by Susyn Yvonne Mihalasky

Susyn Yvonne Mihalasky's report on a 1994 survey of Lemko opinion and
identity in Poland, published in Karpatska Rus', presents findings
from questionnaires distributed among the Lemko population on questions
of ethnic self-identification, organizational affiliation, and
attitudes toward the community's Ukrainian and Rusyn orientations.

LEMKOS IN POLAND SURVEYED1

by: Susyn Yvonne Mihalasky as published in Karpatska Rus' [Vol.
LXVII # 10, May 13, 1994]

This article marks the start of an occasional series discussing the
results of a survey conducted by the author among Poland's Lemko community
during 1991. The article begins with a brief discussion and the survey
questionnaire itself, how it was distributed and who responded. Then, in
this article and in subsequent articles, will follow a discussion of individual
questions contained in the survey. Each of the featured questions will
be discussed separately, with brief consideration of the tabulated result
(where applicable), followed by respondents' written comments. Explanatory
notes or clarifications of respondents' comments will be indicated by [square
brackets]. The conclusion will consider what the cumulative results suggest
about how Lemkos responded to the issues raised in the questions.

The Questionnaire and the Respondents

The questionnaire focused generally on how Lemkos viewed themselves,
their present situation in Poland and their community's future. Most questions
offered respondents a choice of answers to select from, as well as space
to add comments. The questionnaire was written in the Polish language,
as were respondents' written answers. In order to encourage participation,
the questionnaire allowed respondents to remain anonymous. They will be
identified below only by their randomly assigned number and by descriptive
background information, such as age, location, religious persuasion.

No statistical records on Lemkos (or on any other minority communities
living in Poland) have been kept since the Second World War. Without such
information to rely on as a guide, the author attempted to collect a varied
group of respondents by distributing questionnaires at Lemko cultural festivals
and religious holidays. Lemkos of all ages come from all over Poland to
attend these events, providing a concentrated, yet mixed population of
both traditional Lemko faiths (Greek Catholic and Orthodox) and ethnonational
"orientations" (Ukrainian and Rusyn). Lemko community events
at which questionnaires were distributed included the Summer Solstice (or
Rusalia) and both annual Lemko "Vatra" folk festivals held (respectively)
in July in the villages of Zhdynia and in August in the village of Michalow.

A variety of distribution methods were used. Questionnaires were distributed
directly by hand or in multiple mailings to organizations and individuals.
Lemko organizations contacted included the Society of Lemkos (Stovaryshynja
Lemkiv), the Union of Lemkos (Objednania Lemkiv), the Hospodar Rusyn Democratic
Circle of Lemkos in Poland, the Ruska Bursa, and the Organizational Committee
of the Zhdynia Vatra (Komitet Ohranizatsyjnyj Vatry). Questionnaires were
also distributed "by proxy." Recognized Lemko community leaders
of both Greek Catholic and Orthodox background and of both Ukrainian and
Rusyn orientations were requested by letter or in person to distribute
questionnaires on the author's behalf among their like-minded associates.
A total of 250 questionnaires were distributed in the above described manner;
52 have been returned.

Briefly, the respondents' background profile appears as follows:

In terms of age, 44% of the sample is from the generation born before
the Lemkos' 1947 resettlement, which in 1991, made this group 45 yeas old
or older. 54% of the sample is from the first post-resettlement generation,
aged 20- 44 years. 2% of the sample is aged 19 or younger, representing
the second post-resettlement generation. 52% hold a college degree. 44%
hold a high school diploma and 4% have completed grammar school.

In terms of profession, the the skilled trades predominated, followed
by the professions and educators. Respondents were accountants, electricians,
technicians, engineers, doctors, economists, schoolteachers, teaching assistants,
farmers or homemakers. Individually represented were a lumberjack, choir
director, cleric, veterinarian, university student, high school student,
philologist/translator and ethnographer.

In terms of religious persuasion. 54% are Orthodox; 37% are Greek Catholic[2],
4% are Pentecostal, 2% are Roman Catholic, 2% are "atheist".

Returns on province were divided into three categories: territory of
historical Lemko settlement (the Lemko Region); the territory to which
Lemkos were resettled in 1947 (Silesia and Pomerania); and lastly, all
other parts of Poland to which Lemkos have migrated from one of the first
two regions. On this basis, 50% came from historical Lemko region[3]; 44% from resettlement territories[4]; and 6% from territories
of new settlement[5].

