事記謂楚與魏連兵，中山失助而亡。史稱主父與齊、燕共滅中山。則齊非中山與國也。愚謂，中山近魏，二國相善，信矣。趙與齊、燕滅中山，乃年表惠文四年所書，已與世家差一年，且趙之有事中山久矣，自武靈十九年胡服以來，攻城略地，無歲無之，何至此而始合齊、燕滅之邪？而秦、韓、齊、魏伐楚，敗唐昧重丘，當武靈二十五年，是年趙年表書攻中山，通鑑綱目書中山君奔齊，齊策稱中山君臣於齊。蓋四國伐楚而趙不與，趙得以攻中山而亡之，其君遂出奔也。史所載與策合者，莫明於此。中山君且奔齊，則與齊共滅之言未可據。秦、韓、齊、魏共伐楚，則所謂楚、魏連兵非此年。齊策曰，齊、燕戰而趙氏兼中山，則史記之言有誤，大事記或未察也。今燕策又謂秦伐韓，故中山亡，則韓亦助中山者。是年，秦伐韓取穰，豈其事歟？愚嘗因此策與齊策陳軫合三晉事同，而辨中山非至惠文三年始亡，特遷其王爾。以此數策觀之，尤信。〕今久〔鮑本「久」作「秦之」二字。○〕伐楚，燕必亡。〔鮑本趙亡之。〕臣竊為王計，不如以兵南合三晉，約戍韓、梁之西邊。山東不能堅為此，此必皆亡。」

燕果以兵南合三晉也。〔鮑本此三年，與楚、三晉攻秦。彪謂：此三物喻從之精者也，故雖子噲庸主亦能感動。惜乎言猶在耳，而諸侯之心已變矣，此豈非天亡之哉！正曰：此章當是昭王時，說見齊策秦伐魏章下。〕

客謂燕王

客謂燕王曰：「齊南破楚，西屈秦，用韓、魏之兵，燕、趙之眾，猶鞭筴也。〔鮑本御諸國如馬。〕使齊北面伐燕，即雖五燕不能當。王何不陰出使，〔鮑本密遣使者。〕散游士，頓〔鮑本頓，勞敝之也。〕齊兵，弊其眾，使世世無患。」燕王曰：「假寡人五年，寡人得其志矣。」蘇子曰：「請假王十年。」燕王說，奉蘇子車五十乘，〔鮑本「五十」作「十五」。○　補曰：姚本「五十乘」，是。〕南使於齊。

謂齊王〔鮑本閔。〕曰：「齊南破楚，西屈秦，用韓、魏之兵，燕、趙之眾，猶鞭筴也。臣聞當世之舉王，〔鮑本興起之王。補曰：「舉」字恐因下誤衍。〕必誅暴正亂，舉無道，〔鮑本五旬舉之之舉。〕攻不義。今宋王〔鮑本君偃。〕射天笞埊，鑄諸侯之象，使侍屏匽，〔鮑本屏，廁也。當作井匽，路廁。補曰：周禮，「宮人為井匽」注，井，漏井，所以受水潦。鄭司農云，匽，路廁也。鑄諸侯之象，即後章秦王所謂宋王無道，為木人以象寡人，射其面者。〕展其臂，彈其鼻，此天下之無道不義，而王不伐，王名終不成。〔鮑本補曰：大事記云，齊之伐宋也，蘇代實啟之，引策云，今宋王無道云云。〕且夫宋，中國膏腴之地，鄰民之所處也，〔鮑本齊民鄰宋者處之。〕與其得百里於燕，不如得十里於宋。伐之，名則義，實則利，王何為弗為？」齊王曰：「善。」遂與〔鮑本「與」作「興」。○〕兵伐宋，三覆宋，宋遂舉。

燕王聞之，絕交於齊，率天下之兵以伐齊，大戰一，小戰再，頓齊國，成其名。故曰：因其強而強之，乃可折也；因其廣而廣之，乃可缺也。〔鮑本彪謂：聽言亦難矣。蘇子所以告齊王，天下之正誼也，齊用之，不旋踵而招天下之兵。故有事於天下者，不可以人之言，求諸己而已。己無罪，而後可以誅人之罪；己無釁，而後可以乘人之釁。正曰：宋固可伐矣，齊之伐宋，猶孟子所謂以燕伐燕，不行仁政，動天下之兵者也。蘇代曰，王不伐，王名終不成；伐之，名則義，實則利。此豈天下之正誼哉？〕

趙且伐燕

趙且伐燕，蘇代為燕謂惠王〔鮑本趙惠文。〕曰：「今者臣來，過易水，蚌〔鮑本蚌，蠯。〕方出曝，而鷸〔鮑本鷸，知天將雨鳥。補曰：鷸，音聿，亦有術音。〕啄其肉，蚌合而拑〔鮑本「拑」作「箝」。○　箝，籋也。補曰：一本「箝」作「拑」，字通。〕其喙。〔札記「喙」，今本誤「啄」。〕鷸曰：『今日不雨，明日不雨，即有死蚌。』蚌亦謂鷸曰：『今日不出，明日不出，即有死鷸。』兩者不肯相舍，漁者得而并禽之。〔姚本續云：謠語、諺語皆湊。後語「必見死蚌脯」，即多一字。藝文類聚引云，「蚌將為脯」，如此則湊韻。然不聞蚌、鷸得雨則解也。陸農師乃云，「今日不兩，明日不兩，必有死蚌」。「兩」謂闢口。一今作「雨」，非是。恐別有所據。　鮑本補曰：愚按韻補，蚌，湊彼五反。鷸知將雨，雨即解去爾。〕今趙且伐燕，燕、趙久相支，以弊大眾，臣恐強秦之為漁父也。故願王之〔鮑本無「故」字、「之」字。○〕熟計之也。」惠王曰：「善。」乃止。〔鮑本燕惠、武、成皆與趙惠王相及，此策時不可考。〕

