by Susyn Yvonne Mihalasky

Susyn Yvonne Mihalasky's 1998 study, published by the International
Council for Central and East European Studies, examines the divided
ethno-national orientation of Lemko Rusyns in Poland -- the ongoing
contest between Rusyn, Ukrainian, and (for some) Polish
self-identification among a dispersed post-1947 minority.

Poland**

The following article appears here courtesy of the author -
Susyn Y Mihalasky and is copyright 1998 by International Council for Central
and East European Studies

Unauthorized use or duplication is forbidden

The collapse of communism in East-Central Europe in 1989 created more
political space for ethno-national minorities to assert themselves. For
these minorities, issues left unresolved since the onset of communism have
re-emerged with remarkable speed. The Lemkos of Poland are one such case.
Since 1989 this small ethno-cultural group has experienced the swift re-emergence
of the ethno-national identity question, namely, who are the Lemko: are
they a part of the Ukrainian nation, or of a newly re-emergent Carpatho-Rusyn
people?

During the communist era, the Ukrainian identity was the only non-Polish
ethno-national identity under which the Lemkos could organize and manifest
their cultural and community life. With the fall of communism, however,
a Rusyn 'orientation' has re-emerged among the Lemkos, both preceding and
inspired by the resurrection of a Carpatho-Rusyn ethnic identity in other
former communist countries where they had lived without group recognition:
Slovakia, Ukraine and Hungary. The founding of an independent Ukraine in
August 1991 has similarly energized the Ukrainian identity option. Thus,
the Lemko population has once again come face to face with the vital but
unfinished business of establishing its own ethno-national identity.

What does it mean to be a Lemko in Poland today? What role do such ethno-cultural
markers as language and geography play in determining the parameters of
present-day Lemko ethno-national identity? How do Lemkos understand and
define what it is to be 'Lemko', 'Rusyn', and 'Ukrainian'? What impact
is the revived ethno-national identity question having on Lemko community
life?

In this chapter I will answer these questions by drawing on data collected
from a written survey distributed among Lemkos residing in Poland in 1991-92.
The survey is part of a larger study on the long-term impact on the Lemko
community of their expulsion from their Carpathian homeland in 1947. A
brief background section provides a historical and ethnographic profile
of the Lemkos. The survey section that follows concerns the questionnaire
itself and focuses on the sample and how it was collected. Next comes a
discussion of each of the seven questions asked and the tabulation of the
responses (where applicable), followed by respondents' illustrative comments.
Finally, the cumulative results of the seven questions will be examined
to see what they suggest about the ethno-national identity question among
Lemkos in present-day Poland.

Historical Background

The Lemkos are, by virtue of culture, language and religion, classified
as East Slavs. Before their expulsions in 1944-47 from their Carpathian
homeland, Lemkos possessed a rural, agrarian culture; they made their livelihood
primarily in farming and shepherding or in the forest-related professions.
Lemkos are primarily of Greek Catholic or Orthodox Christian religious
background. The Lemko dialect as yet uncodified is considered by most linguists
to be most closely related to Ukrainian. Despite the lack of a universally
accepted grammatical standard, Lemkos have produced a rich vernacular-language
literature, especially remarkable for its poetic expression.

The Lemkos' historical homeland is bounded on the east and west by the
rivers Oslawa and Poprad; on the north by the cities of Nowy Sacz. Gorlice,
Jaslo, Krosno, Sanok; and on the south by the crests of the Carpathians.
Most Lemkos reside at present in Silesia, to which they were resettled
in 1947. While the Lemkos' ethnographic origin is the subject of some debate,
scholars generally agree that by the fourteenth century their ancestors
were already present in the Carpathians.

Lemko ethnographic territory has been under continuous foreign rule
and has changed hands frequently throughout its history. As part of the
Galician Kingdom, the eastern Lemko region was under the hegemony and cultural
influence of Kievan Rus' until 1340, when it joined the western Lemko region
under Polish rule. After the first partitioning of Poland in 1772, the
Lemko region became part of the Austrian empire's Galician province, where
it remained until 1918. From 1918 until the present day, the Lemko region
has again been under Polish rule, except for a brief interval during the
Second World War (1939-44), when it was ruled by Germany.