**The Questions **

The two questions discussed in this article were part of a series of
questions raised early in the questionnaire with the intent of gaining
some insight into how Lemkos understand the "outer limits" of
their group identity and distinguish between themselves and non-Lemkos.

These two questions asked respondents to think about what in the post-1947
Lemko community is a common phenomenon: a Lemko extensively assimilated
into the Polish, Roman Catholic mainstream. This assimilated Lemko is almost
entirely lacking in the traditional cultural aspects of Lemko heritage,
such as an eastern rite Christian faith. Is he "still" a Lemko?
If so, what makes him so? If not, why not and how can he "'return"
to his roots?

The survey questions appeared as follows:

1. Is it possible for someone who does not speak Lemko, does not live
   in the Lemko region, is married to a non-Lemko and of a non-traditional
   religious faith, to be regarded as a Lemko?

2. How can one "return" to one's Lemko roots?

In question #1, respondents were offered choices of "Yes (...it
is possible for this person to be considered a Lemko...)", "No"
and "It's difficult to say". They were then asked to elaborate
on their answer. The results were:

a. Yes 53%

b. No 35%

c. Difficult to say 12%

A small majority was willing without reservation to accept the hypothetical
assimilated Lemko as still being Lemko. 47% (the 35% answering "no"
and the 12% answering "Difficult to say") either rejected the
possibility or at least did not look favorably on the hypothetical Lemko's
chances of maintaining his Lemko identity. Why did some respondents regard
the assimilated Lemko as still being Lemko, while others do not? We turn
now to respondents' comments.

Most of those respondents who accepted the possibility that the assimilated
Lemko could still be considered a Lemko based their determination of Lemko
identity on one of two characteristics: the individual's genetic heritage
(i.e. having ethnic Lemko parentage), and the present (or absence) in the
individual of an emotional attachment to his/her Lemko heritage.

"It is sufficient simply that he [the hypothetical Lemko in the
question] is of Lemko parentage," wrote respondent #2, a 65 year old
Lemko of Roman Catholic background. "Lemkos typically set great store
by their family roots," added respondent #11, a 49 year old Greek
Catholic. Respondent #36, a 33 year old Greek Catholic teacher, wrote that:
"One becomes a Lemko only once - by being born as one".

Respondent #8, a 50 year old Lemko of Orthodox background wrote that:
"It depends on him. A feeling of: belonging is born and lives in the
heart. Respondent #15, a 52 year old economist from Wroclaw, also based
her understanding of who is and who is not a Lemko on an individual's emotional
attachment to their heritage. She wrote that one is a Lemko "...when
one's heart beats faster at hearing the mere word "Lemko". "...everything
else will follow." added respondent #25, a 44 year old factory worker
from Zielona Gora.

Representative of those who questioned whether the hypothetical Lemko
could truly be considered Lemko was respondent #22, a 40 year old Orthodox
cleric..He remarked that "A Lemko who doesn't meet the listed requirements
[language, religion, Lemko home life, area of residence] would be a pretty
strange, contrived Lemko."

Some respondents felt that a Lemko so far removed from Lemko traditions
would simply be unable to resist the forces of assimilation: "If he
doesn't speak Lemko, is not an eastern rite Christlan...wth time he and
definitely his children will lose connection with the Lemko community,"
wrote respondent #35, a 33 year old Greek Catholic veterinarian. "Lack
of Lemko language skills," argued 26 year old Orthodox respondent
#44 "is a barrier to interrelating with other Lemkos and to understanding
Lemko culture." Concluded respondent #12, a 51 year old farmer from
Nowy Sacz: "He's a renegade".

Respondent #14, a 49 year old Greek Catholic from Tarnow offered a brief
history lesson tracing the origin of the many Lemkos' desire to assimilate
or at least to appear more outwardly polish: "Poles undertaking the
illegal [1947 "Vistula" Operation] population resettlement induced
a psychosis of fear and denationalization. People [Lemkos] hid their ethnonational
identity.."

Question #2, related to the first question, asks how can an assimilated
Lemko one return to his roots. Respondents' answers emphasized the need
to become reacquainted with Lemko culture, history and language.

Respondent #15, a 52 year old economist wrote that one must: "Grow
to love [Lemko] culture, customs, traditions - and above all love the mountainous
Lemko homeland." Respondents #47, a 27 year old ethnographer of Greek
Catholic background wrote that a Lemko seeking to rediscover his roots
must "...make contact with other Lemkos, learn to recognize Lemko
things, and maintain distance from non-Lemko things." Respondent #31,
a 40 year old electrician Legnica province wrote that it is necessary to
"...use the Lemko language on a daily basis."

