the N-Town cycle of mystery plays

Ludus Coventriae, "the play called Corpus Christi," is the modern name — itself borrowed, and slightly mistaken — for the great East Anglian cycle of biblical drama preserved uniquely in the Cotton manuscript Vespasian D. VIII in the British Library. It has no real connection to the city of Coventry: the label comes from an early cataloguer, Richard James, Sir Robert Cotton's librarian, who associated the manuscript with plays he had heard of at Coventry. The banns that open the manuscript — the "Proclamation," recited by heralds to advertise the coming performance — instead name the playing-place only as "N. town," a blank left in the script for whichever town's name a travelling company filled in on the day. Scholars now call the cycle the N-Town Plays for that reason, though the older title, Ludus Coventriae, is the one under which K. S. Block's edition, and much of the older scholarship, can be found.

The cycle is really a compilation, made by a fifteenth-century East Anglian scribe or scribes out of at least two, and probably several, older sets of plays, not always successfully stitched together — the manuscript itself shows revisions, insertions, and re-numbering. It opens with the Proclamation, in which two or three "vexillators" (banner-bearers) summarize all forty-some pageants to come. What follows runs from the Creation and the Fall of Lucifer, through the patriarchs and prophets, into a substantial and unusual "Mary Play" — the conception, birth, and childhood of the Virgin, her betrothal, the Annunciation, and the Visitation — that has no real parallel in the other English cycles and is thought to derive from a separate source, perhaps once an independent play in its own right. The cycle continues through the Nativity, the Massacre of the Innocents, Christ's ministry, and then, at unusual length and with unusual dramatic sophistication, the two Passion Plays — staged, the manuscript's own stage directions make clear, not on a procession of wagons as at York or Chester but on fixed scaffolds around a central playing place. The cycle closes with the Resurrection, the apocryphal Assumption of the Virgin (on paper the editor shows was bound in later, from a different source), and Doomsday.

K. S. Block's edition for the Early English Text Society (Extra Series 120, 1922) remains the standard scholarly edition of the cycle: a full diplomatic re-editing of the Cotton manuscript, with an extensive introduction on the manuscript's construction, hands, and watermarks, a glossary, and a list of proper names. This text is drawn from that edition. The witness on hand is HathiTrust's page-by-page OCR scan of a University of Michigan Library copy, not a fresh reading of the manuscript or of Block's printed page; the Middle English — thorn (þ) and yogh (ȝ) included — has been reconstructed from that OCR by the methods and with the honesty disclosed in the colophon below.

Contents

• Preface
• Introduction
• Errata
• The Proclamation
• The Creation of Heaven and the Angels
• Fall of Lucifer
• Creation of the World and Man
• Fall of Man
• Fall of Man
• Cain and Abel
• Noah
• Abraham and Isaac
• Moses
• The Prophets
• Prologue of Contemplacio
• The Conception of Mary
• Mary in the Temple
• Prologue of Contemplacio
• The Betrothal of Mary
• The Betrothal of Mary
• The Betrothal of Mary
• The Parliament of Heaven
• The Salutation and Conception
• Joseph's Return
• Joseph's Return
• The Visit to Elizabeth
• Epilogue of Contemplacio
• Prologue of Summoner
• The Trial of Joseph and Mary
• The Birth of Christ
• The Adoration of the Shepherds
• The Adoration of the Magi
• The Purification
• The Purification
• The Purification
• The Massacre of the Innocents
• The Death of Herod
• Christ and the Doctors
• Christ with the Doctors
• Christ and the Doctors
• The Baptism
• The Temptation
• The Woman taken in Adultery
• The Woman taken in Adultery
• The Raising of Lazarus
• The Raising of Lazarus
• Prologue of Demon
• Prologue of John the Baptist
• The Council of the Jews
• The Entry into Jerusalem
• The Last Supper
• The Conspiracy of the Jews
• The Last Supper
• Conspiracy of the Jews and Judas
• The Last Supper
• The Betrayal
• Lament of the Virgin
• Prologue of the Doctors
• The Passion Play. II
• King Herod
• The Trial before Annas and Caiaphas
• Peter's Denial
• The Trial before Pilate
• The Trial before Herod
• Pilate's Wife's Dream
• The Condemnation and Scourging
• The Procession to Calvary
• The Crucifixion
• The Crucifixion
• The Descent into Hell
• The Burial
• The Guarding of the Sepulchre
• The Harrowing of Hell
• The Resurrection
• The Announcement to the Three Maries
• The Appearance to Mary Magdalen
• The Appearance to Cleophas and Luke
• The Appearance to Cleophas and Luke
• The Appearance to Thomas
• The Ascension
• The Choice of Mutthias
• The Assumption of the Virgin
• The Assumption of the Virgin
• Doomsday
• List of Proper Names
• Glossary
• Notes
• Proverbs, Sayings, Allusions

Preface

THE Ludus Coventric, unlike the other extant mystery cycles, is not connected with the trade guilds of a town, and the nature and purpose of this collection have been recognized as a problem of special interest. Investigation has been hampered by the fact that the only edition of the plays (J. O. Halliwell, printed for the Shakespeare Society, 1841), though admirably accurate as to the text, obscures, by changes in arrangement and numbering, certain significant features of the MS. It was therefore desirable that the MS. should be re-edited in order that the bibliographical factors of the problem should be clear.

The plays have, moreover, in themselves some claim to be made more accessible. They illustrate the advance in dramatic representation that was taking place in the fifteenth century. Plays like Nos. 18 and 20 (Adoration of the Magi and Massacre of the Innocents, with the Death of Herod), or No. 24 (The Woman taken in Adultery), indicate an improvement in the art of the religious drama; passages like the satiric address of Demon to the audience, p. 225, indicate a widening of its range. The Passion plays, which differ from those of the other cycles in being acted, not on a sequence of pageants in procession, but on a standing group, show for this reason more attempt at construction; and there are suggestions here and in some of the other plays of specially effective acting (cf. Introduction, p. lvi). In the stage directions of these Passion plays (cf. p. 267 and p. 273) we have the most graphic picture of a fifteenth-century performance that has come down to us.

The title Ludus Coventric has been retained partly because it has been associated with these plays since the first cataloguing of the MS. by Richard James; but partly also because there is, in the opinion of the present editor, some ground for thinking that the title was used generically by James, and has therefore some importance in the history of the drama (cf. Introduction, p. xl).

This edition was begun in 1913, and marks of protracted and intermittent work are, I fear, obvious. My thanks are due to Sir Israel Gollancz for constant encouragement, and to the Oxford University Press for much consideration and assistance. I am indebted to my colleague Miss G. D. Willcock for help in compiling the glossary.

ROYAL HOLLOWAY COLLEGE.
K. S. BLOCK.
March, 1922.

Introduction

Block's Introduction runs to roughly fifty printed pages of close paleographical, textual, and dramaturgical argument — the manuscript's construction, hands, and watermarks; its relationship to Halliwell's 1841 edition; the compilation's sources (Scripture, the Legenda Aurea, the pseudo-Bonaventuran Meditationes Vitae Christi in its Middle English dress as Nicholas Love's Mirror); dialect and date; and staging. It is reproduced here in full. The printed page set its editorial matter in two columns — a running argument in the body of the page and a column of brief marginal catchwords (topic-tags such as "Quires," "Paper," "Evidence of composition") beside it — and HathiTrust's page OCR read the two columns as one interleaved stream. Below, that interleaving could not be safely untangled without the original page images: a marginal catchword may surface as a short interruption inside a sentence of the main argument. Nothing has been cut or invented to smooth this over; the argument itself is intact and legible around the interruptions. See the colophon for the full account.

. tion of MS. THE MS. Vespasian D. viii of the Cotton Collection in the Descrip- British Museum is a small thick volume containing 225 leaves 8" x 5". In the process of binding the leaves have all been cut down and remounted, and their breadth varies slightly: folios 91 and 92, containing the opening of the Magi play, are noticeably narrower than the rest. A modern hand has numbered the folios. are numbered by tens only, 9, 19... .. 49 The reverse sides Paginabeing numbered 10, 20 ... 50; 60, 70 ... 110, 60, 70 ... 110; 121v, 131▾ 161, 120, 130... 160; 172, 182v... 212, 170, 180... 210; and 223, 220. ... tion. The lettering of the quires, A to W, is of about the same date. Quires. In four cases the original catchwords remain: on fo. 40, the last page of quire B; on fo. 148, the last page of quire N; on fo. 179, the last page of quire S; on fo. 1897, the last page of quire T. In other cases the quire letters correspond with a change of paper. Seven different kinds of paper are found in this MS. Quires Paper. A and B (ff. 1-40) consist of paper of the Bunch of Grapes watermark (Les Filigranes, C. M. Briquet, Paris 1907, No. 3055). Quires C to M (ff. 41-135), with the exception of quire E (ff. 51 and 52) and of the interpolated folios 95, 96, and 112, consist of paper of the YHS in a Sun watermark (Les Filigranes, No. 9477). The interpolated quire E has the Pitcher¹ watermark of the pot d'étain type (Les Filigranes, No. 12498 or 12501), not found, according to M. Briquet, before the last decade of the fifteenth century. The interpolated folios 95, 96 have the Hand watermark of the gloved type marked with a 3 on the palm and surmounted by a pentagon.2 Unfortunately not enough of the ¹ Mind, Will and Understanding in the Macro MS. is written on paper bearing a Pot watermark. E.E.T.S., E.S. xci, p. xxx. The three plays in the Digby MS., The Conversion of St. Paul, The

Evidence of composilower part of the mark on fo. 95 remains to make it clear whether the wrist is laced. No example exactly corresponding with this mark is given by M. Briquet. It belongs to the general class described by him as Main aux quatre doigts serrés, le pouce seul écarté. Of the subdivision lacée au poignet, M. Briquet gives 1526 as the date of the earliest example known to him. If the lines which can just be discerned across the gauntlet could be taken as lacing, these folios, according to the evidence of the handwriting, would be earlier. Fo. 112, also an interpolation, has no watermark, but the wire lines correspond with those of folios 95, 96. Quire N (ff. 136–48), with the exception of fo. 143, and quires P, Q, R (ff. 152–63), have the Bull's Head watermark (Les Filigranes, No. 14184). Folio 143 has no watermark, but the wire lines correspond with those of the Bunch of Grapes or of the YHS watermark. Quire O (ff. 149-51) has the Bunch of Grapes watermark. Quires S and T (ff. 164-89), with the exception of folios 184 and 185, have the Two Crossed Keys watermark (Les Filigranes, No. 3887). Folios 184 and 185 have again unfortunately no watermark, but the wire lines are not those of the Two Crossed Keys paper, but correspond with those of the paper having the Bunch of Keys or the YHS watermark. Quires V and W (ff. 190-225), with the exception of folios 213–22, have the YHS watermark. The interpolated folios containing the play of the Assumption have the Two-Wheeled Cart watermark (Les Filigranes, No. 3528). Besides these seven watermarks in the MS. itself, anothera shield bearing a crook—is found on the fly-leaf on which Dr. James, Sir Robert Cotton's first librarian, has written a note of the contents. Only a small portion is shown, and it does not correspond exactly with any of M. Briquet's examples. It comes nearest to what he describes as La crosse de Bâle dans un écu, a sixteenth-century mark. Paper of apparently the same watermark is used for part (ff. 31-107) of the 1621 catalogue of the Cottonian library. This variety in the actual material of the MS. corresponds Massacre, and Mind, Will and Understanding, are written on paper bearing different forms of the Gloved Hand watermark, but none exactly corresponding with that in the Vesp. D. viii. MS. The paper of Mankind in the Macro MS. has a Gloved Hand watermark. Cf. E.E.T.S., E.S. xci, p. xxviii.

as to tion. in an interesting way with differences and discrepancies in the tion of MS plays themselves, and throws light on the process of compilation. method of Some of the interpolations, folios 51 and 52, 95 and 96 and 112, compilaare in a different handwriting from the body of the MS. and are later additions to the collection, in the case of 95 and 96 and 112 certainly, in the case of 51 and 52 possibly, replacing original material; and the play of the Assumption, though part of the set made up by the original compiler of this MS., is also in a different handwriting. In the case, however, of fo. 143 and quire O, and of folios 184 and 185, the handwriting is the same as that of the quires N, P, Q, R and S, T in which they are interpolated, and the added passages indicate the methods of the compiler. The quires N, P, Q, R contain a separate group of plays, those that are described later in Contemplacio's Speech (fo. 165) as having been shewyd the last zere; the subject-matter is complete without fo. 143 or quire O, and the interpolation of these gives rise to duplication. From a cancelled speech in the MS. at the bottom of fo. 142 it is clear that fo. 144 originally followed on fo. 142, and the insertion of fo. 143 (containing the incident of fetching the ass and the foal) leads to a duplication of the passage beginning frendys be-holde, which occurs again on fo. 145, and to some inconsistency in the movements of Peter and John who 'abyden stylle' and yet advance towards Jerusalem. Again, a cancelled stage direction at the bottom of fo. 148, the last page of quire N, shows that quire P originally followed on. The episode of Mary Magdalen in quire O (like that of the ass and the foal on fo. 143) is not mentioned in the proclamation, and the insertion of quire O leads to a duplication of the disciples' questioning of the Saviour as to the traitor (cf. fo. 150 and fỏ. 155v). A blank folio follows the last play of the group and the remainder of quire R is filled in with the Doctors' prologue-an entirely disconnected passage. Moreover, besides being of different paper from the rest of the MS. the quires N, P, Q, R show, as will be seen, certain slight differences in writing and rubrication. The quires S and T offer some similarity in that here again we have traces of a set of plays which were acted separately; and from the appearance of fo. 164, the first of quire S, it would

· · · seem that we have also part of a separate small MS. bound up to make the series. But the case is more complicated; the interpolated folios 184 and 185 could not be removed, for the last of the Seven Words comes on fo. 184 and the speech of Anima Christi is continued from fo. 185 to fo. 186; and there is no break at the end of quire T. The writer or compiler of the set of plays beginning in the S quire clearly had in his mind at starting a set corresponding with the first Passion plays of the N, P, Q, R quires: 'we intendyn to procede pe matere pat we lefte pe last ȝere. Now wold we procede how he was browth pan be-forn annas and cayphas and syth be-forn pylate and so forth in his passyon how mekely he toke it for man'; but this second group of Passion plays does not come to any definite end, the action being continuous until the end of the Appearance to Mary Magdalen play on fo. 201, the middle of quire U. The MS., however, affords some traces of the original plan; there is evidence of a change of purpose at the close of the Crucifixion scene, and it can be deduced with some certainty that the original end of the Passion sequel was discarded to make room for the material on folios 183, 184, 184v, 185, 185, and 186, and that the Senturyo's speech on fo. 186v belongs to a separate Burial and Resurrection play now dovetailed on. A change in the colour of the ink suggests that the scribe paused at the line: heloy · heloy · lamazabathany (fo. 183v). The writing also becomes smaller with the next line, and, at the bottom of the folio, is cramped as if to fit in more than was allowed for. It appears from slight indications in handwriting and ink as if the scribe went on from the line mentioned to fo. 186v: Senturyo. A now trewly telle weyl I kan; and that later he returned and filled up the remainder of fo. 183, continuing on fo. 186 and fitting in the interpolated folios. That the material on the interpolated folios and fo. 186, though dovetailed in, is itself an interpolation is proved by the discrepancies it involves : Mary having passed into the Temple (fo. 185 interpolated) is yet at the foot of the Cross to receive her son's body (fo. 188); the Centurion makes his speech, recognizing the Crucified as the Son of God, twice (fo. 186 and fo. 186), and Nicodemus seems to make a double entry (fo. 186 and fo. 188). Additional evidence from the MS. of disturbance at this point is the change in the

pointing; the mid-line point, having been fairly abundant in the preceding folios of the T quire, ceases after fo. 183. No instance of borrowing from The Northern Passion, otherwise so marked a feature of this group, occurs in this interpolated portion.¹ The MS. throws no additional light on the correspondence of change of paper and change of material at the junction of the T and U quires. Though there is no break in the action here the changes of metre, of the form of Pilate's name from Pylat to Pilatus, and of English for Latin stage directions, the cessation of reminiscences of The Northern Passion,¹ as well as the double exeunt of the knights (fo. 189′, last of T, fo. 190, first of V), point to the use of different material, but the scribe appears to have gone on continuously. Quire T is half the size of quire S. The bulk of the MS. is the work of one scribe, probably of Handthe third quarter of the fifteenth century. The date 1468 is writing. written at the close of the Purification play on fo. 100, but this play is an interpolation, and it is possible that the date is specially connected with it rather than with the compilation. The writing varies considerably, but the variations are better accounted for as due to parts of the MS. having been written at different times than as due to change of scribe. The system or rather want of system in the use of capital letters remains the same the preferential use of the capital forms of t and n at the beginning of lines, the arbitrary use of ff and ƒ, and of A anda, and the sporadic use of capital forms of e and r. The most noticeable variation is found in the quires N, P, Q, R, where the writing is more angular and altogether rougher and less shapely. Exceptionally large capitals appear throughout these quires, and a few specially tall letters in the top lines. The scribe also more often writes be instead of be than elsewhere in the MS. The writing remains irregular, though less so, in quires S and T-that in the interpolated folios 184, 185, as in the interpolated fo. 143 in quire N, being noticeably firmer. II, pp. 90-5. on the interpolated folios; in quires V and W (excluding Assumption play) are mingled in the latter part of the Digby MS. Mary Magdalen play.

Additions. It recovers its earlier form in quire V. There are minor irregularities in the earlier quires. It is sometimes much more cramped than at others, and once, on the other hand-folios 61–6, the end of quire F—it assumes a larger and more widely spaced form. The genealogies filling the bottoms of some of the folios (ff. 16 et seq., 21 et seq., 37) and the Psalms and Canticles quoted in the Mary in the Temple and Visit to Elizabeth plays are in liturgical script; the notes on the five Annas (fo. 37) and on the April Calendar (fo. 74) are in an ornamental bookhand. There are three other handwritings to be found in the MS. : (1) that of the interpolated quire E (ff. 51, 52) containing the conversation between Joseph and his kinsmen in the Betrothal of Mary play; (2) that of the interpolated folios 95, 96 in the Magi play, and of the interpolated fo. 112 containing the opening of the Baptism play; (3) that of the Assumption play.¹ The first is a rough cursive hand of the close of the century decidedly later than that of the body of the MS. This writer uses the full th form, and neither the nor the 3 appears in this passage. The second is also a cursive hand, but of a less untidy character. Halliwell speaks of it as 'a more recent hand', and this writer was, as will be seen, at work as a corrector of the MS. after its compilation; but the opinion of authorities is that the hand cannot be said to belong to a later type than the original scribe's. This writer uses the (in the later y form) and the full th form in about the same proportion as the chief scribe; like him he uses the 3 in the word ȝe, but he uses the forms you and your where the other invariably uses ȝow (30) and zour. This writer uses a curious form of final s. The third hand was also thought by Halliwell to be later, but is now also assigned to the same period as the chief hand. It is of a different character, more cursive and less clear. This writer uses many fewer contractions than the other contributors to the MS. He does not use the 3 at all; the only time it occurs University of Minnesota, Studies in Language and Literature) finds two other hands in the Prologue of the Doctors and the Prologue of Contemplacio in the Passion play respectively. The slight variation is better accounted for as suggested above.

. He uses as a rule the (written y) are found. in the play (fo. 217)-That ze schuld ben absent-it comes in a line which was omitted, and written in the margin apparently in the hand of the chief scribe of the MS. full th form, but four examples of the Fo. 217 pu (thou), fo. 219v pi, fo. 220v powth (thought), fo. 221 pi. In this play (fo. 218) occurs the only example, in the MS. proper, of the in the older form, the two other examples occurring in the notes of some later reviser (fo. 144v, fo. 145). tions of The MS. has also been worked over by other hands. Cor- Correcrections other than those of the original scribe are found revisers. scattered in many plays, and range from the alteration of a letter to the rewriting of two or three consecutive lines. The most important are to be found in the Shepherd, the Magi, the Harrowing, and the Three Maries plays, on folios 88, 89, 89, 93, 93, 97, 101, and 185, 191, 192, 197, 198. These appear all to be in the hand of the scribe of folios 95, 96, and 112. Those in the Shepherd and Magi plays appear to be changes for the purpose of removing archaic or dialectal (Northern) words, phrases, or forms: selkowth > mervelus, shene > bryght, carpynge > spekyng, barne > child, bale > sorow, buske > go, tholyn > suffyr, myrke > thyke; a line is altered (fo. 89) so that bat hattyht (that is called) may be read as that hateth, and xaln is altered to xalle. The phrases erased and written over in Herod's ranting speech (ff. 93, 93v) are for the most part indecipherable, but the alterations that can be read in this passage suggest that they would all fall under the same heading: paphawk > paddok, shaftys sperys. The corrections in the Harrowing play consist of indications of additions to the text; they take the form of references to fresh characters not found in the play as it stands -anima latronis (fo. 185v), pe devylle, anima caym (fo. 1917, fo. 192)—and the manner of the reference—and þan Cayme xalle sey his spech (fo. 192)-suggests that the reviser is drawing on some other fuller version of the play known to the users of the MS. The revision in the Three Maries play consists in the substitution of eight new lines for four lines in the speech of Mary Magdalen > and four in the speech of Mary Jacobi-the whole forming a continuous passage-announcing the resurrection to Peter and John. The purpose of the alteration is to harmonize the b

account of the resurrection, which in the original follows the narrative of St. Mark (that accepted by Tatian) and represents an angel as announcing the Resurrection to the women, with the version given by St. Matthew, according to which the women see the risen Lord himself before they meet the disciples. A few corrections have been made in the text for the same purpose, as if the marginal rewriting of the lines were a second thought. A few added marginal stage directions appear also to be in the hand of this reviser: go homwardys (fo. 102), various Incipit hic, nota hic (ff. 189, 1897), and it is possible that some of the slighter corrections found singly here and there are due to him. Many of these consist of one word written above the line or over the original word in the text, and some even of the addition or change of a letter. In such cases it is impossible to form a definite opinion as to the handwriting, but a comparison of one or two typical letters leads to the conclusion that most of these corrections are not from the hand of the scribe of folios 95, 96, 112, nor from that of the scribe of fo. 51. singly in the following plays: Cain and Abel, They occur Mary in the Temple, The Trial of Joseph and Mary, The Birth, The Purification; three are found in the Salutation and Conception play, ten in the Disputation, nine in the Lazarus play. They consist partly of the insertion of omitted words, partly of changes of apparently archaic or dialectal forms: thus, beth (imperative) > be (fo. 43v), evy > hevy (fo. 135 and fo. 110), dede > dyde (fo. 134), fende > fynde (fo. 98), glathe > gladd (fo. 134v), thei > they (fo.. 135), perysche (pierce) > pers (fo. 107), blysse > comfort (fo. 110); ffor syknes and sorwe (fo. 58v) is changed to bothe eve and morewe to avoid an identical rhyme. Some of the corrections show a misunderstanding of the original: the line A mayd milke haue never man dyde se is 'corrected' by the deletion of haue and the addition of the possessive is to mayd. There are also a few added stage directions in different hands, e.g. here goth he his way, written against the speech of quartus consolator and nuncius in the Lazarus play (fo. 129). Once or twice names of characters about to appear are roughly written in the margin, e. g. pastores in the Barrenness of Anna play (fo. 39). This is perhaps the explanation of the mysterious Vade Worlych which is obviously written with some purpose

on fo. 206 and again on fo. 207, where the meeting of Luke and Cleophas with the other disciples occurs. Of special interest are two notes on fo. 144v and fo. 145: here entrith be fyrst prophete, and here entrith be parte of be ijde prophete. No prophets appear in this play (The Entry into Jerusalem), and these notes again suggest a reference to another version of the play, or perhaps rather the use of this play in another combination than that of this compilation. A note on fo. 196 opposite the stage directions at the beginning of the Three Maries play, apparently in the hand of the scribe of folios 95, 96, 112-finem 1ª die · Nota-seems also to refer to a division of the performance of some group of the plays. scribe. as to date of the The corrections of the scribe are made generally in black and Correcred ink. Letters or words marked with deleting dot and tions of the cancelling strokes are almost always crossed through in red ink. Some of the corrections of the MS. by the original scribe are important for the light they throw on the compilation 1. Of the of the MS. The insertion of a line in the Assumption play Assump tion play. has already been noticed (p. xvii). If this is accepted as in the hand of the chief scribe it clinches all the other arguments in favour of that play's having formed part of the original compilation, not indeed as conceived by the composer of the prologue but as carried out in the present MS. Mr. Gayley [Evidence in his Plays of our Forefathers (1908) assigns this play to a date later than 1482, on the ground that it is based on Caxton's Assumptranslation of the Legenda aurea-practically', he says, 'a trans- tion play.] cription from it'. But a comparison of the play with Caxton's translation and the original Latin, so far from giving any evidence in support of this view, proves that the writer of the play used the Latin and not the translation. The only instances of verbal coincidence are found in the translation by both writers of ammirabile et magnum by grete and merueylous, where both words and order may be fairly said to be inevitable, and of vasculum vite by vessel of lyf, which again could not easily be avoided. Moreover, in two instances passages of the original Latin not translated by Caxton are used in the play of the Assumption.¹ Particularly significant are the corrections of the numbers 2. Of the numbering b 2

of the pageants in the Proclamation. assigned to the pageants in the Proclamation (ff. 2v, 3, 3, 4). These, being in figures, cannot be positively attributed to a certain hand, but the intimate connexion of the alterations with certain features in the arrangement of the subject-matter, and, in one case, the rubrication of the correction are sufficient evidence that they were made by the original scribe. It is, moreover, to be noted that for the first ten pageants and originally for the one now numbered xii, i. e. Joseph's Return, the numbers were given in words; for the pageants now x and xi and from the one now numbered xiv to the end Roman figures were used. This change of system indicates a break in the compilation, and the use of the word 'hellenthe' for the Joseph's Return pageant connects it with the original scheme. The corrections affect the plays Mary's Betrothal, The Salutation and Conception, Joseph's Return, The Trial of Joseph and Mary, The Birth of Christ, The Shepherds. These were originally numbered: Mary's Betrothal, pageants 8 and 9; The Salutation and Conception, pageant 10; Joseph's Return, pageant 11; The Trial of Joseph and Mary, pageant 12; The Birth, pageant 13; The Shepherds, pageant 14. In the renumbering both the Betrothal pageants are numbered 10, The Salutation and Conception 11, Joseph's Return 12, The Trial 14, The Birth 15, The Shepherds 16. The numbers 8, 9, 13 are thus left for the plays of The Conception of Mary, Mary in the Temple, and The Visit to Elizabeth, which actually fill those places in the compilation. But the additional stanzas necessary for the Proclamation were never written, and the correction of the numbering of the pageants was not carried beyond the Shepherds play, with the result that the numbers 15 and 16 are duplicated. This renumbering affects the group of plays on the Virgin Mary the first Contemplacio group, which has long been recognized by critics as forming a separate whole; and it suggests what there is much evidence to confirm, that the compiler is here combining two series of plays, one consisting of the Betrothal, Salutation and Conception, and Return of Joseph, as announced in the Proclamation, the other consisting of the Conception of Mary, Mary in the Temple, Betrothal, Salutation and Conception, and Visit to Elizabeth, as announced in the prologue of Contemplacio.

This matere here mad is of þe modyr of mercy • how be joachym and anne was here concepcion Sythe offred into be temple than maryed to joseph • · compiled breffly and so folwyng þe salutacion metyng with Elizabeth and þer with a conclusyon. • Evidence in support of this is found in certain indications in the arrangement of the plays in the MS., in discrepancies between the Betrothal and Salutation and Conception plays and the descriptions of them in the Proclamation, and in inconsistencies and incongruities-marks of imperfect amalgamationin the plays themselves. That the group of Mary plays from The Conception of Mary to The Trial of Joseph and Mary is not homogeneous is apparent upon examination. The Return of Joseph and the Trial plays differ in tone from the others, and they form no part of the Proclamation of Contemplacio. A suggestion that the Return of Joseph is an interpolation between the Salutation and Conception and the Visit to Elizabeth plays can be found in the cancelled stage direction at the close of the Salutation and Conception play: And pan Mary seyth, which would lead on to the Visit to Elizabeth play in which Mary is the first speaker, but not to the Return of Joseph play, which begins with a dialogue between Joseph and Susanna. In the Protevangelion of St. James, and in Tatian's Diatessaron, the visit to Elizabeth follows at once on the Salutation and Conception, and Joseph's suspicions are only subsequently aroused, and this order is followed in the Meditationes of Bonaventura and in Lydgate's Lyf of oure Lady. Again, though the Betrothal play does not appear exactly in the form in which it is described in the Proclamation, where two pageants (and three stanzas) are assigned to it, there are signi ficant discrepancies between it and the Contemplacio plays which precede and follow. In the Mary in the Temple play the Virgin is represented as left by her parents at the Temple and dwelling there. This also seems to be implied in the speech of Contemplacio at the close: Lo sofreynes here ze haue seyn | in þe temple of oure ladyes presentacion | she was nevyr occapyed in thyngys veyn but Evyr besy in holy ocupacyon. In Bonaventura's narrative, as in the Protevangelion and Nativity of Mary gospel, Mary is said to have lived in the Temple from her 3rd to her

14th year. At the opening of the Betrothal play, however, Mary is living at home with her parents, and this is the situation conveyed in the words of the Proclamation: Than Joachym and anne so mylde bei brynge forthe mary pat blyssyd chylde. The speech of Contemplacio referred to, which appears to introduce the Betrothal play, is separated from it in the MS. by a blank folio, and the play begins on a fresh quire (D), which indicates at least a pause-possibly some reconsideration-in the process of compilation. And the name of the bishop Abysakar in the opening stage direction of the Betrothal play (fo. 49) represents rather the Abizachar of the Trial (fo. 76) and the Abyacar of the Proclamation (fo. 2v) than the Ysakar of the Conception of Mary and the Mary in the Temple plays.¹ There are in this play (The Betrothal) two interpolated passages in the metre of the preceding Contemplacio plays, one of them introducing a character Minister not otherwise found in the Betrothal play, who appears in the Mary in the Temple play. These passages appear to have been fitted in from the rejected Betrothal play of the Contemplacio series. On the other hand, the Salutation and Conception play is not the play that was in the mind of the writer of the Proclamation, which evidently dealt simply with Gabriel's annunciation. No parlement of hefne is mentioned, and special reference is made to the overhearing of Gabriel's speech by the three maidens who dwelt with the Virgin. These maidens are mentioned in the pageant of the Betrothal play, and they appear in that and-two of them-in the Return of Joseph play, but they do not appear in the Salutation and Conception play. It is not, however, clear that the Salutation and Conception play formed part of the original Contemplacio series. The parlement of hefne is first announced at the end of the second Contemplacio play before the Betrothal which, as has been seen, does not Abiathar, Abiacar, Isacar, Zacharias appear in different versions of these gospels as the names of the high priest of the Temple during Mary's youth. Isaschar is in one version given as the name of the high priest who rejected Joachym. In some versions a distinction appears to be made between Abiathar sacerdos, who seeks Mary in marriage for his son, and Isacar pontifex, who presides at her Betrothal. This distinction is observed by Lydgate in his Lyf of oure Lady.

belong to the series. In Contemplacio's first prologue a simple annunciation play only is implied in the line: Than maryed to joseph and so folwyng be salutacion. This becomes in the later announcement: The parlement of hefne sone xal ze se And how goddys sone come man xal he And how pe salutacion aftere xal be. The Salutation and Conception play is again closely connected-in that they are both based on Bonaventura's Meditationes Vita Christi¹-with the Purification play-a play not included in the Proclamation, manifestly an interpolation where it occurs, and the play to which the date 1468 is affixed. Dr. Greg in his Bibliographical and Textual Problems of the English Miracle Cycles calls attention to the use in the Purification play and in certain passages in the Return of Joseph play of a metre not found elsewhere in the collection as evidence of borrowing from an independent source. This source is fairly certainly that from which the Salutation and Conception, though not in this metre, is drawn. The Salutation and Conception play as we have it would therefore be the result of a further revision of the amalgamated series of Mary The connexion of the Ludus Coventria with Bonaventura's Meditationes was early pointed out by Hone in his Ancient Mysteries, and Halliwell gives the reference to the Speculum Vitæ Christi in his note on the Salutation and Conception play. The subject has been treated more recently by Mr. S. B. Hemingway in his English Nativity Plays, Yale Studies, No. 38. An examination of the borrowing shows that the writer had recourse to Nicholas Love's version of the Meditationes, The Mirrour of the Blessed Lyf of Jesus Christ. Not only do words and phrases used by Love in translating occur, but, in one or two cases, phrases or even sentences from Love, for which there is no equivalent in the original. [See Note B.] undoubtedly give a clue to the stages of revision or sources of compilation, it must be premised that a different metre need not necessarily imply a different stage or source. Some of the writers engaged on these plays were not without power of changing their numbers to suit their theme (cf. the drowsy measures in the Magi and the Resurrection scenes, the couplet dialogue in the Trial scenes), and the changes from one stanza to another (e. g. in the Magi and Shepherd plays, or in the second Passion group, where the change from short to long octaves seems due to a natural movement towards a more emphatic styl) may serve an artistic purpose. And on the other hand the 13-lined prologue stanza does not appear to be always of the same type and may not therefore always represent the same stage or source.

plays whereby the Salutation and Conception play based on Bonaventura's work was substituted for both alternatives, that of the Proclamation and that of Contemplacio's first prologue. The Visit to Elizabeth belongs clearly to the Contemplacio series, but there is a curious confusion at the close of this play which suggests revision. As the play ends at present Joseph and Mary are first said to depart, and later Mary is spoken of as remaining with Elizabeth till the birth of John. An alternative ending is, however, suggested. In place of Joseph's speech beginning Of ȝour dissese thynkys no greff, a note at the bottom of the folio offers 'si placet' a continuation of Elizabeth's speech: come I pray ȝow specialy | I-wys ze Are welcome mary for pis comfortabelest comynge good god gramercy, followed by Contempiacio as the name of the next speaker. By the adoption of this version all reference to the departure of Joseph and Mary would disappear. It would seem as if the play originally ended with the first and last stanzas of Contemplacio's speech, and that the remainder of this speech (which gives Mary's continued abode with Elizabeth) was intended only to be used as part of the alternative ending. In these additional stanzas the writer appears again to be drawing on Nicholas Love, so that here also we have a trace of this further revision. On the whole it does not appear rash to conclude that the theory suggested by the renumbering of the pageants is established 2: namely, that the compiler is here grafting the plays of the Contemplacio series '-The Conception of Mary, Mary in the Temple, and The Visit to Elizabeth with a Dissponsacion or Betrothal and a Salutation and Conception play not used, plays of an ecclesiastical character based at least in part on the Legenda aurea,-on to another series of Mary plays described in the Proclamation-The Betrothal, Return of Joseph, Trial of Joseph and Mary, Birth of Christ, with a Salutation and Conception not used, plays of a simpler and more popular character based directly, as will be shown,2 on the pseudo gospel of Matthew³; and that a later revision or Historia de nativitate Mariæ versions of Mary's story the visit to Elizabeth is omitted.

alteration of purpose led to the substitution of a more elaborate Salutation and Conception and to some additions, based on Bonaventura's Meditationes Vitæ Christi. tion, &c. Red ink is used in this MS. (1) for the numbers of the plays Rubricaand the numbers of the Commandments in the Moses play; (2) for paragraph signs marking stanza divisions, looped lines enclosing names of speakers, lines under stage directions, for a few miscellaneous signs-m (ff. 10 and 16 marking stage directions, fo. 177 marking a couplet), a in quires S and T (ff. 168–79 and 183) and the Assumption play to mark couplets, on fo. 185 and in the Assumption play to mark Latin versicles; (3) for the division of two lines written in one to save space here and there when a short perpendicular stroke is made over two similar black strokes or over the point (4) for corrections; (5) for initial capitals for most of the plays, the Commandments, the Psalms in the Mary in the Temple play, and a few scattered instances here and there, and for one marginal genealogy (fo. 37), and finally red strokes are given to the initial letters of a selection of the first words in the lines of each stanza.¹ The rubrication is of a rough character; the initial capitals are ungainly, and the various signs and underlinings, &c., are roughly and carelessly made. An exception is found in the Doctors' Prologue standing, as has been shown, by itself, preceded and followed by blank folios. Here each stanza has a shapely red capital, and the lines connecting the rhymes, which elsewhere in the MS. with one exception are black, are here neatly drawn in red. The red initial capitals of the Psalms and versicles in the Mary in the Temple and Visit to Elizabeth plays (for which liturgical script is used) are also done with more care. With the exception of the interpolated folios 51, 52, 95, 96, 112, which are unrubricated, all the MS. is rubricated on the same general plan. There are, however, slight variations. which seem, like those in the handwriting, to indicate rather that the work was done in different portions at intervals than that another hand was employed. Thus in this, as in the In this edition all such rubricated letters are printed as capitals as this enables the variation in rubrication, which is more significant than the variation in use of capital forms, to be noted.

Pointing. writing, quires N, P, Q, R show more carelessness. A more sloping stroke is used for marking the initial letters of the lines, and whereas elsewhere in the MS. three or four of the more important words seem to be picked out, in these quires there are many pages in which every word (ands included) has a stroke. The lines dividing the speeches of the different characters and the lines joining the rhymes (with the exception noted above) are black. In quires N, P, Q, R, and S and T, a in black ink stands before stage directions. • · One or two instances of the use of the point in the line for emphasis or for clearness, to mark an antithesis, or to separate two similar words, or to mark an internal rhyme-(hevyn and Erth · foulle and best (fo. 12), what ze xal sey. whan þat ze cum (fo. 223), Ofte ȝoughe is ffowthe with with sueche vexacion (fo. 44v), þat I haue wretyn wretyn it is (fo. 183), And þat he is now I knowe wel how (fo. 188)—can be found in most of the plays; but in certain plays or parts of plays the use of the mid-line point becomes more frequent. In a few passages of a specially declamatory character it is used systematically; such passages are the detached Doctors' Prologue (ff. 163, 163v), the Prologue of the Demon (which has a specially varied assortment of stops), and that of John the Baptist, and the first speech of Annas in the opening Passion play (ff. 136-9), Peter's address to the inhabitants of Jerusalem (fo. 143), and Contemplacio's Prologue (fo. 165). In others, though quite irregular, it still occurs with too great frequency to be considered accidental, and the variations correspond with other differences which indicate the use of material from two sources. The first passage in the collection in which the pointing becomes noticeable is the episode of Lamech in the Noah play (ff. 23, 23v, 24).¹ This episode is not mentioned in the Proclamation, and may be accepted as an addition to the Noah play. The mid-line point next becomes abundant in the group of Mary plays, and here the variations in its use support the division of this group already suggested on other grounds. Pointing occurs to a significant extent in the Conception of of this passage, yet the pointing is confined to the Lamech passage.