In 1945-46 approximately 70,000 Lemkos then residing in Poland were
resettled to Soviet Ukraine as part of an international agreement between
the two countries on the exchange of minority populations. An estimated
35,000 Lemkos remained in their homeland until 1947 when, in retaliation
for acts committed by the Ukrainian Insurgent Army, Lemkos along with the
entire Ukrainian population of Poland were resettled en massein
the northern and western territories of Poland.^ During the late 1980s,
approximately 10,000 Lemkos have managed to return to their former Carpathian
homeland. Since the 1980s, the Lemko community has undergone a resurgence
of ethnic pride, which emerged into the open only with the advent of democracy
in Poland. An estimated 60,000 Lemkos now live in Poland^ The survey below
was conducted among this group of people.

The Survey

The questions on the survey raised several issues, including the ethno-national
question, the situation of Lemkos in Poland and respondents' expectations
about their community's future within Poland. At the start of the questionnaire,
respondents were asked to provide basic information for the purpose of
generating a statistical profile of the sample, including age, educational
level, profession, religious persuasion and place of residence (province).
Inasmuch as respondents were anonymous, only these classification data,
along with a randomly assigned number, are used to identify them.

No statistical records on Lemkos have been kept since the Second-World
War. Without the benefit of such a statistical guide, the author chose
to generate a stratified random sample by distributing surveys at Lemko
cultural festivals and religious holidays. Lemkos of all ages from various
parts of Poland attend these annual events, providing a concentrated yet
mixed population of both traditional faiths (Greek Catholic and Orthodox)
and ethno-national 'orientations' (Ukrainian and Rusyn). Surveys were distributed
at the Rusalia (held in the Lemko village of Zyndranowa), the Lemko
Vatra 'in the Homeland' (held in the Lemko village of Zdynia), and the
Vatra 'in Exile' (held in the Silesian resettlement village of Michalow).

All Lemko organizations in existence at the time of the survey received
multiple mailings with requests to distribute them among their members.
These included the Stovarysh'inya Lemkiv (Lemko Association); Ob'ednannya
Lemkiv (Union of Lemkos); Rusynskij Demokratychnyj Kruh Lemkiv "Hospodar"
v Pol'shy ('Hospodar' Rusyn Democratic Circle of Lemkos in Poland); Ruska
Bursa; and the ad-hoc organizational committee of the annual Zdynia Vatra
Folk Festival.

Of 250 questionnaires distributed, fifty-two were returned. The sample
breaks down as follows:

Returns by province are divided into three categories: the historical
territory of Lemko settlement (the Lemko region); the territory to which
Lemkos were relocated in the 1947 population resettlement; and lastly,
all other parts of Poland to which Lemkos have migrated from one of the
first two regions. In terms of location, the breakdown appears as follows:

In terms of profession, the skilled trades predominated, followed by
the professions and educators. Respondents described themselves variously
as accountants, electricians, technicians, engineers, economists, schoolteachers,
teaching assistants, doctors, farmers or homemakers.

Individually represented were a woodsman, a choir director, a cleric,
a veterinarian, a university student, a high school pupil, a philologist-translator
and ethnographer.

The Questions

Question 1. This question sought to define the outer limits of Lemko
identity by asking respondents to think about what in the post-1947 Lemko
community is a common phenomenon: a Lemko extensively assimilated into
the Polish, Roman Catholic mainstream. Is he in the respondent's view 'still'
a Lemko? If so, what makes him so? If not, why not? The question appeared
as follows:

Is it possible for someone who does not speak Lemko, does not live
in the Lemko region, is married to a non-Lemko and of a non-traditional
religious faith, to be regarded as a Lemko?

**

A small majority was willing without reservation to accept the hypothetical
assimilated Lemko as one of their own. Forty-seven per cent (the 35 per
cent answering 'no' and the 12 per cent answering 'Difficult to say') either
rejected the possibility or at least did not look favorably on the hypothetical
Lemko's chances of maintaining his or her Lemko identity.

Most of those respondents who accepted the possibility that the assimilated
Lemko could still be considered a Lemko based their determination of Lemko
identity on one of two characteristics: the individual's parental heritage
and the presence (or absence) in the individual of an emotional attachment
to his or her Lemko heritage.

