by Rev. Robert Hospodar, J.C.L.

Rev. Robert Hospodar, J.C.L., Diocesan Historian of the Byzantine
Catholic Diocese of Passaic, traces the emigration of Subcarpathian
Ruthenians to America as an "exodus to a promised land," in this
article for a Greek Catholic Union (GCU) Yearbook.

This article first appeared in the GCU 1986 Yearbook

(Editor's note: In 1986 our nation will observe the centennial of
the Statue of Liberty with many special events. Fraternalists throughout
the United States are involved in the Statue of Liberty and Ellis Island
restoration projects. In observance of the Statue of Liberty's centennial,
we present the following in recognition of our ancestors and forebears
journey to freedom, to their new "promised land. " We acknowledge
the author. Rev. Robert Hospodar, the "Eastern Catholic Life, "
and the Diocese of Passaic Heritage Library for the use of the text and
photos.)

On the dreary afternoon of October 28, 1886, sculptor August Bartholdi
ceremoniously unveiled his assembled 151-foot Statue of Liberty. Mounted
atop a 150-foot concrete pedestal constructed on Bedloe's Island in New
York Harbor, the giant copper plate statue had been the centennial gift
from France to the United States in 1876. In his dedication speech that
day. President Grover Cleveland remarked on the international good-will
and peace which the statue represented. Other speakers praised Franco-American
relations and the principles of democracy.

While the festivities proceeded on Bedloe's Island, European immigrants
were hurriedly disembarking from boats at the tip of Manhattan, eager to
enter a country which they hoped would provide them with freedom and relief
from the pains of poverty. Among the participants at the dedication ceremony
only the poet Emma Lazarus had envisioned that the great statue might be
raising its torch in welcome to the newcomers from foreign lands. The recitation
of her poem, "The New Colossus" (written in 1883 to raise funds
for the statue's pedestal), received only polite applause from the dignitaries
and spectators present. The dramatic invitation proclaimed in one verse,
however, has nonetheless become the poetic expression of the monument's
symbolic meaning since it began its vigil in New York Harbor:

Giveme your tired, your poor, Your huddled masses yearning
to breathe free, The wretched refuse of your teeming shore, Send these,
the nameless, tempest-lost, to me I lift my lamp beside the golden door!

Between 1880 and 1921, over 23,500,000 people took advantage of the
"Golden Door" to America made possible by its government's liberal
immigration policy. These were the "new" immigrants and included
among them were our ancestors in this country.

The Subcarpathian Ruthenians: "New Immigrants" In A "New Land"

Subcarpathian Ruthenians or Rusins (the terms are interchangeable) participated
in the era of the "new" immigration from its very first years.
As their name describes, this Eastern Slav people were settled along the
southern slope region of the Carpathian Mountains then situated within
the boundaries of the Austro Hungarian Empire. At its greatest extent,
their homeland encompassed an area of approximately 7,500 square miles.
Since November of 1945, these lands have been divided between the Soviet
Union and Czechoslovakia.

Certain Hungarian records indicate that only 59 Subcarpathian Ruthenians
emigrated to America in 1870. The number of these immigrants sharply increased
after 1879.

Statistics assembled by the American historian Andrew Shipman indicate
that in the anthracite or "hard coal" region of Pennsylvania
alone during 1880 there were close to 1,000 Ruthenians; 20,000 in 1890;
and 40,000 in 1900. According to American Immigration Commission estimates
about 500,000 Ruthenian emigrants had arrived in America by 1897. A second
compilation of statistics by Shipman in 1909 revealed the following numbers
and distribution: Pennsylvania 190,000, New York 50,500, New Jersey 40,000,
Ohio 35,000, Connecticut 10,000, Massachusetts 7,500, Illinois 8,000, Rhode
Island 1,500, Missouri 6,500, Indiana 6,000, Colorado, the Dakotas, Nebraska,
Montana 8,000, West Virginia, Virginia and other Southern States 5,000.

According to government statistics, the greatest number of Ruthenian
immigrants arrived in the (United States between 1899 and 1914. The research
of historian Walter Warzeski has shown that the peak year for the Austro-Hungarian
immigrant was 1907, but for the Ruthenian immigrant (from both Austria-Hungary
and Russia) it was 1914, when the total number reached 42,413. The coming
of the First World War and the restrictive measures culminating in the
National Origins Act of 1929 closed the "Golden Door" era of
American immigration. The new "quota system" observed by the
United States and the Great Depression combined between 1931 and 1936,
for example, to curtail Ruthenian immigration to a mere 587 people.