Mary, the Mary in the Temple, the Salutation and Conception, and the Visit to Elizabeth plays, i. e. the Contemplacio group. It is only used in one passage in the Betrothal play (fo. 53), and then for the special purpose of marking internal rhymes. It does not occur in the Return of Joseph or Trial of Joseph and Mary plays. In the Birth play again, as in the Noah play, the variation in the pointing corresponds with an addition to the original. The only part of the Birth play in which pointing occurs with any regularity is the opening episode of the cherry-tree, which is not mentioned in the Proclamation. Of the remaining plays of the first part of the collection the Purification alone shows traces of systematic pointing. This play is not included in the Proclamation, and is an obvious interpolation breaking the continuity of the Magi and Massacre of the Innocents plays. In this play, as verbal reminiscences prove, the writer is again drawing from Bonaventura's Meditationes as in parts of the first Contemplacio group. It is in the Passion plays that most use is made of the mid-line point. Quire N opens, as has been shown, with seven pages (ff. 136-9) in which all the lines are so divided, and though this regularity is not kept up, the point continues to be fairly abundant throughout this quire. The second Passion group begins also with systematic pointing in the speech of Contemplacio, and the pointing is better maintained than in the former group, continuing to be a marked feature up to the interpolated folio 184, where it ceases abruptly, not being resumed in the remaining folios of quire T, i. e. not in the Harrowing, Burial, and Resurrection plays. The bearing of this on the question of the composition of the S and T quires has been pointed out.¹ Of special significance as throwing light on the problem of the Numbering of the connexion of the Proclamation and the collection is the numbering plays. of the plays. This is done in bold red figures in the right-hand margin—in the case of 29 only the number stands at the top of the page by the original rubricator. The erasure and rewriting of one of the red-lettered names of the apostles at the opening of the Pentecost play (fo. 212) in order to leave room for the number disposes of doubt on this point. The numbers 4, 5, and 7 have the earlier Arabic form, which they changed in the course of the

fifteenth century, and the earlier form is also used in the numbering of the Commandments. The numbers run from 1 to 42 with a duplication of 10, which is written against the closing speech of Contemplacio in the Mary in the Temple play and against the opening speech of Abysakar in the Betrothal play, and with the omission of 17 and 22. The latter number belongs to the Baptism play, and it is not found in the MS. because the original folio containing the opening has been removed at some period subsequent to the compilation to make room for the interpolated folio 112. The omission of 17 is less easy to account for. It occurs in the following sequence: The Shepherds play 16, The Magi play 18, The Purification play 19, The Massacre of the Innocents play 20. An erased 1 before the 2 of the 20 in the number of the Massacre play is probably connected with the irregularity. It is possible that the compiler's first intention was to put the Purification play-which, as has been said, is clearly an interpolation-between the Shepherds and the Magi plays, the alternative-which he finally chose-being to break up very awkwardly by its insertion the continuous action of the Magi and Massacre plays. In Tatian's Diatessaron the Purification comes between the visit of the Shepherds and of the Magi and in the pseudo gospel, de Nativitate Mariæ et de infantia salvatoris, the Purification precedes the visit of the Magi. The order chosen by the compiler is that followed by Bonaventura and Lydgate. There is now only one blank page between the Shepherds and Magi plays, but there may originally have been two folios corresponding with those removed to make room for the interpolated folios 95 and 96. The correspondence of watermarks in this quire supports this. The significance of the numbering, however, chiefly appears in the two parts of the Passion plays and the Resurrection and Harrowing plays. Here the rubricator in his numbering, like the writer of the Proclamation in his enumeration of the pageants, is apparently dividing an action, continuous and for practical acting purposes indivisible, into separate sections. It has been held that the Proclamation was written for a pro- ¹ This is also evidence that the numbering was done in connexion with the compilation.

cessional performance,' and the form suggests this, the pageants being described as if they would come forward in order. But a closer examination shows that, in some cases at least, the writer must have had in his mind a group of pageants that could be used simultaneously-that he had in fact a standing and not a processional play in his mind. Pageants 15, 16, and 17 form such a group, and pageants 27 and 29, with the coming and going of Pilate's wife, and pageants 31 and 33 (MS. 23), with the descent and return of Anima Christi, could not have been presented successively in a sequence of pageants. But the writer of the Proclamation divides the various episodes between the pageants to form a series more or less corresponding with the usual Corpus Christi cycle, and in this the numberer agrees with him. The disregard of the structure of the plays in the numbering is best illustrated by the numbers 28 and 30. No. 28 (fo. 158), dividing the Betrayal from the Last Supper, is placed after a stage direction which comes in the middle of a speech, so that the speech is actually divided between the two plays. No. 30 (fo. 169), dividing the Trial before Caiaphas from the Trial before Pilate, is placed against Caiaphas's words to the messenger after the episode of the Denial of Peter, and is followed by the coming and going of the messenger and the episode of Judas's return of the money to Caiaphas and Annas, all of which forms part of the action of the preceding play. That the rubricator had the Proclamation in mind in numbering the plays seems likely in itself. It is supported by the partial correction of the Proclamation, and additional evidence may be found in the numbering of the sections 33-5 (ff. 185, 186, 191). The unequal and arbitrary division of the continuous action of the Burial, Harrowing, and Resurrection plays as it is divided by these numbers in the MS. (33, the pescent of Anima Christi-six stanzas only; 34, the burial and the setting of the sepulchre guard; 35, the return of Anima ¹ Prof. Hardin Craig's article in the Athenaeum, Aug. 16, 1913. transient circa placeam and the speech of Contemplacio to occupy the time of the supposed journey of 'myles two and ffyfty' marks a play belonging to a standing group. Note also the phrase locum interludii in the stage directions (fo. 23).

Evidence connexion of Proclation. Christi with the delivered souls, the appearance to the Virgin, the awakening of the soldiers and the making of the compact between them and Pilate, Annas, and Caiaphas) would seem clearly to be made to indicate as far as possible the correspondence of the plays with the Proclamation. The close connexion between the numbering and the Proof the num- clamation has been hitherto disguised by the alterations made bering, &c., as to in the former by Halliwell in his edition of the MS. By making the second play begin after instead of before the mation and creation of man, by giving the preliminary matter of the two compilagroups of Passion plays, which is not included in the Proclamation, as separate plays-The Council of the Jews and King Herod, by making a separate play of Pilate's wife's dream, and by making a more convenient division of the Burial, Resurrection, and Harrowing plays-moving No. 35 so as to include the setting of the guard with the Harrowing instead of with the Burial-by all these rearrangements Halliwell disturbs the agreement of the numbering and the Proclamation; and this has led to the opinion that there is more discrepancy between the Proclamation and the compilation as we have it than is in fact the case.¹ Most instances of non-correspondence between the two can be shown to be accompanied in the MS. by indications of interpolation or substitution which suggest an explanation. The first instance is the omission in the Proclamation of any mention of the Lamech episode in the description of the fourth pageant, and it has been shown that this bears signs of being an addition to the original Noah play. The next discrepancies are found in connexion with the first group of Contemplacio plays (Nos. 8-13), and these have been shown to be due to the amalgamation of a new series of Mary plays with those described in the Proclamation and some revision of this amalgamation; and with this is connected the insertion into the middle of the Magi-Massacre play of the Purification play, which is also (like Nos. viii, ix, xiii) not included in the Proclamation-a play from the same source, Love's version of the Meditationes Vitæ Christi, as parts of the Contemplacio group. makes a strong case for the close connexion of the Proclamation and the Ludus Coventria as we have it.

The omission from the Proclamation of the preliminary matter of the two Passion groups is explained by the fact that the compiler seems here to have abandoned his plan of arranging a cycle of separate plays and to have incorporated two sets of plays on the Passion which lay to his hand as they had been used for separate yearly performances, using apparently copies already made. With regard to the first Passion play the series used corresponds fairly with the Proclamation; the incidents of the ass and the foal and of Mary Magdalen and the box of ointment, which are not mentioned in the Proclamation, are, as has been shown, interpolations in the MS. The Proclamation itself is, however, disturbed at this point, and the use, for the first time, of one stanza for two pageants suggests that the compiler is reconsidering his plan. With the second Passion play the divergence is marked. Here there are discrepancies which seem to be fundamental between the Proclamation and the plays. As regards the preceding portion of the MS., what the MS. shows to be due to interpolation or addition or revision is either absent from the Proclamation or added in manifest revision. The writer had, if not a cycle already in existence, at least a collection of plays or groups of plays ready for compilation in his mind. At this point, however, the plays diverge from the Proclamation; the material of the S and T quires belongs to a different version of the Trial and Death than that described in the Proclamation, and it is material that the MS. shows to be due to interpolation-the descent from the Cross of Anima Christi-that corresponds with the Proclamation. The Trial, according to the Proclamation, is before Annas, Caiaphas, and Pilate only; no mention is made of Herod, who does not appear in the Contemplacio prologue either. The preliminary scene with Herod can be dispensed with, but the subsequent examination before Herod is an integral part of the action; and the pageants 27 and 28 represent a different treatment of the incidents of the Trial from that of the play. According to the Proclamation the three thieves appear in the first trial before Pilate, at which Pilate's wife is also present, and the remorse and death of Judas has a pageant to itself; in the play the three thieves and Pilate's wife appear in the second scene with Pilate, and the Judas incident occupies only eight lines with two stage

Concludrawn from exdirections. There is no mention in the Proclamation of the Veronica incident, and the Proclamation puts the Longeus episode before the descent of Anima Christi―i. e. at the close of the Crucifixion as in the York, Towneley, and Chester cycles-instead of after it, at the beginning of the Burial scene, as it stands in the play. On the other hand, the material which the evidence of the MS. shows to be interpolation on folios 1837-6—the removal of the Virgin by John and the descent of Anima Christi— corresponds with the descriptions of pageants 30 and 31 in the Proclamation. With the setting of the sepulchre guards the divergence comes to an end. This coincides with the beginning of a new quire (U), where the metre changes to that used for the interpolated portions on ff. 183 et seq., and there are, as has been seen, various indications of change of material. The discrepancies in the case of the Ascension and Pentecost plays are accompanied by obvious signs of haste and incompleteness in the compilation. The Ascension play, to which only the latter part of a stanza is allotted in the Proclamation, breaks off short after the speech of the first of the two angels announced in the Proclamation and given in the stage direction, and the incident of the choice of Matthias, not mentioned in the Proclamation, follows briefly treated. A gap is left in the MS. after the angel's speech, and the speech proposing the choice of Judas's successor is left without any name of speaker. Similarly the Pentecost play, a single folio, is manifestly a fragment. The omission of the Assumption play from the Proclamation is accounted for by its being, as the MS. shows, an interpolation. In all cases, therefore, except in the second Passion group in the S and T quires, the variation of Proclamation and text is accompanied by some sign of disturbance in the text or, in the case of the first Passion group and the Ascension play, in the Proclamation. The general evidence of the various features of the MS. that sions to be have been examined shows that the collection contains parts or the whole of four separate groups: (1) the composite Contemamination placio group (viii to xiii); (2) the first Passion group (xxvi to 1. Compila- xxviii); (3) the second Passion group (xxix to xxxii), dovetailed on by means of the Descent into Hell (xxxiii), of different style, to of MS. tion.

a Burial play (xxxiv) of similar style, which in its turn is joined (p. 314, beginning of U quire) to a (4) Resurrection and Harrowing play connected in style with xxxiii and forming a group with the Three Maries and, as it stands in the compilation, with the Mary Magdalen play. An examination of the text gives two more groups showing that (5) the first three plays (Creation, Fall, and Cain and Abel) and (6) the Visit of the Magi and Massacre of the Innocents and Death of Herod (xviii and xx) form respectively continuous sets, diction and metre connecting also the Shepherds play with the latter suite.2 There are also two interpolated separate plays: The Purification and The Assumption. The evidence as to the composition of the series to be drawn from the characteristics of the MS. is complicated and often ambiguous, but the following points emerge : 1. MS. Vesp. D. viii is the compiler's book, not a transcript of another MS. 2. It contains a collection of plays made according to a plan which was subject to alteration as it proceeded. 3. Some of the plays and groups of plays had had a separate existence, having been acted as separate plays or groups. 4. One portion of the MS. certainly, and probably two, quires N, P, Q, R, and quires S, T, have also had a separate existence. In support of 3, besides the evidence already adduced, may be noted the preservation of their distinctive character by the groups in the series, by the Contemplacio group, and especially by the two Passion groups the stage directions of which are conspicuously different from any others in the collection; the variety of the headings of the single plays-introitus (ff. 20, 25v, 31), modo de... (ff. 106, 212), hic incipit... (ff. 127v, 201, 210, 223), hic intrabit pagetum de... (fo. 75); the conclusion of the Disputation play addressed to Att hat hath herd pis consummacion of bis pagent as to the audience of a separate performance, and to a less extent the sermon-like conclusions of the Temptation • ¹ Or three-the Baptism and Temptation plays might be taken as continuous. drawn from diction unreliable, but the following phrases which occur both in the Shepherds and Magi plays are sufficiently individual to be allowed to count : his (pat) bryght blood'; 'in (by) a bestys bynne'; 'Heyl blome on bedde'; and 'To be blosme upon his bedde'. с

and the Woman taken in Adultery plays; and the fact thatas the modernizing revision of certain plays, the added stage directions (e. g. p. 327), and the worn condition of the Magi portion of the MS. show-certain plays continued to be so acted. 5. The compiler had command of other versions of plays or groups of plays from which he drew. The evidence for this is mainly to be deduced from the variation of the plays from the description of them in the Proclamation, chiefly in the first Contemplacio group and in the two Passion groups, but it is supported by the fact that the later users of the MS. obviously had access to such other versions (cf. the references in the later hand in the Harrowing play to anima latronis, fo. 185, to extra speeches of the devil and of anima caym), and by the presence in the MS. of the detached Doctors' Prologue written on a blank folio at the end of quire R. This introduces characters not found together in any play or group of plays in this collection-the eleven apostles, John the Baptist, and St. Paul, who only appears in the Assumption play. It would seem to be part of another group in the possession of the performers of the Passion groups, copied for convenience on a blank sheet of the MS. of the latter. So the allusion to the 1st and 2nd prophets in notes (pp. 240-1) appears to refer to some other combination of plays than that of the text. The evidence of the MS. supports the view that a compiler is putting together parts to make a whole rather than the view suggested by Dr. Foster (Northern Passion, E.E.T.S. 147, p. 99) that a reviser has separated a whole into groups, though he drew apparently on a cycle-or the remains of a cycle-of plays in thirteen-lined stanzas as well as on single plays and on groups of plays. To unravel the tissue of compilation and revision in these plays demands a full study of literary and linguistic characteristics. The examination of the MS. affords no conclusive evidence on such questions, but it gives much to support the theory that the MS. represents a selection from the repertory of a body of ecclesiastical actors. As Dr. Smith says: "Videntur olim coram populo sive ad instruendum sive ad placendum a Fratribus mendicantibus repraesentata.' Nor does the evidence from the MS. throw clear light on the question of the identity

of the compiler with any of the writers or revisers of the plays, but some inferences can be drawn. The relation of the plays to the Proclamation shows, as has 2. Compiler. been said, that the Proclamation was composed in its present form in close connexion with the compiling of this series. The relation is particularly interesting at the point of divergence in the second Passion group. Here the interpolated portion (ff. 184, 185, 186) in the text corresponds with the Proclamation, from which the rest of the text diverges, and that with regard to a feature-the division into two scenes of the Harrowingthat is peculiar to this treatment of the theme. The inference suggests itself that the compiler was himself the writer of this link passage, which again is connected with the latter part of the Resurrection play and through that, by the evidence of metre and more elusive evidence of diction, with the Magi plays. The conclusion to be drawn from this agrees with that of Mr. Greg (Problems of English Miracle Cycles) in that it associates the composition of the rime couée portions of the cycle with the process of compilation. Dr. Greg postulates a further overworking by the writer of the Contemplacio prologues and possibly of the long octave plays and passages, who would therefore be the actual compiler of the Vesp. D. viii MS. But there is evidence that the long octave Contemplacio plays underwent a further revision by a writer drawing on Bonaventura's Meditationes Vitæ Christi, to whom, as well as the Salutation and Conception, the Purification play 2 must be attributed. Now it would appear unlikely, had this reviser been the compiler, that the Purification play should not be mentioned in the Proclamation, and that the description of the Salutation and Conception in the Proclamation should not have been made to refer to the compiler's own work. The theory that the writer of the rime couée parts, with which the corresponding passages in the Proclamation agree closely, is the compiler seems to present the stronger case. This writer draws also on Bonaventura,3 and both revisions are probably connected with the compilation. This MS. has known the turn of fortune described by Robert Marginalia. Hegge, its first recorded owner, when after the invention of 3 Cf. p. c 2

printing 'old MSS. were stright bequeath'd to the Moths: and pigeons and Jack daws became the only students in church libraries '1 ; and many of its blank pages have been used for idle scribbling-attempts at copying the MS. writing, signatures, stray phrases, mostly in sixteenth-century hands. It would appear that it fell early into irreverent schoolboy hands, for some of the scribbled copying of lines of the text seems to be rather rough contemporary work than later imitation of an older script. The first or last line of a folio is often imitated, and in one instance a passage of some length has been carelessly and roughly copied on the blank page opposite (fo. 201). A jumble of ill-formed Greek and fancy letters on fo. 119v with what appear to be notes on a fraction sum on the opposite folio suggests the hand of a schoolboy. The names that occur among these scribblings are Wylliam Dere (91, 136), Polerd (91), Hollond, Johan & Hary (151ỷ, 152, 153′, 155º), H Kinge the yownger (111), John Hasycham (91), and on the same page (91) 'John Taylphott of parish Bedonson' with the motto' wee that will not when we paie [sic] when we would we shall find (?or saie) nay'. The oddness of the personal name throws doubt on that of the parish, and no record of a parish of Bedonson has been found. " By a coincidence that is possibly nothing more the names William Kinge the younger his booke 1656, John King his brother and John Holland of Brabant occur among the scribblings in the Chester plays (MS. Add. 10305, ff. 55 and 111); the motto quoted above is also found (fo. 124) in a four-lined form, of which, however, unfortunately the first line is missing. Of a different character are the two signatures of R. Hegge, Dunelmensis, the title of the plays, and some annotations of the original scribe. The first signature comes on fo. 10 above the opening of the first play. It consisted of the full name Robert Hegge, Dunelmensis, written in large Roman hand, but, having been cut away with the margin, the Christian name is now indecipherable. The second, on fo. 164, the outside sheet of the S and T quires, is more elaborate. At the top of the page in Roman type is written: 'In nomjne Dei. Amen'; in the middle of the page, in a slender cursive hand, 'ego R. H.

Dunelmensis possideo'; and immediately beneath, où κтĥσɩs¹ ἀλλὰ χρῆσις. The title 'The plaie called Corpus Christi' in a small Elizabethan hand stands at the top of fo. 1 above the speech of the first vexillator. Mr. Hemingway in his English Nativity Plays speaks of this title as being in Hegge's handwriting, but this is not so. It is writing of an earlier and altogether different type. The notes forming part of the original MS. consist of three genealogies, of Adam to Noah (ff. 16 et seq.), of Noah to Abraham (ff. 21 et seq.), of the Virgin Mary (fo. 37); the measurements of Noah's ark (fo. 24); a list of the five Annas of scriptural importance (fo. 37) and three dates of the ecclesiastical calendar (fo. 74v). The genealogies are in liturgical script, the note on the dates and on the Annas in smaller book hand, and the genealogies are handsomely rubricated, one part of that of Mary being entirely in red. These marginal additions give support to the conclusion to be drawn from the general characteristics of the compilation, that it is of ecclesiastical and not of civic origin. the MS. The MS. forms part of the Cottonian collection. It is not History of included in the 1621 catalogue of the collection (MS. Harl. and its 6018), and is supposed to have been acquired in 1629 by Sir title. Robert Bruce Cotton's first librarian, Richard James, on the death in that year at Oxford of Robert Hegge, a member of James's own college, Corpus Christi, in whose possession it had been. Richard James became Sir Robert Cotton's librarian before 16282 and a number of letters exist (MS. Cott. Julius C. III, ff. 212, 214, 217, 219) written by him to his patron from Oxford -unfortunately undated as to the year but clearly belonging to this period-referring to transactions in books, coins, and other rarities. The note on the fly-leaf of the MS. giving the contents is in James's handwriting. The MS. is included in the 1696 catalogue of the Cotton collection drawn up by Dr. Thomas Smith. The problem of the Ludus Coventria begins with James's R. James. note on the fly-leaf: 'Elenchus contentorum in hoc codice [Vespasian D. viii, added in a later hand] Contenta novi testamenti scenicè expressa et actitata olim per monachos sive fratres inserted. The où is written 8, and the accents on Tησ and xpηois are omitted.

Xxxviii T. Smith. W. Dugdale. • mendicantes vulgò dicitur hic liber Ludus Coventriæ ludus corporis Christi scribitur metris Anglicanis.' . • sive The description of the contents is inaccurate in omitting the Old Testament plays,' and the connexion of the collection with Coventry is not supported by any evidence. In the description of the MS. in the catalogue drawn up by Dr. Thomas Smith in 1696 the reference to Coventry is omitted, and account is taken of the Old Testament material: 'Vespasianus D. viii. A collection of plays in old English metre, i.e. Dramata sacra in quibus exhibentur historiae veteris et N. Testamenti, introductis quasi in scenam personis illic memoratis quas secum invicem colloquentes pro ingenio fingit Poeta. Videntur olim coram populo sive ad instruendum sive ad placendum à Fratribus mendicantibus repraesentata.' James's inscription had, however, in the meantime been accepted by Dugdale, and the passage in his Antiquities of Warwickshire Illustrated, in which he describes the Corpus Christi pageants of the Grey Friars of Coventry, referring to this MS. as giving the text of the performance, became the authority for many subsequent writers on the subject of these plays. It runs as follows: 'Before the suppression of the Monasteries their City [i.e. Coventry] was very famous for the pageants that were play'd therein, upon Corpus Christi day; which occasioning very great confluence of people thither from far and near was of no small benefit thereto; which pageants being acted with mighty state and reverence by the friers of this house [i.e. the Grey Friars] had Theaters for several scenes, very large and high, placed upon wheels and drawn to all the eminent parts of the City for the better advantage of Spectators: And contain'd the story of the New Testament, composed into old English Rithme, as appeareth by an antient MS. P intituled Ludus Corporis Christi or Ludus Coventriæ [a note in the margin here gives the reference: "P In bibl. Cotton. sub effigie Vesp. R. Hegge's second signature is found on a blank folio preceding the second Passion group which shows signs of having been at some time an outside leaf? volumes to Dugdale's Monasticon Anglicanum in which he prints the first five plays of Vesp. D. viii. Cf. Thomas Pennant, Journey from Chester to London, 1782, and 'Q' in Gentleman's Magazine, Feb. 1784.

D. 9" (so apparently by a slip¹ for viii)]. I have been told by some old people who in their younger days were eye-witnesses of these pageants so acted that the yearly confluence of people to see that show was extraordinary great.'" The fact that Dugdale follows James in omitting the Old Testament plays shows that he had not examined the MS. Vesp. D. viii for himself. He appears to be accepting the description of the fly-leaf from which the words 'composed into old English Rithme' seem to be translated. Thomas Sharp in Thomas Sharp. his Dissertation on the Coventry Mysteries, 1825, was the first to point out that the Coventry civic cycle was distinct from the Ludus Coventriæ preserved in MS. Cott. Vesp. D. viii. The two Coventry civic cycle. surviving plays of this cycle and the information concerning it to be derived from Sharp's (and Halliwell's) extracts from MS. sources destroyed in the Birmingham Library fire in 1879, and from other Coventry civic records still preserved, are accessible in the E.E.T.S. edition of Prof. Hardin Craig, and it is now recognized that there is no connexion between The plaie called Corpus Christi and the Coventry civic cycle; and the comparison, where it is possible, notably between the two Shepherds plays or between the two Disputation plays, serves to bring out strongly the more ecclesiastical character of the present collection. Thomas Sharp accepts Dugdale's attribution of the Ludus Acting by Coventria to the Grey Friars of Coventry on the general ground the Grey friers,' of his local knowledge. Later scholars have pointed out that Coventry. the old people to whose reminiscences Dugdale refers-speaking evidently of information he has gathered as an adult, not of stories heard as a child-must have been recalling the civic pageants which were only finally laid down' in 1580, and not the performances of the Grey Friars whose house was dissolved in 1538. Sharp himself speaks somewhat dubiously of the evidence for the acting of the Grey Friars: 'a solitary mention in one MS. not older than the beginning of Charles I's reign of Henry VII's visit to the city in 1492 "to see the Plays acted by the Grey Friers"'; and this piece of evidence has lately been plays. 1656.

เ weakened if not destroyed by the discovery that in a compilation of the MS. annals of Coventry (Harl. 6388) made by Humphrey Wanley-himself a Coventry man-and said by him to be 'taken out' of a collection of eight MSS., the entry given by Sharp under 1492 is found under 1493 in the following form: The King and Queen came to see the playes at ye greyfriers and much commended them', where the reference is clearly to the place and not the actors. Yet it might perhaps still be questioned whether Dugdale, a careful antiquary, who would have access to the MSS. used by Wanley, having also a personal connexion with Coventry, and living nearly three-quarters of a century nearer the time, could have been misled, by an ambiguous entry and confused local tradition, into the invention of the acting of the Grey Friars. In any case his association of the MS. Vesp. D. viii with Coventry seems to have been secondhand- -a repetition of the statement of James's note. In the difficulty of explaining the note Halliwell has recourse to the theory of a lost colophon which supplied James with the information. The suggestion might be hazarded that James in the sentence 'vulgò dicitur hic liber Ludus Coventriæ, sive ludus corporis Christi' is using the words Ludus Coventriæ generically, taking the name of the best-known example as the name of a type of dramatic performance. The words vulgò dicitur suggest this. It may be gathered from the anecdote in the Hundred Merry Tales', quoted by Halliwell, of the Warwickshire village priest who referred his parishioners for confirmation of his doctrine to the Coventry Corpus Christi play, that Coventry was the accepted background for a story concerning the Corpus Christi pageants; Heywood's allusion in the Four P's proves that Coventry was recognized as the local habitation of the Mystery devil; and there is evidence that the name Corpus Christi had come to be used for the collective mysteries apart from the occasion of their performance. Weaver, in a passage¹ also quoted by Halliwell, says of a play the subject of which was 'the sacred scriptures from the creation of the world', 'They call this Corpus Christi play in my country'. The title written in a sixteenth-century

hand on the first page of the present collection, "The plaie called Corpus Christi', is apparently used in this wider sense, and James in his note on the fly-leaf may be expanding this title: 'vulgò dicitur hic liber Ludus Coventriæ sive ludus corporis Christi, i. e. This book is commonly called the Coventry or Corpus Christi play'. of the MS. The printing of plays from MS. Vesp. D. viii began in 1722 Printing in John Stevens's additional volumes to Dodsworth's and J. Stevens. Dugdale's Monasticon Anglicanum (vol. i, pp. 139-53 under Grey Friars of Coventry). Stevens prints the Proclamation and the first five plays, using Gothic type, translating the stage directions, and including the marginal genealogies. A century later in 1823 Hone in his Ancient Mysteries W. Hone. described gives a summary, illustrated by full quotations, of plays viii to xv (incl.) with parallel passages from the Apocryphal Gospels and various illustrations including the 'parliament of heaven' from an English translation (not Love's) of the Speculum Vitae Christi, and the Cherry-tree carol. In 1836 J. Payne Collier included The Marriage of the Virgin J. Payne Now first printed from MS. Cott. Vesp. D. viii in Five Miracle Collier. Plays or Scriptural Dramas privately printed. riott. In 1838 William Marriott, Ph.D., in his A Collection of W. Mar- English Miracle Plays or Mysteries containing ten dramas from the Chester, Coventry, and Towneley series with two of later date, published at Basle, included two of the Ludus Coventriæ plays, Joseph's Jealousy and The Trial of Joseph and Mary, with one of the Coventry civic cycle, The Pageant of the Company of Shearmen and Tailors. In 1841 the whole MS. was edited by J. O. Halliwell for J. O. Halthe Shakespeare Society, with introduction, notes, and glossary. liwell. Various plays have since appeared in representative collections. J. M. The opening of the Salutation and Conception play is included A. W. Polin Mr. A. W. Pollard's English Miracle Plays (1890); this play lard; and Noah and Lamech are included in Mr. J. M. Manly's Manly; Specimens of Pre-Shakespearian Drama (1900); and Mr. S. B. S. B. Hemingway. Hemingway in English Nativity Plays (1909) gives plays 11, 12, 13, 15, and 16 from this series. In 1915 the Assumption play was edited with an exact W. W. reproduction of the features of the MS. by Dr. Greg. Greg.

The present edition. Such an exact reproduction has not been attempted in the present edition. Stops have been added at the end of stanzas or speeches, though otherwise the text is left unpunctuated as in the MS., the stops which occur, and are reproduced, being metrical except in the case of a few stage directions. A few medial capital letters have been omitted, a few words run together by the scribe have been separated, a few disconnected syllables have been hyphened, where the exact reproduction appeared disproportionately disturbing to the reader. It has not been thought necessary to record all the scribe's slips of the pen. In any special case a note has been appended. I and J, used indifferently in the MS., have been distinguished according to modern usage and the capital form substituted for the small in the case of the personal pronoun; z and 3 have also been distinguished. The lines between the speeches and the lines connecting the rhymes have been omitted. In the MS. the tail-verses of the thirteen-lined stanzas and of the rime couée stanzas are sometimes written in the margin, outside the rhyme brackets of the rest of the stanza; such lines are printed as short lines in the stanza. Lines written continuously for reasons of space have been arranged in stanzas, with a note recording the change (cf. p. 120, 11. 125 et seq.); otherwise the irregularities of the MS. have been preserved. " Some of the contraction marks used have clearly lost their significance. This is notably the case with. It is the normal form of n for the scribes of fo. 51 and of folios 95, 96, 112. The scribe of the MS. writes trone (fo. 9), gone (fo. 69), somowne (fo. 74v), and the carelessness with which the stroke is added or not to a series of rhyme-words suggests that it had become a mere flourish. This is also true of d, which occurs here and there as it were accidentally, though the form virid' for viridi (fo. 25, cum ramo virid) shows that it retained its significance at need. The scribes of fo. 51 and of folios 95, 96, 112 use d for all final d's, and write de in full. The case is less clear with regard to it, though atte and hatte are found (fo. 81). On fo. 33 (p. 55, l. 132) a final e seems to have been erased in kytt; knowlache (fo. 110v) is found, but also sch for sche (fo. 78 and elsewhere). These signs of doubtful significance, d, g, h, tt, m, n, have been retained in the text.

The sign, not reproduced in the text, is abundantly used in the usual ways: over an n after u or w, e.g. grouîdyd, geawît; over u or w in the combination ous, ows, e. g. gracyous, leproûs; over u or n occasionally in other cases, e. g. secundus, opynd; as sign of a contracted n or m, e. g. þŷg, hŷ; exceptional instances of this use are âd (and), fo. 193, and on the same folio aresyn (am resyn); for other contractions in plentevos (plentevous), fo. 137, cônawnt (counawnt), fo. 170, doî (done), fo. 69, p. 114, 1. 165, and don (down), fo. 126. Against an, fo. 134, non has been written as a correction in the margin; î, fo. 63, p. 105, 1. 244, stands for no. Occasionally this sign serves no purpose, as in fo. 27, p. 47, 1. 129, hevŷne; fo. 212v creppe. The contraction for the plural has been expanded as ys, as in the fully written plural nouns this form predominates. Es and is occur, though less frequently. On fo. 202v pilgrimes and pilgrimys are found in following lines, elsewhere sowles and soulys, &c. On the other hand, on fo. 79, p. 131, 1. 234, legges has apparently been corrected to leggys; and on fo. 209 eretykis has been corrected to eretykys. There is one instance of the use of the 9 for com on fo. 112-company, p. 188, 1. 19-and it is possible that the unintelligible hese juge, p. 116, l. 34, may be due to the scribe's misreading of this contraction in considerynge; the corresponding Latin is: considerans sui senectutem. Other contractions occurring once or exceptionally are mayde (mayden), fo. 90, p. 149, l. 102; he (his) used by the scribe of folios 95, 96, 112; wepon, fo. 160 (stage direction) (? weponys); b' (but), fo. 162. The recognized contractions for er, ur, us, n, m; iinion; final e after r, p, 3, t ; p+ra, re, &c., and those in the Latin passages, have been expanded in italics. Overwritten as well as omitted letters are italized, e. g. þi = þi, þ" = bou, be = be.¹ sources The Ludus Coventriæ differs from the other Mystery cycles Notes on in having, in its New Testament plays at least, a closer depen- and liter dence on known literary sources. Its borrowings have been ary rela- ་ the MS. form 'p'. In a few instances also 'per', 'our', and 'ȝour' have been given for 'per', 'our', and 'zour'. Ludus Coventriæ by Dr. Max Kramer (1892); nor Die Quellen des sogenannten Ludus Coventriæ by E. Falke (1908). tions.2

investigated by various writers. Halliwell gives references to the Apocryphal Gospels, to Lydgate's Lyf of oure Lady, and his anagrams on the name of the Virgin (cf. Ludus Coventriæ, fo. 47, and the Minor Poems of J. Lydgate, ed. McCracken, p. 303), to the Speculum (or Meditationes) Vitæ Christi of Bonaventura, and to the thirteenth-century Harrowing of Hell (Harl. 2253) (cf. Ludus Coventriæ, fo. 192, p. 320, 11. 1416 et seq., and lines 43, 44, 31, 55 of the Harrowing, Altenglische Dichtungen, ed. Böddeker, p. 271). Hone in Ancient Mysteries described gives in more detail the parallels between the Mary plays and the Apocryphal Gospels, and quotes from an English translation of the Speculum Vitæ Christi to illustrate the Parlement of Hefne. Miss Hope Traver in The Four Daughters of God (Bryn Mawr Monographs, No. 6), has discussed the relation of the Parlement of Hefne to other English versions of the theme. The use of the Legenda aurea for the Assumption play has been shown by Mr. Gayley in his Plays of our Forefathers, and by Dr. Greg, who in his edition of the Assumption prints the chapter from the Legenda used by the writer. The most recent discovery has been that of Dr. Foster, who has demonstrated the indebtedness of the writer of the Passion plays to the Northern Passion. The coincidence of the names of three out of the four Knights of Pilate in the Ludus Coventriæ, fo. 189, and the poem on the Resurrection, MS. Ashmole 61 (fo. 138), has been pointed out by E. Falke. So much of the material used by the writer of Mysteries was common to different possible sources that it is difficult to determine which was the one actually used. Thus the chapter in the Legenda aurea: 'De Nativitate Beatæ Mariæ virginis' (ed. Graesse, 1846, ch. 131) is in great part a transcription of the Apocryphal Gospel De Nativitate S. Mariæ, and the material that is versified in the Conception of Mary play (the description of Joachim, 11. 25-8; his rejection, 11. 76-80; the angel's speech, 11. 149-74, with the exception of the reference to joys fyff) might equally well have been taken from the one or the other. The connexion of the fifteen steps of the Temple with the fifteen Psalms of degree (Mary in the Temple, 11. 84 et seq.) is common to the two sources, and found also in both is the original of the interpolated passage in the Betrothal of

Mary on fo. 48, p. 82, 11. 92 et seq. (cf. Tunc anxiatus est pontifex eo quod neque contra scripturam quae dicit: vovite et reddite, votum infringendum putaret nec morem genti insuetum introducere auderet); both give the answer to Vox; cf. The Betrothal, p. 89, 1. 230. It can, however, be shown that the Legenda aurea was the actual authority used for the Conception of Mary at least. The marginal genealogies on the folios preceding the Conception of Mary are taken from chapter 131 of the Legenda aurea; the phrase regale sacerdocium (cf. the Conception of Mary, 1. 15) occurs in it and not in the gospel De Nativitate; and the words used of the rejection of Joachim's offering in the Legenda aurea, cum indignatione nimia repulit, seem rather to be echoed in 'with grett indygnacion bin offeryng I refuse', than the words in the gospel despexit eum et munera eius sprevit. The same difficulty occurs in attempting to distinguish the claims of Bonaventura's Meditationes and of Lydgate's Lyf of oure Lady to be the original of parts of these plays, though the writer's use of Love's translation of the former in certain cases (cf. Note B, p. lviii) gives a clue, and the Salutation and Conception and the Purification plays may safely be attributed to the influence of the Meditationes. To this is due the added passage in a different metre in Joseph's Return to which Dr. Greg draws attention (Bibliographical and Textual Problems of the English Miracle Cycles, p. 129). The altered tone is consonant with the refined treatment of the theme in the Meditationes, and two slight verbal coincidences indicate this source. Cf. 'For on the tone side he sawh hir lyf so holy and no tokene of synne in hir' and 'I knew never with here so god me spede | tokyn of thynge in word or dede | pat towchyd velany | nevyr þe les', et seq.; and this tribulacion and this desese' and 'for vnknowlage he is desesyd' in the same context. From the Meditationes comes also the interview between the risen Lord and his Mother. That our Lord appeared first of all to the Virgin is a theory discussed in the De Resurrectione chapter of the Legenda aurea. Bonaventura describes the appearance: Sodeynly oure lord Jesu came and aperede to her, and in alther whitest clothes with a glad and louely chere gretynge hir on side half in these wordes: Salue sancta parens that is to say Haile holy moder.. My dere moder I am. ...

• Ego sum: resurrexi et adhuc tecum sum I have uprisen and loo zit I am with thee . . . and deth and sorwe and alle peynes and angwische I have overcome. And so thei bothe louely and lykyngly talkynge togidre maden a grete joyful feste. This seems to be the original of the passage Salue sancta parens: my modyr dere, fo. 192, and it is recalled also by the words in the Proclamation, 1. 431, with suche cher and comforth his modyr he doth indew bat joy it is to here · þer spech for to devyse. Less clear is the source of the material used in the Mary in the Temple and Visit to Elizabeth plays which is found alike in the Meditationes, the Lyf of oure Lady, and in part in the Legenda aurea and the gospel De Nativitate. • The name of Lydgate was early associated with the Ludus Coventriæ. In Bishop Tanner's Bibliotheca Britannico-Hibernica (1748) these plays are doubtfully identified with the 'pageants' attributed to Lydgate.' Halliwell, as has been said, draws attention to the likeness of the passage on the Virgin's name to poems of Lydgate; the hymn sung by the shepherds-Stella celi extirpauit, fo. 90-is one that Lydgate translated (Minor Poems, ed. McCracken, p. 294). There is also in the Christ with the Doctors play an echo of a verse in the Lyf of oure Lady, which might however be dismissed as due to the use of a commonplace of theological illustration: cf. L. C., p. 181, 11. 97 et seq., and Lyf of oure Lady: ed. 1531, Ch. xix, Ryght as the sonne perissheth thorowe the glasse | Thorowe the cristall, berall or spectacle Withoute harme, right so by myracle| Into her closet the father's sapyence | Entred is withouten violence. It seems at first sight in favour of the Lyf of oure Lady as a source for Mary in the Temple that it includes the story of the fifteen steps not found in the Meditationes, L. C., p. 74, and the seven petitions, L. C., p. 79, not found in the Legenda aurea or the gospel De Nativitate. The imitation of Lydgate's manner in contains an error. He apparently noticed the change of writing with the Assumption play and did not look further: 'A procession of pageants from the creation. In MS. Cotton. Vespas. D. viii. Scripto circa Lydgati tempora sunt collectanea (in 212 paginis in folio) 40 pageants sive ludorum incipiendo a creatione et finiendo tempore descensus Spiritus S. Jamesius existimat hunc fuisse Ludum C.C.C. (sic) sive Ludum Coventriae'.

the anagram (p. 80) favours this view. Against all this there is, however, one piece of evidence that is conclusively in favour of the Meditationes as against the Lyf. In this work the three precepts observed by Mary are distinct from the seven petitions, though they correspond with the first three. Lydgate gives only the seven petitions. The writer of Mary in the Temple follows Bonaventura, and gives the three precepts in the form of the charge of Episcopus, p. 77, 11. 152 et seq. Moreover, lines 168, 169, which correspond with the third precept: Thu xalte hate no thynge but be devyl and synne | god byddyth the lovyn bi bodyly enmy appear to have some reference to the misleading form in which the third precept is given in the Meditationes: and the thridde is: Thou schalt hate thyn enemy (Habebis odio inimicum tuum) only explained later in the text: his enemyes that is to saie vices and synnes. The order of the seven petitions in Mary in the Temple differs from that in the Meditationes and the Lyf, but the change-putting the most significant last instead of fifth-is one that suggests itself; the phraseology of the passage is closer to Love's than to Lydgate's. The opening speech of Contemplacio in the Visit to Elizabeth is taken verbally from the Legenda aurea, Ch. 86, 'De Nativitate S. Iohannis baptistae': cf. L. C., p. 116, 11. 23-7, and David enim rex. . . volens cultum dei ampliare xxiv summos sacerdotes instituit quorum tamen unus maior erat qui princeps sacerdotum dicebatur. The phrase The plage of dompnesse, 1. 35, corresponds with plaga taciturnitatis. The close of this play has been shown (Note B) to be taken from the Meditationes. The matter of the whole play is found there as well as in the Legenda aurea and the Lyf of oure Lady. For the Betrothal of Mary the Meditationes offer no material. The story of the flowering rod and the dove is found in the Legenda aurea and in the gospel De Nativitate S. Mariæ; in the Pseudo-Matthew and the Lyf of oure Lady the dove only appears on the rod. In these also the high priest is represented as neglecting Joseph's little rod, whereas in the former as in the play Joseph himself is the delinquent and endeavours to avoid offering the rod. On the other hand, the names of the Virgin's maidens (five in each case, seven unnamed in De Nativitate) are given only in the Pseudo-Matthew and the Lyf of oure Lady,

and the forms used for the three in the play, Rebecca, Sephora, Susanna, only in the Pseudo-Matthew, the second name in Lydgate being Scaphea. Here, therefore, the Legenda and Pseudo-Matthew appear to have been used. The use of the Pseudo-Matthew Gospel is clearest in the Birth play, where the incident of the midwives follows this original very closely. Cf. Ludus Coventriæ, p. 141, stage direction and 11. 181-4 and 265-76 and: Audiens autem haec Maria subrisit. Cui Ioseph dixit, Noli subridere sed cauta esto ne forte indigeas medicina; and Domine tu nosti quia semper te timui et omnes pauperes sine retributione acceptionis curavi, de vidua et orphano nihil accepi et inopem vacuum a me ire nunquam dimisi. Et ecce misera facta sum propter incredulitatem meam quia ausa fui temptare virginem suam. The suggestion of the cherry-tree incident comes also from this gospel where a similar story is told of a palm-tree passed on the journey into Egypt. The Trial of Joseph and Mary follows less closely this gospel, which does not include the incident of the drinking of the draught by the detractor. For plays viii to xv there is thus verbal evidence of direct borrowing from three sources: the Legenda aurea, the Meditationes or Speculum Vitæ Christi, and the Pseudo-Matthew Gospel, and the mingling of material in the plays corresponds with other evidence (cf. pp. xx to xxiv) to support a theory of dovetailing and revision. The plays of the next group (Shepherds, Magi, Massacre, and Death of Herod) are of a different character from any of the preceding ones, of higher literary quality, more lyrical, and in parts more dramatic, and in this closer to the Passion plays, and no source has been yet indicated for them. By similarities of metre and diction they are connected with the latter part of the Resurrection play. The use made of the Northern Passion by the writer of the Passion plays differs from the use of the Legenda aurea in the plays derived from that source or from the use of the Meditationes in the Salutation and Conception and Purification plays. There is no such slavish transcription of whole passages as we find in the former, nor even such close following as we find in the latter. The parallel passages collected by Dr. Foster do not suggest that the writer set out to dramatize the Northern

Passion, but rather that he knew the story well in that form and its phrases recur, as Biblical phrases in a scriptural story would (or should) to-day. There is much in the Passion plays (the sermons of Peter and John, our Lord's exposition of the Sacrament, the Virgin's lament on his capture, the sentencing of the two thieves, and the dialogue between the Virgin and John at the foot of the Cross) which is not in the Northern Passion; the order of the incidents of the Trial before Pilate is different, and the dramatic handling of the Trial scenes with the accelerated dialogues in couplets is original. In the Passion group, as in the earlier Contemplacio group, the layers of superimposed material correspond with the use of different sources. The influence of the Northern Passion is crossed by the influence of the Meditationes. A possible verbal reminiscence of Love in the scene between the Virgin and her risen Son¹ in the latter part of the Resurrection play gives a clue, and though there is no further verbal coincidence it is not rash to assume that the place given to the Virgin at the betrayal, at the death, and at the resurrection, the treatment of the harrowing as well perhaps as the completion of the seven words-matter found at the conclusion of the first Passion play, in the interpolated portions of the second, and in the latter part (Quire V) of the Resurrection play 2-is due to the Meditationes. The chapter in the Meditationes on the taking of our Lord ends with a lament of the Virgin 'in Magdeleyns hous'; cf. L. C., pp. 267, 268; special stress is laid on the 'seuene notable words' in the chapter on the death, and in the account of the descent into hell the actual harrowing following immediately on the death is separated from the appearance of the risen Lord to the rescued souls after the resurrection of his body. This does not exactly tally with the representation in the Passion play where the rescued souls are brought forth only on the resurrection morning, but it gives some suggestion for the division of the harrowing into · lated matter on folios 183-6 and the end of the Resurrection play on quire V. Cf. For mannys helpe my body is bred (fo. 185′) and ' For man I haue mad my body in bred' (fo. 192), and in similar contexts 'chare awey be crowe (fo. 183), and 'chare awey þe ravyn' (fo. 194"). d

two parts-the descent at the end of the Crucifixion play and the rising with the redeemed souls in the middle of the Resurrection play-which is peculiar to the L. C. play. The borrowings from the Northern Passion cease' where the influence of the Meditationes comes in-in the interpolated portion of the second Passion play whereby it is dovetailed on to the Resurrection play and in the conclusion (Quire V) of the Resurrection play.2 This cycle is later in its compilation than the civic cycles, but it seems to have borrowed little from them beyond the general choice and treatment of material, and even in these respects there are noticeable divergencies. There are more plays peculiar to this cycle than to any other, and the absence of farcical passages in the Cain, Noah, and Shepherds plays distinguishes it from all the others. The opening of the speech of God the Father in the first play, Ego sum a et w, is found in all cases, and the further likeness of a few phrases in the Towneley play (cf. 'Att maner thyng is in my thoght' and 'all þat evyr xal haue beynge | it is closyd in my mende') would seem due to the same natural coincidence. An interpolated passage in the Shepherds play-the solitary attempt at humour-p. 148, 11. 78–89, may be a reminiscence of a similar farcical discussion of the angels' song in the Chester Shepherds play; a line in the scourging scene recalls a line in the same context in the Towneley play (cf. p. 277, ll. 168–71, and 'we shall teche hym I wote a new play of yoyft') and there are coincidences in the Towneley and L. C. Passion plays due to the use in both of the Northern Passion, but otherwise there is nothing that may not be accounted for as due to similarity of theme and form. Besides the plays which have no counterpart in the other cycles (The Conception of Mary, Mary in the Temple, The Betrothal • ¹ There is perhaps a later reminiscence of the Northern Passion (though there are many possible sources) in the line in the Assumption: Sere and ye slept on christis brest seyng att celestly, said by Peter of John. Cf. Northern Passion, 11. 276 et seq. The corresponding Latin words in the Legenda aurea from which this play is directly taken do not give so clearly the reference to the legend of John's vision here implied: Tu insuper pectus domini recumbere meruisti et exinde sapientiae et gratiae plus ceteris fluenta potasti.