It is sufficient merely that he [the hypothetical Lemko in the question]
is of Lemko parentage', suggested respondent 2, a 65-year-old Lemko of
Roman Catholic background. 'Lemkos typically set great store by their family
roots', suggested respondent II, a 49-year-old Greek Catholic. Respondent
36, a 33-year-old Greek Catholic teacher, wrote that 'One becomes a Lemko
only once - by being born as one'.

Respondent 8, a 50-year-old Lemko of Orthodox background, wrote that
It depends on him [the hypothetical Lemko]. A feeling of belonging is born
and lives in the heart.' Respondent 15, a 52-year-old economist from Wroclaw,
also based her understanding of who is and who is not a Lemko on an individual's
emotional attachment to his or her heritage. She wrote that one is a Lemko
'when one's heart beats faster at hearing the mere word "Lemko".'
From that initial emotional attachment, 'everything else will follow',
wrote respondent 25, a 44-year-old factory worker from Zielona Gora.

Representative of those who questioned whether the hypothetical Lemko
could truly be considered Lemko was respondent 22, a 40-year-old Orthodox
cleric. He remarked that 'A Lemko who does not meet the listed requirements
[language, religion, Lemko home life, area of residence] would be a pretty
strange, contrived Lemko'. Some respondents felt that a Lemko so far removed
from Lemko traditions would simply be unable to resist the forces of assimilation.
Respondent 35, a 33-year-old Greek Catholic veterinarian, wrote. If he
doesn't speak Lemko, is not an eastern rite Christian ... with time he,
and definitely his children, will lose connection with the Lemko community'.
'Lack of Lemko language skills', argued 26-year-old Orthodox respondent
44, 'is a barrier to interacting with other Lemkos and to understanding
Lemko culture.' Respondent 12, a 51-year-old farmer from Nowy Sacz, concluded
'He'd be a renegade.'

Respondent 14, a 49-year-old Greek Catholic from Tarnow, offered a brief
history lesson tracing the political and social climate which brought about
many examples of the hypothetical Lemko in the question:

Poles undertaking the illegal [1947 Operation Vistula] population
resettlement induced a psychosis of fear and de-nationalization. People
[ Lemkos ] hid their ethno-national identity.

**Question 2.The second question asked: How can one
return to one's Lemko roots?

Respondents' answers emphasized the need to become reacquainted with
Lemko culture, history and language. Respondent 15, a 52-year-old economist,
wrote that one must 'grow to love [Lemko] culture, customs, traditions

• and above all love the mountainous Lemko homeland'. Respondent 47, a
  27-year-old ethnographer of Greek Catholic background, wrote that a Lemko
  seeking to rediscover his roots must 'make contact with other Lemkos, learn
  to recognize Lemko things and maintain distance from non-Lemko things.'
  Respondent 31, a 40-year-old electrician from Legnica province, wrote that
  it is necessary to 'use the Lemko language on a daily basis'.

It comes with age - a return of interest in the culture, longings ...
recharging one's batteries in the mountains', wrote respondent 16, a 47-year-old
doctor. 'Don't be ashamed of your people and your religious faith', advised
respondent 33, a 33-year-old woman of Orthodox background. Respondent 27,
a 44-year-old technician from Legnica province, wrote that one way to return
to one's Lemko roots is 'to work for the growth of the Lemko community'.

Seven respondents doubted whether an assimilated Lemko could ever return
to his roots. Respondent 44, a 26-year-old farmer, wrote that It's difficult
to count on a miraculous conversion'. Respondent 22, a 40-year-old Orthodox
cleric, noted wryly that: 'There aren't many ways [to return to one's Lemko
roots], none of them is ideal; there is no set recipe. It's hard to "become"
someone. It's better simply to "be" him.

Question 3. Language plays a key role both in shaping and reflecting
a group's culture and identity. Question 3 inquires into the status of
the Lemko vernacular, seeking insight into the state of the Lemko ethno-national
identity debate. This question asked:

Can Lemkos have or do they have a distinct language and literature?

The tabulated results suggest that, for a large majority, Lemkos either
already do or could have a distinct language. A smaller component of 14
per cent indicated that Lemkos either cannot or do not have their own language.

A survey of the comments of the 78 per cent who feel that Lemkos can
or do possess a distinct language suggests that they base their opinions
on one of two lines of reasoning: personal familiarity with an already
extant body of Lemko vernacular writings, or belief in a theoretical 'right'
of Lemkos to aspire to having their own language. The comments of the 'no'
group base their opinion on the belief that establishment of a distinct
Lemko language undermine'; the unity of the Ukrainian community. Others
in the 'no' group saw what they felt to be the simple impossibility of
formulating a distinct Lemko language.