齊魏爭燕

齊、魏爭燕。齊謂燕王曰：「吾得趙矣。」魏亦謂燕王曰：「吾得趙矣。」燕無以決之，而未有適〔鮑本補曰：音的。〕予也。蘇子〔姚本一作「代」，曾作「子」。　鮑本「子」作「代」。○〕謂燕相曰：「臣聞辭卑而幣重者，失天下者也；辭倨而幣薄者，得天下者也。今魏之辭倨而幣薄。」燕因合於魏，得〔鮑本「得」上補「魏」字。○　補曰：姚本有此字。〕趙，〔鮑本「趙」作「燕」。○　正曰：魏曰得趙，燕因合于魏而得趙也。〕齊遂北矣。〔鮑本魏昭十二年，與秦、趙、韓、燕伐齊，敗之，燕獨入臨淄。此二十八年。〕

燕策 三

齊韓魏共攻燕

齊、韓、魏共攻燕，〔鮑本燕惠七年書韓、魏、楚共伐燕，他不書，則楚當是齊。此二十七年。正曰：策有宋，蓋宋未滅時，豈得改楚為齊？〕燕使太子請救於楚。楚王使景陽將而救之。〔鮑本景陽後至考烈六年猶為將，見史。補曰：楚世家。景陽救楚，齊滅宋，當頃襄十三年，至考烈王六年，凡三十年，猶相及。唐裴行儉討突厥徙營事，類此。〕暮舍，使左右司馬各營壁〔鮑本壁，軍壘。〕地，已，稙〔鮑本「稙」作「植」。○　札記今本「稙」作「植」。〕表。〔鮑本如華表，以別所舍。〕景陽怒曰：「女所營者，水皆至滅〔鮑本滅，猶沒也。此欲用其眾，因以示神。〕表。此焉可以舍！」乃令徙。明日大雨，山水大出，所營者，水皆滅表。軍吏乃服。於是遂不救燕，而攻魏雝丘，〔鮑本「雝」，「雍」同。屬陳留。〕取之以與宋。〔鮑本宋時已為齊，未曉。〕三國懼，乃罷兵。魏軍其西，齊軍其東，楚軍欲還不可得也。景陽乃開西和門，晝以車騎，暮以燭見，〔鮑本無「見」字。○　補曰：姚本「車」作「軍」。〕通〔鮑本補曰：姚本「通」作「見」。〕使於魏。齊師怪之，以為燕、楚與魏謀之，乃引兵而去。齊兵已去，魏失其與國，無與共擊楚，乃夜遁。楚師乃還。〔鮑本元在燕策。正曰：以救燕，故在燕。補曰：「雝」及通使之「使」，去聲。〕

張丑為質於燕

張丑為質於燕，〔鮑本正曰：丑，見齊、韓、魏、中山等策，與楚威王、田嬰、公仲、張儀相涉，恐非惠王之世。〕燕王欲殺之，走且出境，境吏得丑。丑曰：「燕王所為將殺我者，人有言我有寶珠也，王欲得之。今我已亡之矣，而燕王不我信。今子且致我，我且言子之奪我珠而吞之，燕王必當殺子，刳〔鮑本刳，判也。〕子腹及子之腸〔姚本續云：別本作「反子之腸」。　鮑本補曰：姚本作「反」。〕矣。夫欲得之君，不可說以利。吾要且死，子腸亦且寸絕。」境吏恐而赦之。〔鮑本補曰：韓非子記子胥語楚邊候，同此。〕

燕王喜使栗腹以百金為趙孝成王壽

燕王喜使栗腹以百金為趙孝成王壽，酒三日，反報曰：「趙民其壯者皆死於長平，其孤未壯，可伐也。」王乃召昌國君樂間〔鮑本毅子。補曰：史，毅奔趙後，燕王復以其子樂間為昌國君。索隱云，間，紀閑反。〕而問曰：「何如？」對曰：「趙，四達之國也，其民皆習於兵，不可與戰。」王曰：「吾以倍攻之，可乎？」曰：「不可。」曰：「以三，可乎？」曰：「不可。」王大怒。左右皆以為趙可伐，遽起六十萬以攻趙。令栗腹以四十萬攻鄗，使慶秦〔鮑本補曰：史作「卿秦」。一本標後語作「慶奉」。〕以二十萬攻代。趙使廉頗以八萬遇栗腹於鄗，使樂乘〔鮑本毅之族。〕以五萬遇慶秦於代。燕人大敗。樂間入趙。〔鮑本燕記元年有。正曰：史在王喜四年，餘說見下。〕