. Introduction • of Mary, The Trial of Joseph and Mary) the following episodes are found only in the L. C.-the death of Cain at the hands of Lamech (play 4), the testifying of the kings (Matthew i. 6-10) with the prophets (play 7), the 'parliament of heaven' (play 11),¹ the miracle of the cherry-tree (play 15); Veronica appears only in this series, but her action is performed by one of the Maries in the York plays; in no other cycle is the crucifying of our Lord assigned to the highborn Jews ('No man xal towche ȝour kyng but yf he be knyght or gentylman born; cf. also fo. 181, stage direction) 2; characteristic of this collection again are the pithy short sermons put into the mouth of different characters: two from John the Baptist, one at the close of play 22 (p. 192) on repentance, and one as prologue to the Passion play (p. 229) on the dangers of overconfidence and of despair; one from Peter in the Entry into Jerusalem, scene (p.238) on the spiritually blind, lame, and dumb; one from Christ expounding the Eucharist (p. 254). To these may be added the ironic discourse of Lucifer, a 'bountevous lord' to 'reward synners', at the opening of the Passion play (p. 225), and the exposition of the Commandments in the sixth play, which there is nothing to match in the Chester play in which the Commandments are recited. In this exposition of the Commandments the writer is drawing on the usual homiletic interpretation of the time. A treatise of the Commandments in a MS. at St. John's Coll., Oxford, ed. by J. F. Royster (University of N. Carolina, Studies in Philology, vol. 6, 1910), who dates it between 1420 and 1434, contains much the same material (cf. L. C., p. 55, ll. 134-7, and 'Bot agaynes pis commaundement doos he þat slaes with hond or with word or will'; and p. 57, ll. 179-82, and 'In the sizste commaundement is forboden pe dede of lechere . . . and in þis commandement pe wille of pe syn is forboden'; cf. also Court of Sapience). p. liv, and in a still more different in the 'Procès de Paradis' of the Mystère du Vieil Testament, in which, moreover, only Mercy and Justice are concerned. * In the Dialogus B. Mariæ et Anselmi de Passione Domini a distinction is måde between the populus, who are sympathetic after the Crucifixion, and the Iudai, who continue their persecution of Christ's friends. and Mount Sinai, cf. Isidore: 'Interpretatur autem Sinai rubus quod significat ecclesiam.' d 2

The discourse of Lucifer is specially interesting as helping to date the compilation.¹ Attacks on extravagant fashions are common in the fifteenth century; the one in the text seems to be dealing with the same objectionable features in costume as the poem in MS. Harl. 372, printed by J. Payne Collier for the Percy Society, vol. xv, p. 55, and assigned to the mid-century -'not later than 1467' (cf. L. C., p. 227, 11. 69 et seq., and 'Ye prowd galonttys hertlesse | With your high cappis witlesse | And youre schort gownys thriftlesse | Haue brought this lond in gret heuynesse With your long peked schone. . . And your long here in to your eyen. With your wyde furryd hodes... leue your short stuffide doublettys and your playtid gownys'). Similar fashions, however, seem to be attacked later in the century in the morality Nature (the 'side hair', the 'short gown', and 'wide sleeves' that would make a doublet and coat for some lad in this town'). The mingling of the kings of Jesse's race with the prophets in the seventh play is not found in any other play of this type that has come down to us, but Sepet in Les prophètes du Christ² takes it as the surviving example of a class: 'L'idée de faire paraître à côté des prophètes proprement dits la ligne de Jesse, les rois de Juda, fils de David et ancêtres du Messie, n'est pas particulière au Ludus Coventriæ. La scène a certainement eu ce caractère dans les mystères français.' He quotes in support of this view a description of a similar combination in a Corpus Christi procession still held at Mayenne in the seventeenth century.3 The Lamech episode is found in Le Mystère du Vieil Testament, but here the boy who guides Lamech and whom he slays is his own son, Tubal-cain. The writer of the L. C. interpolation seems to have drawn straight from P. Comestor, cf. pp. 39–41, including stage direction and: 'Lamech vero vir sagittarius diu vivendo caliginem oculorum incurrit, et habens adolescentem and there is a reference in The Castle of Perseverance to 'longe Crakows on þi schos'. Bibliothèque de l'École des Chartes, vol. 38, 1877. "Prof. Hardin Craig in a Note appended to Miss Swenson's Enquiry points out that apparently a number of kings played a part in the Lincoln pageants, which may, in his opinion, give a clue to the connexion of the Ludus Coventric with Lincoln.

ducem dum exerceret venationem pro delectatione ... casu interfecit Cain inter fructeta aestimans feram quia ad indicium iuvenis dirigens sagittam interfecit. Et cum experiretur quod hominem scilicet Cain interfecisset iratus illic cum arcu ad mortem verberavit eum. Et ideo cum peccatum Cain punitum esset septuplum ut diximus suum punitum est septuagies septies id est septuaginta animae et septem egressae de Lamech in diluvio perierunt.' The independence of this cycle is perhaps most clearly illustrated in the treatment of a theme common to all the cycles- Christ and the Doctors. Five plays on the subject have come down to us,' and, of these, four-those in the York, Towneley, Chester, and Coventry civic cycles-go back to one original; the fifth, that in the Ludus Coventriæ, stands alone; and the play with the learned brag of the opening speeches and the theological problems and paradoxes introduced into the discussion is characteristic of the more ecclesiastical and perhaps also of the more sophisticated and 'stagy' cast of this compilation. The questions raised-(a) the unity of the Trinity, (b) the distinction of the three persons, (c) the manner of the incarnation, (d) the reason for the choice of the second person, (e) the 'double birth' of Jesus, (f) the reasons for the marriage of Mary-were all theological commonplaces,2 but next yeer as we be purposid in our mynde | The disputacion of the doctours to shew in your presens'. Beauvais and goes back to St. Augustine. Cf. also similar comparison in Candlemas play of the humanity, soul, and godhead of Christ to the wax, wick, and light of a taper, a comparison used in Piers Plowman for the Trinity (C. xx. 168 and Skeat's note on the passage). (b) Cf. L.-C., p. 17, &c. (c) Cf. Lydgate, Lyf of oure Lady, v. s. p. xlvi. (d) Cf. L. C. p. 103, and Love: Man forfeted by vnwitte and foly’—an addition to Bonaventura; also Court of Sapience, where this is the second of three reasons. (e) 'bis genitus dicitur sive quia Pater eum genuit sine Matre in æternitate sive quia Mater sine Patre in tempore'.-Isidore (Etymologiarum lib. vii, vol. 2, p. 265 Migne). (f) These are two of the three reasons given by Bonaventura and Comestor. V. de Beauvais gives four, referring to Jerome and Ignatius.

• the writer deserves some credit for original ingenuity in collecting them. A connexion has been often suggested between this cycle and other religious plays of the fifteenth century.¹ There are obvious similarities in the stage directions of the L. C. Passion plays and those of such plays as Mind, Will and Understanding, the Candlemas play, Mary Magdalene, The Croxton Play of the Sacrament, which suggest similar methods of staging and perhaps similar business on the part of the actors.2 There are also similarities in diction and in metre and in the handling of metrical form-the varying of the metre to suit the speaker or the situation-and in other characteristics of treatment which deserve further investigation but which lie outside the scope of this introduction. The Castle of Perseverance offers one or two special points of contact. It has, like the L. C., a prologue in thirteen-lined stanzas for vexillatores in which the name of the town at which the play is to be performed is left to be filled up. It introduces the debate of the Four Daughters of God (The Parliament of Heaven) over the fate of the soul of Humanum Genus, though in this case it is the salvation of the individual and not the redemption of the race that is in question, and the debate does not lead up to the Incarnation. It introduces also the figure of Death; the entry of this character has not the quality of dramatic irony³ that makes the entry in the Death of Herod play so im. pressive (Humanum Genus, an old man, has just remarked 'on Coveytyse is al my lay | And schal; tyl deth me ouer-throw'— Herod: 'I was nevyr meryer here beforn | Sythe pat I was fyrst born Than I am now ryght in þis morn')—but the Publications of the M. L. A. of America, xxxv), basing his conclusions on an examination of the metres of the plays, makes the suggestion that the Dublin Abraham and Isaac and the Digby Massacre (or Candlemas play) might have formed part of the cycles or groups from which the compiler of L. C. made his selection. brief directions in Latin; the Coventry civic cycle has fuller directions in English but not of the descriptive kind found in the L. C. Passion plays. This similarity as regards Mind, Will and Understanding has been noted by Mr. Pollard in his edition of the Macro Moralities (E.E.T.S., Extra Series 91). on flesshely lustes and his treasure.'

general effect is similar as are (naturally) the two speeches of Death. In The Castle of Perseverance is found also one of the geographical lists of which there are examples in the Towneley play Herod the Great (considered by Mr. Pollard to be one of the group of later plays), in the L. C. Temptation play,¹ and in The Croxton Play of the Sacrament. The arrangement of names of countries and towns in lists, often alphabetical, in the geographical treatises of the time afforded convenient material for the alliterative artist (cf. Rel. Ant., vol. i, p. 271, and MS. Arundel 123). Though some of the names are common, the lists seem to be independent, but they testify doubtless to some kinship, as do perhaps the attacks in all the Macro Moralities and the Ludus Coventriæ on the extravagant fashions in clothing of the time. The Ludus Coventriæ has generally been considered inferior in literary merit to the other cycles. It lacks the genuine feeling that dignifies the York cycle (cf. Birth and Flight into Egypt plays); it has nothing to compare with the pathos of the Chester Isaac play or the humour of the Towneley second Shepherds play. Though. Mary plays such an important part, no speech of hers in the L. C. has the poetic quality of the Lament, in the Towneley Crucifixion play, of the Mother at the foot of the Cross. Apart from the greetings of the Shepherds, the speech of Death, the lament of Adam and Eve, and a few rime couée passages there is very little poetry in the pages of Vesp. D. viii. But the plays of this collection offered their audience compensations for deficiencies--more singing,2 more devices', 3 more processions, more harangues, and, above all, no other writer trades so boldly on the ignorance of his audience as the writer of the Temptation play in including Zebee and Salmana among the countries to be seen from the Mount (cf. Ps. lxxxiii. 11). also in the Creation, Noah, Shepherds, Purification, and Entry into Jerusalem plays. ovyr him on. None of the other cycles attempt the spectacular representation of the Incarnation described in the stage direction, p. 107. The Moses play included apparently a procession of the Commandments. Cf. Proclamation: 'pe ten comaundementys alle be dene | in oure play ze xal hem sene'.

... in some cases, more acting. The passages of couplet dialogue in the Trial scenes (ff. 168, 169, 171, 177, 178, 178, 179) mark an important advance from recitation and declamation to acting, and in several of the plays the writer or writers show command of stage effect, and understanding of the impressiveness of significant gesture and movement. A comparison of the Woman taken in Adultery in this series and in the York and Chester cycles illustrates the superior skill of at least one of the Ludus Coventria writers in developing a dramatic situation. The preliminary sermon of Christ on forgiveness, the angry comments of the Jews, the arrival of Accusator with his welcome scandal 'a ryght good sporte I kan yow telle', the breaking open of the door of the house, the escape of the man 'If any man my wey doth stoppe . . . I xal pis daggere putt in his croppe', the pleading of the woman 'I pray ȝow kylle me prevely . . . lete not pe pepyl up-on me crye'—all these dramatic features are found only in the Ludus Coventriæ example. The most dramatic passage in the series is, perhaps, the unnoted entrance of Death in the midst of the revelry of Herod and his knights, where, as has been said, the style rises above the usual level. The effect of silent stealthy movement followed by sudden outery on the imagination of an audience is again recognized in the stage direction for Pilate's wife's dream: 'her xal pe devyl gon to Pilatys wyf þe corteyn drawyn as she lyth in bedde and he xal no dene make but she xal sone after þat he is come in makyn a rewly noyse • comyng and rennyng of þe schaffald... leke a mad woman'; and this direction 'he xal no dene make' is the more significant as Pilate's wife afterwards describes the 'sounds unheard': 'As wylde fyre and thondyr blast | he cam cryeng on to me'. Very effective, too, must have been Judas's secret passings to and from the scaffolds in the Last Supper and Conspiracy play: here Judas rysyth prevely' and 'here Judas goth in sotylly'. The excitement of escape is suggested in the vivid stage direction et curret which follows Pilate's dismissal of Barabbas, and again in the description of the flight of the young man in the Woman taken in Adultery—' hic iuuenis quidam extra currit in deploydo calligis non ligatis et braccas in manu tenens'. And we can still feel the thrill that stirred • •

• the 'gentyllys and ȝemanry' of N. town in the fifteenth century when we read the stage direction which opens the first Trial scene: 'here xal a massanger com in to pe place rennyng and criyng Tydyngys tydyngys and so round abowth pe place Jhesus of nazareth is take Jhesus of nazareth is take'. Such an appeal may be, in the words of the mediaeval preacher, more to 'þe sizt wiþoute forp' than to 'pe feip wiþinne forp', but there is no doubt of its potency, and in this effective stage representation the Death of Herod, the Woman taken in Adultery, and the Passion plays of the Ludus Coventriæ are outstanding. NOTE A [to page xix]. 1. Legenda sanctorum aurea (1481). The Golden Legend (Caxton). i. Tu insuper super And thow oughtest to pectus domini recum- bere this palme of lyghte bere meruisti et exinde sapientie ac gracie plus ceteris fluenta potasti. ii. Memor enim esse debes qualiter tibi astiti et qualiter te accusante ancilla hostiaria te excusavi. atte the xequyes of chastyte and holynes thou that drankest of the fontayn of perdurable clenes. Thow oughtest remember how the chambriere that was Vssher accused thee and [? I] excused thee. The Play of the Assumption. Sere and ye slept on christis brest | seyng alle celestly Ye are goddis clene wyth-outyn mayde . ony nay This observaunce is most like you to do dewly. In cayfas halle when thou were seyne And of thee peter a mayde acusid there I halpe the tho now helpe me ageyne. • iii. Caxton translates all the versicles which are given in the original Latin in the play, and in one instance the writer of the play has a variant reading. habebit fructum in re- She shalle haue fruyte in Habebit requiem in respectione¹animarum san- refection of noble sowles. spectu animarum sanctarum. ctarum.

NOTE B [to pages xxiii, xxiv, and xlv]. The following passages show the correspondence of the text of the plays and passages dependent on the Meditationes with the translation rather than with the original work. Meditationes Vita Christi. Bonaventura, Opera, 1588. i. Intuere hic pro deo et meditare qualiter tota Trinitas est ibi expectans responsionem et consensum huius suae filiae singularis amanter et delectabiliter aspiciens verecundiam eius et mores et verba; et etiam qualiter angelus diligenter et sapienter inducit eam et ordinat verba sua stans inclinatus et reverens coram domina sua . . . The Mirrour of the Blessed Lyf of Jesus Christ, p. 29. Nicholas Love, ed. L. F. Powell. 'Salutation and Conception' Play. Now take good heed and Mary come of and haste haue in mynde how fyrst the entent whow pe holy gost blyssyd he be abydyth pin answere and þin assent fferthermore take hede pis space whow alle pe blyssyd spyrytys of vertu pat are in hefne by ffore all the holy trinyte is and take hede in thyn there abidynge a fynal answer and assent of his blessid douster Marye takynge hede and byholdynge lykyngliche her schamfast semblant, her sad maneres and her wise wordes, | and furthermore howe alle the blessid spirites of heuene, and alle the ryztwis lyuynge men in erthe and alle the chosen soules that weren that tyme in helle as adam, abraham, david and alle othere desireden hir assent in the whiche stood the sauacioun of all mankynde, and also how the aungel gabriel stondynge with reverence byfore his lady enclynynge . . . goddys face and alle pe gode levers and trew That are here in pis erthely place thyn owyn kynrede · pe sothe ho knew And pe chosyn sowlys pis tyme of grace þat are in helle and byde rescu as Adam, abraham and david in fere and many othere of good reputacion pat pin answere desyre to here and pin assent to pe incarnacion in whiche pou standyst of as persevere alle man-kende savacion.|

Meditationes Vita Christi. O qualis domus, qualis camera, qualis lectus, in qua et quo pariter commorantur et requiescunt tales matres talibus filiis foecundatae, Maria et Elisabeth, Jesus et Joannes. Sunt et ibi magnifici senes, scilicet Zacharias et Joseph... . The Mirrour of the Blessed Lyf of Jesus Christ, p. 39. SO | A lord god what house was that or what chamber and what bedde in the whiche dwelleden to gidre and resteden worthi moderes with so noble sones that is to saie Marie and Elizabeth Jesu and John And also with them dwellynge tho worschipful olde men zacharie and Joseph. 'Visit to Elizabeth' Play. | A lord god what hous was pis on pat pese childeryn and here moderys to as mary and elizabeth jhesus and john and joseph and zakarye also. pat had be dowm and his And the mowthe and the And pan zakarye spak tunge of the fader i-wus zacharye by-fore closed for vntrowynge was than opened: and so he prophecied seienge : Et tunc apertum est os Zachariae, et prophetavit, dicens: Benedictus Dominus Deus Israel, etc. Et sic in domo illa haec duo cantica pulcherrima, scilicet Magnificat et Benedictus, facta fue- And so in that house runt... thise two noble and worthy canticles that is Tandem valefaciens Elisabeth et Zachariae, ac benedicens Joanni rediit ad domum suae habitationis in Nazareth. ... speche lorn he and Elizabeth prophesyed as pus they mad BENEDICTUS • them be-forn and so. MAGNIFICAT and BENEDICTUS. · to seyen Magnificat and ffyrst in pat place per benedictus weren first spoken and made. And at the laste whan | al this was done | sche toke hir leue at Elizabeth and Zacharye and blessid the child John and so went home et seq. made worn. Whan att was don oure lady fre toke here leve than aftere at this Elizabeth and at Zakarie and kyssyd johan and gan hym blys. Ch. ix, preliminary paragraph not in original. 'Purification' Play. After the kynges had To be purefyed haue ze performed her offerynges ... zit stode that worthy lady of all the world in that symple herborwe... paciently abidyng unto the fourty day ordeyned no nede Ne pis on . · to be offeryd. so god me spede ffor fyrst þou art ful clene Vndefowlyd in thought and dede

Meditationes Vitæ Christi. Ch. ix, preliminary paragraph not in original. by the lawe to hir purificatioun as sche were another womman of the peple defoyled thoruz synne, and as the childe Jesu were a pure man and not god nedy to kepe the observaunce of the lawe. The Mirrour of the Blessed Lyf of Jesus Christ, pp. 62-3. ii. Accipite pater ex- Taketh now hizest fader cellentissime unigenitum poure owne dere sone vestrum quem secundum mandatum vestrae legis vobis offero quia primogenitus matris est. whom I offre here to ȝow after the biddynge of ȝoure lawe? for he is the firste born of his moder. 'The Purification' Play. and anothyr þi son withowtyn drede is god and man to mene Wherefore it nedyd not to bene · but to kepe pe lawe on Moyses wyse. hyest ffadyr god of powere your owyn dere son I offre ȝow here as I to our lawe am sworn receyve pi childe in glad manere for he is pe fyrst þis childe so dere pat of his modyr is born. iii. Accipite clementissime pater hanc oblationem et munusculum et primum donum quod parvulus vester hodie de sua paupertate praesentat. Al misty and merciful fader of heuene vnderfonge ze this litel zifte and offerynge and the firste zifte that ȝoure litel child this day presenteth vnto zoure hize maieste of his symple pouerte. alle myghty fful fadyr · mercyful kynge receyvyth now his lytyl offerynge ffor it is pe fyrst in degre pat zour lytyl childe so synge presentyth to day be my shewyng to your hyȝ mageste of his sympyl poverte.

Errata

As printed in the edition:

Some lines in the second Passion play between lines 985 and 1035, and again between lines 1295 and 1355, are wrongly numbered. The total number of lines in the play is correctly given.

The Proclamation

The banns: two or three "vexillators" (banner-bearers) recite, pageant by pageant, a summary of the whole cycle to come, ending with the invitation that gives the cycle its alternate modern name — "In N. town wherfore we pray" — the placeholder left for whatever town the players next set up in.

Fo. 1
(A quire)
LUDUS COVENTRIÆ.
Cotton MS. Vespasian D. viii.
The Proclamation.
The Plaie called Corpus christi.¹
1us vexillator
¶ Now gracyous god groundyd of all goodnesse
as þi grete glorie nevyr be-gynning had
So pou socour and saue alt po pat sytt and sese
and lystenyth to oure talkyng with sylens stylle and sad
Ffor we purpose us pertly stylle in pis prese
þe pepyl to plese with pleys ful glad
now lystenyth us louely bothe more and lesse
Gentyllys and zemanry of goodly lyff lad
we xal
ȝou
pis tyde
shewe as þat we kan
how pat pis werd ffyrst be-gan
and how god made bothe molde and man
Iff þat ze wyl abyde.
¶ In þe ffyrst pagent we þenke to play
how god dede make purowe his owyn myth
hevyn so clere upon pe fyrst day
and per in he sett Angell fful bryth
Than Angel with songe pis is no nay
xal worchep god as it is ryth
¶2" vexillator
but lucyfer þat Angel so gay
in suche pompe pan is he pyth
and set in so gret pride
pat goddys sete he gynnyth to take
hese lordys pere hym self to make
but pan he ffallyth a ffend ful blake
ffrom hevyn in helle to abyde.
R

Textual notes:
[1] A note at the top of the folio in small Elizabethan handwriting.

The Proclamation

[p. 30]
Fo. 1v
¶ In pe secunde pagent by godys myth
we penke to shewe and pley be-dene
in pe other sex days by opyn syth
what penge was wrought per xal be sene
How best was made and foule of flyth
and last was man made as I wene
Of mannys o ryb as I
ȝow plyth
was woman wrougth mannys make to bene
and put in paradyse
Ther were flourys bothe blewe and blake
of all frutys pei myth per take
Saff frute of cunnyng þei xulde for-sake
And towche it no wyse.
¶ The Serpent toke Eve an Appyl to byte
and Eve toke Adam a mursel of pe same
whan pei had do pus a-zens pe rewle of ryte
3" vexillator
than was oure lord wroth and grevyd al with grame
Oure lord gan appose þem of per gret debyte¹
both to Askuse hem of pat synful blame
and pan almythy god ffor pat gret dyspite
Assygned hem grevous peyn • as ze xal
In dede
Seraphyn An Angelt gay
with brennyng swerd pis is verray
From paradise bete hem a-way
in bybyl as we rede.
se in
game
¶ We purpose to shewe in þe thryd pagent
the story of Caym⚫ and of hese brother Abelle
of here tythyngys now be we bent
In þis pagent pe trewth to telle
1us vexillator
How þe tythyng of Abel with feyr was brent
and accept to god yf ze wyl dwelle
We purpose to shewe as we haue ment
and how he was kyllyd of his brother so felle
And than
how Caym was cursyd in al degre

Textual notes:
[1] Halliwell reads delyte. The MS. is not clear.

[p. 3]
зе
of godys owyn mowthe per xal ze se
of trewe tythyng pis may wel be
exawple¹ to every man.
¶ The iijde pagent is now ȝow tolde
pe ffourte pagent of Noe xal be
how god was wrotħ · with man on molde
because fro synne man dede not fle
Fo. 2
He sent to Noe An Angel bolde
A shyp ffor to makyn and swymmen on þe se
vpon pe water both wood and coolde
And viij sowles per savyd xulde be
And i peyre of everich bestys in brynge
whan xlti days þe flode had fflowe
pan sente Noe out a crowe
and After hym he sent a dowe
þat brouth ryth good tydyng.
Que vexilator
¶ Of Abraham is pe fyfte pagent
and of ysaac his sone so fre
how þat he xulde² with fere be brent
and slayn with swerd as ze
xal se
Abraham toke with good A-tent
his sone ysaac and knelyd on kne
his suerd was than ful redy bent
and thouth his chylde per offered xuld be
Vpon An hytt full Ryff
than god toke tent to his good wyl
and sent An Angel ryth sone hym tyl
and bad Abraham a shep to kyl
And sauyd his chyldys lyff.
¶ The sexte pagent is of Moyses
and of tweyn tabelys pat god hym took
in pe which were wrete with-out les
pe lawes of god to lerne and lok
and how god charged hym be wordys these
pe lawes to lerne al of þat book
Moyses than doth nevyr more sese
So in MS.
3 vexillator
1" vexillator
B 2

Textual notes:
[2] A letter or letters obliterated between xulde and with.

[p. 4]
Fo. 2
but prechyth duly bothe zere and woke
@
The lawes as I ȝow telle
pe ten comaundementys alle be-dene
In oure play ze xal hem sene
to alle po pat pere wyl bene
If pat ze thenke to duelle.
¶ Off pe gentyl Jesse rote
pe sefnt pagent for sothe xal ben
out of pe which doth sprynge oure bote
as in prophecye we redyn and sen
Kyngys and prophetys with wordys fful sote
Schuff prophesye al of a qwen
pe which xal staunch oure stryff and moote
And wynnen us welthe with-outyn wen
In hevyn to Abyde
they xal prophecye of a mayde
AH ffendys of here xal be Affrayde
here sone xal saue us be not dismayde
With hese woundys wyde.
Of pe grete bushop Abyacar
pe tende¹ pagent xal be with-out lesyng
pe which comaundyth men to be war
and brynge here douterys to dew weddyng
Af þat ben xiiij zere and more
to Maryage he byddyth hem bryng
wher evyr þei be he chargyth sore
þat þei not ffayle for no lettyng
De lawe byddyth so than 2
Than Joachym and anne so mylde
Pei brynge forthe mary pat blyssyd chylde
but she wold not be de-fylyde
with spot nor wem of man.
Fo. 3 In chastyte pat blysful mayde
A-vowyd there here lyff to lede
2us vexillator
3's vexillator
ICO
I 20
retains it.

Textual notes:
[1] A later correction. The original word is erased. [2] The word sertay is written before than and crossed out. Halliwell

[p. 5]
Fo. 3
pan is pe busshop sore dysmayde
And wonderyth sore al of pis dede
he knelyd to god as it is sayde
and prayth than for help and rede
pan seyth an Angel be not a-frayde
of pis dowte take pou no drede
but for pe kynrede of dauyd pou sende
lete hem come with here offryng
And in here handys white zerdys brynge
loke whose zerde doth ffloure and sprynge
And he xal wedde pat mayden hende.
¶ In þe xte¹ pagent sothe to say
A
masangere fforthe is sent
Dauyd is kynrede with-out de-lay
they come fful sone with good Entent
Whan joseph offeryd his zerde pat day
Anon ryth fforth in present
pe ded styk do floure fful gay
and pan joseph to wedlok went
Ryth as pe Angel bad
Than he plyth to his wyff
In chastyte to ledyn here lyff
1u8 vexillator
1:0
pe busshop toke here iij. maydonys yff
que vexillator
Som comforte pere she had².
¶ In þe xide 3 pagent goth Gabryelt
And doth salute oure lady ffre
Than grett with chylde as I ȝow tell
pat blyssyd mayde for sothe is she
po iij maydenys pat with here dwelle
here gret spech but noon pei se
than they suppose pat sum Angett
goddys masangere þat it xuld be
And thus
De holy gost in here is lyth
and there is a faint difference in the colour of the ink with this stanza.

Textual notes:
[1] This is corrected from an original ixte. [2] First written hadde and corrected. [3] This is corrected from an original xde; the writing becomes slightly smaller

[p. 6]
and goddys sone in here is pygth
pe Aunget doth telle what he xal hyght
And namyth pe chylde jhesus.
¶ In þe xij¹ pagent as I ȝow telle
Joseph comyth hom fro fer countre
Oure ladyes wombe with chylde doth swelle
and pan joseph ful hevy is he
He doth forsake here with hert ful felle
out of countre he gynnyth to fle
he nevyr more thenkyth with here to dwelle
and than oure lady ryth sore wepyth she
An Angel seyd hym ryf
god is with pi wyff sertayn
perfore Joseph turne hom a-gayn
pan is Joseph in herte ful fayn
And goth a-geyn onto his wyff.
3us vexillator
1us vexillator
The xiiijte pagent I sey ȝow be-dene
xal be of joseph and mylde mary
how they were sclawndryd with trey and tene
and to here purgacion pei must hem hy.*
2us vexillator
Fo. 4
¶ In þe xv pagent shewe we xal
how joseph went with-oute varyauns
for mydwyuys to helpe oure lady at aff
of childe that she had delyuerauns.
In pe xvj pagent Cryst xal be born.
of pat joy Aungelys xul synge
and telle pe shepherdys in pat morn
the blysseful byrth of pat kyng
3u8 vexillator
¹ Here the original word hellent he has been crossed out in red ink, and xii
written in fresher black ink above.
Serteyn and
scribe.
ageyn appear to have been first written and corrected by
top and in the middle of Fo. 4 above and beneath the next speech, as if to be
filled in later.

Textual notes:
[3] This is corrected from an original xiite. [4] A space is left at the bottom of Fo. 3, beneath this speech, and at the [5] This is corrected from an original xiii. [6] This is corrected from an original xiv.

[p. 7]
The shepherdys xal come hym be-fforn
with reuerens and with worchepyng
ffor he xal sauyn þat was for-lorn
and graunt us lyf evyr more lestyng
i-wys
pis gle in gryth
is mater of myrth
now crystys byrth
Fo. 4v
Bryng¹ us to his blys.
¶ The xvte pagent come kyngys iii
with gold myrre and ffrankynsens
kyng herowdys styward hem doth se
And bryngyth all to his presens
The kyngys of Coleyn with hert ful ffre
tolde kyng herownde here dylygens
that pei south in pat countre
A kyng of kyngys ffrom fere thens
A sterre led hem þe way
The Chylde is ȝoung and lyth in stafł
he xal be kyng of kyngys aft
beffore hym we thynk on kne to fall
And worchep hym þis day.
¶ In þe xvi pagent as wroth as wynde
is kyng herownde pe soth to say
And cruel knytys and vn-kende
to sle male chylderyn he sendyth pat day
But cryst jhesu þei may not ffynde
Ffor joseph hath led pat childe away
Vnto Egypth as we haue mende
As Angel to joseph dyd byd and say
In hyzht
po chylderyn þat syt in here moderys lap
to sowkyn ful swetly here moderys pap
þe knythtys do sle hem euyn at A swap
pis is a rewly syth.
21.8
1's vexillator
2** vexillator
Bryng.

Textual notes:
[1] Some word beginning with s (or f) and ending with l is crossed out before

[p. 8]
Fo. 5
In pe xvii pagent þe knythtys be-dene
Shutt brynge dede childeryn be-for pe kyng
whan kyng herownde pat syth hath sene
fful glad he is of here kyllyng
Than kyng herownde with-owtyn wene
is sett to mete at his lykyng
in his most pride xal come gret tene
As ze xal se at oure pleyng
зе
his sorwe xal a-wake
whan he is sett at hese most pryde
Sodeyn deth xal thrylle his syde
and kylle his knyttys þat with hym byde
be devyl per soulys xal take.
¶ In þe xviii pagent we must purpose
to shewe whan cryst was xij ȝer of Age
how in pe temple he dede appose
and answerd doctoris ryth wyse and
The blyssyd babe with-owte glose
ouer cam olde clerkys with suych langage
þat þei meveylyd ze xal suppose
how þat he cam to suche knowlage
and in pis whyle
thre days he was oute
ffro his modyr with-out doute
wepyng
sage
she sowth hym rownde aboute
jheruselem many a myle.
¶ in pe xix pagent xal seynt jhon
baptyse cryst as I ȝow say
in þe watyr of flom jordon
with which devys as we best may
The holy gost xal ouyr hym on
pe ffaderys voys xal be herd pat day
out of hevyn pat blisful tron
be fadyr xal be herd pis is no nay
and forth with pleyn
pe holy gost xal be his gyde
in to desert per-in to A-byde
3us vexillator
1us vexillator
218 vexillator
[p. 9]
xlti days A terme ful wyde
and xlti nygthtys to faste sarteyn ¹.
in pe xxti pagent att pe deuelys of helle
they gadere a parlement as ze xal se
they haue gret doute pe trewth to telle
Of cryst jhesu whath he xulde be
Fo. 5 They Sende Ssathan þat Ffynde so Ffelle
Cryst for to tempte in fele degre
We xal zow shewe if ze wyl dwelle
How cryst was temptyd in synnys thre
Of pe devyl sathan
And how cryst Answeryd on to Alle
and made pe fende awey to falle
As we best may pis shewe we xalle
Thorwe grace of god and man
¶ The xxiti pagent of a woman xal be
Fe which was take in Adultrye.
The pharysewys ffalsed per ze xal se
Cryst to convycte how they were slye
they conseyvyd pis sotylte
yf cryst þis woman dede dampne trewly
A-geyn his prechyng than dede he
Which was of pete and of mercy
And yf he dede here save
pan were he A-zens moyses lawe
þat byddyth with stonys she xulde be slawe
3us vexillator
1us vexillator
pus they thowth vndyr per Awe
Cryst jhesu for to haue.
2us vexillator
The grettest meracle pat evyr jhesus
In erthe wrouth be-forn his passyon
In xxiiti pagent we purpose vs
to shewe in dede pe declaracion
pat pagent xal be of lazarus
In whos place and habytacion
Cryst was logyd pe gospel seyth thus
scribe to an a.

Textual notes:
[1] An original e in the first syllable appears to have been corrected by the

[p. 10]
Fo. 6
and ofte¹ tyme toke per consolacion
but zyt
Lazarus As I ȝow say
was iiij days ded and beryed in clay
ffrom deth to lyve pe iiijte day
Cryst reysed hym ffrom þat pyt.
In be xxiijti pagent palme sunday
in pley we purpose ffor to shewe
how chylderyn of Ebrew with flowrys ful gay
þe wey pat cryst went þei gun to strewe
In pe xxiiijti pagent as þat we may
cryst and his apostelys alle on rewe
the mawnde of god þer xal they play
and sone declare it with wordys ffewe
And than
Judas pat fals traytour
ffor xxxti platys of werdly tresour
xal be-tray oure savyour
to be jewys certan 2.
¶ffor grevous peyn þis is no les
in þe xxvti pagent cryst xal pray
to pe fadyr of hevyn þat peyn for to ses
his shamful deth to put Away
Judas pat traytour be-for gret pres
xal kys his mouth and hym be-tray
All his dyscyples than do dyscres
and forsake cryst þe soth to say
ffor doute pei do hem hede
hese dyscyplys all every-chon
do renne awey and leve hym alon
they lete hym stondyn amonge his ffon
And ronne Away ffor drede.
Fo. 6v
Than in pe xxvjti pagent
to Cayphas cryst xal be brouth
3us vexillator
1us vexillator
2us vexillator
3 vexillator
¹ The o is blotted and may have been corrected from another letter.

Textual notes:
[2] The e is blotted and not clearly decipherable.

[p. 11]
po jewys fful redy per xul be bent
Cryst to Acuse with worde and thouth
Seynt petyr doth folwe with good intent
to se with cryst what xuld be wrouth
Ffor crystys dyscyple whan he is hent
thryes he doth swere he knew hym nowth
A kok xal crowe and crye
Than doth petyr gret sorwe make
Ffor he his lord pus dede for-sake
Fo. 7
But god to grace hym sone doth take
Whan he doth aske mercye.
¶ In þe xxvij pagent sere Pylat
Is sett in sete as hy justyce
Whan he is set in his astat
thre thevys be brout of synful gyse
And cryst pat louyd nevyr stryff nor bat
but trewth and goodnesse on every wyse
as for a thef with ryth gret hat
is browth to stondyn at þat same syse
And pan as I ȝow say
b coveryd with clothis al of pe best¹
a the Wyff of Pylat goth to rest¹
Than for to slepe she is ful prest
All pis we thenke to play.
¶ in pe xxviijti pagent xal judas
þat was to cryst a ffals traytour
with wepyng sore evyr crye
Alas
þat evyr he solde oure savyour
He xal be sory ffor his trespas
1us vexillator
2us vexillator
And brynge a-zen all his tresour
all xxx pens to sere Cayphas
he xal them brynge with gret dolowre
Ffor pe which cryst was bowth
Ffor gret whanhope as ze xal se
he hangyth hym self vpon a tre
Ffor he noth trostyth in godys pete
to helle his sowle is browth.