Most respondents' comments, whether in opposition to the idea that Lemkos
can have their own language or whether in support, reveal a strong sense
of the practical problems in codifying a vernacular. Respondent 9, a 50-year-old
woman from Nowy Sacz province, answers that in her opinion Lemkos do have
their own language, 'because the Lemko language, in contrast to the prototypical
village dialect, has for a long time functioned in many spheres of contemporary
life.' Yet respondent 3, a Greek Catholic electrician from Legnica, used
the same practical reasoning to answer in the negative: If a resident of
Tylich village has difficulties understanding someone from Dubne village
... twenty kilometers away, how can one speak of a unified language? Given
the present scattered settlement, it is not likely and probably impossible.

Other respondents considered the question in the light of concerns about
unity within the Lemko community. Respondent 44, a 26-year-old farmer,
argued that It is important at the present time to create a language and
literature, in order to strengthen and unite our community.' Respondent
10, a Greek Catholic teacher from Zielona Gora, saw forces of division
to be so strong as to prevent the codification of a Lemko language: 'The
intelligentsia is too small and the clergy - I mean both Greek Catholic
and Orthodox - work to divide people.' Respondent 22, an Orthodox priest
from Nowy Sacz, like respondent 10, felt that divisions within the Lemko
community would prevent codification of a Lemko language: 'Lemkos have
both a distinct language and literature, but detractors diminish their
value. As a result, it's very difficult to raise them to a higher level.'

Respondent 19, a 46-year-old chemist of Orthodox faith, expressing the
Lemko Ukrainian perspective, wrote: 'Lemko is a dialect of Ukrainian in
much the same way that Silesian speech is a dialect of Polish language.'
'You can't build a language out of a dialect,' maintained respondent 5,
an economist from Gorzow.

The comments of respondents 13 and 26 merit special attention inasmuch
as they reveal how some Lemkos view the language codification process now
being undertaken by Lemko Rusyns. Respondent 13, a 48-year-old Orthodox
schoolteacher, comments briefly that it is possible for Lemkos to have
their own language, 'on the basis of the Yugoslav [Vojvodin] Rusyn model'.
Respondent 26, a 36-year-old schoolteacher from Nowy Sacz, wrote:

Yes [Lemkos can have their own distinct language], but it won't be
the language created by [Lemko vernacular poet Petro] Trochanovskii, [Lemko
vernacular poet Olena] Duc-fajfer and [author of Lemko grammer] Myroslava
Chomyak, which is a bizarre creation. Nor will it be the Rusnak language
created by that Slovak KGB agent [American historian Paul Robert] Magocsi,
which contains strange words Lemkos never used. Really, while they are
still so divided, Lemkos will never have their own language.

Question 4. Lemko folk culture has been inspired by and celebrates
their mountainous Carpathian homeland. As with other agrarian cultures,
the connection between land and identity was for Lemkos a strong one. During
the years 1944-47, Lemkos were resettled away from their homeland. Those
who have since returned found that depopulation of the region, coupled
with directed in-migration of ethnic Poles, has changed the ethno-cultural
landscape of their homeland. How has the traditional tie between the Lemko
region and Lemko cultural identity been altered since the resettlements?
Question 4 asked:

Is living in the Lemko homeland necessary in order to preserve the
connection with one's Lemko heritage?

The overwhelming majority of respondents thus feel that living in their
homeland is not necessary to preserve the connection with their Lemko heritage,
whereas a smaller number feel that residence in the homeland is necessary.

The answer of respondent 36, a 33-year-old Greek Catholic teacher living
in Nowy Sacz province, was representative of the 78 per cent 'no' group:

It probably depends on the individual character of a given Lemko.
One may need to feel the mountains all around him; another might be able
to live in a foreign land flat us a board.

Respondent 39, a 24-year-old student from Legnica province, suggested
that

For someone who feels himself to be :a Lemko, a return trip to the
mountains, even if only for a short time. is a powerful emotional experience
that strengthens feelings of belonging. It is of course possible to be
a Lemko and partake of Lemko culture outside the Beskid mountain region,
but the greater concentration of Lemkos in the mountains provides more
opportunities.