燕王以書且謝焉，曰：「寡人不佞，不能奉順君意，故君捐國而去，則寡人之不肖明矣。敢端其願，〔鮑本端，猶專也。願，欲復用之。〕而君不肯聽，故使使者陳愚意，君試論之。語曰：『仁不輕絕，智不輕怨。』君之於先王也，世之所明知也。寡人望有非則君掩蓋之，〔鮑本有非而蔽覆之，王喜所望也。〕不虞〔鮑本虞，猶圖。〕君之明罪之也；望有過則君教誨之，不虞君之明罪之也。〔鮑本「罪」作「棄」。○　札記丕烈案：「棄」字當是，異於上句也。新序上句作「棄」，此句作「罪」，互易。〕且寡人之罪，國人莫不知，天下莫不聞，君微出明怨〔鮑本言間雖無出之趙，以明有怨於我，人亦知之。〕以棄寡人，寡人必有罪矣。雖然，恐君之未盡厚也。諺曰：『厚者不毀人以自益也，仁者不危人以要名。』以〔鮑本無「以」字。○　補曰：此當有「也」字。姚本作「以」，訛。　札記丕烈案：吳說非也。考新序無「也」字，亦無「以」字，「以故」即「故」耳。〕故掩人之邪者，厚人之行也；救人之過者，仁者之道也。世有掩寡人之邪，救寡人之過，非君心所望之？〔鮑本「心」作「恐」，又改作「孰」，無「所」字。○　補曰：字有誤。一本「心所」。　札記丕烈案：考新序作「惡」字。「心」即「惡」之壞。〕今君厚受位於先王以成尊，輕棄寡人以快心，則掩邪救過，難得於君矣。且世有薄於故厚施，〔鮑本「於」作「而」。○　世雖薄我，我反厚施之。　札記丕烈案：此及下句，新序文全異。〕行有失而故惠用。〔鮑本行與我不合，反惠愛任用之。正曰：有過失，當棄，反順用之。〕今使寡人任〔鮑本任，猶負。〕不肖之罪，而君有失厚之累，於為君擇〔鮑本擇其所處。〕之也，無所取之。國之有封疆，猶〔鮑本無「猶」字。○　補曰：一本此有「猶」字。姚同。　札記丕烈案：新序有。〕家之有垣牆，所以合好掩惡也。〔鮑本補曰：惡如字。〕室不能相和，出語鄰家，未為通計也。怨惡未見而明棄之，未〔鮑本「未」下有「為」字。○　札記丕烈案：新序有。〕盡厚也。寡人雖不肖乎，未如殷紂之亂也；君雖不得意乎，未如商容、箕子之累也。然則不內蓋〔鮑本「蓋」一作「盡」。　札記丕烈案：新序作「盡」。〕寡人，而明怨於外，恐其適足以傷於高而薄於行也，非然也。苟可以明君之義，成君之高，雖任惡名，〔鮑本所謂任不肖之罪。〕不難受也。本欲以為明寡人之薄，而君不得厚；揚寡人之辱，而君不得榮，此一舉而兩失也。義者不虧人以自益，況傷人以自損乎！願君無以寡人不肖，累往事之美。昔者，柳下惠吏於魯，三黜而不去。或謂之曰：『可以去。』柳下惠曰：『苟與人之異，惡往而不黜乎？猶且黜乎，寧於故國爾。』〔鮑本補曰：此論語所記便不及。〕柳下惠不以三黜自累，故前業不忘；不以去為心，故遠近無議。今寡人之罪，國人未知，而議寡人者遍天下。語曰：『論不脩心，議不累物，〔鮑本凡有脩者，先必有失，而善論者不然。補曰：「脩」字必有誤。　札記丕烈案：新序無此二句，「脩」或「循」字訛也。〕仁不輕絕，智不簡〔鮑本簡，與附反，猶棄也。〕功。』棄〔鮑本「棄」上有「簡」字。○　札記丕烈案：新序作「簡功棄大者，仇也」。全異。〕大功者，輟也；〔鮑本輟，止也。〕輕絕厚利者，怨也。輟而棄之，怨而累之，宜在遠者，〔鮑本疏遠之臣可爾。〕不望之乎君也。今以寡人無罪，君豈怨之乎？願君捐怨，追惟先王，復以教寡人！意君曰，〔鮑本意度其然。〕余且慝心〔鮑本待之以不善之心。〕以成而過，不顧先王以明而惡，使寡人進不得脩功，退不得改過，君之所揣〔姚本曾作「剬」。　鮑本言間量我也。〕也，唯君圖之！此寡人之愚意也。敬以書謁之。」