Textual notes:
[1] So, in wrong order with indication of the mistake, in MS.

[p. 12]
Fo. 7v
¶ In pe xxix pagent to Pylatus Wyff
in slepe aperyth pe devyl of helle
ffor to savyn crystys lyff
The devyl here temptyth as I ȝow telle
Sche sendyth to pylat a-non ful ryff
And prayth pat cryst he xuld not qwelle
pan pylat is besy and ryth blyff
cryst for to savyn he zevyth councelle
ffor he dede neuyr trespas
The jewys do crye fast ffor to kylle¹
the 2 rythful man þei aske to spylle
A thef þei saue with herty wylle
pat Callyd is barrabas.
In pe xxxti pagent pei bete out crystys blood
And nayle hym al nakyd upon a rode tre
betwen ij thevys i-wys they were to wood
they hyng cryst jhesu· gret shame it is ³ to se
vii wurdyes cryst spekyth hangyng upon pe rode
pe weche ze xal here all po pat wyl þer be
pan doth he dye ffor oure allether good
3u8 vexillator
1us vexillator
his modyr doth se pat syth gret mornyng makyth she
Ffor sorwe she gynneth to swowne
Seynt johan Evyn þer as I ȝow plytħ
doth chere oure lady with al his myth
And to pe temple anon forth ryth
he ledyth here in pat stownde.
2us vexillator
¶ we purpose to shewe in oure pleyn place *
in þe xxxjti pagent porwe godys myth
how to crystys herte a spere gan pace
and rent oure lordys bryst in ruly plyth
Ffor longeus pat olde knyth blynd as he was
A ryth sharpe spere to cristys herte xal pytħ
folio.

Textual notes:
[1] The writing becomes slightly less regular with this line to the bottom of the [2] ryff written before the next word and crossed through by scribe. [3] was first written and corrected by scribe to is. [4] The writing in this speech is slightly more sprawled than heretofore.

[p. 13]
Fo. 8
pe blod of his wounde to his eyn xal tras
and porwe gret meracle per hath he syth
Than in pat morn
crystys soule goth down to helle
and per ovyr comyth pe fende so felle
comfortyth pe soulys pat per in dwelle
and savyth pat was fforlorn.
Joseph and nycodemus to cryst trew servaunt ¹
in þe xxxij page2 pe body pei Aske to haue
Pylat ful redyly pe body doth hem graunt
pan þei with reverens do put it in grave
þe jewys more wyckyd þan ony geawnt
Ffor crystys ded body kepers do pei craue
pylat sendyth iiij knytys pat be ryth hardaunt
to kepe pe blody body in his dede conclaue
And it be his owyn myth
The body pat was hevy as led
be pe jewys nevyr so qwed
A-ryseth from grave þat þer lay ded
And ffrayth than every knyth.
¶ in þe xxiij³ pagent pe soule of cryst jhesu
38 vexillator
1us vexillator
xal brynge all his ffrendys ffrom helle to paradyse
pe soule goth pan to pe graue and be ryth* gret vertu
pat body pat longe ded hath loyn to lyf azen doth ryse
Than doth cryst jhesu on to his modyr sew
and comfortyth all here care in temple per she lyse
with suche cher and comforth his modyr he doth indew
Pat joy it is to here per spech for to devyse
and than
oure lady of hefne so cler
In herte sche hath ryth glad chere
whan here sone pus doth apere
here care awey is tan.
¶ in pe xxxiiiiti pagent xal
maryes thre
218 vexillator

Textual notes:
[1] The writing for the first five lines of this speech is smaller. [2] So in MS. for pagent. [3] So in MS. for xxxiii. [4] This word omitted and written over the line by the scribe.

[p. 14]
seke cryst jhesu in his grave so coolde
An Aungel hem tellyth þat aresyn is he
and whan pat pis tale to them is tolde
To crystys dyscyplis with wurdys fful fre
they telle these tydyngys with brest ful bolde
than petyr and johan as ze xal se
38 vexillator
down rennyn in hast ouer lond and wolde
The trewth of pis to haue
whan þei per comyn as I ȝow say
he is gon ffrom vndyr clay
pan þai wytnesse a-noon pat day
he lyth not in his grave.
Fo. 8 On to Mary Mawdelyn as we haue bent
Cryst jhesu xal than Apere
In þe xxxvti pagent
and she wenyth he be A gardenere
Mary be name verament
Whan cryst here callyth with spech ful clere
She ffallyth to ground with good entent
to kys his fete with gladsom chere
but cryst byddyth here do way
he byddyth his feet pat sche not kys
tyl he haue styed to hefne blys
to crystys dyscyplys mary i-wys
than goth pe trewth to say.
¶ In þe xxxvjti pagent xal cleophas
And sent luke · to a castel¹ go
Of crystys deth as þei fforth pas
they make gret mornyng and be ful wo
Than cryst þem ovyr-tok as his wyl was
and walkyd in felachep fforth with hem too
to them he doth expowne bothe more and las
all pat prophetys spak ad² of hym self Also
that nyth in fay
whan þei be set with-in pe castell
455.
1us vexillator

Textual notes:
[1] The initial c is corrected from some other letter. [2] So in MS.

[p. 15]
In brekyng of bred pei know' cryst well
Than sodeynly as I ȝow tell
Cryste is gon his way.
¶ In þe xxxvijti pagent pan purpos we
to Thomas of ynde cryst xal apere
And thomas euyn þer as ze xal se
xal put his hand in his woundys dere.
Fo. 9 In be xxxviijti pagent up stye xal he
in to hefne pat is so clere
All hese Apostele per xul be
And woundere sore and haue gret dwere
Of pat fferly syth
per xal come Aungeй tweyn
and comfforte hem þis is certeyn
and tellyn þat he xal comyn ageyn
Evyn by his owyn myth.2
¶ Than ffolwyth next sekyrly
of Wyttsunday þat solempne ffest
whych pagent xal be ix and thretty
to be apostelys to apere be crystys hest
In hierusalem were gaderyd xij opynly
to pe Cenacle comyng ffrom west and Est
pe holy gost apperyd fful veruently
with brennyng ffere thyrlyng here brest
procedyng from hevyn trone.
All maner langage hem spak with tung
latyn grek and Ebrew among
And Affter pei departyd and taryed not long
here deth to take ful sone.
The xlti pagent xal be pe last
and domysday pat pagent xal hyth
who se pat pagent may be agast
to grevyn his lord god eyther day or nyth
The erth xal qwake bothe breke and brast
2us vexillator
3u8 vexillator
1us vexillator
/ 495
2us vexillator
separate stanza in the MS.

Textual notes:
[1] Or knew; the letter is partially blotted. [2] This speech forms one stanza with the last speech, but it is marked as a

The Plays

What follows is the cycle itself, from the Creation to Doomsday. Section headings below reproduce Block's own running heads, page by page, rather than a fixed list of "forty-two plays": the manuscript itself does not cleanly divide that way, and Block's headings shift with the narrative (by scene, and sometimes by speaking character) more often than by a fixed pageant number. A *[p. N]* marker before a page's text gives Block's own page number, for cross-reference to the printed edition; speaker headings and stage directions (many in Latin) are preserved as printed; footnotes are gathered as block-quoted "Textual notes" immediately after the page they annotate.

[p. 16]
The Proclamation
Fo. 9v1
beryelys and gravys xul ope ful tyth
ded men xul rysyn and þat þer in hast
And ffast to here ansuere pei xul hem dyth
Beffore godys fface
but prente wyl pis in your mende
Who so to god hath be vnkende
Ffrenchep per xal he non ffynde
ne per get he no grace.
Now haue we told ȝow all be-dene
the hool mater þat we thynke to play
whan þat ze come per xal ȝe sene
this game wel pleyd in good a-ray
Of holy wrytte pis game xal bene
and of no fablys be no way
now god þem save from trey and tene
ffor us pat prayth upon pat day
And qwyte them wel þer mede
A sunday next yf þat we may
At vj of pe belle we gynne oure play
In N. town wherfore we pray
That god now be zoure Spede.
Remainder of Fo. 9-3 inches-left blank.
38 vexillator
Amen.
Fo. 10 2
Ego sum alpha et oo principium et finis.
¶ My name is knowyn god and kynge
Deus
My werk for to make
now wyl I wende
in
my self restyth my reynenge
it hath no gynnyng ne non ende
And all þat evyr xal haue beynge
it is closyd in my mende
whan it is made at my lykynge
I
may it saue I may it sheude
name of the owner Hegge can be seen. The remains of the letters of the
Christian name are indistinguishable, but Hegge Dunelmensis can still be
deciphered.

Textual notes:
[1] Corrected to 10 and then crossed through. [2] At the top of this page in the MS., the bottom part of the letters of the [3] This line is written in larger form and underlined in red.

The Creation of Heaven and the Angels

[p. 17]
Fo. 10v
After my plesawns
So gret of myth is my pouste
A thyng xal be wrowth be me
I am oo god. in
personys thre
knyt in oo substawns.
I am pe trewe trenyte
here walkyng in his wone
thre personys myself I se
lokyn in me god Alone
I am pe ffadyr of powste
my sone with me gynnyth gon
my gost is
grace
in mageste
weldyth welthe up in hevyn tron
O god thre I calle
I am fadyr of myth
my sone kepyth ryth
my gost hath lyth
and grace with-alle.
¶ My-self begynnyng nevyr dyd take
And endeles I am thorw myn owyn myth
now wole I be-gynne my werke to make
Ffyrst I make hevyn with sterrys of lyth
In myrth and joy euermore to wake
In hevyn I bylde Angett fful bryth
my servauntys to be and for my sake
with merth and melody worchepe my myth
I belde them in my blysse
+
Aungeft in hevyn evyr more xal be
In lyth ful clere bryth as ble
With myrth and song to worchip me
Of joye pei may not mys..
hic cantent angeli in celo. ¶ Tibi omnes angeli tibi celi et vniuerse
potestates Tibi cherubyn et seraphyn incessabili voce proclamant
Sanctus Sanctus Sanctus Dominus deus sabaoth.
¶ To whos wurchipe synge ze pis songe
to wurchip god or reverens me
but ze me wurchipe ze do me wronge
ffor I am pe wurthyest þat evyr may be.
C
lucifere

Fall of Lucifer

[p. 18]
Fo. 11
We wurchipe God of myth most stronge
whiche hath fformyd bothe vs and the¹
we may nevyr wurchyp hym to longe
Ffor he is most worthy of mageste
On knes to god we ffalle
oure lorde god wurchyp we
And in no wyse honowre we2 the
A gretter lord may nevyr non be
than he pat made us alle.
A wurthyer lord forsothe am I
and worthyer than he Euyr wyl I be
In evydens pat I am more wurthy
I wyl go syttyn in goddys se
Above sunne and mone and sterrys on sky
I am now set as ȝe may se
now wurchyp me ffor most mythy 3
and for your lord honowre now me
Syttyng in my sete.
Goddys myth we for-sake
and for more wurthy we pe take
pe to wurchep honowre we make
and ffalle down at pi ffete.
Thu lucyfere ffor pi mekyl pryde
I bydde pe ffalle from hefne to helle
And all po pat holdyn on þi syde
in my blysse nevyr more to dwelle
At my comawndement anoon down pou slyde
with merth and joye nevyr more to melle
In myschyf and manas evyr xalt pou abyde
in byttyr brennyng and fyer so felle
in peyn evyr to be pyht¹.
Angeli boni
lucifere
бо
angeli mali
Deus
written above.
8 wurthy first written and crossed through.
pyth first written and crossed through.

Textual notes:
[1] The e here is thickly written as if a correction, and a faint second e is [2] This word omitted and written over the line by the scribe.

[p. 19]
lucyfere
Fo. 11
At thy byddyng pi wyl I werke
and
pas fro joy to peyne smerte
now I am a devyl ful derke
pat was An Aungett bryht.
¶ Now to helle pe wey I take
in endeles peyn þer to be pyht
Ffor fere of fyre a fart I crake
In helle donjoon. myn dene is dyth.
Now hevyn is made ffor Aunget sake
pe fyrst day and be fyrst nyth
The secunde day watyr I make
The walkyn also ful fayr and b[r]yth'
The iijde day I parte watyr from erthe
tre and every growyng thyng
both erbe and floure of Suete smellyng
the iijde day is made be my werkyng
now make I pe day þat xal be þe fferthe.
¶ Sunne and mone and sterrys Also
pe forthe day I make in same
pe vte day werm and ffysch þat swymme and go
byrdys and bestys bothe wylde and tame
the sexte day my werk I do
And make pe man Adam be name
In erthelech paradys with-owtyn wo
I graunt pe bydyng lasse pou do blame.
¶ Fflesch of pi fflesch · And bon of pi bon
Adam here is pi wyf and make
both ffysche and foulys pat swymmyn and gon
to everych of hem a name pou take
Bothe tre and frute and bestys echon
Deus
red and qwyte bothe blew and blake
pou zeve hem name be pi self alon
Erbys and gresse both beetys and brake
pi wyff pou zeve name Also
C 2

Textual notes:
[1] This word has been altered by erasure to lyth.

Creation of the World and Man

[p. 20]
loke pat ze not ses
ȝowre ffrute to encres
pat per may be pres
me worchipe for to do.
Fo. 12¶ Now come Fforth Adam to paradys
ther xalt pou haue all maner thynge
bothe flesch and flysch and frute of prys
att xal be buxum at pi byddyng
Here is pepyr pyan and swete lycorys
take hem all at pi lykyng
Fo. 12
both appel and pere and gentyl rys
but towche nowth pis tre pat is of Cunnyng
All thynge saff þis ffor pe is wrought
here is all pinge þat þe xulde plese
AH redy made on to pin ese
Ete not pis frute ne me dysplese
ffor pan pou deyst pou skapyst nowth.
¶ Now haue I made all thynge of nowth
hevyn and Erth foul and best
to all thynge pat myn hand hath wrowth
I graunt myn blyssyng þat evyr xal lest ¹
My wey to hefne is redy sowth
of werkyng I wole pe² vijte day rest
And aft my creaturys pat be a-bowth
my blyssyng ze haue both Est and west
of werkyng þe vijte day ȝe sees.
and all po pat sees of laboryng here
pe vijte day with-outyn dwere
and wurchyp me in good manere
pei xal in hefne haue endles
pes.
¶ Adam go forth and be prynce in place
ffor to hefne I sped my way
pi wyttys wel loke pou chase
And gostly gouerne pe as I say.
¶ Holy ffadyr blyssyd pou be
ΙΙΟ
I 20
.140
Adam

Textual notes:
[1] last first written, corrected to lest. [2] A word, possibly sefte, written before vijte and crossed through.

[p. 21]
Ffor I
walke in welthe anow
may
I ffynde datys gret plente
and many ffele frutys ful every bow
All pis wele is zevyn to me
and to my wyf þat on me lowh
I haue no nede to towche zon tre
Azens my lordys wyl to werke now
I am a good gardenere
Euery frute of rythe name
I may gaderyn with gle and game
to breke pat bond I were to blame
þat my lord bad me kepyn here.
We may both be blyth and glad
oure lordys comaundement to fulfyĦ
with ffele frutys be we ffayr ffad
woundyr dowcet and nevyr on itt
Euery tre with frute is sprad
of them to take as plesyth us tyff
oure witte were rakyl and ovyr don bad
to fforfete Ageyns oure lordys wytł
in ony wyse
in pis gardeyn I wyl go se
all pe fflourys of fayr bewte
and tastyn þe frutys of gret plente
pat be in paradyse.
Fo. 13 Heyl Ffayr Wyff and comely dame
pis ffrute to Ete I pe cownselle
take pis Appyl and Ete pis ssame
pis frute is best as I pe telle.
That appyl to Ete I were to blame.
ffrom joy oure lorde wold us expelle
we xuld dye and be put out with schame
in joye of paradyse nevyr more to duelle
Eua
Serpens
Eua
the MS. which may also hide some letter or mark above be in the first line of
the stanza.

Textual notes:
[1] The final e of welthe and the a (?) of anow are obscured by a large blot in

Fall of Man

[p. 22]
Fo. 13V
God hym self pus sayde¹
what day of þat frute we Ete
with pese wurdys god dyd us threte
þat we xuld dye our lyff to lete
perffore I am affrayde.
Of pis Appyl yf ze wyl byte
Evyn as god is so xal ze be
зе
wys of Connyng as I ȝow plyte
lyke on to god in al degre
Sunne and mone and sterrys bryth
ffysch and foule bope sond and se
at zour byddyng bothe day and nyth
all thynge xal be in ȝowre powste
ze xal be goddys pere
Take pis appyl in pin hond "
and to byte per of pou ffond
take a nother to pin husbond
per of haue pou no dwere.
So wys as god is in his gret mayn
and ffelaw in kunnyng ffayn wold I be.
Ete pis Appyl and in certeyn
pat
I am trewe sone xalt pou se.
To myn husbond with herte fful fayn
pis appyl I bere as pou byddyst me
pis frute to Ete I xal asayn
so wys as god is yf we may be
And goddys pere of myth
To myn husbond I walke my way
and of pis appyl I xal a-say
to make hym to Ete yf þat I may
and of pis ffrewte to byth.
¶hic eua reueniet ade viro suo et dicet ei.
¶ My semely spowse and good husbond“
¹ The a in sayde has been corrected from an e by the scribe.
Serpens
Eua
Serpens
Eva
and o written above the line.

Textual notes:
[2] Corrected by the scribe from hand, the a marked with deleting dot beneath

[p. 23]
Fo. 14
lysteneth to me sere I ȝow pray
take pis ffayr appyl att in your hond
per of a mursel byte and a-say
To Ete pis appyl loke þat ze fonde
Goddys ffelaw¹ to be al-way
All his wysdam to vndyrstonde
and goddys pere to he ffor Ay
all thyng for to make
both ffysch and foule se and sond
byrd and best watyr and lond
pis appyl pou take out of myn hond
a bete perof pou take.
¶ I dare not towch pin hand ffor dred
of oure lord god omnypotent
if I xuld werke after þi reed
of god oure makere I xuld be shent
If þat we do pis synful dede
we xal be ded by goddys jugement
out of pin hand with hasty spede
cast out þat appyl a-non present
ffor fer of goddys threte.
Of pis appyl yf pþou wylt byte
goddys pere pou xalt be pyht
So wys of kunnyng I pe plyht
pis frute yf pou wylt Ete2.
Adam
Eva
¶ If we it Ete oure self we kylle
as god us told we xuld be ded
to ete pat frute and my lyf to spylle
I dar not do aftyr þi reed.
A ffayr Aungef þus seyd me tylle
to Ete pat appyl take nevyr no dred
so kunnyng as god in hevyn hille
pou xalt sone be with-inne a sted
perfore pis frute pou Ete.
Adam
Eua

Textual notes:
[1] The second f is doubtful here. It seems to have been faintly inserted. [2] Final e blotted.

Adam

[p. 24]
Fo. 14
Off goddys wysdam for to lere
and in kunnyng to be his pere
of thyn hand I take it here
and xal sone tast þis mete.
Alas Alas ffor pis fals dede
my flesly frend my fo I fynde
Schameful synne doth us vn-hede ¹
I se vs nakyd be-fore and be-hynde
oure lordys wurd wold we not drede
perfore we be now caytyvys vn-kynde
oure pore preuytes ffor to hede
Summe ffygge levys fayn wolde I fynde
Ffor to hyde oure schame
Womman ley pis leff on þi pryvyte
And with pis leff I xal hyde me
Gret schame it is vs nakyd to se
Oure lord god þus to grame.
Adam dicit sic
Alas pat evyr pat speche was spokyn
pat pe fals Aungel seyd on to me
Alas oure makers byddyng is brokyn
Ffor I haue towchyd his owyn dere tre
oure fflescly eyn 2 byn al vnlokyn
nakyd for synne oure sylf we se
pat sory Appyl þat we han sokyn
to deth hath brouth my spouse and me
Ryth grevous is oure synne
of mekyl shame now do we knowe
Alas pat evyr þis Appyl was growe
to dredful deth now be we throwe
in peyne vs evyr to pynne.
¶ Adam pat with myn handys I made
Eva
Deus
where art pou now
what hast pou wrought.
Adam
A lord for synne oure flourys do ffade
I here þi voys but I se pe nought.

Textual notes:
[1] vn corrected by scribe from un. [2] An h crossed out between eyn and byn.

Fall of Man

[p. 25]
Fo. 15
Adam why hast pou synnyd so sone
pus hastyly to breke my bone
And I made pe mayster vndyr mone
Trewly of Euery tre
O tre I kept for my owe
Lyff and deth per-in I knowe
pi synne fro lyf now þe hath throwe
Ffrom deth pou mayst not fle.
¶ Lord I haue wrought azens pi wytł
I sparyd nat my sylf to spylle
pe woman pat pou toke me tylle
sche brougth me per to
It was here counsell and here reed
sche bad me do pe same deed
Deus
Adam
I walke as werm with-outyn wede
A-wey is schrowde and sho.
Deus
¶ Womman pat arte pis mannys wyffe
why hast pou steryd zour bothers stryffe
now ze be¹ ffrom your ffayr lyffe
and are demyd for to deye
Vnwys womman sey me why

• pat pou hast don pis fowle foly
  in paradys for to pleye.
  and I made pe a gret lady
  ¶ Lord whan you wentyst from pis place
  A werm with An Aungelys face
  he hyth vs to be ful of grace
  pe frute yf þat we Ete
  I dyd his byddyng Alas Alas
  now we be bowndyn in dethis las
  I suppose it was sathanas
  to peyne he gan vs pete.
  Fo. 15 ¶ Thou werm with pi wylys wyk
  pi fals fablis pei be ful thyk
  Eua
  Deus

Textual notes:
[1] be omitted and written above the line.

[p. 26]
why hast pou put dethis pryk
in Adam and his wyff
thow pei bothyn my byddyng haue brokyn
out of whoo zet art not wrokyn
in helle logge pou xalt be loky¹
And nevyr mo lacche lyff.
¶ I xal þe sey where ffore and why
I dede hem att pis velony
ffor I am ful of gret envy
Of wreth and wyckyd hate
That man xulde leve above pe sky
where as sum tyme dwellyd I
and now I am cast to helle sty
streyte out at hevyn gate.
Diabolus
Adam ffor pou pat appyl boot
A-ȝens my byddyng well I woot
Go teyl pi mete with swynk and swoot
in to bi lyvys ende
Goo nakyd vngry and bare ffoot
Ete both erbys gres and root
Deus 2
thy bale hath non other boot
as wrecch in werlde pou wende.
¶ womman pou sowtyst þis synnyng
And bad hym breke myn byddyng
perfore pou xalt ben vndyrlyng
to mannys byddyng bend
what he byddyth pe do pou pat thynge
and bere pi chyldere with gret gronynge
In daungere and in deth dredynge
Fo. 16
in to bi lyvys ende.
Thou wyckyd worm ffull of pryde
ffowle envye syt be þi syde
Vpon pi gutt pou xalt glyde
As werm wyckyd in kende
tyl a mayden in medyl-erth be born
pou ffende I warn þe be-forn

Textual notes:
[1] So in MS. for lokyn. [2] Ad first written and crossed through.

[p. 27]
thorwe here pi hed xal be to-torn
On wombe a-wey pou wende.
¶ At pi byddyng ffowle I falle
I krepe hom to my stynkyng stalle
helle pyt and hevyn halle
xul do pi byddyng bone
I ffalle down here a ffowle freke
ffor pis ffalle I gynne to qweke
with a ffart my brech I breke
my sorwe comyth ful sone.
¶Ffor your synne þat ze haue do
out of pis blysse sone xal ze go
in erthly labour to levyn in wo
and sorwe pe¹ xal a-tast
Ffor ȝour synne and mys-doyng
An Angel with a swerd brennyng
out of his joye he xal ȝow dyng
ȝour welth awey is past
Diabolus
Deus
Hic recedit deus et angelus seraphicus cum gladio flammea verberat
adam et Euam extra paradisum.
Fo. 167 ¶ ȝe wrecchis vnkend and ryht vnwyse
out of pis joye hyȝ ȝow in hast
with flammyng swerd ffrom paradyse
to peyn I bete ȝow of care to tast
ȝour myrth is turnyd to carfutt syse
ȝour welth with synne a-wey is wast
ffor ffalse dede of synful gyse
ȝour
pis blysse I spere ffrom ȝow ryth fast
here-in come ȝe no more
Tyl a chylde of a mayd be born
and vpon pe rode rent and torn
to saue all þat ze haue forlorn
ȝour welth for to restore.
¶ Alas alas and wele away
pat evyr towchyd I pe tre
I wende as wrecch in welsom way
Seraphim
Eva

Textual notes:
[1] So in MS. ye for ze.

[p. 28]
Fo. 17
in blake busshys my boure xal be
In paradys is plente of pleye
Ffayr frutys ryth gret plente
þe zatys be schet with godys keye
my husbond is lost be-cause of me
leve spowse now pou fonde
Now stomble we on stalk and ston
my wyt a-wey is fro me gon
wrythe on to my necke bon
with hardnesse of pin honde.
Wyff pi wytt is not wurth a rosch
leve woman turne pi thought
I wyl not sle fflescly of my fflesch
Ffor of my flesch pi fflesch was wrought
Oure hap was hard oure wytt was nesch
to paradys whan we were brought
my wepyng xal be longe ffresch
schort lykyng xal be longe bought
no more telle pou þat tale
Ffor yf I xulde sle my wyff
I sclow my self with-owtyn knyff
in helle logge¹ to lede my lyff
with woo in wepyng dale.
¶ But lete vs walke fortħ in to pe londe
with ryth gret labour oure fode to fynde
with delvyng and dyggyng with myn hond
oure blysse to bale and care to-pynde
And wyff to spynne now must pou ffonde
oure nakyd bodyes in cloth to wynde
tyl sum comforth of godys sonde
with grace releve oure careful mynde
Now come go we hens wyff.
Alas pat ever we wrought pis synne
oure bodely sustenauns for to wynne
Adam
Eva
¹ Or longge. There is a stroke over the og, but it seems to be in a different
ink, higher and not quite like the ordinary mark of the contracted n. The
words in helle logge occur on Fo. 15.
[p. 29]
Fo. 17
ze must delve and I xal spynne
in care to ledyn oure lyff.
I wolde ffayn knowe. how I xuld do
to serue my lord god to his plesyng
per fore Caym brother lete us now go
vn-to oure ffadyr with-owte lettyng*
Suenge hym in vertu and in norture
to com to be hyze joy celestyal
remembryng to be clene and pure
for in mys-rewle we myth lythly falt
A-zens hevyn kynge
lete us now don oure dyligens
to come to oure faderys presens
Good brother passe we hens
to knowe ffor oure levynge.
As to my fadyr lete us now tee
to knowe what xal be his talkyng
and pat¹ I holde it but vanyte
to go to hym ffor Any spekyng
to lere of his lawe
Ffor if I haue good 2 a-now plente
I kan be mery so moty the
thow my fadyr I nevyr se
I ȝyf not þer of An hawe.
Abeet
Caym
Ryth sovereyn fadyr semely sad and sure
Abel
euer we thank ȝow in hert body and thowth
*Ff. 16-17 at the foot of both pages crosswise in large liturgical script with
rubrication:
Caym
Adam. genuit Abel Caym. genuit. Enoch. genuit. Iradh. genuit Maynael.
Seth
genuit Matussahel. genuit lamech. þat slow Caym. þis lamech had 2 wyffys.
Ada and ³ Sella. Of Ada com Jabel. fadere of tentys and of herdmen. [The
rest of this note on Lamech's offspring is illegible, the letters having been cut
away with the margin. It is in the handwriting of the scribe of the MS.]

Textual notes:
[1] MS. yt for yet? [2] The d is written over some other letter. [3] Some miswritten letters (? Se) crossed out after and.

Cain and Abel

[p. 30]
Fo.18
And alwey shutt why oure lyf may indure
as inwardly in hert it kan be sought
bothe my brother and I¹
Ffadyr I ffalle on-to your kne
to knowe how we xul rewlyd be
ffor godys pat fallyth bothe hym and me
I wolde ffayn wete trewly.
Sonys ze arn to spekyn naturaly
The ffyrstffrute of kendely engendrure
Be-fforn whom saff zour modyr and I
were nevyr non of mannys nature
And it were we al of a nother portature 2
As ze haue me oftyn herd seyd sothly
зе
Wherfore sonys yf ze wyl lyff sad and sure
Ffyrst I ȝow counseyf most syngulerly
God ffor to loue and drede
And suche good as god hath ȝow sent
the fyrst frute offyr to hym in sacryfice brent
hym evyr be-sechyng with meke entent
In all your werkys to save and spede.
¶ Gramercy ffadyr ffor your good doctrine
Ffor as ȝe vs techyn so xal we do
And as ffor me porwe goddys grace dyvyne
I wyl fforth with applye me perto.
And pow me be loth I wyl now also
On to your counsell ffadyr me inclyne
and zitt I say now to ȝow both too
I had levyr gon hom welt ffor to dyne.
Now god graunt good sacryfice to ȝow both too
he vowche-saff to acceptyn ȝow and all myne
Adam
Abeett
Cayme
Adam
folio.
written as the next line and crossed through.

Textual notes:
[1] The writing becomes noticeably smaller from this line to the bottom of the [2] As je have me oftyn seyd sothly, with haue written above the line, is [3] MS. þõ. [4] A letter y or þ obliterated after grace.

[p. 31]
and
zeve ȝow now grace to plesyn hym soo
þat ze may come to pat blysse pat hym self is inne
With gostly grace
þat all your here levyng¹
may be to his plesyng
and at your hens partyng
to com to good place.*
"
Abel dicit
Fo.18¶ Al-myhtty god and god ful of myth
be whom all ping is made of nowth
to be myn hert is redy dyht
for upon he is all my thought
souereyn lord reygnyng in eternyte
with all þe mekenesse þat I kan or may
This lombe xal I offre it up to the
accept it blyssyd lord I þe pray
my ȝyft is but sympyl þis is no nay
but my wyl is good and evyr xal be
pe to servyn and worchepyn both nyht and day
and per to pi grace grawnt pou me
throwh pi gret mercy
which in a lombys lyknes
pou xalt for mannys wyckydnes
Onys ben offeryd in peynfulnes
and deyn ful dolfoly.
¶ Ffor trewly lord pou art most worthy
be best to haue in eche degre
both beste and werst ful certeynly
att is had purowe grace of pe
The best schep full hertyly
amonges my flok þat I kan se
I tythe it to god of gret mercy
And bettyr wold if bettyr myht be
Evyn here is myn offryng
I tythe to pe with ryht good wylle
¹ Lines 58-61 are written in two lines divided by two black strokes.
So
*Ff. 17-18. At the foot of the pages as before: Seth genuit Enos. genuit
Caynan. genuit Malachel. genuit Jared genuit Enok genuit Matussalem. genuit
Lamech genuit Noe.
[p. 32]
of pe best pou sentyst me tylle
now gracyous god on hevyn hille
Accept now my tythyng.
Fo. 19¶ Amonges all folys pat gon on grownd
I holde pat pou be on of pe most
Fo. 19
(marked
20)
to tythe pe best þat is not sownd
and kepe pe werst þat is nere lost
But I more wysly xal werke pis stownde
to tythe þe werst and make no bost
Off all my cornys pat may be fownde
In all my ffeldys both croft and cost
I xal lokyn on every syde
here I tythe pis vnthende sheff
lete god take it or ellys lef
pow it be to me gret repreff
I
zeve no ffors pis tyde.
Now Caym brother pou dost ful it
Ffor god pe sent both best and werst
perfore pou shewe to hym good wytł
and tythe to god evyr of þe best.
In feyth pou shewyst now a febyĦ skytt
it wolde me hyndyr and do me greff
what were god pe bettyr pou sey me tyĦ
to zevyn hym awey my best sheff
and kepe my self he wers
he wyf neyther ete nor drynke
Ffor he doth neyther swete nor swynke
pou shewyst a ffebyl reson me thynke
what pou fonnyst as a best I gesse.
zit me thynkyth my wyt is good
to god euer more sum loue to shewe¹
Off whom we haue oure dayly food
and ellys we had but lytyl drewe.
zitt me thynkeht þi wytt is wood
Cayin
Abett
Caym
Abett
Caym
ΠΙΟ
folio is smaller.

Textual notes:
[1] The writing in this and the following three lines at the top of the next

[p. 33]
Ffor of pi lore I ffynde but ffewe
I wyłt neuer þe more chawnge my mood
Ffor no wordys pat pou dost shewe
I sey I wył tythe þe werst.
Now god pat syt in hefne aboue
On whom is sett all myn hool loue
pis wyckyd wył from þe he showe¹
As it plesyth hym best.
¶ Hic ardent decimum Abel et Caym quo facto dicit
¶ herke abel brother what a-ray is pis
thy tythyng brennyth as ffyre fful bryght
it is to me gret wondyr i-wys
I trow pis is now a straunge syght.
Goddys wyll fforsothe it is
þat my tythyng with fyre is lyth
Ffor of pe best were my tythis
and of pe worst pou dedyst hym dyght
bad thyng pou hym bede
of pe best was my tythyng
and of þe werst was pin offryng
perfor god almyghty hevyn kyng
Alowyht ryht nowth pi dede.
Abett
Caym
Abett
Fo. 20
What pou stynkyng losel and is it so
doth god pe love and hatyht me
pou xalt be ded I xal þe slo
pi lord pi god pou xalt nevyr se
Tythyng more xalt þou nevyr do
With pis chavyl bon I xal sle þe
pi deth is dyht pi days be go
out of myn handys xalt þou not fle
With pis strok I pe kylle
Now pis boy is slayn and dede
Of hym I xal nevyr more han drede
He xal here after nevyr ete brede
With pis gresse I xal hym hylle.
D
Caym

Textual notes:
[1] So in MS. for shoue.

[p. 34]
Caym come fforth and answere me
a-soyle my qwestyon anon ryght
thy brother Abel wher is now he
ha don and answere me as tyght.
My brothers kepere ho made me
Syn whan was I his kepyng knyght
I kan not telle wher þat he be
to kepe hym was I nevyr dyght
I know not wher he is.
A cursyd Caym pou art vntrewe
and for pi dede pou xalt sore rewe
pi brothers blood pat pou slewe
Askyht vengeauns of pi mys.
¶ Thu xalt be cursyd on pe grounde
Vn-prophitable where so pou wende
both veyn and nowthty and no thyng sounde
with what ping pou medele pou xalt it shende.
Alas in whoo now am I wounde
a-cursyd of god as man vn-kende
of any man yf I be founde
He xal me slo I haue no ffrende
Alas and wele Away.
Of what man pat pou be sclayn
he xal haue vij folde more payn
hym were bettyr to be sayn¹
on lyve be nyth ne day.
Alas alas whedyr may I go
I dare nevyr se man in þe vesage
Deus
Caym
Deus
Caym
Deus
Caym
Fo. 20v
I am woundyn as a wrecch in wo
And cursyd of god ffor my ffalfage 2
a different band. The original construction may be compared with the follow-
ing on Fo. 22: I pray to god. . . that he me kepe in such a plyght ... I to
affendyn hym day nor nyght.

Textual notes:
[1] The word nevyr is written above the line after bettyr in blacker ink and [2] So in MS. for falsage.

[p. 35]
Vn-profytabyl and vayn also
In felde and town in strete and stage
I
may nevyr make merthis mo
I wot nevyr whedyr to take passage
I dare not here abyde
Now wyl I go wende my way
With sore syeng and wel away
to loke where pat I best may
Ffrom mannys ssyht me hyde.
Remainder of Fo. 20-4 inches-left blank.
Introitus Noe
Fo. 21
(B quire)
Od of his goodnesse and of grace grounde
By whoys gloryous power all thyng is wrought
in whom all vertu plentevously is ffounde
with-owtyn whos wyl may be ryth nought
Thy seruauntys saue lord fro synful sownde
In wyl in werk in dede and in thouht
oure welth in woo lete nevyr be fownde
Vs help lord from synne þat we be in brought
Lord god fful of myght
Noe serys my name is knowe
my wyff and my chyfdere here on rowe
to god we pray with hert ful lowe
to plese hym in his syght.
¶ In me Noe pe secunde age
in dede be-gynnyth as I ȝow say
afftyr Adam with-outyn langage
pe secunde fadyr am I in fay
But men of levyng be so owt-rage
bothe be nyght and eke be day
þat lesse pan synne pe soner swage
god wyl be vengyd on vs sum way
In dede
Ther may no man go per owte
but synne regnyth in every rowte
In every place rownde a-bowte
Cursydnes doth sprynge and sprede.
¶ Noe
IO
2C
D 2

Vxor Noe

[p. 36]
Fo. 21v
¶AH myghty god of his gret grace
enspyre men with hertely wył
for to sese of here trespace
Ffor synfult levyng oure sowle xal spytt*
Synne offendyth god in his face
and a-grevyth oure lorde ffutt ylle
It causyth to man ryght grett manace
and scrapyth hym out of lyvys bylle
pat blyssyd book
What man in synne doth all wey scleppe
He xal gon to helle ful deppe
than xal he nevyr after creppe
out of pat brennyng brook.
I am ȝour wyff¹ ȝour childeryn þese 2 be
On to us tweyn it doth longe
hem to teche in all degre
Synne to for-sakyn and werkys wronge
Therfore fere 3 for loue of me
Enforme hem wele evyr amonge
Synne to for-sake and vanyte
and vertu to ffolwe pat pei ffonge
oure lord god to plese.
I warne ȝow childeryn on and all
Drede oure lord god in hevy haft
and in no forfete þat we
ne fall
oure lord for to dysplese.
A dere ffadyr god for-bede
Noe
Shem
pat we xulde do in ony wyse
Ony werke of synful dede
oure lord god pat xulde a-gryse
(Sem

• In the bottom margin of Fo. 21 as before:-Noe genuit Cham
  pese ch written after wyff and crossed through.
  Japhet

Textual notes:
[4] So in MS. for hevyn. [5] So in MS. for ȝe. [2] pese here appears to be the correction of another word. [3] So in MS. for sere.

Noah

[p. 37]
Fo. 22
my name is Shem¹ ȝour son of prise
I xal werke aftere zour rede
and also wyff þe weyll a-wyse
Wykkyd werkys þat þou non brede
never in no degre.
For-sothe sere be goddys grace *
I xal me kepe from all trespace
pat xulde offende goddys face
be help of pe trynyte.
¶ I am cham ȝour secunde son
and purpose me be goddys myght
nevyr suche a dede for to don
þat xuld a-greve god in syght.
I pray to god me grawnt pis bonde
that he me kepe in such A plyght
mornynge hevenynge mydday and none
I to affendyn hym day nor nyght
lord god I be pray
Bothe wakynge and eke in slepe
gracyous god pou me keppe
þat I nevyr in daunger crepe
On dredfutt domys day.
¶ Japhet pi iijde sone is my name
I
pray
to god wher so we be
þat he vs borwe fro synfull shame
and in vertuous levynge evyr more kepe me.
I am ȝour wyff and pray þe same
pat god vs saue on sonde and se
бо
Vxor Seem
Cham
Vxor Cham
Japhet
Vxor Japhet

• At the foot of Ff. 21-2: Sem genuit Arfaxat. genuit Sale. genuit Heber.
  genuit Phaleg. genuit Reu. genuit Sarug. genuit Nachor. genuit Thare.
  Abraham
  genuit. Nacor
  Aran
  Some miswritten letter
  between Shem and your has been crossed out by the scribe.

Textual notes:
[1] Manly gives Chem, but the S is clear in the MS.

[p. 38]
With no grevauns þat we hym grame
he grawnt vs grace synne to fle
lord god now here oure bone.
Gracyous god pat best may
with herty wyl to the we pray
Noe
pou save us sekyr bothe nyght and day.
Synne þat we noon done.
Fo. 22 ¶ Ow what menyht this mys-levyng man
whiche myn hand made and byldyd in blysse
Synne so sore grevyht me za in certayn¹
I wol be vengyd of þis grett mysse
Myn aungel dere pou xalt gan ³
to noe pat my servaunt is
A shypp to make on hond to tan
pou byd hym swyth ffor hym and his
Ffrom drynchyng hem to save
Ffor as I am god off myght
I xal dystroye pis werd down ryght
Here synne so sore grevyht me in syght
pei xal no mercy haue.
¶ Ffecisse hominem nunc penitet me
þat I made man sore doth me rewe
myn handwerk to sle sore grevyth me
but þat here synne here deth doth brewe
Go sey to noe as I bydde pe
Deus
hym self his wyf his chylderyn trewe
tho viij sowlys in shyp to be
thei xul not drede pe flodys fflowe
IIO
þe fflod xal harme them nowht
of alt ffowlys and bestys thei take a peyre
In shypp to saue both ffoule and ffayere¹
Ffrom all dowtys and gret dyspeyre
This vengeauns or it be wrought.
In this line and the remaining six to the bottom of the folio the writing is
thicker and slightly more cramped.

Textual notes:
[1] First written tayn and corrected to teyn or vice versa. [2] he written after this word and crossed through. [3] gon first written and corrected by scribe to gan.