Respondent 30, a 40-year-old accountant of Orthodox religious background,
lamented: 'Where you live doesn't always depend on your desires. It depends
on the past political environment and the present political and economic
conditions,' which was seconded by respondent I, who did not return owing
to 'a simple lack of funds'. Respondent 24 found comfort in the thought
that 'there are many distinct nationalities without their own countries

• one day their dreams may be fulfilled.

The 22 per cent of respondents who felt it necessary to live in the
Lemko region did so for two reasons. A strong fear of assimilation was
foremost. Secondly, these respondents found that they felt 'at home' only
in their own ethno-cultural community and homeland.

Respondent 22, a 40-year-old Orthodox cleric residing in the Lemko region,
was representative of those fearing assimilation. He argued that 'no nationality
living outside its homeland is able to completely preserve its ethno-national
identity or culture.' Respondent 33, a 33-year-old also residing in the
Lemko region, agreed: 'Every nationality ought to have its own homeland
and the majority of that nationality should live there. '

The remarks of respondent 13, a 48-year-old Orthodox teacher living
in the Lemko region, eloquently reflected the views of those who could
feel at home only in the Lemko region:

only in Lemkovyna can I feel like a native son. Here every stone,
every roadside chapel and cross is a witness to the existence of our people,
who have suffered so cruelly, yet persevered. Returning to our roots may
restore to us the dignity of a people in possession of their own lands,
where every stretch of meadow is a part of our history. After exactly 30
years in exile, I have at last returned with my family to my beloved mountains.

Questions 5 and 6. Questions 5 and 6 together ask the respondent
to define three ethnonyms which recur frequently in the discussion of Lemko
ethno-national identity: 'Ukrainian', 'Rusyn' and 'Lemko'. Inasmuch as
ethonyms are shorthand for broader identities and world-views, respondents'
interpretation and use of these terms offers hints as to the evolution
of Lemko ethno-national consciousness, and insight into what issues comprise
the discussion. Question 5 asked:

Is there any real difference between Lemkos and Ukrainians?

As indicated above, 67 per cent of respondents did differentiate between
Lemkos and Ukrainians, while 27 per cent felt that these were terms of
reference for the same population. The respondents' accompanying comments
suggest that both groups' views were frequently grounded in historical
mythology and stereotypes. To a lesser extent, respondents mentioned material
cultural traits (for example, musical traditions, geographic location)
as evidence for the correctness of their beliefs.

Thus, respondent 50, a 29-year-old economist from Nowy Sacz, drawing
on stereotypes widespread in the Lemko community, wrote: 'Lemkos - hardworking,
gentle, peaceful. Ukrainians - hardworking, assertive, stubborn.' Respondent
28, a 41-year-old electrical engineer from Wroclaw province, wrote:

I sense a genetic difference between them: Lemkos are good-tempered,
co-operative, tolerant. Lemkos don't want to assimilate into the Ukrainian
community. Ukrainians from the very first wanted to absorb Lemkos.

Respondent 22, a 40-year-old Orthodox priest, likewise felt that Lemkos
and Ukrainians are distinguished by what he termed "separate mentalities.'
Respondent 39, a 27-year-old student from Legnica, seconded this opinion:
'We can attend the same church, sing the same songs, but often cannot speak
the same language. This is because we have different ways of looking at
fundamental matters. '

A minority of the respondents couched their opinions in a historical
discussion of Lemko ethnogenesis. Respondent 12, u 51-year-old farmer,
sees no difference between Lemkos and Ukrainians because 'Ukrainians and
Lemkos descend from the same root: *Kicvun Run'.'*Respondent 37,
a 45-year-old physician ofOrthodox faith, seconded this in a frequently
encountered analogy: 'we are children of the same parentage'. Respondent
3, a 64-year-old electrician from Zielona Gora, argued that

It is sufficient simply to compare the styles of church architecture
in the region of Kiev and the Lemko region. They are one and the same.
Also worth mentioning is the thirteenth-century poem Slovo o polkui
lhorevi.