樂間、樂〔鮑本無「樂」字。○〕乘怨不用其計，二人卒留趙，不報。〔鮑本彪謂：過而不改，然後為過。燕王喜過在於愎諫伐趙，其於間未見其有可絕之處，而能悔如此。禮不云乎，「其嗟也可去，其謝也可食」。何間絕之深也？抑其書辭條達明麗婉乎，孰復天下之偉文也。正曰：責其出奔以明怨，薄己而揚過，悔文懲創之意少，未見其果可以釋憾而反國也。補曰：新序以此為燕惠王遺樂毅書。考之毅答惠王書云，「今足下使人數之以罪」，而史所載惠王讓毅，無數罪之語。前章燕王使人讓毅，且謝之曰云云，當是此章之首，蓋錯簡也。且策以此為樂間答書，而末云「間、乘怨不用其計」，於乘何與？史趙世家，孝成王十五年，廉頗破殺栗腹，虜卿秦、樂間，則是間為將而被虜。燕世家則云奔趙。又趙孝成王十六年，廉頗圍燕，以樂乘為武襄君。二十一年孝成王卒，廉頗將，攻繁陽，取之，使樂乘代之，頗攻乘，乘走。據策，史所記多舛，故知此書非樂間事，而新序之說為是云。　札記丕烈案：策文與史記樂毅傳事同，新序當係別記，吳氏所說未是。〕

秦并趙北向迎燕

秦并趙，北向迎燕。〔鮑本并，合也。迎，以兵迎之。〕燕王聞之，使人賀秦王。〔鮑本始皇。〕使者過趙，趙王〔鮑本悼襄。〕繫之。使者曰：「秦、趙為一，而天下服矣。茲〔鮑本「茲」作「燕」。○　補曰：恐「燕」字訛。〕之所以受命於趙者，為秦也。〔鮑本言燕先時服趙者，以秦與趙合。〕今臣使秦，而趙繫之，是秦、趙有郄。〔鮑本「郄」作「隙」。○　補曰：一本并作「郄」。姚同。〕秦、趙有郄，天下必不服，而燕不受命矣。且臣之使秦，無妨於趙之伐燕也。」趙王以為然而遣之。

使者見秦王曰：「燕王竊聞秦并趙，燕王使使者賀千金。」秦王曰：「夫燕無道，吾使趙有之，子何賀？」使者曰：「臣聞全趙之時，南鄰為秦，北下曲陽〔鮑本下曲陽，屬鉅鹿。〕為燕，趙廣三百里，而與秦相距五十餘年矣，所以不能反〔鮑本反，猶報也。言數為秦敗，不能報而勝之。〕勝秦者，國小而地無所取。今王使趙北并〔鮑本北并，謂兼有之。〕燕，燕、趙同力，必不復受〔鮑本「受」下補「命」字。○〕於秦矣。臣切〔鮑本「切」作「竊」。○　札記今本「切」作「竊」。〕為王患之。」秦王以為然，起兵而救〔姚本曾作「攻」。〕燕。〔鮑本趙悼襄九年攻燕，取狸陽城。兵未罷，秦攻鄴，拔之。此十九年。〕

燕太子丹質於秦亡歸

燕太子丹質於秦，亡歸。見秦且滅六國，兵以〔鮑本「以」作「已」。○〕臨易水，〔札記今本「水」誤「未」，下「則易水以北」，「水」誤「人」。〕恐其禍至。太子丹患之，謂其太傅鞫〔鮑本「鞫」作「鞠」。○　補曰：一本「鞠」作「鞫」。下同。索隱云，音麴，又如字。　札記丕烈案：史記作「鞠」。〕武曰：「燕、秦不兩立，願太傅幸而圖之。」武對曰：「秦地遍天下，威脅韓、魏、趙氏，則易水以北，未有所定也。柰何以見陵之怨，〔鮑本傳言，丹質秦，秦遇之不善。〕欲排〔姚本一作「批」。曾、錢作「排」。　鮑本「排」作「批」。○　批，白結切，擊也。說難，龍可擾而騎也，然喉下有逆鱗徑尺，人有嬰之，則必殺人，人主亦有。補曰：一本「批」作「排」。　札記丕烈案：史記作「批」。〕其逆鱗哉？」太子曰：「然則何由？」太傅曰：「請入，圖之。」〔鮑本請太子入息，己乃圖之。〕

居之有間，樊將軍亡秦之燕，太子容之。〔鮑本「容」作「客」。○　補曰：姚本「容之」。　札記丕烈案：史記作「舍」。〕太傅鞫武諫曰：「不可。夫秦王〔鮑本始皇。〕之暴，而積怨於燕，〔鮑本怨其亡歸。〕足為寒心，〔鮑本補曰：凡人寒甚則心戰，恐懼亦戰。〕又況聞樊將軍之在乎！是以〔鮑本「以」作「謂」。○　補曰：史作「謂」，然「以」義亦通。〕委肉當餓虎之蹊，〔鮑本蹊，徑也。〕禍必不振〔鮑本振，救也。〕矣！雖有管、晏，不能為謀。〔鮑本「不能為謀」作「不能為之謀也」。○　丕烈案：史記有「之」字、「也」字。〕願太子急遣樊將軍入匈奴以滅口。請西約三晉，南連齊、楚，北講於單于，然後乃可圖也。」太子丹曰：「太傅之計，曠日彌久，心惛然，恐不能須臾。〔鮑本言己憂思昏瞀且死，須臾不可待。〕且非獨於此也。夫樊將軍困窮於天下，歸身於丹，丹終不迫於強秦，而棄所哀憐之交置之匈奴，是丹命固卒之時也。〔鮑本知禍且至，而猶為之，自疑命止於此。〕願太傅更慮之。」鞫武曰：「燕有田光先生者，其智深，其勇沉，〔鮑本「其勇」作「而慮」。○　沉，猶深。補曰：一本「其智深，其勇沉」。史、姚同。〕可與之謀也。」太子曰：「願因太傅交於田先生，可乎？」鞫武曰：「敬諾。」出見田光，道太子曰：〔鮑本衍「曰」字。　札記丕烈案：史記無。〕「願圖國事於先生。」田光曰：「敬奉教。」乃造焉。