"It comes with age - a return of interest in the culture, longings...recharging
one's batteries in the mountains," wrote respondent #16, 1 47 year
old doctor. "Don't be ashamed of your people and your religious faith,"
advised respondent #33, a 33 year old woman of Orthodox background. Respondent
#27, a 44 year old technician from Legnica province wrote that one way
to return to one's Lemko roots is to "work for the growth of the Lemko
community."

Seven respondents expressed doubt regarding the possibility as to whether
an assimilated Lemko could ever return to his roots. Respondent #44, a
26 year old farmer, wrote that: "It's difficult to count on a miraculous
conversion." Respondent #22, a 40 year old Orthodox cleric - noted
wryly that: "There aren't many ways [to return to one's Lemko roots],
none of them is ideal; there is no set recipe. It's hard to 'become' someone.
It's better simply to 'be' him."

**Conclusion: **

The results of these two questions suggest that the most important determinant
of group identity for most Lemkos living in Poland today is simply having
been born Lemko and having an emotional attachment to one's Lemko family,
heritage and homeland. A recognition of and appreciation for the more "concrete",
material manifestations of Lemko identity, such as language or religious
faith, are very important for maintaining Lemko identity in the face of
assimilation. The majority of respondents, however, felt that while these
concrete manifestations were important indicators of Lemko identity, they
were not absolutely necessary; their absence was alone not sufficient reason
to question whether or not someone "is" a Lemko.

This emphasizes the more "subjective" aspects of Lemko identity
over more concrete, "objective" aspects of Lemko identity, arises
out of the nearly complete destruction of Lemko material and spiritual
culture arising out of the 1947 "Vistula" Operation population
resettlement. With their churches destroyed, their language ridiculed,
their mountain life-style and culture taken away, Lemkos for many years
had only family and "feelings" to define themselves to themselves
and to one another.

1. Research for this article was supported in part by a grant from the
   International Research and Exchanges Board (IREX, with funds provided by
   the National Endowment for the Humanities, the United States Information
   Agency, and the US Department of State, which administers the Soviet and
   East European Training Act of 1983 (Title VIII).

2. The results are reported under the term., "Greek Catholic",
   because this term was used by the respondents to describe themselves in
   answer to a question on religious background. Three respondents who defined
   themselves as "Byzantine Catholic" or "Ukrainian Catholic"
   are also included in this category.

3. Breakdown by province is as follows: Nowy Sacz 40%, Tarnow: 6%; Krosno:
   4%.

4. Breakdown by province is a s follows: Legnica: 21%; Zielona Gora:
   10%; Gorzow: 6%; Wroclaw: 6%; Koszalin: 2%.

5. Breakdown by province is as follows: Bielsko-Biala: 2%; Cracow: 2%;
   Torun: 2%.

(Part 2)

Geographical location and cultural identity

Lemko folk art and culture have been inspired by and celebrate their
mountainous Carpathian homeland. Some scholars have attributed the very
existence of a distinct Lemko identity to geographic location.[8]
rugged mountainous terrain has, especially before 20th century technological
innovations, traditionally limited the entry of outsiders and, more importantly,
of their ideas. Mountainous touring is also often characterized by agriculturally
poor soils. Hence, the inhabitants of such regions are isolated from important
social and political developments of their day that only by geography,
but often I economic deprivation. Such circumstances frequently engender
in the local inhabitants a psychological sense of separateness, an urge
to self-reliance and mistrust of the familiar.

The post-1947 Lemko community is largely separated from its homeland
and surrounded by non-Lemko cultural influences. What is the role of the
homeland in such a displaced community? Has the traditional tie between
the Lemko region and Lemko cultural identity remained strong? Has it been
altered in some way?

Question #1

1. is living in the Lemko homeland necessary in order to preserve the
   connection with ones Lemko heritage?

A. Yes 22% b. No 78% c. no opinion

The overwhelming majority of respondents felt that living in their homeland
was not absolutely necessary to retain contact with their Lemko heritage.
The answer of respondent #36, a 33 year old teacher of Greek Catholic faith
living in Nowy Sacz province, was representative of this group: "it
probably depends on the individual character of a given Lemko. One may
need to feel the mountains all around him, another might be able to live
in a foreign land as flat as a board."