The nineteenth century Ruthenian immigrants have been very frankly described
by one historian as "refugees" from the poverty and socio-political
discrimination which oppressed them in their native lands.

Our own priest-historian, the Reverend Stephen Gulovich (dec. 1957)
described the particular plight of the Subcarpathian Ruthenians in the
following manner:

"The Rusins of the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries could
really boast of only three classes of people; the clergy and the peasant
and the cantor. They had no landed nobility who could champion their cause;
with few exceptions members of the learned middle class cared very little
for their own people and almost imperceptibly became magyarized (i.e. assimilated
into the Hungarian nationality) and estranged from the traditions of their
forebears; commerce, trade and industry were in the hands of Jews, Hungarians
and Germans. Thus the real Rusin was represented by the peasant engaged
in tilling the infertile soil, tending the sheep in the mountains, working
in the lumber camps of the virgin forests, and retrieving the riches of
nature in the salt, iron and coal mines of his ancient homeland. The lowly
and at times miserable life of the Rusin peasant was shared by the rustic
priest who, frequently disliked by his flock vainly tried to elevate the
cultural standard of his people, and by the country man who acted as teacher
in the parochial school and cantor in the church. Strangely enough, these
three truly typical representatives of the Rusin people could never get
together and were constantly at odds."

This description of a people's sorry state at the beginning of this
century actually restates an official report of the humanitarian bureaucrat
Commissioner Edward Egan on the economic conditions of Ruthenians in Hungary,
submitted to the Ministry of Agriculture in 1900:

"These people are without land and without cattle, and their destiny
lies in the hands of extortioners; they are deliberately induced to drinking
and are demoralized to such a degree, that even their own clergy are unable
to help them; they are subject to constant harassment and abuse by the
administrative powers, and no one extends them a helping hand. Morally
and economically, these people are swiftly deteriorating and, in the near
future, will completely disappear."

It is not surprising that the organized and often unscrupulous activity of agents for the steamship companies or for the aggressive American mining and steel industries (among others) could so successfully lure the indigent Subcarpathian Ruthenians away from Hungary towards a distant "Promised Land." Stories had it that this faraway country abounded in wealth, land and liberties so long denied by the suspicious and autocratic Magyar nobility and the collapse of the antiquated feudal economic system after 1848. Although they did indeed find employment, freedom, and improved wages, the Ruthenian immigrants soon experienced the distress which inevitably accompanied an arrival in a very different society and culture. One nineteenth century Pennsylvania journalist presented the dilemma of these future American citizens:

"Their native tongue is far removed from our own; their illiteracy
is great (40%); their economic efficiency is lost; and their religious
and moral training is not up to the American standard. Hence, the gap between
these immigrants and our people is great, the process of assimilation is
difficult, and the tasks of changing from the old to the new is fraught
with danger."

The small number of Ruthenian immigrants that arrived in the United
States during the early 1870's settled in the New England area and engaged
in farming or in the nonskilled labor available in the port cities. After
1877, however, the settlement pattern changed significantly when Ruthenians
traveled to the coal and steel regions of Pennsylvania. Between 1890and
1900 the number of Ruthenians employed in the anthracite or "hard
coal" mines of Pennsylvania (including the Schuylkill Field, the Wyoming
Field and Luzerne County) increased from 9,931 to 13,534.

The non-skilled labor for which they were hired was not in itself unacceptable
to the Ruthenian immigrants. Its wages were quite sufficient for their
purposes. In Hungary, the Ruthenian would labor fourteen hours to earn
twenty-five to thirty-five cents. The same wage could be earned in America
for one hour's work (in 1911 a miner's daily wage, for example, was $ 1.98).
Living austerely, the Ruthenian immigrant could establish a very modest
home in America and perhaps even assist any family which still remained
abroad. In fact, it was not at all unusual for a Ruthenian male to labor
several years in the United States, acquire a savings, and return to his
family and homeland. Once there, he could purchase adequate crop-growing
land and commence a much more secure agrarian lifestyle. He, with perhaps
his entire family, would again voyage to the United States should the need
arise. Such enterprising personalities were named "birds of passage"
by American immigration officials.