太子跪而逢迎，卻行為道，〔鮑本不敢背之。〕跪而拂席。田先生坐定，左右無人，太子避席而請曰：「燕、秦不兩立，願先生留意也。」田光曰：「臣聞騏驥盛壯之時，一日而馳千里。至其衰也，駑馬先之。今太子聞光壯盛之時，不知吾精已消亡矣。雖然，光不敢以乏國事也。〔鮑本不令太子所圖有闕。〕所善荊軻，可使也。」太子曰：「願因先生得願〔鮑本衍「願」字。〕交於〔鮑本無「於」字。○　札記丕烈案：史記作「結交於」。〕荊軻，可乎？」田光曰：「敬諾。」即〔鮑本「即」作「則」。○　補曰：一本「即趨出」，姚本「即起」。　札記丕烈案：史記作「即起」。〕起，趨出。太子送之至門，曰：〔鮑本「曰」上有「戒」字。○　札記丕烈案：史記有。〕「丹所報，先生所言者，國大事也，願先生勿泄也。」田光俛〔鮑本補曰：正義曰，俛，音俯。按「俛」即「俯」字。漢書晁錯傳「俛仰」、韓信「俛出」、東方朔「俛啄」，顏注，即「俯」。〕而笑曰：「諾。」

僂〔鮑本僂，致敬貌。禮，一命而僂。〕行見荊軻，曰：「光與子相善，燕國莫不知。今太子聞光壯盛之時，不知吾形已不逮也，幸而教之曰：『燕、秦不兩立，願先生留意也。』光竊不自外，〔鮑本言不自疏于軻。〕言足下於太子，願足下過太子於宮。」荊軻曰：「謹奉教。」田光曰：「光聞長者之行，〔鮑本「之」作「為」。○　補曰：一本「長者之行」。　札記丕烈案：史記作「為」。〕不使人疑之，今太子約光曰：『所言者，國之大事也，願先生勿泄也。』是太子疑光也。夫為行使人疑之，非節俠士也。」〔鮑本荀悅曰，立氣勢，作威福，結私交，以立強於世者，謂之俠。〕欲自殺以激荊軻，〔鮑本言其死非為泄，欲厲勉軻，使死之耳。〕曰：「願足下急過太子，言光已死，明不言也。」遂自剄而死。

軻見太子，言田光已死，明不言也。〔鮑本「明不言也」作「致光之言」。○　補曰：一本此四字作「明不言也」。姚同。史同今本。〕太子再拜而跪，膝下行〔鮑本以膝行，不立行，故言下。〕流涕，有頃而後言曰：「丹所請田先生無言者，欲以成大事之謀，今田先生以死明不泄言，豈丹之心哉？」荊軻坐定，太子避席頓首曰：「田先生不知丹不肖，使得至前，願有所道，此天所以哀燕不〔鮑本「不」上有「而」字。○　札記丕烈案：史記有。〕棄其孤也。〔鮑本補曰：索隱云，無父曰孤，時燕王尚在，或記者失辭，或諸侯嫡子亦僭稱孤也。又劉向曰，燕王喜之太子。〕今秦有貪饕〔鮑本「饕」作「利」。○　札記丕烈案：史記作「利」。〕之心，而欲不可足也。非盡天下之地，臣海內之王者，〔鮑本補曰：荀子註引策作「牢天下之王」。〕其意不饜。今秦已虜韓王，〔鮑本秦十七年虜王安。〕盡納其地，又舉兵南伐楚，北臨趙。王翦將〔鮑本無「將」字。○　札記丕烈案：史記有。〕數十萬之眾臨漳、鄴，而李信出太原、雲中。趙不能〔鮑本無「能」字。○　補曰：一本此有「能」字。　札記丕烈案：史記有。〕支秦，必入臣。入臣，則禍至燕。燕小弱，數困於兵，今計舉國不足以當秦。諸侯服秦，莫敢合從。丹之私計，愚以為誠得天下之勇士，使於秦，窺以重利，〔鮑本闚，言示之以利，使之見而欲也。〕秦王貪其贄，必得所願矣。誠得劫秦王，使悉反諸侯之侵地，若曹沫之與齊桓公，則大善矣；則不可，因而刺殺之。彼大將擅兵於外，而內有大亂，則君臣相疑。以其間諸侯，諸侯得合從，其償破〔鮑本無「破」字。○　補曰：一本此有「破」字。　札記丕烈案：史記有「破」無「償」，此當是策文作「償」，史記作「破」，因兩存也。〕秦必矣。此丹之上願，而〔鮑本無「而」字。○　札記丕烈案：史記有。〕不知所以委命，〔鮑本委棄性命，猶言不知死所。〕唯荊〔姚本曾本無「荊」字。〕卿留意焉。」久之，荊軻曰：「此國之大事，〔鮑本「事」下有「也」字。○　札記丕烈案：史記有。〕臣駑下，恐不足任使。」太子前頓首，固請無讓。然後許諾。於是尊荊軻為上卿，舍上舍，太子日日造問，〔鮑本「太子日日造問」作「太子日造門下」。○　札記丕烈案：史記作「太子日造門下」。〕供太牢異物，〔鮑本「異」上有「具」字。○　札記丕烈案：史記有。〕間進車騎美女，恣荊軻所欲，以順適其意。
久之，荊卿未有行意。秦將王翦破趙，虜趙王，〔鮑本「王」下有「遷」字。○　十九年。札記丕烈案：史記無。上韓王安，不名，此有者誤。〕盡收其地，進兵北略〔鮑本略，經略之。〕地，至燕南界。太子丹恐懼，乃請荊卿曰：「秦兵旦暮渡易水，則雖欲長侍足下，豈可得哉？」荊卿曰：「微太子言，臣願得謁之。今行而無信，則秦未可親也。夫今〔鮑本衍「今」字。　札記丕烈案：史記無。〕樊將軍，秦王購之金〔姚本曾、錢作「秦王懸金」。〕千斤，邑萬家。誠能得樊將軍首，與燕督亢之地圖〔鮑本後志，涿郡方城縣有督亭，註引此。補曰：正義云，督亢坡在幽州范陽縣東南，今固安縣南有督亢陌，幽州南界。劉向別錄云，督亢，膏腴之地。蓋欲獻之，故畫圖。〕獻秦王，秦王必說見臣，臣乃得有以報太子。」太子曰：「樊將軍以窮困來歸丹，丹不忍以己之私，而傷長者之意，願足下更慮之。」