Respondent 5, a 67-year-old economist from Gorzow, considering the matter
of ethnonyms, wrote: 'Lemkos are a part of the Ukrainian people. At one
time they called themselves and were called by others *Rusyns.' *Respondent
32, a 33-year-old engineer from Nowy Sacz, viewing Kievan Rus' and Lemko
ethnogenesis from the Rusyn viewpoint, wrote: 'Lemkos descend from the
Carpathians and the Ukrainians from Kievan Rus'.'

Respondent 45, a 29-year-old Greek Catholic from Wroclaw province, cited
more recent historical occurrences among his reasons:

Different language, accent, folk costume, consciousness (only up
until immediately after the First World War did Lemkos feel themselves
to be Ukrainian), the Operation Vistula population resettlement (when viewed
as an undeserved punishment resulting from the activities of the Ukrainian
Partisan Army). As Ukrainians do not descend from Rusyns, they treat Rusyns
as an inferior ethnic group.

Respondent 43, an unemployed 21-year-old of Greek Catholic background,
noted that 'Lemkos have had much contact with Poles and Slovaks. None the
less, they have tried to maintain their distinctiveness. ' In this vein,
several respondents referred to the role of Poland in accounting for any
difference between Lemkos and Ukrainians. Respondent 25, a 44-year-old
farmer from Nowy Sacz, wrote: 'Contemporary Lemko culture is closely tied
in with Poland. '

In accounting for how Lemkos and Ukrainians differ, the comments of
respondent 16, a 47-year-old Greek Catholic veterinarian, reveal the historical
lack of group pride among Lemkos that, some Rusyns feel, propels troubled
Lemkos into accepting a Ukrainian orientation:

Ukrainians are a mighty nation, mistreated and stepped on by history
(albeit themselves not wholly innocent in these matters), Lemkos are just
an ethnic group - neglected, forgotten and superfluous.

Respondent 36, a 33-year-old Greek Catholic technician, attributed any
difference between Lemkos and Ukrainians to inconsequential regional particularities:
'There are no real differences [between Lemkos and Ukrainians]. If there
are, these would be similar to the types of differences found between Silesians,
Kashubians and Poles.'

Respondent 4, a 60-year-old technician from Koszalin province, also
sees no difference between Lemkos and Ukrainians, but attributes this not
to inherent unity between the two, but to '... artificial domination of
Lemkos by Ukrainians and Ukrainian nationalism. This is not in the best
interest of Lemkos. '

These comments suggest that the matter of Lemko identity - whether Ukrainian
or non-Ukrainian - is still very much undecided. How do respondents view
the matter of Lemko identity relative to a Carpatho-Rusyn identity? Question
6 asked:

Is there any real difference between Lemkos and Rusyns?

The overwhelming majority felt that the terms Lemko and Rusyn are synonyms
for the same population, suggesting at first glance a high degree of unity
among respondents. In fact, this apparent unity hides substantial divisions
over respondents' understanding of the idea of what it means to be 'Rusyn'.
Some of the respondents of the 82 per cent group regarded the term Rusyn
in the above-mentioned historical sense - as an earlier historical name
for the Ukrainian nationality. Others in the same group interpreted Rusyn
as the name of a contemporary distinct Carpatho-Rusyn people, of which
Lemkos are seen to be a part.

The two most succinct and representative statements of the Lemko Ukrainian
ideological perspective were provided by respondents 5 and 19, both of
whom argue that any Lemko and Rusyn distinctiveness resulted from the deliberate
manipulation of Lemko identity by local powers. Respondent 19, a 46-year-old
chemist from Legnica, wrote: 'The word 'Rusyn' was invented by Poles (and
maybe the Czechs) ... it is a historical concept which incorporates the
peoples of Eastern Europe: Russians, Belorusans, Ukrainians, and others.'
Respondent 5, a 67-year-old Greek Catholic economist, continues:

Up until the Second World War, Lemkos called themselves 'Rusnaks',
or 'Rusyns'. The ethnonym Lemko was pushed on Lemkos by the Polish government
alter 1930 ... in order to replace the ethnonyms 'Rusyn' and 'Rusnak'.

Other respondents offered a different explanation. Respondent 45, a
29-year-old Greek Catholic from Wroclaw province, wrote that

Lemkos themselves use the term 'Rusnak.' The term 'Rusin' only recently
began to spread and is slowly being embraced by Lemkos. This is a result
of the Ukrainians' strong push for the world (mainly Poland and Lemkos
themselves) to recognize 'Ru-snaks' as a Ukrainian ethnic group.