Unfortunately, the unsuspecting Ruthenians afforded a hitherto untapped
and extremely useful source of manpower for the American industrialists.
This large body of cheap labor provided these wealthy magnates, derided
as "Robber Barons" during the presidency of Theodore Roosevelt,
with a means to circumvent the increasing cost of native American workers
and hopefully break the fledgling union system. Naturally this economic
tactic did not go unnoticed by American labor and the Ruthenian immigrants
became labeled as "strike breakers" and "scabs". In
fact, history shows that, once made aware of their misuse by the mining
and industrial interests, the Ruthenians became staunch supporters of a
union system which would serve the workers' needs. Sadly, these and the
other "new immigrants" employed by the industrialists were for
a long time the target of injustice and abuse at the hands of Americans
who either themselves or their immediate ancestors had experienced the
hardships which accompanied emigration to the United States.

Once the decision and passage money to travel to America had been secured
(some immigrants sold their land and possessions or borrowed money at fantastic
interest rates), the Ruthenian immigrant began the overland trip to any
one of several northern European seaports. German ports, such as Bremerhaven
and Hamburg, were used by approximately two-thirds of the emigrants from
Austria-Hungary. In the early years, this part of the journey was made
by foot or horse-drawn wagon. Towards the end of the century, however,
the European railway system featured trains, often subsidized by the steamship
companies, which brought emigrants to the embarkation points.

Initially, the Hungarian government did not regard the emigration of
the Subcarpathian Ruthenians too seriously. It quickly became apparent
that a large commodity of cheap labor was being lost. In March 1877, a
decree was issued by the Habsburg government requiring the Catholic clergy
to preach against the mass emigration. Priests wereexpected to stress the
hardships and sufferings which beset the Slavs in America. Border guards
were ordered to interfere with, and even prevent, departure from the Empire.
Once the futility of its efforts became apparent, the Hungarian government
mitigated its emigration policy. The legislation in 1903 and 1909 declared
the great departure "harmful" to the Hungarian economy but accepted
the development as a "necessary evil" in order to alleviate the
deplorable economic conditions of northeastern Hungary. In 1904, the Hungarian
government even attempted to secure some profit from the emigration trade.
An agreement with Cunard Steamship Lines of England allowed the company
to begin sailing from the Hungarian port of Fiume to New York. The so-called
Cunard Hungarian American Line would hold a monopoly on transporting the
America-bound immigrants in return for its agreement to abide by all Hungarian
emigration laws. The effort was futile since the government lacked the
means to enforce the monopoly on the emigrants or rival German steamship
lines. Bribery and flight by night succeeded where normal methods of passage
might fail.

Once at port, the emigrants underwent a medical examination before boarding
ship (the steamship companies were obliged to assume the return fare for
anyone rejected at the American Immigration Stations). After 1891 the American
immigration law strictly required that the steamship lines vaccinate, disinfect,
and properly examine their immigrant passengers prior to sailing; that
they reimburse the United States government for the housing of detained
passengers at American ports; and that they continue to return unsuitable
immigrants to their ports of embarkation without charge. Such health standards
contributed to the rejection of almost 40,000 people at European docks
in 1907.

Some shipping companies, such as the Hamburg-Amerika Line and Cunard
Line, provided temporary accommodations for large number of emigrants which
featured proper sanitation and food. The latter company even arranged for
the construction of an "immigrant village" for the travelers
with a railway station, churches, and a synagogue. A multilingual staff,
proper health and lodging facilities, adequate meals, even Kosher food,
were available.

When the immigrants passed the on-shore preliminaries, they were taken
aboard ship and directed to that section(s) known as "steerage."
Historian Alan M. Kraut describes the accommodations:

"Steerage referred to the one or more below-deck compartments of
a ship located fore and aft where the ships steering equipment had been
located in an earlier era. The steerage compartments of late-nineteenth
century steamers were no more than cargo holds without portholes and only
two ventilators per compartment, unpartitioned, and six to eight feet high,
crammed with two or more tiers of narrow metal bunks. Travelers had to
bring their own straw mattresses which were cast overboard on the last
day of the voyage. Men and women were segregated, sometimes on separate
decks but often by nothing more than some blankets draped over a line in
the center of the compartment. Children were permitted to stay with their
mothers. Some of the larger ships sailing the Atlantic crammed as many
as 2,000 men, women and children into compartments unfit for any human
habitation.