荊軻知太子不忍，乃遂私見樊於期〔鮑本將軍名。〕曰：「秦之遇將軍，可謂深矣。父母宗族，皆為戮沒。今聞購將軍之首，金千斤，邑萬家，將柰何？」樊將軍仰天太息流涕曰：「吾每念，常痛於骨髓，顧計不知所出耳。」軻曰：「今有一言，可以解燕國之患，而報將軍之仇者，何如？」樊於期乃前曰：「為之〔鮑本無「為之」二字。○　補曰：一本「為之奈何」。姚同。　札記丕烈案：史記有。〕柰何？」荊軻曰：「願得將軍之首以獻秦，秦王必喜而善見臣，臣左手把其袖，而右手揕抗〔姚本一無「抗」字。曾、錢作「揕抗」。　鮑本無「而」字、「抗」字。○　揕，刺也，知鴆反。補曰：揕，一作「抗」，故他本連有二字，下文同。索隱云，抗，拒也，義非。　札記丕烈案：史記云，「右手揕其胸」。徐廣曰，揕，音張鴆反，一作「抗」。索隱曰，「抗」，苦浪反，言抗，拒也，其義非。考小司馬讀誤也。史記字作「揕」，戰國策作「抌」，故徐廣曰，一作「抌」。「抌」、「揕」同字，亦丁鴆反。作「抗」，是形近之訛。吳依小司馬讀，并誤。〕其胸，然則將軍之仇報，而燕國見陵之恥除矣。將軍豈有意乎？」樊於期偏袒扼腕而進曰：「此臣日夜切齒拊心也，〔鮑本「臣」下有「之」字，「拊」作「腐」。○　腐者，痛之極。補曰：勇者奮厲，必以左手扼右腕也。切齒，前見。一本「拊心」。　札記丕烈案：史記作「腐」，有「之」字。〕乃今得聞教。」遂自刎。〔鮑本刎，斷也。〕太子聞之，馳往，伏屍而哭，極哀。既已，無可柰何，乃遂收〔鮑本無「收」字。○　札記丕烈案：史記無。〕盛樊於期之首，函封之。

於是，太子預求天下之利匕首，得趙人徐夫人〔鮑本補曰：索隱云，徐，姓；夫人，名。男子也。〕之匕首，取之百金，使工以藥淬〔鮑本「淬」，當從火，堅刀刃也。若「淬」，則滅火器爾。正曰：「淬」，「焠」通，取內反。說文，徐云，淬，劍燒而入水也。此謂以毒藥染鍔而淬之也。後語註云，以藥水鑒匕首為淬。鑒，古電反。〕之，以試人，血濡縷，〔鮑本沾濡衣之一縷。〕人無不立死者。乃為裝〔鮑本行具也。〕遣荊軻。燕國有勇士秦武陽，年十二，〔鮑本「二」作「三」。○　札記今本「二」誤「一」。丕烈案：史記作「三」。〕殺人，人不敢與忤〔鮑本無「與」字，「忤」作「悟」，又改作「牾」。○　正曰：「悟」，「忤」通，說見魏策。忤，逆也。札記丕烈案：史記作「忤」，無「與」字。〕視。乃令秦武陽為副。荊軻有所待，欲與俱，其人居遠未來，而為留待。頃之未〔姚本曾作「不」。〕發。太子遲之，疑其有〔鮑本無「有」字。○　札記丕烈案：史記無。〕改悔，乃復請之曰：「日以〔鮑本「以」作「已」。○　札記丕烈案：今本「以」作「已」。史記作「已」。〕盡矣，荊卿豈無意哉？丹請先遣秦武陽。」荊軻怒，叱太子曰：「今日往而不反者，豎子也！今提一匕首入不測之強秦，僕所以留者，待吾客與俱。今太子遲之，請辭決矣！」遂發。