The respondents who interpreted Rusyn not as a historical term, but
as a distinct modern nationality, answered by arguing that if there are
differences between the terms 'Lemko' and 'Rusyn', this is due only to
contemporary political boundaries which have divided Lemkos from their
Rusyn cousins residing in Slovakia and Ukraine. Respondent 23, a 32-year-old
Greek Catholic graduate student, wrote that

There is a historical difference [between Lemkos and Rusyns. Under
their present circumstances living in separate countries, the external
cultural forms and manner of speech have taken on a kind of distinctiveness.
Nevertheless, the deeper cultural and psychological layers remain the same.

Respondent 21, a 45-year-old religion teacher in the Orthodox Church,
likewise cited geopolitical differences, but 'spiritual' unity, between
Lemkos and Rusyns:

The mentality and spiritual culture are the same. There are minor
differences in speech, stemming from 1918, when the border between the
countries (Poland and former Czechoslovakia] was hermetically sealed, and
from the pacification i)f the Lemko Rusyns.

Respondent 9, a 50-year-old retired school teacher from Nowy Sacz, wrote
that Lemkos and Rusyns differ,

but not substantially. These differences result from the fact that
I Lemkos and Rusyns I live in different countries. Of course, they share
the same White Croatian ancestors.

Likewise, respondent 39, a 27-year-old student of Orthodox background,
looked at historical and present geopolitical circumstances as the source
of only superficial differences between Lemkos and Rusyns:

Lemkos were always separated from other Rusyns by the borders; the
natural geo graphical centres of their [Lemko culture were Przemysl and
Lviv.' The situation wa^ better during Austro-Hungarian rule, when the
border was porous. The twentieth century was a period of continuous isolation.
Many differences arose, although the basic unity remained tile same.

**Question 7.Born out of the nineteenth- and twentieth-century
ethno-national question, Lemko secular organizations have in their worst
moments inspired indifference or distrust in the common folk. Secular organizations
have often been perceived as vehicles for self-interested and ambitious
individuals, or as promoters of political 'agendas' far removed from local,
everyday life. The post-1989 resurgence of the orientation question among
Lemkos has again led to the establishment of new Lemko organizations (mentioned
above). What are Lemkos' current attitudes towards these organizations?
Question 7 asked:

Are you a member of any Lemko community organization? If so, which
one(s)? If not, why not?

Respondents' comments revealed the presence of a profound distrust of
Lemko community organizations and of the motivations of these organizations'
leaders. Attitudes towards and participation in Lemko secular organizations
were strongly influenced by a respondent's own ethno-national orientation
or religious background. Respondent 26, a 35-year-old teacher living in
Nowy Sacz province, did not participate in any Lemko organization because

every organization now in existence limits membership according to
its particular ideology, so that the Lemko Association is mainly Orthodox
and Rusyn-oriented, and the Union of Lemkos is mainly Ukrainian Catholic
and favors the Ukrainian orientation.

Respondent 29, a 31-year-old electrician who is a Pentecostal, likewise
sees reason to condemn a perceived selective membership policy among Lemko
organizations: 'Lemko organizations mobilize people according to religious
background - Orthodox or Greek Catholic. People of different religious
backgrounds are not accepted. '

A specifically Rusyn ideological perspective on Lemko organizations
comes from respondent 38, a 31-year-old Orthodox accountant:

I don't trust the people who are members of those organizations.
There are no real Lemkos in those organizations - only Ukrainians, who
harass our village and constantly provoke our people.

Respondents' reactions were equally strong on the subject of the leaders
of Lemko organizations: 'Political opportunists', charged respondent 3,
a 64-year-old Greek Catholic electrician; 'intolerant and short-sighted',
inveighed respondent 45, a 29-year-old Greek Catholic residing in Wroclaw
province. Respondent 13, a 48-year-old teacher, observed broadly that the
leadership of Lemko organizations possesses the 'powers' formerly exercised
by the leaders of Lemko organizations in the communist '... bad old days'.