"The air was always fetid because of poor ventilation. Emigrants
had to bring their own cups, plates, and utensils. They cooked their own
meals in one of several galleys shared by all those in steerage."

"The ship companies provided herring because it was inexpensive,
nourishing and helped to combat sea-sickness. Toilet facilities varied
from vessel to vessel. Some earlier ships had as few as twenty-one toilets
per thousand."

The "Prison."

Once through the medical examination the immigrants were moved to waiting
benches in the Great Hall. From there they would proceed to a final inquiry.
The pipe-railing arrangement annoyed the immigrants. No matter how efficient
the processing system, the pipes were "prison bars. " Government
inspectors would individually interview each newcomer. Name? Nation of
origin? Marital status? Immigrants had been forewarned by family or friends
that had gone before them to never admit that they already had a job in
the country. Such arrangements violated the 1885 contract labor law passed
by Congress. The penalty—rejection. The story is told how a German immigrant
was once asked his name by an inspector. Not a difficult question but the
impatient inspector had confused the man with his rapid speech. Flustered,
the immigrant exclaimed: "Schoyn vergessen (i.e., I forget)!"
The inspector then noted in his register: "Name: Sean Ferguson. "
Names were Americanized from the earliest hours ashore. emigrants. Later
vessels had one toilet for every forty-seven travelers." Slowly, as
a new generation of steamships were launched, "steerage" class
gave way to "third class" accommodations which were more sanitary
and offered much better provisions for its passengers. Nevertheless, in
1903 the complaint could still be heard: "We climbed down to steerage
by going down a narrow, steep stairway. It was dark and slippery. Once
there I saw people lying on bunks that were stacked up one on top of the
other. The people did not have enough room to sit up in bed. The smell
inside was terrible." The trans-Atlantic journey could take from eight
to twenty-one days depending upon the point of departure. A "steerage"
ticket in 1910 cost the immigrant between ten and fifteen dollars. Undoubtedly,
the desire to experience this famous land known as the United States surpassed
any fears which could be aroused from tales of the ocean voyage. If "steerage"
was all one could afford, so be it. it was only a temporary environment.
A means to an end. In New York Harbor, the steamship docked on the west
side of Manhattan Island. At this point the first-class and cabin-class
passengers disembarked. Meanwhile, as the immigrants waited, ferries tied
alongside the vessel. The new arrivals boarded these boats for the trip
to Ellis Island. For some, the American immigration station could be an
"island of hope." For others, an "island of tears."
It was another necessary evil before passage through the "Golden Door"
alight from Lady Liberty's torch. A Meal At The Station. Food at the Ellis
Island dining hall was provided by concessionaires under government contract.
Two kitchens were operative. One kitchen provided food for all the non-Jewish
immigrants and the other prepared Kosher dishes. The steamship companies
were required to pay the Federal government for any food consumed during
the examinations or detentions. Food for the journey to the final destination
was purchased by the immigrants at counters or provided by charitable social
service organizations.

Author's Note: The proceeding photographs are prints from original private
collections now in the possession of the New York Public Library.

The photo-studies of the immigrants and the station at Ellis Island
were executed by Lewis W. Hine between 1905 and 1910. The prints used for
this photographic essay (and others) are in the possession of the Diocese
of Passaic Heritage Library. Rev. Robert Hospodar, a GCU member, is pastor
of Holy Spirit Byzantine Catholic Church, Mahwah, NJ. He was ordained to
the priesthood on May 14, 1978 by the Most Rev. Michael J. Dudick, Bishop
of the Diocese of Passaic. Fr. Hospodar has done advanced studies at the
Catholic University of America in Washington, DC, where he received a Licentiate
degree in Canon Law. As the Diocesan Historian, he has authored a series
of special articles in the "Eastern Catholic Life" commemorating
noted personalities and significant events in the history of the Ruthenian
Rite in the United States.

Knowledge Base

Colophon

Rev. Robert Hospodar, J.C.L.'s "The Subcarpathian Ruthenians: Exodus to a
'Promised Land'" (GCU Yearbook) is hosted at carpatho-rusyn.org
(Carpatho-Rusyn Knowledge Base). Captured 2026-08-05 from
http://www.carpatho-rusyn.org/gcu1.htm. Published here under
permission held by the New Tianmu Anglican Church for this material,
recorded 2026-08-05; all rights remain with the original author, Rev.
Robert Hospodar, and the Greek Catholic Union of the USA (GCU).

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