太子及〔鮑本無「及」字。○　札記丕烈案：史記有。〕賓客知其事者，皆白衣冠以送之。至易水上，既祖，〔鮑本祖，行祭。補曰：詩毛傳，祖而舍軷，飲酒於其側曰餞。疏，軷，謂祭道路之神，封土為山象，伏牲其上，既祭，處者餞之，飲畢，乘車轢之而去。〕取道。高漸離擊筑，荊軻和而〔姚本曾無「而」字。〕歌，為變徵〔姚本一作「濮上」。〕之聲，〔鮑本地形訓云，變徵為商，蓋悲音。補曰：應劭云，筑似琴而大，頭安絃，以竹擊之，故名。按，劉子云，荊軻如秦，宋意擊筑。文選，高漸離擊筑，荊軻歌，宋如意和之。　札記丕烈案：文選所云，出燕丹子耳，與史記及此策文不同。〕士皆垂淚涕泣。又前而為歌曰：「風蕭蕭兮易水寒，壯士一去兮不復還！」復〔鮑本曾作「後」。〕為忼慨羽聲，〔鮑本「復為忼慨羽聲」作「復為羽聲忼慷」。○　羽聲，其音怒。忼慷，壯士不得志也。補曰：一本「慷慨羽聲」。朱子楚辭後語作「羽聲慷慨」。　札記丕烈案：史記「羽聲忼慨」。風俗通載此，亦作「羽聲忼慨」。「忼」即「慷」字，連有者非。〕士皆瞋目，髮盡上指冠。於是荊軻遂就車而去，終已不顧。

既至秦，持千金之資幣物，厚遺秦王寵臣中庶子蒙嘉。〔鮑本補曰：中庶子，說見前。新序鄒陽書作「蒙恬」，蓋誤。後語蒙類註云，蒙恬弟也。〕嘉為先言於秦王曰：「燕王誠振〔鮑本「振」，「震」同。下同。〕畏慕〔鮑本「畏慕」二字作「怖」。○　札記丕烈案：史記作「怖」。〕大王之威，不敢興兵以拒大王，〔姚本「拒大王」一作「逆軍吏」。　鮑本「拒大王」作「逆軍吏」。○　補曰：一本「以拒大王」。札記丕烈案：史記作「逆軍吏」。〕願舉國為內臣，比諸侯之列，給貢職如郡縣，而得奉守先王之宗廟。恐懼不敢自陳，謹斬樊於期頭，及獻燕之督亢之地圖，函封，燕王拜送于庭，使使以聞大王。唯大王命之。」