[p. 39]
Fo. 23
¶ Noe Noe A shypp loke pou make.¹
and many a chaumbyr pou xalt haue perinne
Angelus ad noe
Of euery kyndys best a cowpyl pou take.
with-in pe shypp bord here lyvys to wynne.*
Ffor god is sore grevyd with man for his synne
pat all pis wyde werd xal be dreynt with flood
saff pou and pi wyff xal be kept from þis gynne
and also pi chylderyn with here vertuys good.
¶ How xuld I haue wytt a shypp for to make
I am of ryght grett Age V. C. zere olde
it is not for me pis werk to vndyr-take
Ffor ffeynnesse of Age my leggys gyn ffolde.
This dede ffor to do be bothe blythe and bolde
God xal enforme pe and rewle pe ful ryght
of byrd and of beste take as I pe tolde
A peyr in to be shypp and god xal pe qwyght.
¶ I am ful redy as god doth me bydde
A shypp for to make be myght of his grace
Alas þat ffor synne it xal be so be-tydde
þat vengeauns of flood xal werke pis manase
god is sore grevyd with oure grett tresspas
pat with wylde watyr þe werd xal be dreynt
A shyppe for to make now lete us hens pas
þat god a-zens us of synne haue no compleynt
Noe
Angelus
Noe
Hic transit noe cum familia sua pro naui quo exeunte locum inter-
ludij sub intret statim lameth conductus ab adolescente et di[cit
lameth
¶ Gret mornyng I make and gret cause I haue
Alas now I se not for age I am blynde
blyndenes doth make me of wytt for to rave
Whantynge of eye syght in peyn doth me bynde
whyl I had syht þer myht nevyr man fynde
my pere of Archerye in att pis werd A-boute

• At the foot of Fo. 22. Aran. genuit. loth.
  ¹ The stops at make, take, and wynne are in fresher coloured ink.
  in this MS. are indistinguishable; Halliwell reads ffeypnnesse.

Textual notes:
[2] MS. ffeyynnesse with a dot under the second y. The letters for and for y

[p. 40]
Fo. 23▾
Fo. 24
Ffor zitt schet I nevyr at hert Are • nere hynde
but yf þat he deyd⚫ of þis no man haue doute.
¶ Lameth pe good archere my name was ovyr all
Ffor pe best Archere myn name dede ever sprede
Record of my boy here wytnes pis he xal
What merk þat were set me to deth it xuld blede.
It is trewe mayster pat ze seyn in dede
Ffor pat tyme ze
had ȝoure bowe bent in honde
If þat ȝour prycke had be half a myle in brede¹
ze wolde pe pryk han hitte if ze ny had stonde.
зе
Adolescens
¶ I xuld nevyr affaylid· what marke þat ever were sett
whyl þat I myght loke and had my clere syght
and zit as me thynkyht no man xuld shete bett
Than I xuld do now if myn hand were sett a-ryght
A-spye som marke boy my bow xal I bende wyght
and sett myn hand euyn to shete at som best
and I dar ley a wagour his deth for to dyght
pe marke xal I hitt. my lyf do I hest.
¶ Vndyr ȝon grett busche mayster A best do I se
take me pin hand swyth and holde it ful stylle
now is pin hand evyn as euyr it may be
Drawe up þin taky ȝon best for to kylle.
My bowe xal I drawe ryght with herty wylle
this brod arwe I shete pat best ffor to sayĦ
now haue at þat busch ȝon best for to spylle
A sharppe schote I shote per of I xal not fayĦ.
¶ Out out and alas myn hert is on sondyr
With a brod arwe I am ded and sclayn
I dye here on grounde⚫ myn hert is all to tundyr
With pis brod arwe it is clovyn on twayn,
Herke boy cum telle me pe trewth in certeyn
what man is he pat pis cry doth pus make.
Caym pou hast kyllyd I telle pe ful pleyn
'lameth
Adolescens
lameth
Caym
lameth
Adolescens

Textual notes:
[1] dede first written and crossed through.

[p. 41]
with pi sharp shetyng his deth hath he take.
¶ Haue I slayn cayme alas what haue I done
pou stynkynge lurdeyn what hast pou wrought
pou art pe¹ why I scle hym so sone
þer fore xal I kyt þe here pou skapyst nowght
lameth
Hic lameth cum arcu suo verberat Adolescentem ad mortem, dicente
Adolescente
Out out I deye here my deth is now sought
pis theffe with his bowe hath broke my brayn
per may non helpe be my dethe is me brought
Ded here I synke down as man pat is sclayn.
¶ Alas what xal I do wrecch wykkyd on woolde
God wyl be vengyd ful sadly on me
Ffor deth of Caym I xal haue vii folde
more peyn þan he had pat abett dede sle.
These to mennys deth full sore bought xal be
Vpon at my blood god wyf venge pis dede
Adolescens
lameth
where fore sore wepyng hens wyl I fle
and loke where I may best my hede sone heyde.
Hic recedat lameth et statim intrat noe cum naui cantantes.*
Noe
Fo. 24 ¶ With doolful hert syenge sad and sore
Grett mornyng I make ffor this dredful flood
of man and of best is dreynte many a skore
All pis werd to spy pese flodys be ful wood
and all is for synne of mannys wylde mood
þat god hath ordeyned pis dredfuit vengeaunce
In pis flood spylt is many a mannys blood
Ffor synfult levynge of man we haue gret grevauns.
Att pis hundryd zere ryght here haue I wrought
this schypp for to make as god dede byd me

• Note at bottom of Fo. 24 in what might be the less careful writing of the
  scribe of the MS. but might also be a different hand:
  Noe Schyp was in lenght CCC. Cubytes. Į pe fflod 15 Above
  In brede ffyfty. And þe heytħ. thretty. hyest montayn.

Textual notes:
[1] So in MS.

[p. 42]
Fo. 25
of all maner bestys a copy is in brought
With-in my Shypp borde on lyve for to be
Ryght longe god hath¹ soferyd amendyng to se
Att pis hundyrd zere god hath shewyd grace
Alas fro gret syn man wyl not fle
God doth pis vengeauns for oure gret trespase.
¶ Alas for gret ruthe of þis gret vengeaunce
gret doyl it is to se pis watyr so wyde
but zit thankyd be god of pis ordenaunce
þat we be now savyd on lyve to abyde.
Ffor grett synne of lechory all pis doth betyde
Alas pat evyr such synne xulde be wrought
pis fflood is so gret on every asyde
pat att pis wyde werd to care is now brought.
¶ Becawse of chylderyn of God þat weryn good
dede forfete ryght sore what tyme þat þei were
synfully compellyd to caymys blood
Ther-fore be we now cast in ryght grett care.
Ffor synful levynge pis werde doth for-fare
So grevous vengeauns myght nevyr man se
ouyr all pis werd wyde þer is no plot bare
with watyr and with flood god vengyd wyff be.
Rustynes of Synne is cawse of pese wawys
Alas in pis flood pis werd xal be lorn
ffor offens to god brekyng his lawys
On Rokkys ryght sharp is many a man torn.
So grevous fflodys were nevyr zett be-forn
Alas pat lechory pis vengeauns doth gynne
it were well bettyr euer to be vnborn
than ffor to forfetyn evyr more in þat synne.
¶ Oure lord god I thanke of his gret grace
þat he doth us saue from pis dredful payn
Vxor noe
Seem
Vxor Seem
Cham
Vxor Cham
Japhet
Vxor Japhet

Textual notes:
[1] An ƒ between hath and soferyd obliterated. [2] gode first written and crossed out.

[p. 43]
Fo. 25
hym for to wurchipe in euery stede and place
we beth gretly bownde with myght and with mayn.
xlti days and nyghtys hath lasted þis rayn
And xlti days pis grett flood be-gynnyth to slake
this Crowe xal I sende out to seke sum playn
Good tydyngys to brynge pis massage I make
hic emittat coruum et parum expectans iterum dicat
¶ This crowe on sum careyn is fall for to ete
per fore a Newe masangere I wyll fforth now sende
ffly fforth pou fayr dove ovyr þese waterys wete
and aspye afftere sum drye lond oure mornyng to A-mend
hic euolet columba qua redeinte¹ cum ramo virid oliue.
Joye now may we make of myrth þat þat were frende
A grett olyve bush pis dowe doth us brynge
Ffor joye of pis token ryght hertyly we tende
oure lord god to worchep a songe lete vs synge
Noe
Hic decantent hos versus Mare vidit et fugit jordanis conuersus
est retrorsum Non nobis domine non nobis sed nomini tuo da
gloriam Et sic recedant cum naui.
M
Introitus abrahe &c.
Ost myghty makere of Sunne and of mone
Kyng of kyngys and lord ouer att
At myghty god in hevyn trone
I pe honowre and evyr more xal
My lord my god to be I katt
with herty wyf lord I be pray
In synfult lyff lete me nevyr fall
but lete me leve evyr to þi pay.
¶ Abraham my name is kydde
and patryarke of Age ful olde
And zit be pe grace of god is bredde
In myn olde age a chylde full bolde
Ysaac lo here his name is tolde
My swete sone pat stondyth me by
IO

Textual notes:
[1] So in MS.

Abraham and Isaac

[p. 44]
Fo. 26
Amonges aft chylderyn þat walkyn on wolde
A louelyer chylde is non trewly.
¶ I thanke god with hert weft mylde
of his gret mercy and of his hey grace
and pryncepaly ffor my suete chylde
pat xal to me do gret solace¹
Now suete sone fayre fare pi fface
Fful hertyly do I love the
Ffor trewe herty love now in this place
my swete chylde com kysse now me.
¶ At ȝoure byddynge ȝour mouthe I kys
with lowly hert I ȝow pray
Ysaac
ȝoure fadyrly love lete me nevyr mysse
but blysse me zour chylde both nyght and day.
Al-myghty god pat best may
his dere blyssyng he graunt pe
And my blyssyng þou haue all way
in what place pat evyr þou be.
Now Isaac my sone so suete
Al-myghty god loke pou honoure
wich pat made both drye and wete
Shynyng sunne and scharpe schoure
thu art my suete childe and paramoure
Fful wele in herte do I pe loue
loke pat pin herte in hevyn toure
be sett to serve oure lord god a-bove.
In pi zonge lerne god to plese
and god xal quyte pe weyl pi mede
now suete sone of wordys these
with all pin hert pou take good hede
Now fare weyl sone god be pin spede
Evyn here at hom pou me a-byde
I must go walkyn ffor I haue nede
I come a-zen with-inne a tyde.
Abraham

Textual notes:
[1] The initial s (/) is thickened and may be intended to be double (ſ). [2] So for ȝongpe (?).

[p. 45]
Fo. 26 I pray to God ffadyr of myght a
pat he ȝow spede in aft zour waye h
From shame and shenshipp daye and nyghta
God mote ȝow kepe in zour jornay.
Now fare weyĦ sone I þe pray h
Evyr in pin hert loke god pou wynde c
hym to serue bothe nyght and day b
I pray to god send pe good mynde.
¶ Ther may no man love bettyr his childe a
pan Isaac is lovyd of me
Almyghty god mercyful and mylde a
Ffor my swete sone I wurchyp pe b
I thank pe lord with hert ful fre h
Ffor pis fayr frute pou hast me sent
now gracyous god wher so he be
to saue my sone evyr more be bent. C
¶ Dere lord I pray to pe Also
me to saue for pi seruuaunte
and sende me grace nevyr for to do
thyng þat xulde be to pi displesaunte
Bothe ffor me and for myn infaunte
I pray pe lord god vs to help
thy gracyous goodnes pou us grawnt
Ysaac
Abraham
and saue pi serwaunt from helle qwelp.
Angelus
Abraham how abraham
lyst and herke weyll on to me.
Abraham
Al redy sere here I am
tell me zour wyl what pat it be.
Angelus
Fo. 27
Almyghty god pus doth bydde pe
ysaac þi sone Anon þou take
and loke hym pou slee a-noon lete se
and sacrafice to god hym make.
¶ Thy welbelouyd childe pou must now kylle
to god pou offyr hym as I say
[p. 46]
Evyn vpon zon hey hylle
pat I pe shewe here in þe way
Tarye not be nyght nor day
but smertly pi gate pou goo
Vpon zon hille pou knele and pray
to god and kylle pe childe per and scloo.
Abraham
Now goddys comaundement must nedys be done
All his¹ wyl is wourthy to be wrought
but zitt þe fadyr to scle pe sone
grett care it causyth in my thought
In byttyr bale now am I brought
my swete childe with knyf to kylle
but zit my sorwe avaylith ryght nowth
for nedys I must werke goddys wylle.
¶ With evy hert I walke and wende
my childys deth now for to be
now must be fadyr his suete son schende
Alas for ruthe it is pete
my swete sone come hedyr to me
how Isaac my sone dere
com to pi ffadyr my childe so fre
Fo. 27v
ffor we must wende to-gedyr in fere.
¶ Aft redy fadyr Evyn at ȝour wytł
and at your byddyng I am ȝow by
With ȝow to walk ovyr dale and hitt 2
At ȝoure callyng I am redy
To be fadyr evyr most comly
It ovyth pe childe evyr buxom to be
I wyl obey ful hertyly
to all thyng þat ze bydde me.
Now son in pi necke pis fagot pou take
and pis fyre bere in pinne honde
Ffor we must now sacrefyse go make
evyn aftyr þe wyll of goddys sonde
Isaac
Abraham
written again by mistake and crossed out.

Textual notes:
[1] The h is partly effaced through stain on MS. [2] This line is preceded by part of the last line-Andat zour byddyng I am—

[p. 47]
Take pis brennyng bronde
my swete childe and lete us go
ther may no man þat levyth in londe
haue more sorwe than I haue wo.
Ffayre fadyr ȝe go ryght stylle
I pray ȝow fadyr speke on to me.
Mi gode childe what is pi wylle
telle me thyn hert I pray to the.
Ffadyr fyre and wood here is plente
but I kan se no sacryfice
Ysaac
Abraham
Ysaac
what ze xulde offre fayn wold I se
þat it were don at þe best avyse.
Abraham
¶ God xal pat ordeyn þat sytt in hevynne
my swete sone ffor pis offryng
A derere¹ sacryfice may no man nempne
pan pis xal be my dere derlyng.
Lat be good fadyr zour
sad wepynge
ȝour hevy cher agrevyth me sore
tell me fadyr ȝour grett mornyng
and I xal seke sum help per-fore.
Fo. 28 T Alas dere sone for nedys must me
Evyn here pe kylle as god hath sent
thyn owyn fadyr þi deth must be
Alas pat evyr þis bowe was bent
With pis fyre bryght pou must be brent
An Aungelle seyd to me ryght so
Alas my chylde pou xalt be shent
þi careful fadyr must be pi ffo.
Al-myghty god of his grett mercye
Fful hertyly I thanke pe sertayne
At goddys byddyng here for to dye
I obeye me here for to be sclayne
Y saac
Abraham
Ysaac
u apparently first written and altered to a.

Textual notes:
[1] Double r corrected in the middle of this word.

[p. 48]
I pray ȝow fadyr be glad and fayne
trewly to werke goddys wytł
take good comforte to ȝow agayne
Fo. 28
and haue no dowte ȝour childe to kylt.
¶ffor godys byddyng for sothe it¹ is
pat I of ȝow my deth schulde take
Azens god ze don amys
his byddyng yf ze xuld for-sake
ȝowre owyn dampnacion xulde ze bake
if ze me kepe from pis reed
with ȝour swerd my deth зе make
and werk evyr more þe wytł of god.
¶ The wytt of god must nedys be done
to werke his wytł I seyd nevyr nay
but zit pe ffadyr to sle pe sone
my hert doth clynge and cleue as clay.
zitt werk goddys wyll fadyr I ȝow pray
and sle me here anoon forth ryght
and turne fro me zour face a-way
myne heed whan þat ze xul of smyght.
¶ Alas dere childe I may not chese
I must nedys my swete sone kylle
my dere derlyng now must me lese
myn owyn sybb blood now xal I spylle
zitt þis dede or I fulfylle
my swete sone pi mouth I kys.
Abraham
Ysaac
Abraham
Al redy fadyr evyn at zour wyf
Ysaac
Abraham
I do zour byddyng as reson is.
¶ Alas dere sone here is no grace
but nedis ded now must pou be
The letters sch between to and sle are crossed through.

Textual notes:
[1] it omitted and written above the line in slightly darker ink. [2] Ageng first written and crossed through. [3] An e stands above the it of zit.

[p. 49]
with pis kerchere I kure pi face
In pe tyme pat I sle the
Thy lovely vesage wold I not se
not for att pis werdlys good.
with pis swerd pat sore grevyht me
my childe I sle and spylle his blood.
¶ Abraham Abraham pou fadyr fre.
I am here redy what is zour wylle.
Extende pin hand in no degre
I bydde pou hym not kylle
here do I se by ryght good skylle
Aft myghty god pat pou dost drede
For pou sparyst nat þi sone to spylle
God wyl aqwhyte þe well pi mede.
Fo. 29 ¶ I thank my god¹ in hevyn a-bove
and hym honowre for pis grett grace
and þat my lord me pus doth prove
I wytł hym wurchep in every place
my childys lyff is my solace
I thank myn god evyr for his lyff
In sacrifice here or I hens pace
I sle pis shepe with þis same knyff.
Now pis shepe is deed and slayn
with pis fyre it xal be brent
Of Isaac my sone I am ful fayn
þat my swete childe xal not be shent
This place I name with good entent
pe hill of godys vesytacion
Ffor hedyr god hath to us sent
his comforte aftyr grett trybulacion.
¶ Herke Abraham and take good heyd
by hym self god hath pus sworn
Angelus
Abraham
Angelus
Abraham
E
Angelus

Textual notes:
[1] Some miswritten word (? me) after god crossed through. [2] of omitted and written above the line.

[p. 50]
Fo. 29V
(marked
30)
Ffor pat pou woldyst a done pis dede
he wyft pe blysse both evyn and morn
Ffor pi dere childe pou woldyst haue lorn
at goddys byddyng as I the telle
god hath sent pe word be-forn
pi seed xal multy plye wher so pou duelle.
As sterrys in hevyn byn many and fele
so xal pi seed encrese and growe
Fou xalt ovyr-come in welth and wele
all pi fomen reknyd be rowe
As sond in pe se doth ebbe and flowe
Hath cheselys many vnnumerabyt
so xal þi sede pou mayst me trowe
encres and be evyr prophytabyĦ.
¶ Ffor to my spech pou dedyst obeye
thyn enmyes portys þu shalt possede
and all men on erthe as I pe seye
thei xal be blyssed in þi sede
Al-myghty god pus pe wylt mede
Ffor pat good wyll pat pou ast done
perfore thank god in word and dede
Both pou pi self and ysaac þi sone.
Abraham
A my lord god to wurchep on kne now I fatt
I thank pe lord of þi mercy
now my swete childe to god pou katt
and thank we pat lord now hertyly.
Isaac
with lowly hert to god I crye
I am his seruuant both day and nyght
I thank pe lord in hevyn so hyze
with hert with thought with mayn with myght.
Abraham
Gramercy lord and kyng of grace
gramercy lord ouer lordys att
now my joye returnyth his trace
I thank pe lorde in hevyn þin halle.
[p. 51]
Ovyr att kyngys crownyd kyng I pe kalle
at þi byddyng to dye with knyff
I was fful buxvm evyn as þi thralle
lord now I thank the pou grauntyst me lyff.
Fo. 30 ¶ Now we haue wurchepyd oure blyssyd lorde
on grounde knelyng upon oure kne
now lete us tweyn sone ben of on A-corde
and goo walke hom in to oure countre.
Ffadyr as ze wyff so xal it be
I am redy with ȝow
to gon
I xal ȝow folwe with hert full fre
all pat ze bydde me sone xal be don.
¶ Now god all thyng of nowth pat made
evyr wurcheppyd he be on watyr and londe
his grett honowre may nevyr more fade
in feld nor town se nor on sonde
As althyng lord pou hast in honde
so saue us all wher so we be
whethyr we syttyn walk or stonde
Evyr on pin handwerke pou haue pyte.
• Isaac
Abraham
Ysaac
Abraham
explicit.
Remainder of Fo. 30-3 inches-and Fo. 30' left blank.
Fo. 31
(40 written
by the side
and crossed
out)
¶ Introitus Moyses
HE pat made all thynge of nought
Hevyn and. erth both sunne and mone
Saue all pat his hand hath wrought
All myghty god in hevyn trone
I am Moyses pat make pis bone
I
pray pe lord god with all my
to us incline pi mercy sone
mende
pi gracyous lordchep lete us fynde,
¶ The to plesyn in aĦt degre
Gracyous god and lord ovyr att
5.
E 2

Moses

[p. 52]
Fo. 31
pou graunte us grace wher so we be
and saue us sownd fro synfult fatt
thy wyft to werke to us pi thratt
enforme and teche us all pi plesans
in purenesse put us þat nevyr not fall
and grounde us in grace
ffrom all grevauns.
Hic
moy ses videns rubrum ardentem admirande dicit ¹
¶ A mercy god what menyth ȝon syte
A grene busch as fyre doth flame
and kepyth his colowre fayr and bryghte
Ffresch and grene with-owtyn blame
It fyguryth sum thynge of ryght gret fame
I kan not seyn what it may be
I wytł go nere in goddys name
and wysely loke pis busch to se.
Moyses how Moyses
Deus
herke to me a-non pis stounde.
I am here lorde with-owtyn les
ȝowre gracyous wył to do I am bounde.
Thu take pi schon anon ful rownde
Moyses
Deus
of pi fete in hast lete se
fful holy is pat place and grownde
Moyses
per pou dost stonde I sey to the.
Barfoot now I do me make
and pull of my schon fro my fete
now haue I my schon of take
what is ȝour wył lord fayn wold I wete.
Com nere moyses with me to mete
these tabell-is I take þe in pin honde
with my ffynger in hem is wrete
all my lawys pou vndyrstonde.
¶ Loke pat pou preche all abowte 2
hoo so wyll haue frenshipp of me
¹ This is written in larger form than other stage directions.
Deus

Textual notes:
[2] The colour of the ink changes slightly with this line.

[p. 53]
to my lawys loke bei lowte
þat þei be kept in all degre
Go forth and preche a-non let se
loke pou not ses nyght nor day.
ȝour byddyng lord aft wrought xal be
ȝour wył to werk I walk my way.
Custodi precepta domini dei tui · deutronomini · vjto.
The comaundement of pi lord god man loke pou kepe
where pat pou walk wake or slepe
Euery man take good hede
and to my techynge take good intent
for god hath sent me now in dede
ȝow for to enforme his comaundment
to teche god hath me sent
ȝow
Fo. 32
his lawys of lyff þat arn ful wyse
them to lerne be dyligent
ȝour soulys may pei saue at pe last Asyse.
The preceptys pat taught xal be
be wretyn in pese tablys tweyn
In pe fyrst ben wretyn thre
that towch to god pis is serteyn
In pe secund tabyl be wretyn ful pleyn
pe tother vij pat towch mankende
herk now well man what I xal seyn
and prent pise lawys well in pi mende.
1us Primum mandatum non habebis deos alienos.
¶ The fyrst comaundement of god as I ȝow say
of þe fyrst tabyl for sothe is this
pou xalt haue neythyr nyght nore day
noon other god but þe kyng of blysse
Vndyrstonde wele what menyth this
Euery man in hys degre
And sett neuyr zour hert
Vpon pis werdlys vanyte.
a-mys
Moyses
[p. 54]
¶ Ffor if pou sett þi loue so sore
Vpon ryches and werdly good
pi wurdly rycches pou takyst ever more
evyn ffor pi god as man ovyr wood
Amend pe man and chaunge pi mood
lese not pi sowle for werdlys weltħ
Only hym loue which bodyly ffood
doth zeve all day and gostly helth.
Fo. 32 2. Secundum mandatum non assumens nomen dei tui in vanum.
The secund precept of pé fyrst tabyli
þe name of god take nevyr in vayne
Swere none othis be noon fals fabyli
fe name of god pou nevyr dysteyn
Be whare of othis for dowte of peyn
Amonges ffelacheppe whan pou dost sytt
A lytyl othe pis is serteyn
may dampne thy sowle to helle pytt.
¶ Man whan pou art sett at pe nale
and hast þi langage as plesyth þe.
loke pin othis be non or smale
and zett alwey loke trewe thei be
But swere not oftyn by rede of me
ffor yf pou vse oftyn tyme to swere
it may gendyr custom in the
by-ware of custom ffor he wyl dere.
3. Tercium mandatum · memento vt sabbatum sanctificet.
The iijde comaundment of god as I rede
doth bydde the halwe well pin haly day
kepe be well ffro synfult dede
and care not gretly ffor rych a-ray
A ryght pore man þis is non nay
of sympyl astat in clothis rent
may-be bettyr than rych with garmentys gay
Oftyn tyme doth kepe pis comaundment.
¶ Ffor rych men do showe oftyn tyme pompe and pride
On halydays as oftyn is sene
banyft.
Thyn Haliday & Sapyft not opene
Jugloveny to life & lyf
In goddys hour zo guld be done -
Ganany zo god. Bost mardens Byf.
napon mandatu Bonoza yen tunn & myon thand.
Of's focundo taby toy fryst comandmont
And in y se v mehe shop ju fay
Go byddyth & en mot let het bout
both Hadys & modys to Buyshop Allbay-
holly fadys boqros of Sypay.
& you new to spot of solde 4 good
fitt loko i nyotays by night & day
of whom y hast bond Aloft + bloody
An pro comandmente included is
thi Bodyli fadyz & modyz Als"
Included Alf 1 fondo in pro
thi gostly fadyz 4 modyz y to
To i gostly fadys Dyz jengens do.
goftly modys 10 holy choyr
thes Albeen fane i feels fjo
t
os
on them to Anschop loke y y leyeh -
Duinted mandatum non cades.
The fofft comandomont byddyth all no
Pole no man. no light & bill
andre fondo profcopt yno
Pole no lyght thuß noz Bott
Wilkyd Hope Wafylt of thy tyme syett
Bo way y Ray of Hollys langago
Bucked proof many on doth spytt
theyfer of Quots Boot not ofte jago
BRIT. MUS. COTT. VESP. D. VIII.
Folio 33 a, printed p. 55, showing the Arabic form of the numerals 4 and 5:
cf. Introduction, p. xxvii.
33.
[p. 55]
Fo. 33
Whan pore men passe and go be-syde
At wurthy festys riche men woll bene
Thyn halyday pou kepyst not clene
In gloteny to lede pi lyff
In goddys hous ze xulde be-dene
honoure zour god both mayden and wyff.
4. Quartum mandatum honora patrem tuum et matrem tuam.
¶Off pe secunde tabytt þe fyrst comaundement
And in pe ordyr þe iiijte I sey in fay
he byddyth pe euer more with hert bent
both ffadyr and modyr to wurchep Alway
Thow pat pi fadyr be pore of array
and pow neuer so rych of golde and good
zitt loke pou wurchep hym nyght and day
Of whom pou hast both fflesch and blood.
In pis comaundmente includyd is
thi bodyli fadyr and modyr also
Includyd also I fynde in pis
thi gostly fadyr and modyr per to
To pi gostly ffadyr evyr reuerens do
pi gostly modyr is holy cherch
these tweyn saue pi sowle fro woo
IIO
I 20
euer them to wurchep loke pat pou werch.
5. Quintum mandatum non occides.
The ffyfft comaundement byddyth all us
Scle no man no whight pat pou kytt¹
Vndyr stonde pis precept pus
Scle no wyght with wurd nor wyll
Wykkyd worde werkyht oftyn tyme grett if
be war per fore of wykkyd langage
wyckyd spech many on doth spytt
therfore of spech beth not owt-rage.
Fo. 33 6. Sextum mandatum non makaberis.
¶ The sexte comaundement byddith every man
pat no wyght lede no lecherous lay

Textual notes:
[1] A final e has perhaps been erased here.

[p. 56]
fforfet neuer be no woman
lesse pan pe lawe a-lowe pi play
Trespas nevyr with wyff ne may
with wedow nor with non othyr wyght
kepe pe clene as I pe say
to whom pou hast þi trowth plyght.
7. Septimum mandatum non furtum facies.
¶ Do no thefte no thynge pou stele
þe vijte precept byddyth þe ful sore
whył pou arte in welth and wele
euy gett good loke pou restore
Off handys and dede be trewe euyr more
ffor yf pin handys lymyd be
pou art but shent þi name is lore
in ffelde and town and in all countrę.
8. Octauum mandatum
falsum testimonium.
non loqueris contra proximum tuum
¶ The viijte precept þus doth pe bydde
Ffals wyttnes loke non pou bere
þe trowth nevyr more loke pat pou hyde
with ffals wyttnes no man pou dere
Nowther ffor love ne dred ne fere
Sey non other than trowth is
Ffals wytnes yf þat pou rere
Azens god pou dost grettly amys.
9. Nonum mandatum non desiderabis vxorem proximi tui et cetera.
Fo. 34 The ixte precept of lawe of lyff
evyn pus doth bydde every man
desyre not pi neyborys wyff
pow she be fayr and whyte as swan
And pi wyff brown zitt natt for than
pi neyborys wyff pou nevyr rejoyse
kepe pe clene as evyr pou can
to pin owyn wyff and pin owyn choyse.
[p. 57]
Fo. 34▾
10. Decimum mandatum non concupisces domum proximi tui non
seruum non ancillam non bos non asinum nec omnia que illius sunt
et cetera.
¶ The xde comaundement of god and last is pis
thi neyborys hous desyre pou nowth
Maydon nor servaunt nor nowth of his
desyre hem nevyr in wył nor thowth
Oxe nere Asse þat he hath bought
nere no thynge pþat longyht hym to
Godys lawe must nedys be wrought
desyre no thynge þin neybore ffro.
The vjte comaundement of lechory
doth exclude pe synfull dede
but theys tweyn last most streytly
both dede and thought pei do for-bede
In wyff nere thought no lechory pou lede
pi thought and wyl pou must refreyn
Af þi desyre as I be rede
in clennes of lyff þi self restreyn.
¶ Ffrendys pese be pe lawys pat ze must kepe
therfore every man sett well in mende
Wethyr pat pou do wake or slepe
these lawys to lerne pou herke ful hynde
And godys grace xal be þi ffrende
he socowre and saue ȝow in welth fro woo
Fare well gode frendys for hens wyf I wende
my tale I haue taught ȝow my wey now I goo.
Explicit moyses.
Remainder of Fo. 34-6 inches left blank (except for a scribbled wethyr
pat pou do. in another hand).
Fo. 35
I
Am þe prophete callyd Isaye
Replett with godys grett influens
and sey pleynly be spyryte of prophecie
þat a clene mayde thourgħ meke obedyens.
Ysaias

The Prophets

[p. 58]
Fo. 35
Shaft bere a childe which xal do resystens
Ageyn foule Zabulon pe devyl of helle
mannys soule ageyn hym to defens
Opyn in pe felde pe fend he xal felle.
Where fore I seye || quod virgo concipiet
et pariet filium || nomen emanuel
Oure lyf for to saue he xal suffyr detħ
and bye us to his blysse in hevyn for to dwell
Of Sacerdotale lynage pe trewth I ȝow tett
Fflesch and blood to take god wyll be born
Joye to man in erth · and in hevyn AungeĦ
At pe chyldys byrth · joye xal make þat morn.
¶ Egredietur virga de radice jesse
Et flos de radice eius ascendet
A blyssyd brauncħ xal sprynge of me
That xal be swettere pan bawmys breth
Out of pat braunch in nazareth
A flowre xal blome of me jesse rote
The which by grace xal dystroye deth
and brynge mankende to blysse most sote.
¶ I am david of jesse rote
the fresch kyng by naturall successyon
and of my blood xal¹ sprynge oure bote
As god hym self hath mad promyssyon
Of Regall lyff xal come suche foyson
þat a clene mayde modyr xal be
Ageyns pe devellys fals illusyon
with regall power to make man fre.
¶ I am pe prophete Jeremye
And fullich a-corde in all sentence
with kyng dauid and with ysaie
Affermynge pleynly be-forn pis Audyens.
That god of his high benyvolens
of prest and kynge wyll take lynage
And bye us aft ffrom oure offens
in hevyn to haue his herytage.
Radix Jesse
Dauyd' Rex
ΤΟ
Jeremias propheta
spyг miswritten before sprynge and crossed through.
[p. 59]
¶ I am Salamon þe secunde kynge
And þat wurthy temple for sothe made I
which þat is fygure of þat mayde ȝynge
þat xal be modyr of¹ grett messy.
A vysion of þis fful veryly
I Ezechiel haue had also
Of a gate pat sperd was trewly
and no man but a prince myght per-in go.
¶ The iijde kynge of pe jentył jesse
my name is knowe kyng Roboas
of oure kynrede zitt men xul se
A clene mayde trede down foule sathanas.
And I am a Prophete calde mycheas
I telle ȝow pleynly pat pus it is
Evyn lyke as Eve modyr of wo was
So xal a maydyn be modyr of blyss.
Fo. 36 I that am calde kynge Abias
conferme for trewe pat ze han seyd
and sey also as in pis cas
þat all oure myrth comyth of a mayd.
I prophete Danyel am well apayed
in fygure of pis I saw a tre
all be fendys of hell xalt ben affrayd
whan maydenys ffrute per on pei se.
¶ I kynge Asa be-leve aft pis
þat god wyf of a maydyn be born
And vs to bryngyn to endles blys
Ruly on rode be rent and torn.
I jonas sey þat on þe iijde morn
ffro detħ he xal ryse pis is a trew ³ tall *
Salamon rex
Ezechiel propheta
Roboas rex
Micheas propheta
jeng first written and crossed through.
Abias Rex
Danyel propheta
Asa Rex
Jonas propheta

Textual notes:
[1] of omitted and written above the line in darker ink. [3] Or trow-the vowel is blotted. [4] There has been some subsequent attempt to correct tall and qwall to tale

[p. 60]
fyguryd in me pe which longe beforn
lay iij days beryed with in þe qwałł.¹
¶ And I josophat þe vjte kynge serteyn
of jesse rote in þe lenyaft successyon
Att þat my progenitouris hath be-for me seyn
Ffeythfully be-leve with-owtyn att dubytacion.
I abdias prophete make pis protestacion
þat aftyr he is resyn to lyve onys a-zen
deth xal be drevyn to endles dampnacion
Josophat rex
Abdias propheta
And lyff xal be grawntyd of paradys ful pleyn.
¶ And I Joras also in pe numbre of sefne
of jesse rote kynge knowlych þat he
aftyr his resurreccion returne xal to hefne
both god and verry man ther endles to be.
I Abacuch prophete holde wele with the
whan he is resyn he xal up stye
in hevyn as juge sitt in his se
Vs for to deme whan we xal dye.
Fo. 36¶ And I Ozyas Kynge of hygh degre
Spronge of jesse rote dar² well sey this
whan he is gon to hit dygnyte
he xal send pe sprytt to his discyplis.
And I Joel knowe full trewe pat is
god bad me wryte in prophesye
he wolde sende down his sprytt i-wys
On zonge and olde ful sekyrlye.
My name is knowe kyng Joathan
the ixe kynge spronge of jesse
Of my kynrede god³ wol be man
mankend to saue and pat joyth me.
Joras Rex
Abacuch propheta
Ozias Rex
Joell propheta
Joathas rex
and qwale. There are faint traces of an e in darker ink over the second in
each case.

Textual notes:
[1] See note 4 on p. 59. [2] Or dare. [3] gold first written.

I & Aphoto call & Pophomps
of pro matys do Boy latinos
t for tyloth to Postupne
7 mandens byly and Bollyal Wesso
of mo nobylt slemphy songsond
the zy. Bong ang manaſſoo.
Byttes Rugs God Be troll toftyfica cow.
I may denys Hilde yal' be frice of po
andy Baynt spljoto conforme luppo theo_
love 4 pince of pos you to Be
a
Al his fomon d som hans & pyes
Byght Aspm fyr at domys day pal Go bod
Demon Bongo for & left conclufyon
All things befom ford ffor ty do teftyfie.
pange I love of ons honne vomashyon
at y seful day he no grant morgo
This to all of yr gonvalezyo.
Roppongo in on her in pro place
Boy y heyz lode han i llo pal dye
of hu gjet goodness to galbut no his grace.
Damon Box
Byhar Jeffe
Alinana
Barpanter genuit Joachim.
Cuuria fuir form ane
qhelan quond fiham
dizabeth of mupta fim
pifakar.
pamphat red sinna.
zakarie de antjole
imptan prunge do
Joachim Suauoleph falno.
Elpud. Emme filia.bs
una A mana mar imi.
Gauatius quis.
Cleophas
Spauf pheo.
sma
Salome
chma.
gomania nir Simonēzjudājacobiinnost
Smukt zebedo
Aam in vari. um johën amg #jacobũ. maiozē.
Goleph wh
BRIT. MUS. COTT. VESP. D. VIII.
Folio 37 a, printed pp. 61, 62, showing one of the marginal genealogies:
cf. Introduction, p. xxxvii.
[p. 61]
Fo. 37
With ȝow I do holde pat am prophete Aggee
Com of þe same hygh and holy stok
god of oure kynrede in dede born wyl be
From þe wulf to saue al shepe of his flok.
¶ Off jesse kyng Achas is my name
þat falsly wurchepyd ydolatrye
tyl Ysaie putt me in blame
And seyd a mayd xulde bere messye.
Off pat byrthe wyttnes bere I
A prophete Osyas men me calle
And aftyr þat tale of Isaye
þat mayd xal bere Emanuelle.
My name is knowyn kyng Ezechyas
þe xjte kyng of pis geneologye
And say ffor sothe as in pis cas
Aggeus propheta
Achas rex
Ozyas propheta
IIO
Ezechias rex
A mayde be mekenes xal brynge mercye.
Sophosas propheta
I A prophete callyd Sophonye
of þis matyr do bere wyttnes
and for trowth to sertyfie
þat maydens byrth oure welth xal dresse.
¶ Of pis nobyl and wurthy generacion
the xije kyng am I manasses
wyttnessynge here be trew testyficacion
pat maydenys childe xal be prince of pes.
And I baruk prophete conferme wurdys thes
lord and prince of pes pow pat chylde be
Al his fomen ageyn hym pat pres
Ryght a grym syre at domys day xal he be.
¶ Amon kynge ffor pe last conclusyon
Al thynge be-forn seyd ffor trowth do testyfie
Praynge pat lord of oure synne Remyssyon
At pat dredful day he us graunt mercye
Manasses rex
Baruk propheta
Amon Rex
[p. 62]
Fo. 37
Thus we all of pis genealogye
Acordynge in on here in pis place
Pray pat heyz lorde whan þat we xal dye
Of his gret goodnesse to grawnt us his grace.
The remainder of Fo. 37 is filled with the following genealogical table and
note written like those on Ff. 16, 17 and 21, 22:
Barpanter
Asmaria
genuit Joachym
Ysakar
Nasaphat
}
gen. Anna
Anna
Joachym }
sponsa Joseph fabro
gen.
Explicit Jesse.
Cleophas et
Anna
Salome et
Anna
Maria mater ihesu Christi
sponsa Alpheo
gen. ija Maria mater Symonem et Judam Jacobum minorem et
Joseph just[um
sponsa Zebedeo.
gen. iija Maria mater Johannem euangelistam et Jacobum
majorem.
Emeria fuit soror Anne que habebat quondam filiam Elizabeth que nupta
fuit Zakarie de quo peperit Johanne[m baptistem precursorem domini
Elyud. Emine filia. beatus Geruasius episcopus
¶ Cryst conserve þis congregacion
fro perellys past present and future
Contemplacio
and pe personys here pleand pat pe pronunciacion
of here sentens to be seyd mote be sad and sure
And pat non oblocucyond make pis matere obscure
but it may profite and plese eche persone present
ffrom pe gynnynge to pe endynge so to endure
pat cryst and every creature with pe conceyte be content.
¶ This matere here mad is of pe modyr of mercy
how be joachym And Anne was here concepcion
Sythe offred into be temple compiled breffly
than maryed to joseph and so folwyng pe salutacion
Metyng with Elyzabeth and per with a conclusyon
in fewe wordys talkyd þat it xulde nat be tedyous
to lernyd nyn to lewd nyn to no man of reson
pis is pe processe¹· Now preserve zow jhesus.

Textual notes:
[1] of oure first written after processe, and crossed through.