Respondent #39, a 24 year old student from Legnica province, suggested
that returning to the homeland was necessary to retain contact with his
Lemko identity, but that short visits could fulfill this need: "for
someone who feels themselves to be a Lemko, a return to the mountains,
even if only for a short time is a powerful emotional experience that strengthens
feelings of belonging. It is of course possible to be a Lemko and partake
of Lemko culture outside the Beskid mountain region, but the greater concentration
of Lemkos in the mountains provides more opportunities."

Respondent #30, a 40 year old accountant of Orthodox religious background,
dwelled on the practical side of the matter: "where you live doesn't
always depend on your desires. It depends on the past political environment
and the present political and economic conditions."

The 22 percent of respondents who felt that it was possible to retain
content with their Lemko roots only by residing in the Lemko region, felt
so for two primarily reasons. First and foremost was a strong fear of assimilation.
Secondly, these respondents a personal level simply felt "at home"
only among their own kind in their own homeland.

Respondent #22, a 40 year old Orthodox cleric residing in the Lemko
region, was representative of those fearing assimilation. He argued that:
"no nationality living outside of their homeland are able to completely
preserve their ethnonational identity or culture." Respondent #33,
a 33 year old also residing in the Lemko region, agreed: "every nationality
ought to have its own homeland and the majority of at nationality should
live there."

The remarks of respondent #13, a 48 year old orthodox teacher living
in the Lemko region, eloquently reflected the views of those who could
feel at home only in the Lemko region. He wrote that: "... Only in
Lemkovyna can I feel like a native son. Here every stone, every roadside
chapel and cross is a witness to the existence of our people, who have
suffered so cruelly, yet persevered. Returning to our roots may restore
to us the dignity of a people in possession of their own lands, where every
stretch of meadow is a part of our history. After exactly 30 years in exile,
I have at last returned with my family to my beloved mountains."

Question #2

2. for those respondents presently living outside the Lemko region:
   do you have any desire to return to the Lemko region?

a.. Yes 58% b. No 31% c. no opinion 11%

These results suggest that the perceived necessity of permanent, direct
physical content with the homeland his diminished for a large minority
of 42 percent (the 31 percent answering "no" and the 11 percent
answering "no opinion"). This interpretation would agree with
the results of question number one, which suggested that Lemkos had of
necessity to detach their identity from its geographical moorings and carry
it in their hearts. The primary reasons given for not returning, or not
wishing to return and (for younger respondents) the lack of funds and/
or job opportunities in the Lemko region and (for older respondents) advanced
age.

Respondent #6, a 69 year old Greek Catholic accountant, strongly desired
to return, "... But I cannot get my ancestral land back. It would
first be necessary to annul the 1958 decree[9], but the government
will not act."

Conclusion

The results of these two questions suggest that for Lemkos the emotional
connection to their Carpathian homeland is still very strong. The function
of the homeland remains the same as it was before resettlement: the Lemko
land serves as a reservoir of past and present Lemko identity. The way
in which the land fulfills this function, however, has of necessity changed.
Hence, mere short vacations to the Carpathians become "pilgrimages
to Lemkovyna," during which the Lemko " pilgrim" can reestablish
contact with a lost ancestral past.

8. See for example: Olena Duc-Fajfer. "Lemkos in Poland,"
   in: Paul R. Magocsi, ed. 1993. The Persistence of Regional Cultures. Rusyns
   and Ukrainians in Their Carpathian Homeland and Abroad. New York City:
   Columbia University, pp 88-89.

9. Respondent #6 referred to a decree overseeing the economic development
   of the then still underpopulated southeastern corner of Poland (inclusive
   of the Lemko region). This decree prohibited returning Lemkos from contesting
   the ownership of their former properties. See: Kazimierz Pudlo. 1987, Lemkowie,
   Proces wrastania w srodowisku dolnego Slaska, 1947-85. Wroclaw: Polskie
   Towarzystwo Ludoznawcze, p. 165.

Colophon

Susyn Yvonne Mihalasky's "Lemkos in Poland Surveyed" (published in
Karpatska Rus', Vol. LXVII, #10, May 13, 1994) is hosted at
carpatho-rusyn.org (Carpatho-Rusyn Knowledge Base). Captured 2026-08-05
from http://www.carpatho-rusyn.org/kr/sysyn1.htm. Published here under
permission held by the New Tianmu Anglican Church for this material,
recorded 2026-08-05; all rights remain with the original author, Susyn
Yvonne Mihalasky, and Karpatska Rus'.

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