Apart from mistrust of Lemko secular organizations, other reasons for
non-participation in Lemko organizations included the fact that none were
available in the vicinity of the respondent (28 per cent) or simple lack
of interest (7 per cent). Respondent 46, a 25-year-old philologist from
Gorzow province, wrote 'Where I went to school ... there was no Lemko organization;
I don't care to travel a long distance for a meeting just because it's
a Lemko organization.' Eighteen-year-old respondent 41, a high school pupil
in Nowy Sacz province, wrote with youthful direct-ness: 1 can't find any
reasonable lLernko] organization; they're all made up either of old fogies
or praying bigots.' Ten per cent of respondents indicated that they simply
had no time. Respondent 22, an Orthodox priest, indicated that his profession
required neutrality, obliging him to refrain from joining any Lemko organization.

Of those 44 per cent who did report participation in Lemko organizations,
the one most often named was the Lemko Association, followed by the Union
of Lemkos, the Ruska Bursa and the Union of Ukrainians in Poland.

Conclusions

The survey results suggest the following about the present-day understanding
of what it means to be a Lemko in Poland:

(1) the minimal determinants of Lemko identity today are having Lemko
parental heritage and an emotional attachment to one's Lemko family, heritage
and homeland. The more 'concrete', material manifestations of Lemko identity,
such as language or religious faith, while also very important for maintaining
Lemko identity, are not absolutely necessary.

This degree of tolerance suggests that Lemko identity has as a result
of the post-war dislocations and associated loss of Lemko cultural inventory,
been artificially separated from Lemkos' traditional material and spiritual
culture. This is seen in the respondents' high degree of tolerance on the
matters of who is a Lemko (Question 1) and the possibility of reverse assimilation
(Question 2). With their churches destroyed, their customs and culture
made irrelevant in a new, foreign environment, Lemkos for many years had
only family and 'feelings' to define themselves in their own minds and
to one another. In this context, cultural tolerance becomes a necessary
cultural survival strategy.

(2) The Lemko homeland still serves as a reservoir of past and present
Lemko identity. Confronted by the harsh reality of resettlement, however,
the way in which the homeland fulfills this function has of necessity changed.
Short vacations to the Carpathians have become 'pilgrimages to Lemkovyna',
during which the Lemko 'pilgrim' may reestablish contact with an almost
lost ancestral past (Question 4).

(3) What it means to be Lemko in Poland is increasingly torn between
the Ukrainian and Carpatho-Rusyn orientations. This is suggested by the
fact that respondents, asked to define the terms 'Lemko', 'Rusyn' and ·Ukrainian',
displayed a significant disagreement over the meaning of the key term 'Rusyn'
(Questions 5 and 6). Some respondents saw it as a historical term for Ukrainian
and hence regarded Lemkos as Ukrainian; others regarded the term as a name
of a contemporary, distinct Carpatho-Rusyn people. This divergence of opinion
is not based merely on ignorance or stereotype (many of the respondents
are well educated), but on clear and well-developed world-views.

Inasmuch as a people's growing desire for their own distinct language
might suggest the presence of a developing national consciousness, then
a Carpatho-Rusyn consciousness has reasserted itself to some degree in
the Lemko population. Respondents' comments exposed a strong conviction
that Lemkos 'could' or 'should' have their own codified language, rather
than simply adopting the Ukrainian language as their own (Question 3).
The comments further suggest that the possibility of codifying a Lemko
language is far from reality and faced with numerous obstacles, not least
of which is division within the Lemko community itself.

(4) The stresses of the Ukrainian-Rusyn ethno-national identity question
manifest themselves to detrimental effect in Lemko community life (Question
7). Lemko secular organizations were viewed by most respondents as divisive
on both ideological (ethno-national) and sectarian grounds, causing more
than half of the respondents to refrain from participation. However, the
respondents' own prejudicial rejection of one organization or another suggests
that, while Lemko secular organizations to some degree perpetuate division
within the community, they also reflect divisions which ultimately originate
with Lemkos themselves.

Colophon

Susyn Yvonne Mihalasky's "Ethno-national Orientation Among Lemkos in
Poland" (copyright 1998 International Council for Central and East
European Studies) is hosted at carpatho-rusyn.org (Carpatho-Rusyn
Knowledge Base), presented there "courtesy of the author." Captured
2026-08-05 from http://www.carpatho-rusyn.org/susyn/lemko2.htm.
Published here under permission held by the New Tianmu Anglican Church
for this material, recorded 2026-08-05; all rights remain with the
original author, Susyn Yvonne Mihalasky, and the International Council
for Central and East European Studies.

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