Prologue of Contemplacio

[p. 63]
Fo. 38
¶ perfore of pes I ȝow pray all pat ben here present
and tak hed to oure talkyn what we xal say
I be-teche ȝow pat lorde pat is evyr omnypotent
to governe ȝow in goodnes as he best may
In hevyn we may hym se
Now god pat is hevyn kynge
sende us all hese dere blyssynge
and to his towre he mote vs brynge
Amen ffor Charyte.
The bottom of Fo. 37 is filled with the following two genealogical notes :
Vxor Rague
mater Samue
}
lis
}
ie
Quinque sunt Anne Vxor Tob
Mater beate Mar
Anna¹ prophetissa
Est Ysakar Anne pater: Melophat sic quoque mater vel Nasaphat 2
He prestys of god offre sote Ensens
TH
Vn-to here god and þer fore they be holy
we þat mynistere here in goddys presens
in vs xuld be fownd no maner of foly
Ysakar prynce of prestys am I
pat pis holyest day here haue mynystracion
Certyfyenge all tribus in my cure specyaly
pat pis is pe hyest fest of oure solemnyzacion.
¶ This we clepe festum Encenniorum
þe newe ffest of which iij · in þe zere we exercyse
now att pe kynredys to jerusalem must cum
In to be temple of god here to do sacryfyse
Tho pat be cursyd my dygnyte is to dysspyse
and po pat be blyssyd here holy sacrefyse to take.
¶ Ysakar 3
We be regal sacerdocium it perteyneth vs to be wysse
be fastyng be prayng be almes and at du tyme to wake.
¶ Now att pis countre of Galyle
Joachym
It is not in more ornate book-hand like the others.
the letters of the words vel Nasaphat has been cut away with the margin.
right of this name.

Textual notes:
[1] This name appears to have been added, though possibly by the MS. scribe. [2] This note is in red ink and in large liturgical script. The bottom half of [3] A small reference sign in ink of the same colour as the text stands to the

The Conception of Mary

[p. 64]
with pis cetye of Nazareth specyal
Fo. 38Y
pis ffest to jerusalem must go we
to make sacrefyce to god eternal
My name is joachym a man in godys substancyalt
Joachym is to say he pat to god is redy
so haue I be and evyr more xal
Ffor pe dredful domys of god sore dred I.
I am clepyd Ryghtful why wole ze se
Ffor my godys in to thre partys I devyde
On to be temple and to hem pat per servyng be
A nodyr to pe pylgrimys and pore men pe iijde¹ ffor hem with
me abyde
So xulde euery curat in þis werde wyde
zeve a part to his chauncel i-wys
A part to his parochonerys pat to povert slyde
the thryd part to kepe for hym and his.
¶ But blyssyd wyff anne sore I drede
In þe temple pis tyme to make sacryfice
be-cawse pat no frute of vs doth procede
I fere me grettly þe prest wole me dysspice
Than grett slawndyr in pe tribus of vs xulde aryse
but pis I Avow to god with all pe mekenes I can
ȝyff of his mercy he wole a childe us devyse
we xal offre it up in to þe temple to be goddys man.
zour swemful wurdys make terys trekyl down be my face
i-wys swete husbond pe fawte is in me
my name is Anne pat is to sey grace
we wete not how gracyous god wyl to us be
A woman xulde bere cryst þese profecyes haue we
if² god send frute and it be a mayd childe .
with all reuerens I vow to his mageste
sche xal be here foot mayd to mynyster here most mylde.
¶ Now lete be it as god wole per is no more
tweyn turtelys ffor my sacryfice with me I take
Anna
Joachym
beginning of the line.

Textual notes:
[1] This de is written in red ink. [2] This is written in the margin, some miswritten letters standing at the

[p. 65]
and I be-seche wyff and evyr we mete more
þat hese grett mercy vs meryer mut make.
Anna
For dred and ffor swem of zour wourdys I qwake
thryes I kysse ȝow with syghys ful sad
and to pe mercy of god · mekely¹I
ȝow be-take
Fo. 39
and po pat departe in sorwe god make per metyng glad.
¶ Worchepful sere joachym be ze redy now
all your kynrede is come ȝow to exorte
þat þei may 2 do sacrifice at þe temple with ȝow
Ffor ȝow be of grett wurchep as men ȝow report.
All synfull seke and sory god mote comforte
I wolde I were as men me name
Senior tribus
Thedyr in goddys name now late us all resorte
A Anne Anne Anne god scheeld us fro shame.
¶ Now am I left alone sore may I wepe
A husbond a-geyn god wel mote ȝow brynge
And fro shame and sorwe he mote ȝow kepe
tyl I se ȝow a-geyn. I kan not sees of wepynge.
Prynce of oure prestys if it be our plesynge
we be com mekely to make our sacrefice.
God do ȝow mede bothe elde and ȝynge.
than dewowtly we wyl begynne servyse.
Joachym
бо
Anne
Senior
Ysakar
There they xal synge pis sequens Benedicta sit beata trinitas
And in pat tyme Ysakar with his ministerys ensensyth pe Autere
and ban bei make her offryng and Isaker seyth
¶ Comyth up serys and offeryth all now
ze pat to do sacryfice worthy are
A-byde a qwyle sere Whedyr wytte³ pou
pou and pi Wyff arn barrany and bare
neyther of ȝow ffruteful nevyr zett ware
Whow durste pou a-monge fruteful presume and Abuse
may omitted and written above the line.
F
So in MS.

Textual notes:
[1] Some letter (? I) erased before mekely.

[p. 66]
Fo. 39v
(marked
T
It is a tokyn pou art cursyd pare
Whereffore with grett indygnacion pin offeryng I refuse.
et refudit sacrificium Joachim.
¶ amonge all pis pepyl barreyn be no mo
therefore comyth up and offeryth here alle
pou joachym I charge pe fast out pe temple pou go
et redit flendo.
than with goddys holy' wourde blysse ȝow I shalle
Adiutorium nostrum in nomine domini
40)
Sit nomen domini benedictum
Qui fecit celum et terram
Ex hoc nunc et usque in seculum
ministro 2 cantando
Chorus
minister
Benedicat vos diuina maiestas et vna deitas
Pater et filius et spiritus sanctus.
chorus
Episcopus
chorus Amen. go
Signando manu cum cruce solenniter et recedant tribus extra
templum.
Now of god and man blyssyd be зе alle
homward a-zen now returne ze
And in pis temple A-byde we xalle
to servyn god in trinyte.
¶ A mercyfful lord what is this lyff
What haue I do lorde to haue pis blame
Ffor hevynes I dare not go hom to my wyff
Joachym
And amonge my neyborys I dare not abyde ffor shame
A Anne Anne Anne Al our joye is turnyd to grame
Ffrom ȝour blyssyd ffelacheppe I am now exilyd
and зе here onys of pis ffowle fame
sorwe wyl sle ȝow to se me thus revylyd.
¶ but son god soferyth thys vs must sofron nede
now wyl I go to my sherherdys and with hem abyde
7 Ther in sofron seems to be the correction of some other letter.
8 So in MS.

Textual notes:
[1] holy omitted and written above the line. [2] This word is rubbed-the end letters barely visible. [3] Some word or words (? et vna) after diuina obliterated. [5] dare written before hevynes and crossed through. [6] So in MS. for Sen? [4] So in MS.

[p. 67]
Fo. 40
and per evyr more levyn in sorwe and in drede
shame makyth many man his hed for to hyde
ha how do ze felas in ȝow is lytel pryde¹
how fare ȝe and my bestys pis wete wolde I veryly.
Primus pastor (a) ²
A welcom hedyr blyssyd mayster we pasture hem ful wyde
they be lusty and fayr and grettly multyply
how de ze mayster ze loke al hevyly
how doth oure dame at hom sytt she and sowyht.
Joachym (b)
to here pe speke of here it sleyth myn hert veryly
how I and sche doth god hym self knowyth *
The meke god lyftyth up pe proude over throwyht
Go do what ze lyst se 5 ȝour bestys not stray.
•us
(b)
iius pastor (a)
Aftere grett sorwe mayster evyr gret grace growyht
Sympyl as we kan we xal for ȝow pray.
pray
ག
за to
we all wul
ffor careful it is grett nede
ffor
prey
ȝow
knelende
god of his goodnes send ȝow good spede
and of your sorwe ȝow sone amende.
¶ I am nott wurthy lord to loke up to hefne
my synful steppys Anvemynyd be grounde
iiis pastor (d)
Joachym
I loth-folest pat levyth pou lord hyest in pi setys sefne
What art pou lord. What am I wrecche werse pan an hownde
pou hast sent me shame
I thank pe more here fore
pis is a tokyn pou lovyst
which myn hert doth wounde
me
pan for all my prosperite
now to the I am bounde
pou seyst þou art with hem · þat in tribulacion be.
extending into the margin is drawn under this line on the other side.
shepherds' parts to two.
speaker; Joachym carelessly written, but probably by scribe of MS.
6. Some indistinct marginal sign opposite Joachym's speech (? nota).
7 MS. fo lest; cf. hy est in same line.
F 2

Textual notes:
[1] Pastores is scribbled underneath the words for to hyde and a rough line [2] These letters seem to indicate some rearrangement, possibly to reduce the [3] iius pastor first written and crossed through by the red loop of name of [4] The y seems to be written over an h. [5] Or so.

[p. 68]
Fo. 40v
¶ And ho so haue þe he nedyth not care thanne
my sorwe is feryng¹ I haue do sum offens
punchyth me lorde and spare my blyssyd wyff anne
pat syttyth and sorwyth ful sore of myn Absens
Ther is not may profyte but prayour to zour presens
With prayorys prostrat by-fore pi person I wepe
haue mende on oure a-vow • for ȝour mech magnyficens
and my lovyngest wyff Anne lord for pi mercy kepe.
A mercy lord mercy mercy mercy
Anna
we are synfolest it shewyth þat ze send us aft þis sorwe
Why do ze thus to myn husbond lord why why why ·
for my barynes he may amend pis pi self and pou lyst to
morwe
And it plese so pi mercy pe my lord
I take to borwe
I xal kepe myn a-vow⚫ qwhyl I leve and leste
I fere me. I haue offendyd pe myn hert is ful of sorwe
most mekely I pray pi pety pat pis bale pou wyl breste.
Joachym
145.
here be Aungel descendith · be hefne syngyng Exultet celum laudi-
bus
resultet terra gaudijs Archangelorum gloria sacra canunt
solemnia.
Qwhat art pou in goddys name pat makyst me a-drad
It is as lyth a-bowt me as al þe werd were fere.
I am an Aungel of god · com to make þe glad
Angelus
God is plesyd with pin helmes and hath herd þi prayere
He seyth pi shame pi repreff and pi terys cler
God is a vengere of synne
and not nature doth lothe
Whos wombe pat he sparyth and maketh barreyn her
he doth to shewe his myth and his mercy bothe.
¶ Thu seest pat Sara was nynty zere bareyn
sche had a son Ysaac to whom god ȝaff his blyssynge
Rachel also had þe same peyn
She had a son joseph pat of Egypt was kynge
A strongere pan sampson · nevyr was be wrytynge
nor an holyere pan samuel it is seyd thus
zett here moderys were bareyn bothe in pe gynnynge
pe concepcion of all swych it is ful mervelyous.

Textual notes:
[1] The r seems to have been inserted-perhaps over another letter.

[p. 69]
Fo. 41
(C quire)
And in pe lyke wyse
sche xal bere a childe
which xal be blyssyd
Anne pi blyssyd wyff
xal hygth mary
in here body and haue joys ffyff
and ful of pe holy goost inspyred syngulyrly
Sche xal be offryd in to pe temple · solemply
pat of here¹ non evyl ffame xuld sprynge thus
And as sche xal be bore of a barrany body
So of here xal be bore with-out nature Jhesus.
That xal be savyour· vnto al man-kende
þat xal be savyour ²
In tokyn whan pou come to jherusalem to pe gyldyn gate
pou xalt mete anne þi wyff haue pis in þi mende
I xal sey here þe same here sorwys to rebate.
Joachym
Of pis imcomparabyl comfort. I xal nevyr for-gete pe date 175
my sorwe was nevyr so grett
but now my joy is more
Į xal hom in hast be it nevyr so late
A Anne blyssyd be pat body of þe xal be bore.
¶ Now fare wel myn shepherdys
governe ȝow now wysly.
ԱՏ
Joachym
Haue ze good tydyngys mayster pan be we glad.
Prayse god for me for I am not wourthy.
In feyth sere so we xal with all oure sowlys sad.
ijus pastor
iijus pastor
I holde it helpfful pat on of vs
with ȝow be had.
Joachym
1us pastor
Anne
Nay abyde with your bestys sone in goddys blyssynge.
we xal make us so mery now 3 pis is be-stad
þat a myle on your wey ȝe xal here us synge.¹
Alas ffor myn husbond me is ful wo
I xal go seke hym· what so evyr be falle
trace of other rubbed words-which may, however, be scribblings.
8 is written before pis and crossed through.
• A rough line is drawn from synge to the edge of the page-? marking off the
shepherds' part.

Textual notes:
[1] pastor [1] of here omitted and written above the line. [2] This is given as the catchword at the bottom of the folio. There is some

The Conception of Mary
Fo. 41
I wote not in erth which wey is he go
ffadyr of hefne ffor mercy to ȝour ffete I falle.
Anne pin husbond ryght now I was withall
þe aungel of god pat bar hym good tydynge
and as I seyd to hym so to pe sey I xal
god hath herd pi preyour · and pi wepynge
At þe goldyn gate pou xalte mete hym ful mylde
and in grett gladnes returne to ȝour hous
So be proces pou xalt conseyve and bere A childe
Whiche xal hyght mary and mary xal bere jhesus
Which xal be savyour of all þe werd and us
Aftere grett sorwe
evyr grett gladnes is had
now myn inbassett I haue seyd to ȝow thus
gooth in oure lordys name and in god beth glad.
Now blyssyd be oure lorde and all his werkys ay
All heffne and erthe mut blysse ȝow for this
I am so joyful I not what I may say
per can no tounge telle what joye in me is
I to bere a childe · þat xal bere alt mannys blys
Angelus
and haue myn hosbonde a-geyn · ho myth haue joys more
no creature in erth is grauntyd more mercy i-wys
I xal hyze me to pe zate to be fer before.
here goth be Aungel A-zen to hefne..
A blyssyd be our lord · myn husbond I se
I xalle on myn knes and to hym-ward crepe.
зе
Anne
Joachym
be
A gracyous wyff Anne now fruteful xal
Ffor joy of pis metyng¹. in my sowle I wepe
Haue pis kusse of clennesse· and with ȝow
in goddys name now go we wyff. hom to our hous.
þer was nevyr² joy sank in me so depe
it kepe
Anne
now may we sey husbond god is to us gracyous ¶ veryly.
nevyr omitted and written above the line in slightly darker ink, but
probably by scribe of MS.

Textual notes:
[1] wepy first written and crossed through. [3] The paragraph mark before veryly has been made over some black sign.

Fo. 42
ȝa
and if we haue levyd wel here be-fore
I
pray þe lord pin ore.
so mote we levyn evyr more
And be pi grace more holyly.
Now hom-Ward husbond I rede we gon
Ryth hom al to our place
to thank god pat sytt in tron
Fat pus hath sent us his grace.
Joachym
Anne
¶ Sovereynes ze han sen shewyd ȝow be-fore
Contemplacio
Of Joachym and Anne here botherys holy metynge
How our lady was conseyvid and how she was bore
We passe ovyr þat breffnes of tyme consyderynge
And how our lady in here tendyr age and zyng
In to be temple was offryd and so forth proced
pis sentens sayd xal be hire be-gynnyng
now be modyr of mercy in pis be our sped.
¶ And as a childe of iij zere age here she xal appere
here 1
to alle pepyl pat ben here present
and of here grett grace now xal зе
how she levyd evyr to goddys entent
with grace
That holy matere we wole declare
tyl ffortene zere how sche dyd fare
Now of zour speche I pray ȝow spare
all pat ben in pis place.
ΤΟ
here joachym and Anne with oure lady betwen hem beyng al in
whyte as a childe of iij zere age presente here in to be temple thus
seying joachym *.
through.
*here jo hym and Anne with-scribbled underneath this.

Textual notes:
[1] here she xal first written instead of now xal ze here and crossed

Mary in the Temple

[p. 72]
Fo. 42v
Fo. 43
B
Lyssyd be oure lord ffayr ffrute haue we now
Anne wyff remembyr wole ze
Pat we made to god an holy a-vow
Pat oure fyrst childe pe servaunt of god xulde be
The Age of mary oure dowtere is zerys thre
¶ Joachim
per fore to thre personys and on god lete us here present
pe zonger she be drawyn þe bettyr semyth me
and for teryeng of our a-vow • of god we myth be shent.
¶ it is as ze sey husbond in dede
late us take mary our dowtere us be-twen
and to be temple with here procede
Dowtere pe Aungel tolde us ze xulde be a qwen
Wole ze go se pat lord zour husbond xal ben
and lerne for to love hym
and lede with hym zour lyff
ffadyr and me her zour answere let sen
telle
ȝour
Wole ze be pure maydyn and also goddys wyff.
Ffadyr and modyr if it plesyng to ȝow be
ze han mad zour a-vow so sothly wole I
to be goddys chast seruaunt whil lyff is in me
but to be goddys wyff. I was nevyr wurthy
I am pe sympelest þat evyr was born of body
Anne
Maria
I haue herd ȝow seyd· God xulde haue a modyr swete
pat I may leve to se hire god graunt me for his¹ mercy
and Abyl me to ley my handys · vndyr hire fayr fete.
Et genuflectet Ad deum.
TI-Wys dowtere it is wel seyd
ze answere and ze were twenty zere olde.
whith your speche mary I am wel payd
can ze gon a-lone lett se beth bolde.
To go to goddys hous wole ze now be-holde
I am joyful thedyrward as I may be.
Joachym
Anne
Maria
and possibly by a later corrector. The crossing out by two crossed strokes is
not the manner of the MS. scribe, and the s of his is slightly different.

Textual notes:
[1] ȝour first written, crossed out, and his written above the line in fainter ink

[p. 73]
Wyff I ryght joyful oure dowtere to be-holde.
Joachym
Anne
So am I
husbond
wys
now in goddys name go we.
Joachym
¶ Sere prince of prestes and it plese ȝow
we þat were barreyn · god hath sent a childe
to offre here to goddys service we mad oure avow
here is þe same mayde · mary most mylde.
Joachym I haue good mende how I ȝow revyled
I am ryght joyful þat god hath ȝove ȝow pis grace
to be amonge fruteful now be ze reconsylid
Com swete mary com
ȝe haue a gracyous face.
"
Joachym flectendo Ad deum sic dicens
¶ Now Ffadyr and sone and holy gost
on god and personys thre
we offre to pe lorde of myghtys most
Oure dowtere pi servaunt evyr more to be.
Ther to most bounde evyr more be we
Mary in pis holy place leve ȝow we xall
In goddys name now up go ze
oure fadyr oure prest lo doth call.
ȝow
Modyr and it plese ȝow fyrst wole I take my leve
of my fadyr and ȝow my modyr i-wys
I haue a fadyr in hefne · pis I be-leve
now good ffadyr · with þat fadyr ze me blysse.
Fo. 43v1 In nomine patris et filii et spiritus sancti.
Isakar
Joachym
Anna
Maria
Joachym
Maria
Amen Now ȝe good modyr.
Anne
In nomine patris et filij et spiritus sancti || Maria · Amen.
Maria
Now oure lord thank ȝow for this
here is my fadyr and my modyr bothe
most mekely I beseche I may ȝow kys
¹ The writing on this folio is rather careless.
[p. 74]
now for-zeve me yf evyr I made ȝow
Et explexendo osculabit patrem et matrem.
wrothe.
Joachym
бо
Anne
¶ Nay dowtere ȝe offendyd nevyr god nor man
lovyd be pat lord ȝow so doth kepe,
Swete dowtyr thynk on your modyr An
ȝour swemynge smytyht to myn hert depe.
Ffadyr and modyr I xal pray for ȝow and wepe
To god with al myn hert specyaly
blysse me day and nyght evyr her ze slepe
good ffadyr and modyr and beth? mery.
A ho had evyr suche a chylde
nevyr creature zit þat evyr was bore
Sche is so gracyous she is so mylde
so xulde childyr to fadyr and modyr evyr more.
Than xulde thei be blyssyd and plese god sore ³
husbond and it plese ȝow not hens go we xal
tyl mary be in þe temple above thore
I wold not for al erthe se here fal.
[Maria]¹
Joachym
Anne
Episcopus
Come gode mary
come babe I pe caft¹
Fo. 44
pi pas pratyly to pis plas pretende
pou xalt be pe dowtere of god Eternal
If þe fyftene grees pou may Ascende
It is meracle if pou do now god pe dyffende
Ffrom babylony to hevynly jherusalem þis is þe way
Every man þat thynk his lyff to Amende
pe fiftene psalmys in memorye of pis mayde say.
Maria et sic deinceps usque ad fine xvcim psalmorum.
The fyrst degre gostly applyed
Maria
dicular strokes, not in the manner of the scribe.

Textual notes:
[1] This name was omitted and is written in different ink and in another hand. [2] The th of beth has been crossed through in different ink and with perpen- [3] Or sere, there; the vowels are not clear. [4] The writing of the first three lines of this stanza (bottom of folio) is smaller. [5] Some other word has been altered to thynk. 6 So in MS.

[p. 75]
It is holy desyre with god to be
In trobyl to god I haue cryed
And in sped pat lord hath herde me.
Ad dominum cum tribularer clamaui? et exaudiuit me.
The secunde is stody with meke inquysissyon veryly
How I xal haue knowynge of godys wylle
To pe mownteynes of hefne I haue lyfte myn ey
Ffrom qwens xal comyn helpe me tylle.
Leuaui oculos meos in montes? vnde ueniat auxilium mihi.
The thrydde is gladnes in mende in hope to be
that we xall be savyd all thus
I am glad of these tydyngys ben seyd to me
now xal we go in to goddys hous.
Letatus sum in hijs que dicta sunt mihi: in domum
domini ibimus.
The fourte is meke obedyence as is dette
to hym pat is a-bove pe planetys sefne
to pe I haue myn eyn sette
pat dwellys above pe skyes in hefne.
Ad te leuaui oculos meos qui habitas in celis.
The ffyfte is propyr confessyon
pat we be nought with-owth god thus
but god in vs haue habytacion
Per aventure oure enemyes shulde swelle vs.
Fo. 44 Nisi quia dominus erat in nobis dicat nunc israel? nisi
quia dominus erat in nobis.
The sexte is confidens in goddys strenght A-lon
Ffor of all grace from hym comyth þe strem
they pat trust in god as pe mownt syon
he xal not be steryd endles fat dwellyth in jherusalem.
Qui confidunt in domino sicut mons Syon: non commoue-
bitur in eternum qui habitat in hierusalem.
The sefte is vndowteful hope of immortalyte
In oure lorde is as gracy
and mercy
Whan oure lord conuertyth oure captiuite
Than Are we mad as joyful' mery.
ΠΙΟ
In conuertendo dominus captiuitatem syon facti sumus
sicut consolati.

Textual notes:
[1] A letter has been erased between joyful and mery.

[p. 76]
The eyted is contempt of veynglory in vs
Ffor hym pat Al mankende hath multyplyed
But yf oure lord make here oure hous
they An laboryd in veyn þat it han Edyfied.
Nisi dominus edificauerit domum? in uanum laborauerunt
qui edificant eam.
The nynte is a childely fer in dede
With A longyng love in oure lord þat ay is
blyssyd Arn Aft they pat god drede
Whiche pat gon in his holy weys.
Beati omnes qui timent dominum: qui ambulant in vijs
eius.
The tende is myghty soferauns of carnal temptacion
ffor pe fleschly syghtys ben fers and fel
ofte ȝough is ffowth with with suech vexacion
pou¹ seynge god say so clepyd israel.
Sepe expugnauerunt me a iuuentute mea dicat nunc
israel.
The Elefute is accusatyff confessyon of iniquite
Of which ful noyous is pe noyis
Fro depnes lord I haue cryed to the
Lord here in sped my sympyl voys.
Fo. 452 De profundis clamaui ad te domine: domine exaudi uocem
meam.
The twelfte is mekenes pat is fayre and softe
In mannys sowle with-inne and with-owte
Lord myn herte is not heyued on lofte
nyn myn eyn be not lokynge a-bowte.
Domine non est exaltatum cor meum neque elati sunt
oculi mei.
The Threttene is ffeyth per with
with holy dedys don expresse
Bou, the contraction for pan, when it occurs, being pan. The letter u(n) is
ambiguous, and a difficulty on Fo. 97 would be lessened by expanding " as
pan.
V

Textual notes:
[1] Halliwell reads pan, but the MS. contraction p" is that always used for [2] The writing on this folio is noticeably small.

[p. 77]
haue mende lorde of davyth
And of Att his swettnes.
Memento domine dauid? et omnis mansuetudinis eius.
The ffourtene is brothyrly concorde i-wys
þat norchyth love of creaturys echon
Se how good and how glad it is
bretheryn ffor to dwelle in on.
Ecce quam bonum et quam jocundum? habitare fratres
in vnum.
The ffyftene is gracyous with on Acorde
whiche is syne of godly love semyth me
se now blysse oure lord
All pat oure lordys servauntys be.
Ecce nunc benedicite dominum omnes serui dominj.
A gracyous lord þis is A mervelyous thynge
þat we se here all in syght
A babe of thre zer age so zynge
to come vp þese grecys
so vp-ryght
It is An hey meracle and by goddys myght
no dowth of she xal be gracyous.
Holy ffadyr I be-seche ȝow forth ryght
Sey how I xal be rewlyd in goddys hous.
Fo. 45 Dowtere god hath ȝovyn vs comaundementys ten
Which shortely to say be comprehendyd in tweyn
and po must be kept of all crysten men
or ellys here jugement is perpetual peyn
2.
Episcopus
Maria
Episcopus
ze muste love god severeynly 2 and your evyn crystyn pleyn
god fyrst ffor his hyz and sovereyn dygnyte
he lovyd ȝow fyrst love hym a-geyn
ffor of love to his owyn lyknes · he made the.
¶ Love ffadyr sone and holy gost
Love god pe fadyr. ffor he gevyth myght
Love god pe sone ffor he gevyth wyɛdam pou wost
Love god pe holy gost ffor he gevyth love and lyght

Textual notes:
[1] So in MS. Halliwell gives greeys, [2] So in MS.

[p. 78]
thre
personys
and
on god pus love of ryght
with all pin hert with all pi sowle · with all pi mende¹
and with all pe strenghthis in þe be-dyght
pan love pin evyn crystyn as pi self with-owtyn ende.
¶ Thu xalt hate no thynge but pe devyl and synne
god byddyth the lovyn pi bodyly enmy
And as for ȝour self here pus xal зе be-gynne
ȝe must serve and wurchep god here dayly
Ffor with
prayzer with grace
and
mercy
Se the haue A resonable tyme to fede
thanne to haue a labour bodyly
pat per in be gostly and bodely mede.
།
ȝour A-bydynge xal be with your maydenys ffyve
Swyche tyme as ze wole haue consolacion.
Maria
This lyff me lyketh as my lyve
of here namys I be-seche ȝow to haue informacion.
Fo. 46
There is pe fyrst meditacion
Episcopus
Contryssyon compassyon. And clennes
And pat holy mayde fruyssyon
With these blyssyd maydenes xal be ȝour besynes.
Maria
Here is an holy ffelacheppe I fele
I am not wurthy Amonge hem to be
Swete systerys to ȝow At I knele
To receyve me I be-seche³ ȝour charyte.
Episcopus
They xal dowtere. And on pe tothere syde se
ther ben sefne prestys in dede
to schryve to teche and to mynystryn to the
to lerne pe goddys lawys and scrypture to rede.
¶ Ffadyr knew I here namys wele were I.
Maria
Episcopus
Ther is dyscressyon devocion dylexcion · and deliberacion
written and corrected by erasure to seche. A red dot stands under the h.

Textual notes:
[1] myght first written and crossed through; mende written above the line. [2] Sethe (in one word) in MS. [3] seke first written and crossed through in red ink; sethe then apparently

[p. 79]
they xal tende upon ȝow besyly
With declaracion determynacion dyvynacion
Now go ze maydenys to your occupacion¹
Fo. 46
And loke ze tende pis childe tendyrly
and ze serys knelyth and I xal gyve ȝow goddys benyson
in nomine patris et filij et spiritus sancti.
Et recedent cum ministris suis omnes virgines dicent· Amen.
To ȝow ffadyr and modyr I me comende
blyssyd be pe tyme ze me hedyr brought.
Dówtere pe ffadere of oure feyth pe mot defende
as he of his myght made all thynge of nowth.
Mary to pi sowle solas he sende
In whos wysdam all pis werd was wrought.
go we now hens husbonde so hende
for owth of care now are we brought.
[Maria] 2 200
Joachym
Anne
Hic joachim et anna recedent
domum.
Be pe holy gost at hom be ze brought
Systerys ze may go do what зе xall.
to serve god fyrst here is al my thought
Be-forn pis holy awtere on my knes I fatt.
¶ Lord sefne petycions I be-seche ȝow of here
Ffyrst þat I may kepe pi love and pi lawe
Maria
Ad virgines
Pe secunde to lovyn myn evyn crystyn as my self dere
pe thrydde from all pat pou hatyst me to with-drawe
The fourte Al vertuys to pi plesauns knawe
pe fyfte to obey pe ordenaryes of pe temple echon
pe sexte and pat all pepyl may serve pe with Awe
pat in pis holy temple fawte be non.
¶ The sefnte lord I haske with grett ffere
þat I may se onys in my lyve
pat lady pat xal goddys sone bere
þat I
may serve here with my wyttys fyve
If it plese ȝow and ellys it is not per with to stryve
with prayers prostrat ffor þese gracys I wepe
O my god devocion depe in me dryve

Textual notes:
[1] The writing from this line to the bottom of the folio is smaller. [2] No name of speaker given in MS.

[p. 80]
Fo. 47
þat myn hert may wake in þe thow my body slepe.
here be Aungel bryngyth manna in A cowpe of gold lyke to con-
feccions be hefne syngynge pe Aungel seyth
¶ Merveyle not mekest maydon of my mynystracion
I am a good Aungel sent of god Aft myght
With Aungelys mete Ffor your Sustentacion
ze to receyve it· Ffor Natural myght
We Aungellys xul serve ȝow day and nyght
now fede ȝow per-with in goddys name
we xal lerne ȝow pe lyberary¹ of oure lordys lawe lyght
ffor my sawys in ȝow shewyth sygnes of shame.
To thank oure soveryen lord not sufficyth my mende
I xal fede me of pis fode my lord hath me sent
All maner of savowrys in pis mete I fynde
I felt nevyr non so swete ner so redolent.
Eche day per with ze xal be content
Aunge alle howrys xal to ȝow apere.
Mercy my makere how may pis be ment
I am pe sympelest creature pat is levynge here.
¶ In ȝour name Maria · ffyve letterys we han
M. Mayde most mercyfull and mekest in mende
A. Auerte of pe Anguysch pat Adam began
R. Regina of regyon Reyneng with-owtyn ende
I. Innocent be Influens of Jesses kende
A. Aduocat most Autentyk zour Antecer³ Anna
hefne and helle here kneys down bende
Whan þis holy name of ȝow is seyd Maria.
¶ I qwake grettly for dred to here pis comendacion
Good swete Aungel why wole ze sey thus.
Ffor зе xal here aftere haue A salutacion
pat xal pis excede it is seyd Amonge vs
Maria
Angelus
Maria
Angelus
Maria
Aungelt
margin, probably by some modern reader.
S Halliwell reads autecer.

Textual notes:
[1] This word is underlined in pencil and a pencil cross has been made in the [2] So in MS.; cf. Fo. 70. [4] Some erasure after aftere.

[p. 81]
Fo. 47v
The deyte pat dede xal determyn and dyscus
зе xal nevyr lady be lefte here A-lone.
I Crye pe mercy lorde and pin erthe Cus
recomendynge me to pat godhyd pat is tryne in trone.
Maria
hic osculet terram here xal comyn Allwey An Aungel with dyvers
presentys goynge and comyng and in be tyme þei xal synge in
hefne bis hympne Jhesu corona virginum And After per comyth
A minister fro be busschop with A present and seyth
¶ Prynce of oure prestes Ysakare be name
he hath sent ȝow hym self his servyce in dede
And bad зе xulde ffede ȝow spare for no shame
In pis tyme of mete ne lenger ze rede.
Recomende me to my fadyr sere
Minister
Maria
and god do hym mede
These vesselys A-zen sone I xal hym sende
I xal bere it my systerys I trowe þei haue more nede
goddys foyson is evyr to his servauntys hendyr pan we wende.
Systerys oure holy ffadyr isakare
Hath sent us hese servyce here ryght now
Ffede ȝow per of hertyly. I pray ȝow nat spare
and if owght be leve specyaly I pray ȝow
That pe pore men þe relevys þer of haue now
Ffayn and I myth I wolde do pe dedys of mercy
Pore ffolk ffaryn god knowyth how
On hem evyr I haue grett pety.
་
[
Contemplacio
Fo. 48
lo sofreynes here ȝe haue seyn
зе
in þe temple of oure ladyes presentacion
she was nevyr occapyed in thyngys veyn
but Evyr besy in holy ocupacyon
And we be-seche ȝow of zoure pacyens
pat we pace pese materys so lythly Away
If þei xulde be do with good prevydens
Eche on wolde suffyce ffor An hool day
Now xal we procede to here dissponsacion
which Aftere pis was xiiij zere
tyme sufficyth not to make pawsacion
G
IO

Textual notes:
[1] The usual red loop round the name of speaker has been omitted here.

Prologue of Contemplacio

[p. 82]
hath pacyens with vs we be-sech
ȝow
her
And in short spas
The parlement of hefne sone xal ze se
and how goddys sone com man xal he
And how pe salutacion Aftere xal be
be goddys holy gras.
Remainder of Fo. 48-44 inches-left blank. Fo. 48' has been used for speeches
to be inserted between the speeches on Fo. 50 and Fo. 50 in the next play.
Their place is made clear by red reference marks and also by rough capitals
in black ink of a different shade from that of the MS.
Passage to be inserted between Fo. 50 and Fo. 50.
Fo. 48
This Ansuere grettly trobelyth me
*
to mak a vow to creaturys it is lefful
Vovete et reddite in scripture haue we
and to observe oure lawe also it is nedful
In pis to dyscerne to me it is dredful
perfore to cowcell¹ me in þis cas I calle
pe holde and pe wyse and swiche as ben spedful
In pis sey ȝour a-vyse · I be-sech zow Alle.
To breke our lawe and custom. it wore hard in dede
And on pat other syde to do a-zen scrypture
to zeve sentens in pis degre ȝe must take goo³ hede
ffor dowteles pis matere is dyffuse and obscure
Myn avyse here in pis I ȝow ensure
þat we prey all god to haue relacion
ffor be prayour grett knowlech men recure
and to pis I counselt ȝow to zeve assygnacion.
[E] Trewly ȝour counself is ryght good and eylsum
And as ȝe han seyd so xal it be
I charge ȝow bretheryn and systerys hedyr ȝe com
and to-gedyr to god now pray we
That it may plese his fynyte deyte
knowleche in pis to sendyn vs
Mekely eche man ffalle down on kne
Minister
Episcopus
Et hic cantent veni creator
And we xal be-gynne Veni creator Spiritus
and whan Veni creator is don be buschop xal seyng
Now lord god of lordys whysest of alle et cetera.
So in MS.

Textual notes:
[1] So in MS. [2] The a omitted and written above the line. [4] So in MS.

The Betrothal of Mary

[p. 83]
Fo. 49 ¶ Tunc venit Abysakar¹ episcopus
(D quire)
[A]
Istenyth lordyngys bothe hye and lowe
And tendyrly takyth heyd on to my sawe
beth buxom and benyngne zour busshopp to knowe
Ffor I am pat lord þat made pis lawe
With hertys so hende herkyn nowe
ȝoure damyselys to weddyng za loke pat ze drawe
þat passyn xiiij zere for what þat ze owe
pe lawe of god byddyth þis sawe
þat at xiiij zere of age
Euery damesel what so sche be
to pe Encrese of more plente
xulde be browght in good degre
On to here spowsage.
¶ Herke now Anne my jentyl spowse
how pat pe buschop his lawe hath tolde
þat what man hath a dowtyr in his house
pat passyth xiiij zerys olde
He muste here brynge I herde hym Rowse
In to be tempyl a spowse to wedde
wher for oure dowtyr ryth good and dowse
In to be tempyl sche must be ledde
nd þat anoon ryght sone.
Sere I grawnt pat it be so
Joachym
Anne
IO
A-ȝen þe lawe may we not do
with here to-gedyr lete us now go
I hold it ryght weyl done.
¶ Sere busshopp here aftyr pin owyn hest
we haue here brought oure dowtyr dere
mary my swete childe she is ful prest
of Age she is ful xiiij zere.
Joachym
the MS. has no capital Y and the initial A is of the form used indifferently for
small or capital. The syllable ab is not joined to the y, but the v of the
preceding venit is similarly detached.
G 2

Textual notes:
[1] Halliwell reads ab Ysakar with the note 'Sic in MS pro Abysakar'; but

[p. 84]
Fo. 49v
(marked
50)
[B]
Welcome joachym on to myn A-reste
bothe anne pi wyff and mary clere
now mary chylde to pe lawe pou leste
and chese pe a spowse to be pi ffere
pat lawe pou must fful-ffylle.
A-ȝens pe lawe wyl I nevyr be
but mannys ffelachep xal nevyr folwe me
I wyl levyn evyr in chastyte
be pe grace of goddys wylle.
[C]¶ A Ffayre mayde why seyst þou so
what menyth the for to levyn chast
Fo. 50
why wylt pou not to weddyng go
pe cawse pou telle me and pat in hast.
My ffadyr and my modyr sertys also
Er I was born ȝe may me trast
thei were bothe bareyn here frute was do
they come to be tempyl at pe last
to do here sacryfice
By-cause they hadde nothyr frute nere chylde
reprevyd þei wore of wykkyd and wyllde
with grett shame pei were revylyd
Al men dede them dyspyce.
¶ My Ffadyr and my modyr thei wepte full sore
fful hevy here hertys wern of pis dede
with wepynge eyn þei preyd perfore
pat god wolde socowre hem and sende hem sede
Iff god wold graunt hem a childe be bore
They be-hest pe chylde here lyff xulde lede
In goddys temple to serve evyr-more
and wurchep god in loue and drede
Than god fful of grace
he herd here longe prayour
and pan sent hem both seed and flowre¹
whan I was born in here bowre
to be temple offryd I was.
Episcopus
Maria
Episcopus
Maria
40,

Textual notes:
[1] The w has been adapted from some other letter.

[p. 685]
¶ Whan þat I was to be temple brought
and offerde up to god Above
ther hestyd I as myn hert thought
to serve my god with hertyly love
Clennesse and chastyte myn hert owth
Erthely creature nevyr may shoue
Such clene lyff xuld ze nouht.
In no maner wyse reprove
to pis clennesse I me take
this is pe cawse as I
ȝow tell
Pat I with man wyll nevyr mett
in pe servyse of god wyl I evyr dwett
I wyl nevyr haue other make.
[D]¶ A mercy god pese wordys wyse
of pis fayr mayde clene
thei trobyl myn hert in many wyse
her wytt is grett and pat is sene
In clennes to levyn in godys servise
no man here blanie non here tene
And it in lawe pus it lyce
pat such weddyd xulde bene
who xal expownd pis oute
pe lawe doth after lyff of clennes
be lawe doth bydde such maydenes expres
þat to spowsyng they xulde hem dres
God help us in pis dowhte.
Episcopus
This Ansuere grettly trobelyth me? et cetera ut supra 1
Now lord god of lordys wysest of Af
Fo. 50▾
[F]
I pray þe lorde knelynge on kne
with careful herte I crye and calle
pis dowteful dowte enforme pou me.
¶2 Thy prayour is herd to hyz hevyn halle
Angelus
dowhte to Now lord god of lordys wysest of Att and inserted the reference to
the interpolated speeches later.

Textual notes:
[1] The writing indicates that the scribe went on from God help us in pis [2] This paragraph sign should stand before the line Now lord god, &c.

[p. 86]
god hath me sent here down to the
to telle pe what pat pou do xalle
and how pou xalt be rewlyd in iche degre
take tent and vndyrstond
This is goddys owyn byddyng
þat all kynsmen of dauyd þe kyng
to be temple xul brynge here du offryng
with whyte zardys in per honde.
¶ loke wele what tyme pei offere there
all here zardys in þin hand þou take
take heed whose zerde doth blome and bere
and he xal be pe maydenys make.
[G] I thank pe lord with mylde chere
Fo. 51
(E quire)
+
thi wurde xal I werkyn with-owtyn wrake
I xal send for hem bothyn fer and nere
to werke pi wyl I vndyr-take
A-non it xal be do
herk masangere pou wend pi way
Dauyd kynsmen as I pe say
byd hem come offyr pis same day
and brynge white zardys Also.¹
¶ Oy al maner men takyth to me tent ³
that be owgth of kynrede to dauid þe kyng
my lord pe busshop hath for ȝow sent
to be temple pat ze come with zour offryng."
In gret labore my lyff I lede
myne ocupasyoun lyth in many place
ffor febylnesse of age my jorney I may not spede
I thank the gret god of thi grace.
Episcopus
Nuncius 2
Joseph
This speech is continued on Ff. 53. Fo. 51 and 52 form a separate inter-
polated quire E. On Fo. 51 is written the dialogue between Joseph and the
generaciones dauid' which follows, in a later cursive hand without rubrication.
Ff. 51 and 52 and 52' are left blank. Roughly-made reference marks-as
above-on Ff. 51 and 53 indicate the place of the interpolated dialogue.