秦王聞之，大喜。乃朝服，設九賓，〔鮑本禮，大小行人，以九儀掌賓客之禮。正曰：大事記，相如奉璧入秦，秦王齋五日後，乃設九賓禮于庭。註引正義韋昭云，九賓，則周禮九儀也。劉伯莊云，九賓者，周王之備禮，天子臨軒，九服同會，秦、趙安得九賓？但亦陳設車輅文物爾，不得以周禮九賓義為釋。愚按，漢書，大行設九賓，恐即秦儀也。〕見燕使者咸陽宮。〔鮑本補曰：關中記云，孝公都咸陽，今渭城是。山南水北曰陽，其地在渭水之北，九嵕諸山之南，故曰咸陽。自始皇至胡亥，皆都此。〕荊軻奉樊於期頭函，而秦武陽奉地圖匣，以次進至陛下。〔鮑本無「下」字。○　升高陛也。　札記丕烈案：史記無。〕秦武陽色變振恐，群臣怪之，荊軻顧笑武陽，〔鮑本顧武陽而笑。〕前為謝曰：「北蠻夷之鄙人，未嘗見天子，故振慴，〔鮑本慴，懼也。〕願大王少假借之，使〔鮑本「使」下有「得」字。○　札記丕烈案：史記有。〕畢使於前。」秦王謂軻曰：〔鮑本無「曰」字。○　札記丕烈案：史記有，無「起」字。〕「起，取武陽所持圖。」軻既取圖奉之，〔鮑本「之」下有「秦王」二字。○　札記丕烈案：史記有。〕發圖，圖窮而匕首見。因左手把秦王之袖，而右手持匕首揕抗〔鮑本無「抗」字。○　札記丕烈案：史記無。見上。〕之。未至身，秦王驚，自引而起，絕袖。〔鮑本「絕袖」作「袖絕」。○　札記丕烈案：史記作「袖絕」。〕拔劍，劍長，摻其室。〔鮑本摻，把持也，與「操」同。晉人多然如。室，劍鞘。補曰：索隱云，古者帶劍上長，拔之不出室，欲王推之於背，令前短易拔，故曰「王負劍」。〕時怨〔姚本曾作「恐」。　鮑本「怨」作「惶」。○　惶，恐也。　札記丕烈案：史記作「惶」。〕急，劍堅，〔姚本曾本無「劍」字。　鮑本堅，在室牢也。〕故不可立拔。荊軻逐秦王，秦王還〔鮑本「還」作「環」，下同。○　札記丕烈案：史記作「環」。「環」、「還」同字。〕柱而走。群臣驚愕，〔鮑本愕，相逐驚也。〕卒〔鮑本「卒」，「猝」同。下同。〕起不意，盡失其度。而秦法，群臣侍殿上者，不得持尺〔鮑本「尺」下有「寸之」二字。○　札記丕烈案：史記有。〕兵。諸郎中執兵，皆陳〔鮑本「陳」下有「於」字。○　札記丕烈案：史記有。〕殿下，非有詔不得上。方急時，不及召下兵，以故荊軻逐秦王，而卒惶急無以擊軻，而乃以手共搏〔鮑本搏，擊也。〕之。是時侍醫夏無且，以其所奉藥囊提〔鮑本「提」下有「荊」字。○　提，擿也。補曰：且，即于反。提，姪帝反。史，「提文帝」、「提吳太子」，語同此。　札記丕烈案：史記作「提荊軻」也。〕軻。秦王之〔鮑本無「之」字。○　札記丕烈案：史記無。〕方還柱走，卒惶急不知所為，左右乃曰：「王負劍！王負劍！」遂拔以擊荊軻，斷其左股。荊軻廢，乃引其匕首〔鮑本「首」下有「以」字。○〕提〔鮑本衍「擿」字，本註字也。補曰：姚本無「擿」字。史無「提」字。二字即上「揕」、「抗」并存之類。索隱云，「擿」與「擲」，古字同，持益反，亦「提」義。　札記丕烈案：當是史記作「擿」，策文作「提」。論衡作「擿」，出史記。〕秦王，不中，中柱。秦王復擊軻，〔鮑本「軻」下復有「軻」字。○　札記丕烈案：史記有。〕被八創。軻自知事不就，倚柱而笑，箕踞〔鮑本踞，坐，展兩足如箕。補曰：既斷左股，何云展兩足？　札記今本「踞」誤「倨」。〕以罵曰：「事所以不成者，乃欲以生劫之，必得約契〔鮑本復地之契。〕以報太子也。」左右既前斬荊軻，秦王目眩良久。而〔鮑本「而」上有「已」字。○　札記丕烈案：史記有。〕論功賞群臣及當坐者，〔鮑本罪所當坐。〕各有差。而賜夏無且黃金二百鎰，曰：「無且愛我，乃以藥囊提〔鮑本「提」下有「荊」字。○　札記丕烈案：史記有。〕軻也。」

於是，秦大怒燕，益發兵詣趙，詔王翦軍以伐燕。十月而拔燕薊城。〔鮑本並此二十九年。〕燕王喜、太子丹等，皆率其精兵東保於遼東。秦將李信追擊燕王，王急，用代王嘉計，殺太子丹，欲獻之秦。秦復進兵攻之。五歲而卒滅燕國，〔鮑本秦二十五年，此三十三年。〕而虜燕王喜。秦兼天下。

其後荊軻客高漸離以擊筑見秦皇帝，而以筑擊秦皇帝，為燕報仇，不中而死。〔鮑本刺客傳有。彪謂：太子丹不忍一朝之憤，輕亡其國，其謀悖矣。夫以二夫行劫刺於大國，出於倉卒不意，或幸以中，而欲從容質責，使悉反侵地，取契以歸，此豈持匕首之所可待？鞠武初謀似矣，太子不用，不能力爭，妾婦之明也。數士之死，燕國之亡，皆武實為之。荊軻之事，甚似曹劌，其所不可者，劌發憤於一朝，而軻畜謀於積歲。且白衣祖送者係路，其不漏露而先敗，抑已幸矣。軻不足道也。厥後留侯亦袖椎竊發，此其人豈愚哉？蓋積志仇秦，不知所不可。使其不逢漢帝，則亦死以為期，不能一日而忘秦也。豫子、高漸離、張留侯三人者，皆孝子忠臣至一之行也，唯軻於此則無處焉。補曰：胡氏謂，「秦皇狙詐之智，虎狼之威，千騎萬乘之眾，揮椎奮擊既無覺者，大索天下又不能得，良非獨免，併免力士，其智略之妙，固已視呂政如罝中兔，何敗獲之憂」？鮑以三人並論，愚謂三人報仇之志則同，以智略言之則異，胡說當矣。朱子曰，「軻匹夫之勇，其事無足言，然於此可以見秦政之無道，燕丹之淺謀，而天下之勢已至於此，雖聖賢復生，亦未知其何以安之也」！〕

Source Colophon

The Chinese text follows the Chinese Wikisource transcription of the Strategies of the Warring States (articles 戰國策 (士禮居叢書本)/燕/一, 戰國策 (士禮居叢書本)/燕/二, 戰國策 (士禮居叢書本)/燕/三, revisions of 7 October 2024 to 7 October 2024), inspected from a witness copy captured on 22 August 2026. Chinese Wikisource transcriptions are published under CC BY-SA 4.0 and the GFDL; the text itself is ancient and in the public domain. The wiki header, navigation links, license templates, and modern contributors' footnotes have been removed; the text is otherwise complete and unaltered.

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