Textual notes:
[1] Also written twice and the first crossed out. [2] Some faint letter written (? scribbled) above the us of Nuncius. [3] These four lines are written smaller. [5] Or ocupasyon.

[p. 87]
Fo. 53
(F quire)
what chere Joseph what ys the case
That ye lye here on this ground''.
age and febylnesse doth me enbrace
That I may nother well goo ne stound².
us
1s generacionis dauid
We be commandyd be the beschoppys sond
That euery man of Dauyd³ Kynrede
In the tempy to offyr a wond
Therfor in this Jorney let vs procede.
Me to traveyh yt is no nede
I prey you frendys go forth your wey.
yis com forth Joseph I you rede
and knowyth what the buschop woll sey.
Ther ys a mayd whos name is clepyd mary
Doughter to joachym as it is told'
here to mary thei wolf asay
To som many dowty and bold
Joseph
ijus generacion[¿s
Joseph¹
iiju generacion[is.
iiijus generacionis
He chargight pat ze hast ȝow for he is redy bent
ȝow to receyve at ȝour comyng
He byddyth ȝow fferthermore in handys pat ze hent
A fayre white zerde everych of ȝow ze bryng
In hyght
Tary not I pray ȝow
My lord as I say ȝow
+
now to receyve ȝow
is full redy dyght.
¶ Benedicite I can not vndyr stande
Joseph'
What oure prince of prestys doth men
þat every man xuld come and brynge with hym a whande
iiius generacion first written and crossed through.
'Primus generacionis first written and crossed through.

Textual notes:
[1] Or grond; the stroke may be insignificant. [2] Or stond. [3] This may be a tailed d or d + ys. [5] I have herd first written for it is told, and crossed through. [6] So in MS. for man.

[p. 88]
Abyl to be maryed pat is not I so mote I then
I haue be maydon evyr and evyr more wele bend
I chaungyd not get of all my long lyff
and now to be maryed sum man wold wen
it is a straunge thynge An old man to take a zonge wyff.
¶ but nevyr-pe-lesse no doute of we must forth to towne
now neyborys and kynnysmen lete us forth go
I xal take a wand in my hand and cast of my gowne
yf I falle pan I xalle · gronyn for wo
Ho so take A-way my staff I say
he were my fo
ze be men pat may wele ren go ze be-fore
I am old and also colde· walkyng doth me wo
perfore now wole I· so my staff holde I pis jurny to wore.
[H]¶ Serys ze xal vndyr-stande¹
pat pis is pe cawse of our comynge
and why pat ech of ȝow bryngyth a wande
ffor of god we haue knowynge
here is to be maryde a mayde ȝynge
Episcopus
all your roddys ze xal brynge vp to me
and on hese rodde þat pe holy gost is syttynge
he xal pe husbond of pis may be.
hic portent virgas
Joseph
Fo. 53′ ¶ It xal not be I ley a grote
I xal a-byde be-hynde preuyly
now wolde god I were at hom in my cote
I am aschamyd to be seyn veryly.
Primus generacionis dauid
¶ To' wurchep my lord god hedyr am I come
here ffor to offyr my dewe 3 offrynge
*
A fayr white garde in hand haue I nome
my lord sere busshop at ȝour byddynge.
Secundus generacionis dauid
Off dauythis kynred sertys am I com
*To my woursyp written (scribbled ?) here in different ink and different hand-
writing-not that of Fo. 51.

Textual notes:
[1] From here to the bottom of the folio the writing is closer. [2] my first written between to and wurchep and crossed through. [3] dw written before dewe and crossed through.

[p. 89]
a ffayr white zarde in hand now I bryng
my lord pe busshop after zour owyn¹ dom
pis zarde do I offre at your chargyng
Ryht here.
Tercius generacionis dauid
And I a zarde haue both fayr and whyght ²
here in myn hond it is redy dyght
And here I offre it forth within syght
Ryght in good manere.
¶ I am pe fourte of Dauid is kyn
Quartus generacionis dauid
and with myn offrynge my god I honoure.
pis fayr whyte zarde is offryng myn
I trost in god of sum socoure
Com on Joseph with offrynge pin
and brynge up pin as we han oure
pou taryst ryth longe be-hynde certeyn
why comyst not fforth to goddys toure
Com on man for shame.
Com ȝa ȝa god help full fayn I wolde
but I am so Agyd and so olde
pat both myn leggys gyn to folde
I am ny Almost lame.
Fo. 54
A
mercy lord I kan no sygne a-spy
It is best we go a-geyn to prayr.
he brought not up his rodde zet trewly
to whom he mayd howyth to be maryed her.
зе
¶ Whath joseph why stande ȝe there by-hynde
I-wys sere ze be to blame.
Sere I kan not my rodde ffynde
to come per in trowth me thynkyht shame.
Joseph
Episcopus
Vox
Episcopus
Joseph
Episcopus Comyth thens 3
to be two strokes through them.

Textual notes:
[1] owym first written and corrected. [2] The gh in this word may have been cancelled by the scribe. There appear [3] So written in the margin in MS.

Joseph

[p. 90]
Sere he may Euyl go pat is ner lame
in soth I com as fast as I may
Episcopus
offyr¹ up ȝour rodde sere in goddys `name
why do ze not as men ȝow pray.
Joseph
Now in þe wurchep of god of hevyn
I offyr pis zerde as lely whyte
prayng pat lord of gracyous stewyn
With hert with wytt with mayn with myght
And as he made pe sterrys seven
pis sympyl offrynge pat is so lyght
to his wurchep he weldygh evyn
Ffor to his wurchep pis zerd' is dyght
lord god I pe pray
to my herte pou take good hede
and no thynge to my synful dede
Aftyr my wyl pou qwyte my mede
As plesyth to pi pay.
¶ I may not lyfte myn handys heye
Lo Lo Lo What se ze now.
A mercy mercy mercy lord we crye
þe blyssyd of god we se Art thou.
Fo. 54v ¶ A gracyous god in hevyn trone
ryht wundyrful pi werkys be
here
may we se A merveyl one
A ded stok beryth flourys ffre
Joseph in hert with-outyn mone
Episcopus
et clamant omnes Mercy mercy.
pou mayst be blyth with game and gle
A mayd to wedde pou must gone
be pis meracle I do wel se
Mary is here name.
What xuld I wedde god for-bede
Joseph
I am an old man so god me spede

Textual notes:
[1] Helde first written and crossed through; offyr written over the line.

The Betrothal of Mary

[p. 91]
and with a wyff now
to levyn in drede
It wore neyther sport nere game.
¶ A-ȝens god joseph pou mayst not stryve
god wyl pat pou a wyff haue
pis fayr mayde xal be þi wyve
she is buxum and whyte as laue.
A shuld I haue here зе lese
my lyff
Alas dere god xuld I now rave
An old man may nevyr thryff
With a ȝonge wyff so god me saue
nay nay sere lett bene
xuld I now in age begynne to dote
If I here chyde she wolde clowte my cote
blere myn ey and pyke out a mote
and pus oftyn tymes it is sene.
¶ Joseph now as I pe saye
Fo. 55
God hath assygnyd here to pe
þat god wol haue do sey pou not nay
oure lord god wyl þat it be so¹.
A-ȝens my God not do I may
here wardeyn and kepere wyl I evyr be
But fayr maydon I þe pray
Episcopus
Joseph
Episcopus
Joseph
Kepe pe clene as I xal me
I am a man of age
therfore sere busshop I wyl pat ze wete
þat in bedde we xul nevyr mete
Ffor i-wys mayden suete
An Old man may not rage.
This holyest virgyn xalt pou maryn now
ȝour rodde floreschyth fayrest pat man may se
De holy gost we se syttyht on a bow
now zelde we all preysyng to pe.trenyte.
¶ Joseph wole ȝe haue pis maydon to ȝour wyff
And here honour and kepe as ze howe to do.
Episcopus
Et hic cantent. Bene-
dicta sit beata trinitas.

Textual notes:
[1] so apparently by mistake as it destroys the rhyme.

Joseph

[p. 92]
nay sere so mote I thryff
I haue ryght no nede per-to.
Episcopus
Joseph it is goddys wyl it xuld be so
sey aftyr me as it is skyl.
Joseph
Sere and to performe his wyl I bow per-to
Ffor all thynge owyght to ben at his wyl.
Episcopus et idem joseph
Sey pan after me? here I take pe Mary to wyff
to hauyn to holdyn as god his wyll with us wyl make
and as longe as be-thwen us? lestyght oure lyff
to loue ȝow as my selff? my trewth I ȝow take.
nunc ad mariam sic dicens Episcopus
Fo. 55¶ Mary wole ze haue pis man
And hym to kepyn as your lyff.
Maria
In pe tenderest wyse fadyr as I kan
and with all my wyttys ffyff.
Episcopus
Joseph with pis ryng now wedde pi wyff
and be here hand now pou here take.
Sere with pis Rynge I wedde here Ryff
and take here now here ffor my make.
Mary mayd with-outyn more stryff
On to pi spowse pou hast hym take.
In chastyte to ledyn my lyff
I xal hym nevyr for-sake
but evyr with hym a-byde
And jentyl spowse as ze An seyd
lete me levyn as a clene mayd
I xal be trewe be not dysmayd
Joseph
Episcopus
Maria
both terme tyme and tyde.
Episcopus
Here is pe holyest matremony þat evyr was in pis werd
pe hyȝ names of oure lord we wole now syng hy

Textual notes:
[1] wylmake (one word) in MS.

The Betrothal of Mary

[p. 93]
we all wole pis solempn dede record
devowtly. Alma chorus domini · nunc pangat nomina summi.
¶ Now goth hom all in godys name
Where as your wonyng was be-fore
Maydenys to lete here go alone it wore shame
It wold hevy zour hertys sore
ze xal blysse pe tyme pat sche was bore
now loke ze at hom here brynge.
Maria
To haue zour blyssyng ffadyr I falle ȝow be-fore.
Episcopus
he blysse ȝow pat hath non hendyng
In nomine patris et filij et spiritus sancti.
Episcopus
Fo. 56 ¶ Joseph þi selph art old of Age
And pi wyff of Age is zonge
and as we redyn in old sage
many man is sclepyr of tonge
per fore Euyl langage for to swage
pat zour good fame may leste longe
iij damysellys xul dwelle with ȝow in stage
With pi wyff to be evyr more a-monge
I xal these iij here take
Susanne pe fyrst xal be
Rebecca pe secunde xal go with the
Sephore pe thrydde loke pat ze thre
pis maydon nevyr ze for-sake.
¶ Sere I am redy Att ȝour wyf
with pis maydon for to wende.
Susanne
Rebecca
ȝour byddyng sere xalt fful-ffyl
and ffolwe pis maydon ffayr and hende.
Sephor
To ffolwe hyre it is good skyl
And to your byddynge wole I bende.
Joseph
Now sere buschop hens go I wyl
for now comyth on to my mende
A matere pat nedful is.
[p. 94]
Ffare wel joseph and mary clere
Fo. 56
I pray god kepe ȝow all in fere
and sende ȝow grace in good manere
to serve pe kynge of blysse.
¶ Ffadyr and modyr ze knowe pis cas
how pat it now doth stonde with me
with myn spowse I must forth passe
and wott nevyr whan I xal ȝow se
Therfore I pray ȝow here in pis plas
of your blyssynge for charyte
and I xal spede pe betyr and haue more gras
In what place pat evyr I be
On knes to ȝow I falle
I
pray ȝow fadyr and modyr dere
to blysse zour owyn dere dowtere
and pray ffor me in all manere
and I ffor
ȝow att.
¶ Almyghty god he mote pe blysse
and my blyssynge pou haue Also
In all godnesse god pe wysse
on londe or on watyr wher evyr þou go.
Now god pe kepe from every mysse
and saue pe sownd in welth from wo
I pray be dowtyr pou onys me kys
or þat þi modyr parte pe fro
I
pray to god pe saue
I
pray þe mary my swete chylde
Episcopus
Maria
Joachym
Anna
be lowe and buxhum meke and mylde
Sad and sobyr and no thyng wylde
and goddys blyssyng pou haue.
¶ Ffor 2 wel joseph and god ȝow spede
wher so ze be in halle or boure.
Almyghty god ȝour weys lede
and saue ȝow sownd from all doloure.
Joachym
Joseph

Textual notes:
[1] Whow first written, the W crossed through. [2] So in MS.

[p. 95]
Goddys grace on ȝow sprede¹
Ffare wel mary my swete fflowre
Fare weyl joseph and god ȝow rede
Ffare weyl my chylde and my tresowre
Fo. 57
Ffare wel my dowtere ȝyng.
Ffare wel fadyr and modyr dere
at ȝow I take my leve ryght here
god pat sytt in hevyn so clere
haue ȝow in his kepyng.
¶ Wyff it is ful necessary pis ze knowe
þat I And my kyn-rede go hom be-fore
for in soth we haue non hous of oure owe
þer fore I xal gon ordeyn · and thanne come ȝow fore
We Ar not ryche of werdly thynge
and zet of oure sustenauns we xal not mys
therfore A-bydyth here stylle to your plesynge
to worchep your god is aft ȝour blysse.
¶he pat is and evyr xal be
Of hefne and helle Ryche kynge
in erth hath chosyn poverte
and all Ryches and welthis refusynge.
Goth husbond in oure lordys blyssynge
he mote ȝow spede in att ȝour nede
and I xal here a-byde zour A-zen comynge
and on my sawtere book I xal rede
Anna
Maria
Joseph
Maria
Now blyssyd be oure lord ffor this
of hefne and erthe and all pat beryth lyff
I am most bound to ȝow lord i-wys
ffor now I am bothe mayde and wyff.
¶ Now lord god dyspose me to prayour
þat I may sey pe holy psalmes of dauyth
wheche book is clepyd pe sawtere
þat I may preyse the my god per with
¹ This and following three lines written smaller.
[p. 96]
Fo. 57
Of pe vertuys per of pis is pe pygth
It makyht sowles fayr pat doth it say
Angelys be steryd to help us per with
it lytenyth therkeness and puttyth develys Away.
¶ pe song of psalmus is goddys dete
synne is put A-wey per by
It lernyth A man vertuysful to be
It feryth mannys herte gostly
who pat it vsyth custommably
it claryfieth þe herte and charyte makyth cowthe
he may not faylen of goddys mercy
þat hath pe preysenge of god evyr in his mowthe.
¶ O holy psalmys. O holy book
Swetter to say than Any ony
pou lernyst hem love lord pat on pe look
and makyst hem desyre thyngys celestly
With these halwyd psalmys lord I pray the specyaly
*ffor all pe creatures qwyke and dede
pat pou wylt shewe to hem pi mercy
and to me specyaly þat do it rede.
¶ I haue seyd sum of my sawtere and here I am
at pis holy psalme in dede
Benedixisti domine terram tuam
In this holy labore lord me spede.
Joseph
Fo. 58
¶ Mary wyff and mayd most gracyous
displese ȝow not I pray ȝow so long I haue be
I haue hyryd for us a lytyl praty hous
and per-in ryght hesely levyn wole we
Come forth mary and folwe me
to Nazareth now wele we go
And all pe maydonys bothe ffayr and fre
with my wyff comyth forth also
Now lystenyth well wyff what I tell pe
I must gon owth hens fer pe fro
I wytł go laboryn in fer countre

• Here some words are scribbled in faint ink in the margin of pe Vyn.
  R. Wych.
  [p. 97]
  Fo. 58▾
  with trewth to maynteyn oure housholde so
  pis ix monthis pou seyst me nowth
  Kepe pe clene my jentyl spowse
  and all pin maydenys in pin howse
  þat evyl langage I here not rowse
  Ffor hese love pat all hath wrought.
  ¶ I pray to god he spede zour way
  and in sowle helth he mote ȝow kepe
  and sende ȝow helth bothe nyth and day
  he shylde and saue ȝow from al shenschepe
  Now lord of grace to pe I pray
  with morny mood on kne I krepe
  me saue from synne from tene and tray
  with hert I mourne with eye I wepe
  lord god of pete
  Whan I sytt in my conclaue
  att myn hert on pe I haue
  Gracyous god my mayden-hed saue
  Euyr clene in chastyte...
  1us 1
  ¶ Ffowre thowsand sex vndryd⚫ foure
  Man ffor his offens and ffowle foly
  zere
  I telle
  Hath loyn zerys in þe peynes of helle
  And were wurthy to ly per-in endlesly
  But thanne xulde perysche ȝour grete mercye
  good lord haue on man pyte
  haue mende of þe prayour seyd by Ysaie
  lete mercy meke pin hyest mageste.
  ¶ wolde god pou woldyst breke pin hefne myghtye
  and com down here in to 2 erth
  And levyn zerys thre and threttye
  thyn famyt ffolke with pi fode to fede
  H
  Maria
  contemplacio
  IO

Textual notes:
[1] This figure is in red. [2] to twice written, the first crossed through.

[p. 98]
To staunche pi thryste lete pi syde blede
ffor erste wole not be mad redempcion
Cum vesyte vs in pis tyme of nede
of pi careful creaturys haue compassyon.
2¹¶ A woo to vs wrecchis of 2 wrecchis be
Fo. 59
ffor god hath haddyd ssorwe to sorwe
I prey pe lord pi sowlys com se
How þei ly and sobbe ffor syknes and sorwe¹
With pi blyssyd blood ffrom balys hem borwe
thy careful creaturys cryenge in captyvyte
A tary not gracyous lord tyl it be to-morwe
The devyl hath dysceyved hem be hys iniquite.
¶ A quod Jeremye who xal gyff wellys to myn eynes
pat I may wepe bothe day and nyght
to se oure bretheryn in so longe peynes
here myschevys Amende· may pi mech myght
As gret as þe se lord · was Adamys contryssyon ryght
Ffrom oure hed is falle pe crowne
Man is comeryd in synne I crye to pi syght
Gracyous lord Gracyous lord Gracyous lord come downe.
¶ Lord plesyth it pin hyz domynacion
On man þat pou made to haue pyte
Patryarchys and prophetys han made supplycacion
oure offyse is to presente · here prayerys to the
Aungelys Archaungelys we thre
pat ben in pe fyrst ierarchie
Ffor man to pin hy mageste
Mercy mercy mercy we crye.
Virtutes
hand above.
³ The initial h has been crossed through with a thick perpendicular stroke
of different ink.
The original phrase for sykness and sore has been altered in this different
ink and presumably the same hand that wrote that for of above, to bothe eve
and morewe. [Not impossibly the hand of the scribe of Ff. 95, 96.]
7 Some word was written between here and prayerys and crossed through.

Textual notes:
[1] This figure is in red. [2] The original word of has been crossed out and that written in a different [5] Or kys. [6] Or mad.

The Parliament of Heaven

[p. 99]
¶ The Aungel lord pou made so gloryous
whos synne¹ hath mad hym a devyl in helle
he mevyd man to be so contraryous
man repentyd and he in his obstynacye doth dwelle
Hese grete males good lord repelle
And take man on to pi grace
lete pi mercy make hym with Aungelys dwelle
of locyfere to restore pe place.
}
Fo. 59v
Propter miseriam inopum
et gemitum pauperum
Ffor pe wretchydnes of pe nedy
And pe porys lamentacion
Pater
nunc exurgam
now xal I ryse pat am Almyghty
tyme is come of reconsyliacion
My prophetys with prayers haue made supplicacion
my contryte creaturys crye alt for comforte
Af myn Aungellys in hefne with-owte cessacion
they crye pat grace to man myght exorte.
¶ Lord I am pi dowtere trewth
pou wylt se I be not lore
thyn vnkynde creaturys to saue were rewthe
the offens of man hath grevyd pe sore
Whan Adam had synnyd pou seydest pore
þat he xulde deye and go to helle
And now to blysse hym to resstore
twey contraryes mow not to-gedyr dwelle.
¶ Thy trewthe lord xal leste with-owtyn ende
I may in no wyse ffro pe go
pat wretche þat was to be so vnkende
he may not haue to meche wo
He dyspysyd be and plesyd pi ffo
pou art his creatour and he is pi creature
pou hast lovyd trewthe it is seyd evyr mo
perfore in peynęs lete hym evyr more endure.
Veritas
бо
H 2

Textual notes:
[1] A blotted hath between synne and hath crossed through.

[p. 100]
¶O Ffadyr of mercy and god of comforte
þat counsell us in eche trybulacion
lete
ȝour dowtere mercy to ȝow resorte
And on man þat is myschevyd haue compassyon
hym grevyth fful gretly his transgressyon
AH hefne and erthe crye ffor mercy
Misericordia
Fo. 60
Me semyth per xuld be non excepcion
ther prayers ben offeryd so specyally.
¶ Threwth Sseyth she hath evyr be than
I graunt it wel she hath be so
and pou seyst endlesly pat mercy pou hast kept ffor man
than mercyabyl lorde kepe us bothe to
Thu seyst Veritas mea et misericordia mea cum ipso
Suffyr not pi sowlys than in sorwe to slepe
þat helle hownde pat hatyth pe byddyth hym ho
þi love man no lengere lete hym kepe.
Justicia
¶ Mercy me merveylyth what ȝow movyth
ze know wel I am ȝour systere ryghtwysnes
God is ryghtful and ryghtffulnes lovyth
man offendyd hym þat is endles
Ther fore his endles punchement may nevyr sees
Also he forsoke his makere pat made hym of clay
And pe devyl to his mayster he ches
xulde he be savyd· nay nay nay.
¶ As wyse as is god he wolde A be
this was pe Abhomynabyl presumpcion
it is seyd ze know wel pis of me
pat pe ryghtwysnes of god hath no diffynicion
Therffore late pis be oure conclusyon
he þat sore synnyd ly stylle in¹ sorwe
he may nevyr make A seyth be reson
whoo myght thanne thens hym borwe.
Fo. 60 Systyr Ryghtwysnes ze Are to vengeabyl
Endles synne god endles may restore
Misericordia
accidental mark.

Textual notes:
[1] A thin stroke in darker ink above this n noted by Manly appears to be an

[p. 101]
Above all hese werkys god is mercyabyl
pow he for-sook god be synne be feyth he for-sook hym never
þe more
And pow he presumyd nevyr so sore
ze must consyder pe frelnes of mankende
lerne¹ and ze lyst þis is goddys lore
pe mercy of god is with-owtyn ende.
¶ To spare your speches systerys it syt
It is not onest in vertuys to ben dyscencion
the pes of god ovyr comyth all wytt
Pax
ΙΙΟ
pow trewth and ryght sey grett reson
zett mercy seyth best to my pleson
ffor yf mannys sowle xulde abyde in helle
be-twen God and man evyr xulde be dyvysyon
And than myght not I pes dwelle.
¶ Therefore me semyth best ze thus Acorde
than hefne and erthe зе xul qweme
putt bothe ȝour sentens in oure lorde
And in his hyz wysdam lete hym deme
This is most syttynge me xulde seme
And lete se how we ffowre may att A-byde
þat mannys sowle it xulde perysche it wore sweme
or þat ony of vs ffro othere xulde dyvyde.
Veritas
In trowthe here-to I consente
I wole prey oure lord it may so be.
Justicia
I Ryghtwysnes am wele contente
Ffor in hym is very equyte.
Fo. 61 ¶ And I mercy ffro pis counsel wole not fle
tyl wysdam hath seyd I xal ses.
Misericordia
Here is god now
here is vnyte
hefne and erth is plesyd with pes.
¶ I thynke pe thoughtys of pes and nowth of wykkydnes
this I deme to ses ȝour contraversy
Pax
ffilius
obliterated.

Textual notes:
[1] The original first word of this line-probably a miswritten lerne—has been

[p. 4]
If Adam had not deyd· peryschyd had ryghtwysnes
And Also trewth had be lost per-by
Terrewth¹ and ryght wolde chastyse ffoly
ziff a-nother deth come not mercy xulde perysch
pan pes were exyled ffynyaly
So tweyn dethis must be ȝow fowre to cherysch.
But he þat xal deye ze must knawe
þat in hym may ben non iniquyte
pat helle may holde hym be no lawe
But þat he may pas at hese lyberte
Qwere swyche on his prevyde and se
And hese deth for mannys deth xal be redempcion
Att hefne and erth seke now ze
Plesyth it ȝow pis conclusyon.
Veritas
¶ I trowthe haue sowte pe erthe⚫ with-owt and with-inne²
and In sothe per kan non be fownde
pat is of o day byrth with-owte synne
nor to pat deth wole be bownde.
I mercy haue ronne pe hevynly Regyon rownde
and þer is non of pat charyte
þat ffor man wole suffre A deddly wounde
I I³ can nott wete how pis xal be.
Fo. 61 ¶ Sure I can fynde non sufficyent
Ffor servauntys vn-profytable we be ech on
He love nedyth to be ful Ardent
Misericordia
Justicia
that for man to helle wolde gond.
That god may do is non but on
per fore pis is Pesys A-vyse
Pax

• The writing becomes more spaced and remains so till Fo. 66. It is the
  hand of the same scribe.
  faint s.
  the hand of the scribe of Ff. 95, 96.]

Textual notes:
[1] Or Trewth; the stroke marking the contraction may be a flourish. [2] with inne and with owt first written. [3] So repeated in MS. [5] The original he has been corrected by a different hand to hes with a very [6] The original Pesys has been corrected by a different hand to be hys. [Not

[p. 103]
Fo. 62
Ffilius
he pat zaff þis counsell lete hym zeve pe comforte A-lon
Ffor pe conclusyon in hym of att þese lyse.
¶ It peyneth me · þat man I mad
pat is to seyn peyne I must suffre fore
A counsel of pe trinite must be had
Whiche of vs xal man restore.
Pater
In ȝour wysdam son man was mad thore
And in wysdam' was his temptacion
perfor sone sapyens ze must ordeyn here-fore
and se how of man may be salvacion.
¶ Ffadyr he pat xal do pis must be both god and man
lete me se how I may were þat wede
And syth in my wysdam he be-gan
I am redy to do pis dede.
I the holy gost of ȝow tweyn do procede
this charge I wole take on me
I love to ȝour lover xal
ȝow lede 2
pis is pe Assent of oure vnyte.
Now is pe loveday mad of us fowre fynialy
now may we leve in pes as we were wonte
Misericordia et veritas obviauerunt sibi
Justicia et pax · osculate sunt
Filius
Spiritus Sanctus
Misericordia
et hic osculabunt pariter omnes.
Pater
¶ Ffrom vs god Aungel Gabryel pou xalt be sende
In to be countre of Galyle
the name of pe cyte Nazareth is kende
to A mayd w[e]ddyd³ to A man is she
Of whom pe name is joseph se
of pe hous of davyd bore
The name of pe mayd ffre
Is Mary pat xal Al Restore.

Textual notes:
[1] A miswritten letter before was. [2] procede first written for ȝow lede. [3] The e has disappeared through a flaw in the MS.

[p. 104]
¶ Say pat she is with-owte wo and ful of grace
And pat I pe son of pe godhed of here xal be bore
Hyze pe pou were there A pace
ellys we xal be there the be-ffore
I haue so grett hast to be man thore
In þat mekest and purest virgyne
Sey here she xal restore
Of ȝow Aungellys þe grett Ruyne.
Fo. 62 ¶ And if she Aske pe how it myth be
Fo. 63
telle here I pe holy gost xal werke al this
Sche xal be savyd thorwe oure vnyte
In tokyn here bareyn cosyn Elyzabeth is
Qwyk with childe in here grett Age i-wys
Sey here to vs is no thynge impossyble ¹
Here body xal be so ful-fylt with blys
Ffilius
Spiritus Sanctus
pat she xal sone thynke pis sownde credyble.
¶ In thyn hey in bassett lord I xal go
It xal be do with a thought
be-holde now lord I go
here to
I take my fflyth and byde nowth
Ave maria 2 gratia plena Dominus tecum.
Heyl fful of grace god is with the
Amonge Alt women blyssyd art thu
here pis name Eva is turnyd Aue
pat is to say with-owte sorwe ar ze now.
Thow sorwe.in ȝow hath no place
zett of joy lady ze nede more
Therfore I Adde And Fful of grace
sey
Ffor so Ful of grace was nevyr non bore
zett who hath grace he nedyth kepyng sore
therfore I sey god is with the
Gabriel
degree, 11. 208-16.
2 Maria is crossed through in a different ink, possibly to make the line
correspond exactly with the translation in the line following.
The word of written twice, the second crossed through.

Textual notes:
[1] The words no thynge impossyble are written in larger form and, to a less

The Salutation and Conception

[p. 105]
Whiche xal kepe ȝow endlesly thore
So amonge Att women blyssyd¹ are ze.
¶ A mercy god þis is a mervelyous herynge²
In pe Aungelys wordys I am trobelyd her
I thynk how may be pis gretynge
Aungelys dayly to me doth Aper
But not in pe lyknes of man þat is my fer³
And Also thus hyzly to comendyd be
and am most vn-wurthy I can-not Answere
grett shamfastnes and grett dred is in me.³
¶ Mary in pis take ze no drede
Ffor At God grace ffownde haue ze
зе
xal conceyve in zour wombe in dede
A childe pe sone of þe trynyte
Maria
Gabryel
Fo. 63▾
His name of
ȝow
jhesu clepyd xal be
He xal be grett pe son of pe hyest· clepyd of kende
and of his ffadyr davyd· þe lord xal zeve hym þe se
Reynyng in pe hous of jacob· of which regne xal be no ende.
¶ Aungel I sey to ȝow
In what manere of wyse xal pis be
Ffor knowyng of man I haue non now
I haue evyr more kept and xal my virginyte
I dowte not pe wordys ȝe han seyd to me
But I Aske how it xal be do.
The holy gost xal come fro A-bove to the 5
and pe vertu of hym hyest xal schadu þe so.
¶ Ther fore pat holy gost of þe xal be bore
he xal be clepyd pe son of god sage
And se Elyzabeth ȝour cosyn thore
Maria
Gabryel

• MS. λ.
  ...
  This speech The holy gost. wyl seyn and especially the words impossyble
  to goddys vsage are written in larger form.

Textual notes:
[1] The double s is a correction in different ink-blylled first written. [2] thynge first written and corrected by scribe. [3] From But not in þe to is in me the writing is still larger.

[p. 106]
Fo. 64
She hath conseyvid A son in hyre Age
This is pe sexte monyth of here passage?
Of here pat clepyd was bareyn
no thynge is impossyble to goddys vsage
they thynkyth longe to here what ze wyl seyn
here be Aungel makyth a lytyl restynge and mary be-holdyth hym
and be Aungel seyth
¶ Mary come of and haste the
And take hede in thyn entent
Whow pe holy gost blyssyd he be
A-bydyth pin answere and pin assent
Thorwe wyse werke of dyvinyte
the secunde persone verament
is mad man by fraternyte
With-inne pi self in place present.
¶ Fferther more take hede pis space
Whow all pe blyssyd spyrytys of vertu
þat are in hefne by-ffore goddys face
And aft pe gode levers and trew
That Are here in pis erthely place
thyn owyn kynrede pe sothe ho knew
And pe chosyn sowlys pis tyme of grace
þat Are in helle and byde rescu¹.
Fo. 64 ¶ As Adam · Abraham and davyd in fere
And many othere of good reputacion
þat þin Answere desyre to here
and pin Assent to pe incarnacion
In which pou standyst As persevere 2
of AH man-kende savacion
Gyff me myn Answere now lady dere
to All these creaturys comfortacion.
¶ With A mekenes I clyne to pis A-corde
Bowynge down my face with Att benyngnyte
Maria
three below in this ink; per (?) rescu roughly written in yet another ink and
not the scribe's hand-possibly that of writer of Ff. 95-6.

Textual notes:
[1] rescu roughly scratched through in different ink and three dots above and [2] persyvere first written, the e thickly written over the y.

[p. 107]
Fo. 65
Se here pe hand-mayden of oure lorde
Aftyr þi worde be it don to me.
Gramercy my lady ffre
Gramercy of zour Answere on hyght
Gramercy of your grett humylyte
Gramercy ze lanterne off lyght.
Gabryel
here be holy gost discendit with iij bemys to our lady the sone of
be godhed nest with iij bemys to be holy gost the fadyr godly
with iij bemys to be sone · And so entre Att thre to here bosom and
Mary seyth
A now I ffele in my body be
parfyte god and parfyte man
Maria
havyng Al schappe· of chyldly carnalyte
Evyn Al at onys · þus god be-gan.
Nott takynge ffyrst o membyr and sythe A-nother
but parfyte childhod ze haue A-non
of
ȝour hand-mayden · now ze haue mad zour modyr
With-owte peyne in Fflesche and bon
Thus conceyved nevyr woman non
þat evyr was beynge in þis lyff
O myn hyest ffadyr in zour tron
It is worthy ȝour son now my son ·
haue A prerogatyff.
¶ I can not telle what joy what blysse
now I fele in my body
Aungel Gabryel I thank ȝow for thys
most mekely recomende me to my faderys mercy
To haue be pe modyr of god fful lytyl wend I
Now myn cosyn Elyzabeth ffayn wold I se
how sche hath conseyvid as ȝe dede specyfy
Now blyssyd be pe hyȝ trynyte.
Fo. 657 Ffare weyl turtyl goddys dowtere dere
Ffare wel goddys modyr I pe honowre
Ffare wel goddys sustyr and his pleynge fere
Ffare wel goddys chawmere and his bowre.
my omitted and written above the line.
Gabryel
[p. 108]
¶Ffare wel Gabryel specyalye
Ffare wel goddys masangere expresse
Maria
I thank ȝow for your traveyl hye
Gramercy of your grett goodnes.
¶ And namely of your comfortabyl massage
Ffor I vndyrstande by inspyracion
þat ze knowe by syngulere preuylage
most of my sonys incarnacion
I
pray ȝow take it in to vsage
be A custom ocupacion
to vesyte me ofte be mene passage
ȝour presence is my comfortacion.
At ȝour wyl lady so xal it be
ze gentyllest of blood · and hyest of kynrede
pat reynyth in erth in ony degre
be pryncypal incheson of pe god-hede.
¶ I comende me on to ȝow pou trone of þe trinyte¹
O mekest mayde now pe modyr of jhesu
Gabriel
Fo. 66
qwen of hefne · lady of erth · and empres of helle be ze
socour to Att synful · þat wole to ȝow sew
Thour 2 ȝour body beryth pe babe · oure blysse xal renew
to ȝow modyr of mercy most mekely I recomende
and as I began I ende · with An Ave new
Enjonyd hefne and erth with pat I Ascende.
Ave maria gratia plena
Dominus tecum
uirgo sesena
} Angeli cantando istam
sequenciam.
Remainder of Fo. 66-5 inches-and Fo. 66 left blank.
S sesena first written; trace of correction to serena.
The words And pan mary seyth follow on as part of this direction, but
have been crossed through in red ink.

Textual notes:
[1] The more cramped writing is resumed with this line. [2] MS. Tho.

Joseph's Return

[p. 109]
Fo. 67
(G quire)
H
Ow dame how vn-do zoure dore vn-do
Are ze at hom why speke ze notht¹
Who is ther why cry ze so
telle us zour herand wyl ze ought.
Vn-do zour dore I sey ȝow to
Ffor to com in is all my thought.
it is my spowse pat spekyth us to
On-do pe dore his wyl were wrought.
¶ well-c
-come hom myn husbond dere
how haue зе ferd in fer countre.
To gete oure levynge with-owtyn dwere
I haue sore laboryd ffor pe and me.
husbond ryght gracyously now come be ze
it solacyth me sore sothly to se ȝow 2 in syth.
¶ Joseph
Susanna
Joseph
Maria
Joseph
Maria
ΙΟ
Joseph
Maria
Me merveylyth wyff surely your face I can not se
but as pe sonne with his bemys quan he is most bryth.
¶ Husbond it is as it plesyth oure lord þat grace of hym grew
Who þat evyr be-holdyth me veryly
they xal be grettly steryed to vertu
ffor pis ȝyfte and many moo good lord gramercy.
¶ How hast pou ferde jentyl mayde
whyl I haue be out of londe.
Joseph
Maria
Sekyr sere beth nowth dysmayde
Ryth aftyr þe wyl of goddys sonde.
joseph
That semyth evyl I am afrayd
pi wombe to hyze doth stonde
I drede me sore I am be-trayd
crossed out.

Textual notes:
[1] The words how hast follow as the beginning of a third line, but have been [2] ȝw written before ȝow and crossed through.

[p. 110]
Fo. 67▾
Sum other man þe had in honde
Hens sythe pat I went
Thy Wombe is gret it gynnyth to ryse
than hast pou be-gownne a synfull gyse
telle me now in what wyse
thy self pou Ast pus schent.
¶ Ow dame what pinge menyth this
with childe pou gynnyst ryth gret to gon
Sey me mary pis childys fadyr ho is
I pray pe telle me and pat anon
The fadyr of hevyn and ze it is
other fadyr hath he non
зе
I dede nevyr forfete with man i-wys
Wher-fore I pray ȝow amende zour mon
this childe is goddys and zour.
Maria
Joseph
Fo. 68
Goddys childe pou lyist in fay
God dede nevyr jape so with may
And I cam nevyr ther I dare wel say
zitt so nyh pi boure
But zit I sey mary whoos childe is this.
Maria
Joseph
Goddys and zoure I sey i-wys.
¶ ȝa za aft Olde men to me take tent
and weddyth no wyff in no kynnys wyse
þat is a zonge wench be myn a-sent
ffor doute and drede and swych servyse
Alas Alas my name is shent
all men may me now dyspyse
and seyn olde cokwold pi bow is bent
newly now after pe frensche gyse
Alas and welaway
Alas dame why dedyst pou so
Ffor pis synne pat pou hast do
I the for-sake and from pe go
Ffor onys evyr and Ay.

Maria

[p. 111]
mod
¶ Alas gode spowse why sey ȝe thus¹
Alas dere hosbund a-mende ȝour
It is no man but swete jhesus
he wytł be clad in flesch and blood
and of ȝour wyff be born.
Ffor sothe pe Aungel pus seyd he
pat goddys sone in trynite
Ffor mannys sake a man wolde be
to save pat is for-lorn.
¶ An Aungel allas alas fy for schame
say
ze syn now in þat ze to 2
to puttyn an Aungel in so gret blame
Alas alas let be do way
It was sum boy be-gan pis game
þat clothyd was clene and gay
and ze zeve hym now an Aunget name
Alas alas and wel away
þat evyr this game be-tydde
A dame what thought haddyst pou
Here may all men pis proverbe trow
þat many a man doth bete pe bow
Another man hath þe brydde.
A gracyous god in hefne trone
comforte my spowse in pis hard cas
mercyful god A-mend his mone
as I dede nevyr so gret trespas.
Lo Lo Serys· What told I
þat it was not for my prow
ȝow
A wyff to take me to
An pat is wel sene now
Ffor mary I make god A-vow
is grett with childe lo
Alas why is it so
to pe busshop I wole it telle
Sephor
Joseph
Maria
Joseph
So first written instead of thus. 2 to miswritten before to and crossed through.
Fo. 68v

Joseph's Return

[p. 112]
pat he
pe law may here do
With stonys here to qwelle.
¶ Nay nay ȝet god ffor-bede
þat I xuld do pat vegeabyl¹ dede
but if I wyst wel qwy
I knew never with here so god me spede
tokyn² of thynge in word nor dede
pat towchyd velany
nevyr þe les what for thy
pow she be meke and mylde
With-owth mannys company
she myght not be with childe.
¶ But I ensure myn was it nevyr
thow pat she hath not don here devyr
rather than I xuld³ pleynyn opynly
*
Serteynly zitt had I levyr
Ffor sake pe countre ffor evyr
and nevyr come in here company
Ffor and men knew pis velany
In repreff þei wolde me holde
and zett many bettyr than I
ȝa hath ben made cokolde
Fo. 69 Now alas whedyr xal I gone
I wot nevyr whedyr nor to what place
ffor oftyn tyme sorwe comyth sone
and longe it is or it pace
no comforte may I haue here
I-wys wyff pou dedyst me wronge
Alas I taryed from pe to longe
All men haue pety on me amonge
Ffor to my sorwe is no chere.
God pat in my body Art sesyd
pou knowist myn husbond is dysplesyd
to se me in pis plight
Maria
ΠΙΟ

• No paragraph sign in MS.

Textual notes:
[1] So in MS. [2] nevyr þe les first written as beginning of this line, and crossed through. [3] A contraction mark stands above this word by a scribal slip. [4] MS. onime corrected by dot under i.

[p. 113]
Ffor vnknowlage he is desesyd
and perfore help þat he were esyd
þat he myght knowe pe ful perfyght
Ffor I haue levyr abyde respyt
to kepe pi sone in priuite
grauntyd by pe holy spyryt
pan pat it xulde be opynd by me.
¶ Descende I sey myn Aungelte
on to joseph for to telle
such as my wyl is
byd hym with mary A-byde and dwelle
Ffor it is my sone fful snelle
pat she is with i-wys.
Deus
Angelus
Almyghty god of blys
Fo. 69
*
I am redy ffor to wende
wedyr as pi wyl is
to go bothe fer and hynde
Joseph Joseph pou wepyst shyrle
ffro pi wyff why comyst pou owte.
Good sere lete me wepe my ffylle
Go forthe pi wey and lett me nowght.
In pi wepynge pou dost ryght ylle
A-zens god pou hast mys-wrought
Go chere pi wyff with herty wylle
and chawnge pi chere Amende pi thought
Sche is a ful clene may
I telle pe god wyl of here be born
And sche clene mayd as she was be-forn
to saue mankynd þat is for-lorn
Go chere hyre perfore I say.
¶ A lord god benedicite
of pi gret comforte I thank the
þat þou sent me pis space
I myght wel A wyst parde
*No paragraph sign in MS.
Joseph
Angelus
Joseph
I
[p. 114]
So good a creature as she
wold nevyr A done trespace
For sche is ful of grace
I know wel I haue myswrought
Fo. 70
I walk to my pore place
and Aske ffor-gyfnes I haue mys-thought.
¶ Now is pe tyme sen At eye
þat þe childe is now to veryfye
which xal saue mankende
As it was spoke be prophesye
I thank pe god þat syttys on hye
with hert wyl and mende
pat evyr pou woldyst me bynde
to wedde mary to my wyff
pi blysful sone so nere to fynde
In his presens to lede my lyff.
¶ Alas ffor joy I qwedyr and qwake
Alas what hap now was this
A mercy mercy my jentyl make
mercy I haue seyd al Amys
Att þat I haue seyd here I for-sake
ȝour swete fete now lete me kys.
Nay lett be my fete not po ze take
my mowthe ze may kys i-wys
and welcom on to me.
Gramercy myn owyn swete wyff
gramercy myn hert my love my lyff
xal I nevyr more make suche stryff
be-twyx me and pe.
¶ A mary mary wel pou be
and blyssyd be pe frewte in the
goddys sone of myght
now good wyff fful of pyte
as be not evyl payd with me
pow pat pou haue good ryght
As for my wronge in syght
Mary
Joseph
[p. 115]
to wyte pe with ony synne
had pou not be A vertuous wythe
god wold not A be pe with-inne.
I knowlage I haue don A-mys
I was never wurthy i-wys
ffor to be pin husbonde
I xal amende Aftere thys
ryght as pin owyn wyl is
to serve pe at foot and honde
and pi chylde bothe to vndyr-stonde
to wurchep hym with good Affeccion
and perfore telle me and nothynge whonde
the holy matere of zour concepcion.
Fo. 70 ¶ At ȝowre owyn wyłł as ze bydde me
ther cam An Aunge' hyght Gabryett
and gret me ffayr and seyd Aue
And ferther more to me gan tel
God xulde 2 be borne of my bode
pe ffendys pouste ffor to ffelle
porwe pe holy gost as I wel se
pus god in me wyl byde and dwelle.
Now I thank god with spech and spelle
pat Euyr mary I was weddyd to the.
Maria
Joseph
it was þe werk of³ god as I ȝow telle
now blyssyd be pat lord · so purveyd for me.
Remainder of Fo. 70-4 inches-left blank.
Mary
Maria
Fo. 71 BVtt husbond of oo thyng I pray ȝow most mekely
I haue knowyng þat oure Cosyn Elizabeth with childe is
pat it plese ȝow to go to here hastyly
If owught we myth comforte here it wore to me blys.
A godys sake is she with childe sche
than wole here husbond zakarye be mery
Joseph
The writing on Ff. 71, 71, and 72 is slightly less cramped.
I 2

Textual notes:
[1] So in MS.; cf. Fo. 47. [2] xulde is written twice in the MS. [3] of omitted and written above the line.

[p. 116]
In Montana they dwelle fer hens so moty the
In pe cety of juda ¹ I knowe it veryly
It is hens I trowe myles two and ffyfty
We are lyke to be wery or we come at þat same
I wole with a good wyl
blyssyd wyff mary
now go we forthe than in goddys name.
¶ Goth husbond pow it be to ȝow peyne
this jurny I pray ȝow lete us go fast
ffor I am schamfast of pe pepyl to be seyne
and namely of men per of I am A-gast
Pylgrymagys and helpyngys wolde be go in hast
pe more pe body is peynyd þe more is þe mede
Say ȝe ȝour devocionys and I xal myn I cast ³ (?)
now in pis jurny god mote us spede.
Amen Amen and evyr more
Maria
Joseph
ΤΟ
lo wyff lo how starkly I go be-fore. et sic transient circa placeam.
Comtemplacio*
Fo. 71 Sovereynes vndyrstondyth pat kynge davyd here
Ordeyned ffoure and twenty prestys of grett devocion
In pe temple of god · Aftere here let apere
þei weryd clepyd summi sacerdotes. ffor here mynistracion
And on was prynce of prestys havynge dominacyon
A-monge whiche was An old prest clepyd zakarye
and he had An old woman to his wyff of holy conversacion
whiche hyth Elizabeth pat nevyr had childe verylye.
¶ In hese mynistracion the howre of incense
the Aungel Gabryel Apperyd hym to
pat hese wyff xulde conseyve he ȝaff hym intelligence
hese juge hese vnwurthynes and Age not be-levyd so
The plage of dompnesse hise lippis lappyd lo
¹ A miswritten letter after juda crossed through.
as if the scribe had begun to write jn. Cf. 1. 148.
7 lippis omitted and written above the line.
8 to first written for lo and crossed through.

Textual notes:
[2] wyl first written and crossed through. [3] Halliwell reads reast (?). There is a small stroke between the j and cast [4] So in MS. [5] So in MS. for lot? [6] wyf first written and crossed through.

The Visit to Elizabeth

[p. 117]
Fo. 72
thei wenten hom and his wyff was conseyvenge
this concepcion gabryel¹ tolde oure lady to
and in soth sone Aftere pat sage sche was sekynge
And of here tweyners metyng
here gynnyth pe proces
now god be oure be-gynnynge
and of my tonge I wole ses.
AA Wyff Infeyth I am wery
Joseph
therfore I wole sytt downe and rest me ryght here
lo Wyff here is pe hous of zakary
Wole ze I clepe Elyzabeth to ȝow to A-pere.
go ner
Nay husbond And it plese ȝow I xal
now be blyssyd trynite · be in þis hous
Elizabeth swete modyr what cher
ȝe grow grett. A my god how зе be gracyous.
A
cosyn
¶ A-non as I herd of ȝow pis holy gretynge
mekest mayden and pe modyr of god mary
be your breth pe holy gost vs was inspyrynge
pat pe childe in my body enjoyd gretly
Maria
Elizabeth
And turnyd down on his knes to oure god reverently
whom ze bere in ȝour body pis veryly I ken
ffulfyllyd with pe holy gost pus lowde I cry
blyssyd be pou A-monge All women.
And blyssyd be pe frute of pi wombe also
pou wurthyest virgyne and wyff þat evyr was wrought
how is it pat pe modyr of god me xulde come to
pat wrecche of all wrecchis A whyght wers pan nought
And pou art blyssyd þat be-levyd veryly in þi thought
pat pe wurde of god xulde profyte in the
but how pis blyssydnes A-bought was brought
I can not thynk nyn say how it myght be.
Maria
To be preysynge of god cosyn this seyd mut be
whan I sat in my lytyl hous on to god praynge
Gabryel come and seyde to me Ave

Textual notes:
[1] The first syllable of Gabryel repeated before tolle and crossed through.

[p. 118]
Fo. 72▾
ther I conceyvyd god At my consentynge
Parfyte god and parfyte man. At onys beynge
than pe Aungel seyd on to me
þat it was sex monethys syn pour conseyvynge
pis cawsyth my comynge cosyn¹ ȝow to comforte and se.
¶ Blyssyd be ȝe cosyn ffor ȝour hedyr comynge
How I conseyvyd I xal to ȝow say
pe Aungel Apperyd pe howre of 2 incensynge
Seynge I xulde conseyve and hym thought nay
Sethe ffor his mystrost he hath be dowm Al-way
and pus of my concepcion I haue tolde zow sum.
ffor pis holy psalme I be-gynne here pis day.
Magnificat,' anima mea dominum
Elizabeth
Maria
Et exultauit spiritus meus in deo salutari meo.
Be pe holy gost with joye goddys son is in þe cum
Elizabeth
Fo. 73
pat pi spyryte so injouyid pe helth of pi god so.
Quia respexit humilitatem ancille sue
Maria
ecce enim ex hoc beatam me dicent omnes generaciones.
Elizabeth
Maria
Ffor he be-held pe lownes of hese hand-maydeze³
so ferforthe ffor pat All generacionys blysse ȝow in pes.
Quia fecit mihi magna qui potens est
et sanctum nomen eius.
Ffor grett thyngys he made and also myghtyest
And ryght holy is þe name of hym in vs.
*
Et misericordia eius a progenie in progenies
timentibus eum.
Elizabeth
Maria
Elizabeth
za pe mercy of hym fro pat kynde in to pe kynde of pes
Ffor all þat hym drede - now is he cum.
of omitted and written above the line.

• Et written at the bottom of the folio.

Textual notes:
[1] Some miswritten letter obliterated before cosyn. [3] The de is in darker ink. It looks as if may ze was originally written.

[p. 119]
Fo. 73▾
Fecit potenciam in brachio suo ?
disspersit superbos mente cordis sui.
Maria
The pore in his ryght Arme he hath mad so
Elizabeth
Maria
pe prowde to dyspeyre. And pe thought of here hertys only.
Deposuit potentes de sede
et exaltauit humiles.
The prowde men
fro hey setys put he
And pe lowly vpon heyth in pe sete of pes.
Esurientes impleuit bonis?
et diuites dimisit inanes.
Elizabeth
Maria
Elizabeth
Alle pe pore and pe nedy he fulfyllyth with his goodys
And pe Ryche he fellyth to voydnes.
Suscepit israel puerum suum ?
recordatus est misericordie sue.
Israel ffor his childe vp-toke he to cum
On his mercy to thynk ffor hese pat be.
Sicut locutus est ad patres nostros
abraham et semini eius in secula.
Maria
Elizabeth
Maria
Elizabeth
As he spak here to oure forfaderys in clos
Abraham and to Al hese sed of hym in pis werd sa.
Maria
Gloria patri et filio
et spiritui sancto.
Elizabeth
Preysyng be to pe fadyr in hevyn lo
pe same to pe son · here be so
pe holy gost Also to ken?
Sicut erat in principio et nunc et semper ?
et in secula seculorum amen.
Maria
[p. 120]
Elizabeth
As it was in pe begynnynge · and now is and xal be forevyr
and in this werd in att good werkys to abydyn then.
¶ This psalme of prophesye seyd be-twen vs tweyu
In hefne it is wretyn with Aungellys hond
evyr to be songe and Also to be seyn
Euery day Amonge us at oure eve song.
¶ but cosyn Elyzabeth I xal ȝow here kepe
and þis thre monethis Abyde here now
tyl ze han childe to wasche skore and swepe
and in att pat I may to comforte ȝow.
A ȝe modyr of god ze shewe us here how
we xulde be meke þat wrecchis here be
Att hefne and herthe wurcheppe ȝow mow
Fat are trone and tabernakyl of þe hyz trinite.
A how do ze how do ze ffadyr zacharye
зе
we ffalle ffast in Age with-owte oth
why shake ȝe so zour hed· haue ze pe palsye
Why¹ speke ze not sere I trowe ze are not wroth.
Nay wys ffadyr joseph per to he were ful loth
it is pe vesytacion of god he may not speke veryly
lete us thank god
he xal remedy it
perffor both
whan it plesyth his mercy."
¶ Of ȝour dissese thynkys no greff ³
thank god of al aduersyte
Ffor he wyl chastyse and repreff
Maria
Elizabeth
ΠΙΟ
Joseph
Elizabeth
I 20
Joseph
Contemplacio as name of next speaker written in the bottom margin:

• his mercy
  come I pray ȝow specialy
  Si placet. I-wys ȝe Are welcome mary
  ffor pis comfortabelest comynge good god gramercy.
  Elizabeth
  Contemplacio.
  of Contemplacio's speech, two lines are written as one divided by two parallel
  black strokes or the stop and a red stroke.

Textual notes:
[1] Some miswritten letter at the beginning of the line obliterated. [2] The asterisk here indicates the following alternative continuation with [3] From here to the end of the play, with the exception of the first eight lines

[p. 1]
po pat he lovyth most hertyle
Mary I hold best þat we go hens
we haue fer hom with-owt fayl.
Al redy husbond with-out defens
I wyl werke be your counsayl
Cosyn be your leve and zour lycens
for homward now us must travayl
of þis refreschynge in zour presens
god zeld ȝow pat most may Avayl.
Fo. 74¶ Now cosynes bothe god ȝow spede
and wete zow wele with-owtyn mo
ȝour presens comfortyth me in dede
and per fore now am I ryght wo
That ze my ffrendys and my kynrede
pus sone now xul parte me fro
but I pray god he mote ȝow lede 2
in every place wher so ze go.
Maria
Elizabeth
here mary and elizabet partyn and elizabeth goth to zakarie and
seyth
I be-seke
ȝow
¶ Good husbond ryse up
and go we to be temple now fast
to wurchep god with pat we mow
and thank hym bothe this is my cast
Of pe tyme pat is comynge now
ffor now is cum mercy and venjauns is past
God wyl be born for mannys prow
to brynge us to blysse þat euer xal last.
¶ lystenyth sovereynys here is conclusyon
how þe Aue was mad· here is lernyd vs
Contemplacio
pe Aungel seyd Ave gratia plena dominus tecum?
benedicta tu in mulieribus.
Elizabeth seyd et benedictus
fructus uentris tui thus pe chircħ addyd Maria And Jhesus her
hand margin on this folio.
spede first written.

Textual notes:
[1] The writing becomes more cramped and the text extends into the right-

Epilogue of Contemplacio

[p. 122]
a
who seyth oure ladyes sawtere dayly: ffor A ȝer þus
he hath pardon ten thousand And eyte hundryd zer.
¶ Than ferther to oure matere for to procede
Mary with elizabeth abod per stylle
iij monthys fully as we rede
thankynge god with hertly wylle
¹ A lord god what hous was pis on
þat þese childeryn and here moderys to
as mary and elizabeth jhesus and john
and joseph and zakarye Also.
¶ And evyr oure lady a-bod stylle pus
tyl johan was of his modyr born
and pan zakarye spak i-wus
þat had be dowm and his spech lorn
he and Elizabeth prophesyed as pus
they mad Benedictus them be-forn
and so Magnificat And Benedictus
ffyrst in pat place per made worn.
¶ Whan all was don oure lady fre
toke here leve than aftere this
At Elizabeth and at zakarie
ΤΟ
And kyssyd johan and gan hym blys
we Asygne it to ȝour good deliberacion
Now most mekely we thank you of your pacyens
and beseke you of ȝour good supportacion
If here hath be seyd ore don Any inconuenyens
Be-sekynge to crystys precious passyon
conserve and rewarde zour hedyr comynge
with Aue we be-gunne· and Aue is oure conclusyon
Ave regina celorum to oure lady we synge.
¹ This red ink sign is otherwise only found in this MS. (in larger form) in
the second Passion Play and in the Assumption Play, where it is used to mark
couplet rhymes. In black it is used in both Passion Plays and occasionally
elsewhere to mark stage directions.

Prologue of Summoner

[p. 123]
Fo. 74v
¶ A-voyd Serys And lete my lorde pe buschop come
And syt in pe courte pe lawes ffor to doo
And I xal gon in pis place them for to somowne
tho pat ben in my book pe court ze must com too
I Warne ȝow here all abowte
pat I somown ȝow all þe rowte
loke ȝe fayl for no dowte
at pe court to pere
both Johan Jurdon and Geffrey Gyle
Malkyn mylkedoke and fayr mabyle
Stevyn sturdy and Jak at þe style
and sawdyr sadelere.
Thom tynkere and betrys belle
peyrs pottere and whatt at þe welle
Symme Smalfeyth and kate kelle
and bertylmew pe bochere.
kytt cakelere and colett crane
gylle fetyse and fayr jane
powle pewterere and pernel prane
and phelypp pe good flecchere.
¶ Cok crane and davy drydust
Luce lyere and letyce lytyl trust
Miles pe myllere and colle Crake crust
¶ Den
ད
bothe bette pe bakere and Robyn rede¹
And loke ze rynge wele in zour purs
Ffor ellys ȝour cawse may spede pe wurs
pow pat ze slynge goddys curs
Evyn at myn hede Ffast com A-way 2
Bothe boutyng pe browstere and sybyly slynge.
Megge mery wedyr and sabyn sprynge
Tyffany Twynkelere ffayle ffor no thynge
The courte xal be pis day.¹
a speaker.
spy
miswritten before
sprynge
and crossed through.
The following note is written at the foot of the page in ink of the same

Textual notes:
[1] The words and Robyn rede' are enclosed in a red loop as if the name of [2] The words Ffast com A-way are similarly enclosed in a red loop.

The Trial of Joseph and Mary

[p. 124]
Fo. 75 hic intrabit pagetum de purgacione Marie et joseph hic dicit
primus detractor
A
A serys god saue ȝow all
here is a fayr pepyl in good ffay
Good serys telle me what men me calle
I trowe зе kan not be pis day
zitt I walke wyde and many way
but zet per I come I do no good
to reyse slawdyr is al my lay
bakbytere is my brother of blood.
¶ Dede he ought come hedyr in al pis day
now wolde god þat he wore here
and be my trewth I dare wel say
bat Yf we tweyn to-gedyr a-pere
More slawndyr we to xal a-rere
with-in an howre thorwe-outh this town
than evyr þer was his thowsand zere
and ellys I shrewe ȝow bothe vp and down.
¶ Now be my trewth I haue a syght
Evyn of
my brother lo where he is
Welcom dere brother my trowth I plyght
ȝowre jentyl mowth let me now kys.
Gramercy brother so haue I blys
I am ful glad we met pis day.
Ryght so am I brothyr i-wys
mech gladdere than I kan say.
but zitt good brother I ȝow pray
telle alt pese pepyl what is ȝour name.
Ffor yf þei Knew it my lyf I lay
1)
ΙΟ
Secundus detractor
they wole zow wurchep and speke gret fame.
1us detractor
colour and by the same or a contemporary hand, in the same script as the note
on the five Annes, Fo. 37', but neater and not rubricated :
a. 14. kal. aprilis. Translatio Sancte Marie Magdalene. Et sancti Joseph'
sporsi dei genitricis Marie.
e. x. kal. aprilis Adam creatus est.
s converted to I.
[p. 125]
Fo. 75
I am bakbytere pat spyllyth all game
bothe kyd and knowyn in many a place.
be my trowth I seyd þe same
and zet sum seyden pou xulde haue evyl grace.
ijus detractor
1us detractor
Herk reyse sclaundyr 'canst pou owth telle
of Any newe thynge þat wrought was late.
ijus detract[or
With-in a short whyle a thynge be-felle
I trowe pou wylt lawhȝ ryght wel per Ate
Ffor be trowth ryght mekyl hate
If it be wyst þer of wyl growe.
If I may reyse per with de-bate
I xal not spare pe seyd to sowe.
¶ Syr in þe tempyl a mayd þer was
calde mayd mary pe¹ trewth to tell
Sche semyd so holy withinne pat plas
men seyd sche was ffedde with holy Aungett
Sche made A vow with man nevyr to melle
but to leve chast and clene virgine
1us detract[or
ijus detractor
1us detractor
How evyr it be here wombe doth swelle
and is as gret as pinne or myne.
¶ȝa pat old shrewe joseph my trowth I plyght
was so Anameryd upon pat mayd
pat of hyre bewte whan he had syght
He sesyd nat tytt had here a-sayd.
Fo. 76
A nay nay wel wers she hath hym payd
Sum fresch zonge galaunt she loveth wel more
pat his leggys to here hath leyd
and pat doth greve þe old man sore.
¶ be my trewth al may wel be
ffor fresch and fayr she is to syght
ijus detractor
1us detractor
ijus detractor

Textual notes:
[1] Some miswritten letter before pe crossed through.

[p. 126]
And such a mursel as semyth me
Wolde cause A zonge man to haue delyght.
Such a zonge damesel of bewte bryght
And of schap so comely Also
Of hire tayle ofte tyme be lyght
and rygh' tekyl vndyr þe too.
¶ that olde cokolde was evyl be-gylyd
to pat fresche wench whan he was wedde
now muste he faderyn A-nothyr mannys chylde
and with his swynke he xal be fedde.
ԱՏ
1us detractor
ijus detractor
1us detractor

• A ȝonge man may do more chere in bedde
  Fo. 76v
  to A ȝonge wench pan may An olde
  pat is pe cawse such lawe is ledde
  þat many a man is a kokewolde.
  hic sedet episcopus Abizachar inter duos legis doctores et audientes
  hanc de-famocionem vocat ad se detractores dicens
  ¶ Herke ze felawys why speke ze such schame
  of pat good virgyn ffayr mayd mary
  ze be a-cursyd so hire for to defame
  She pat is of lyff so good and holy
  Of hire to speke suche velany
  зе
  make myn hert ful hevy of mood
  I charge ȝow sese of ȝoure fals cry
  Ffor sche is sybbe of myn owyn blood.
  Syb of pi kyn pow pat she be
  all gret with chylde hire wombe doth swelle
  Episcopus
  ijas detractor
  Do calle here hedyr þi-self xal se
  pat it is trewthe pat I pe telle.
  1us detractor
  Sere ffor your sake I xal kepe cowncelle
  ȝow for to greve I am ryght loth
  But lest syrys lyst what seyth pe belle
  Oure fayr mayd now gret with childe goth.
• A paragraph mark has been erased here.

Textual notes:
[1] So in MS.

[p. 127]
Fo. 77
¶ Take good heed
།
serys what зе doth
A-vyse ȝow wele what ze present
ȝyf pis be fownd fals a-nothyr day
Ful sore ȝe xal ȝour tale repent.
say
Sere pe mayd for sothe is good and gent
bothe comely and gay and a fayr wench
And feetly with help sche can consent
to set A cokewolde on pe hye benche.
зе
be to besy of your langage
I hope to god ȝow fals to preve
It were gret rewthe she xulde so outrage
or with such synne to myscheve.
This evy talys my hert doth greve
of hire to here such fowle dalyawnce
If she be fowndyn in suche repreve
she xal sore rew here governawns.
¶ Sym somnore in hast wend pou pi way
byd Joseph and his wyff be name
At pe coorte to Appere pis day
here hem to pourge of here defame
Sey þat I here of hem grett schame
and pat doth me gret hevynes
if bei be clene with-owtyn blame
primus doctor legis
ijus detractor
ijus doctor legis
Episcopus
byd hem come hedyr and shew wyttnes.
TAH redy sere I xal hem calle
here at your courte for to appere
And yf I may hem mete with all
Den
I hope ryght sone pei xal ben here
A-wey serys lete me com nere
A man of wurchep here comyth to place
of curtesy me semyth ze be to lere
Do of your hodys with an evyl grace.
¶ Do me sum wurchep be-for my face
or be my trowth I xal
ȝow make
If þat I rolle ȝow up in my race
Ffor fere I xal do zour ars qwake
[p. 128]
But zit sum mede and ze me take
I wyl with-drawe my gret rough toth
gold or sylvyr I wol not for-sake
but evyn as all somnorys doth.
TA Joseph good day with pi ffayr spowse
my lorde pe buschop hath for ȝow sent
it is hym tolde pat in pin house
A cuckolde is bowe is ech nyght bent
he pat shett pe bolt is lyke to be schent
Ffayre mayde pat tale ze kan best telle
now be zoure trowth telle ȝour entent
dede not pe Archere plese ȝow ryght weft.
Fo. 77 ¶ Of god in hevyn I take wyttnes
þat synful werk was nevyr my thought¹
I am a mayd zit of pure clennes
lyke as I was in to pis werd brought.
Othyr wyttnes xal non be sought
pou art with childe eche man may se
I charge zow bothe ze tary nought
ȝow
but to be buschop com forth with me.
To pe buschop with ȝow we wende
of oure purgacion hawe we no dowth.
Almyghty god xal be oure frende
Maria
Den
Joseph
Maria
Whan pe trewthe is tryed owth.
ȝa on pis wyse excusyth here every scowte
Whan here owyn synne hem doth defame
but lowly pan pei gyn to lowth
Whan þei be gylty and fowndyn in blame.
Ther-fore com forth cokewolde be name
pe busschop xal ȝour lyff appose
Com forth Also ȝe goodly dame
A clene huswyff as I suppose
I xal ȝow tellyn with-owtyn glose.
Den

Textual notes:
[1] werk first written and crossed through. [2] t written over some other letter.

[p. 129]
and
ze were myn with owtyn lak
I wolde ech day be-schrewe ȝour nose
Fo. 78
and ze dede brynge me such a pak.
My lord pe buschop here haue I brought
pis goodly copyl at ȝour byddyng
and as me semyth as be here fraught
Ffayr chylde lullay sone must she syng.
To here a credyl and ze wolde brynge
ȝe myght saue mony in here purse
be-cawse she is zour cosyn zynge
I pray ȝow sere lete here nevyr fare þe wers.
¶ Alas mary what hast pou wrought
I am a schamyd evyn for þi sake
how hast pou chaungyd pin holy thought
dude old joseph with strenght pe take
Or hast pou chosyn a-nother make
by whom pou art pus brought in schame
telle me who hath wrought pis wrake
how hast pou lost pin holy name.
¶ My name I hope is saff and sownde
god to wyttnes I am a mayd
of ffleschly lust and gostly wownde
In dede nere thought I nevyr a-sayd.
how xulde pi wombe pus be arayd
So grettly swollyn as pat it is
but if sum man þe had ovyr-layd
pi wombe xulde never be so gret i-wys.
¶ Herke pou joseph I am afrayd
pat pou hast wrought pis opyn synne
pis woman pou hast pus be-trayd
with gret flaterynge or sum fals
gynne.
Now be myn trowth ze hytte pe pynne
with pat purpose in feyth I holde
K
1us detractor
Episcopus
Maria
1us doctor legis
ijus doctor legis
ijus detractor
[p. 195]
telle now how pou pus hire dudyst wynne
Ore knowlych pi self ffor a cockewold.
Fo. 78v1 ¶ Sche is for me a trewe clene mayde
And I for hire am clene Also
of ffleschly synne I nevyr a-sayde
Sythyn pat sch was weddyd me to.
Thu xalt not schape from vs zitt so
Ffyrst pou xalte tellyn us a-nother lay
Streyt to pe Awter pou xalt go
pe drynge of vengeawns per to a-say.
¶ here is pe botel of goddys vengeauns
this drynk xal be now þi purgacion
pis [hath]² suche vertu by goddys ordenauns
þat what man drynk of pis potacion
And goth serteyn in processyon
here in pis place pis Awtere abowth
If he be gylty sum maculacion
Pleyn in his face xal shewe it owth.
¶ Iff pou be gylty telle us lete se
Ouer godys myght be not to bolde
If pou presume and gylty be
god pou dost greve many afolde.
Joseph
Episcopus
Fo. 79
I am not gylty as I fyrst tolde
All myghty god I take wytnes.
than pis drynke in hast pou holde
and on processyon anon pe dresse.
hic joseph bibit et sepcies circuiuit altare dicens
¶ This drynk I take with meke entent
as I am gyltles to god I pray
Lord as pou art omnypotente
on me pou shewe pe trowth pis day.
About pis Awtere I take be way
Joseph
Episcopus
Joseph
modo bibit.
the scribe.

Textual notes:
[1] The writing on this page is freer and less neat. [2] The word hath is written above the line in another ink-but probably by [3] MS. Angoth with d written above the line. [4] presue first written and crossed through.

[p. 131]
Fo. 79V
O gracyous god help þi servaunt
As I am gyltles A-ȝen ȝon may
pin hand of mercy pis tyme me graunt,
This olde shrewe may not wele gon
longe he taryeth to go A-bowth
lyfte up pi feet sett forth pi ton
or be my trewth pou getyst a clowte.
now sere evyl Thedom com to pi snowte
What heylyght pi leggys now to be lame
pou dedyst hem put ryght freschly owte
Whan pou dedyst pley with zon zonge dame.
I pray to god gyf hym myschawns
hese leggys¹ here do folde for Age
but with pis damysel whan he dede dawns
pe olde charle had ryght gret corage.
Den
ijus detractor
Den
The shrewe was pan sett in a dotage
and had good lust pat tyme to pleyn
ȝaff sche not ȝow cawdel to potage
whan зе had don to comforte zour brayn.
¶ A gracyous god help me pis tyde
ageyn pis pepyl pat me doth fame
as I nevyr more dede towch here syde
pis day help me fro werdly schame
A-bowte pis awtere to kepe my fame
vij tymes I haue gon rownd abowte
If I be wurthy to suffyr blame
O ryghtful god my synne shewe² owughte.
¶ Joseph with hert thank god þi lorde
Whos heyȝ mercy doth the excuse
Ffor pi purgacion we xal recorde
With hyre of synne pou dedyst never muse
But Mary pi-self mayst not refuse
All grett with chylde we se pe stonde
Joseph
Episcopus
K 2

Textual notes:
[1] detractor [1] The y is written over an original e (in the same ink). [2] sw miswritten before shewe.

[p. 132]
Fo. 80
What mystyr man dede pe mys-vse
Why hast pou synned Ageyn pin husbonde.
husbonde
I trespacyd nevyr with erthely wyght
per of I hope purowe goddys sonde
Here to be purgyd be-fore your syght
Ffrom att synne clene lyke as myn
Take me pe botel out of ȝour honde
Here xal I drynke be-forn ȝour face
A-bowth pis Awtere than xal I fonde
Vij tymes to go by godys grace.
¶ Se pis bolde bysmare wolde presume
Ageyn god to preve his myght
pow goddys vengeauns hyre xuld consume¹
Sche wyl not telle hyre fals delyght
pou art with chylde we se in syght
to us pi wombe pe doth accuse
Fer was nevyr woman zitt in such plyght
þat ffrom mankynde hyre kowde excuse.
Maria
1us doctor legis
in Ffeyth I suppose pat pis woman slepte
With-owtyn all coverte why pat it dede snowe
And a flake þer of in to hyre mowthe crepte
and per of pe chylde in hyre wombe doth growe.
Than be-ware dame for this is wel i-knowe
whan it is born yf þat þe sunne shyne
it wyl turne to watyr ageyn as I trowe
ffor snow on to watyr doth evyr more reclyne ².
¶ with goddys hyȝ myght loke þou not jape
of þi purgacion wel þe Avyse
yf pou be gylty pou mayst not schape
be-ware evyr of god pat ryghtful justyce
if god with vengeauns set on þe his syse
not only pou but af þi kyn is schamyd
bettyr it is to telle pe trewth devyse
1us detractor
ijus detractor
ijus doctor legis
Some word-possibly persume-first written and crossed through.

Textual notes:
[2] ren first written and crossed through.

[p. 133]
than god for to greve and of hym be gramyd.
¶ I trostyn in his grace I xal hym nevyr greve
his servaunt I am in worde dede and thought
A mayd vndefyled I hope he xal me preve
I pray ȝow lett me nought.
Now be pat good lord pat att pis werd hath wrought
If god on pe shewe ony manyr tokyn
purgacion I trowe was nevyr so dere bowth
Maria
Episcopus
If I may on the in Any wyse be wrokyn.
Fo. 80v
(marked 80
twice, one
figure faded
and perhaps
crossed
through)
holde here pe botel and take a large draught
and abowth the Awtere go pi processyon.
to god in pis case my cawse I haue be-taught
lorde thorwe pin helpe I drynke of þis potacyon.
Maria
hic beata uirgo bibit de potacione et postea circuiuit altare
dicens
God as I nevyr knew of mannys maculacion
but evyr haue lyued in trewe virginite
send me pis day pin holy consolacion
pat all pis fayr peple my clennes may se.
O gracyous god as pou hast chose me
ffor to be pi modyr of me to be born
saue pi tabernacle pat clene is kepte for pe
which now am put at repref and skorn
Gabryel me tolde with wordys he be-form
pat ze of zour goodnes wold be-come my chylde
help now of your hyzness my wurchep be not lord
A dere sone I pray ȝow help ȝour modyr mylde.
¶ Almyghty god what may þis mene
Ffor att pe drynke of goddys potacyon
pis woman with chylde is fayr and clene
with-owtyn fowle spotte or maculacion
I can nat be non ymagynacion
Maria
Episcopus
Preve hyre gylty and synful of lyff
it shewith opynly by here purgacion
Sche is clene mayde bothe modyr and wyff.
[p. 134]
¶ Be my fadyr sowle here is gret gyle
be-cawse sche is syb of your kynreed
pe drynk is chaungyd by sum fals wyle
Fat sche no shame xuld haue pis steed.
Be-cawse pou demyst þat we do falshede
and for pou dedyst hem fyrst defame
pou xalt ryght here magre pin heed
beforn all pis pepyl drynk of þe same.
Fo. 81 ¶ Syr in good ffeyth oo draught I pulle
If these to drynkerys haue not AH spent.
hic bibit et scenciens dolorem in capite cadit et dicit
Out out Alas what heylith my sculle
A myn heed with ffyre me thynkyht is brent
Mercy good mary I do me repent
of my cursyd and ffals langage'.
Now god lord in hevyn omnypotent
of his gret mercy ȝour seknes aswage.
We all on knes fall here on grownd
pou goddys hande-mayd prayng for grace
all cursyd langage and schame on sownd 2
good mary ffor-zeve us here in pis place.
Now god for-ȝeve ȝow all ȝowre trespace
and also for-zeve ȝow all defamacion
pat зе
haue sayd both more and lesse
to myn hynderawnce and maculacion.
Now blyssyd virgyne we thank ȝow afte
of zoure good hert and gret pacyens
we wyl go with ȝow hom to zour halle
to do ȝow servys with hyȝ reverens
I thank ȝow hertyly of zoure benevolens
On to your owyn hous I pray ȝow ȝe goo
1us detracto[r
Episcopus
1us detractor
Maria
Episcopus
Maria
Episcopus
Maria
¹ A thick line has been drawn over the original line dividing this speech and
the next.

Textual notes:
[2] The w has been written by the scribe over another letter-possibly a u.

[p. 135]
Fo. 81▾
Fo. 82
and take pis pepyl hom with ȝow hens
I am not dysposyd to passyn hens froo.

• Than ffare wel mayden and pure virgyne
  fare wel trewe hand-mayd of god in blys
  we all to ȝow lowly inclyne
  and take oure leve of ȝow as wurthy is.
  All myghty god ȝour weys wys se¹
  Ffor þat hyz lord is most of myght
  he mote ȝow spede pat ze not mys
  In hevyn of hym to haue A syght.
  ¶ Honouryd in hevyn be þat hyz lord
  whos endles grace is so habundaunt
  þat he doth shewe pe trewe recorde
  of iche wyhgte pat is his trewe servaunt
  That lord to wurchepe with hert plesaunt
  we bothe be bownd ryght on þis place
  which oure purgacyon us dyde graunt
  and prevyd us² pure by hiez grace.
  ¶ Ffor sothe good spowse I thank hym hyzly
  Of his good grace for oure purgacion
  oure clennesse is knowyn ful opynly
  Remainder of Fo. 81-43 inches-left blank.
  be vertu of his grett consolacion
  exxplicit cum gaudio amen.³
  L
  Ord What travayl to man is Wrought
  Rest in pis werd be-hovyth hym non
  Octauyan oure Emperour sadly hath be-sought
  Oure trybute hym to bere ffolk must forth ichon
  It is cryed in every bourgh and cety be name
  *No paragraph sign here in MS.
  Episcopus
  Maria
  Joseph
  Maria
  ¶ Joseph
  as a separate word.
  through.

Textual notes:
[1] This se stands after wys (apparently in the same ink and the same hand) [2] Some miswritten word or a second pure between us and pure crossed [3] Scribbled in a later hand enclosed in rudely scribbled flourishes.

The Birth of Christ

[p. 136]
I pat am a pore tymbre wryth born of pe blood of dauyd
pe Emperorys comawndement I must holde with
And ellys I were to blame.
¶ Now my wyff mary what sey ze to this
For sekyr nedys I must fforth wende
On to pe cyte of bedleem ffer hens i-wys
pus to labore I must my body bende.
Myn husbond and my spowse with ȝow wyl I wende
A syght of þat cyte. ffayn wolde I se
If I myght of myn Alye ony per ffynde
It wolde be grett joye on to me.
Maria
ΙΟ
Joseph
My Spowse ȝe be with childe. I fere ȝow to kary
Ffor me semyth it were werkys wylde
but ȝow to plese ryght ffayn wold I
zitt women ben ethe to greve whan þei be with childe
now latt us Fforth wende as ffast as we may
and al-myghty god spede us in oure jurnay.
A my swete husbond wolde зе
What tre is zon standynge vpon ȝon hylle.
Maria
telle to me
Joseph
Maria
Ffor sothe mary it is clepyd A chery tre
In tyme of zere ȝe myght ffede ȝow peron zour Ffylle.
¶ Turne A-geyn husbond and beholde zon tre
how pat it blomyght now so swetly.
Fo. 82V
Cum on Mary þat we worn At
300 Cyte
Joseph
or ellys we may be blamyd I telle ȝow lythly.
¶ Now my spowse I pray ȝow to be-hold
How be cheryes growyn vpon zon tre
Ffor to haue per-of ryght ffayn I wold
and it plesyd ȝow to labore so mech for me.
¶ ȝour desyre to ffulfylle I xal Assay sekyrly
Ow to plucke ȝow of these cheries it is a werk wylde
Ffor pe tre is so hyȝ it wol not be lyghtly
Maria
Joseph
perfore lete hym pluk ȝow cheryes be-gatt ȝow with childe.
[p. 137]
¶ Now good lord I pray þe graunt me pis boun
to haue of pese cheries and it be zour wylle
now I thank it god pis tre bowyth to me down
I may now gaderyn A-nowe · and etyn my ffylle.
¶ Ow. I know weyl I haue offendyd my god in trinyte
Spekyng to my spowse these vnkynde wurdys
Ffor now I beleve wel it may non other be
but pat my spowse beryght pe kyngys son of blys
He help us now at oure nede
of pe kynrede of jesse worthely were ze bore
Kyngys and patryarkys ȝow be-ffore
all pese wurthy of your kynred. wore
as clerkys in story rede.
¶ Now gramercy husbond for
ȝour report
in oure weys wysely late us forth wende
be fadyr all myghty he be oure comfort
be holy gost gloryous he be oure frende.
ȝow pray
Fo. 83 ¶ Heyl wurchepful sere and good day
A ceteceyn of þis cyte ze seme to be
of herborwe ffor spowse and me I
Ffor trewly pis woman is fful were
And fayn At reste sere wold she be
We wolde ffulffylle pe byddynge of oure emperour
Ffor to pay trybute As ryght is oure
Maria
joseph
Maria
Joseph
and to kepe oure self ffrom dolowre
We are come to pis cyte.
Sere ostage in þis town know I non
pin Wyff and pou in for to slepe
this cete is be-sett with pepyl every won
And gett þei ly with-owte fful every strete.
¶ With-inne no wall man comyst pou nowth
Be pou onys with-inne pe cyte gate
on-ethys in pe strete A place may be sowth
per on to rest with-owte debate.
Ciues
[p. 138]
¶ Nay sere debate þat wyl I nowth
all such thyngys passyn my powere
but zitt my care and all my thought
is for Mary my derlynge dere.
A Swete Wyff what xal we do
wher xal we logge pis nyght
on to pe ffadyr of heffne pray we so
vs to kepe ffrom every wykkyd whyt.
¶ Good man O word I wyl pe sey
Joseph
So
Ciues
If pou wylt do by pe counsel of me
zondyr is An hous of haras þat stant be þe wey
Amonge pe bestys herboryd may ze be.
Fo. 83¶ Now pe fadyr of hefne he mut ȝow zelde
His sone in my wombe forsothe he is
He kepe pe and pi good be fryth and ffelde
go we hens husbond for now tyme it is.

• But herk now good husbond a new relacyon¹
  which in my self I know ryght well
  Cryst in me hath take in-carnacion
  Sone wele be borne pe trowth I fele.
  ¶ In pis pore logge my chawmere I take
  here for to A-byde pe blyssyd byrth
  of hym pat all pis werd dude make
  be-twyn myn sydys I fele he styrth.
  god be pin help spowse it swemyth me sore
  pus febyly loggyd and in so pore degre
  Maria
  Joseph
  Go
  goddys sone amonge bestys to be bore
  his woundyr werkys ffulfyllyd must be.
  In An hous pat is desolat with-owty Any wall
  Ffyer nor wood non here is.
  Joseph myn husbond a-bydyn here I xal
  ffor here wyl be born þe Kyngys sone of blys.
  *No paragraph sign in the MS. here.
  Maria

Textual notes:
[1] ral first written (for rel) and crossed through.

[p. 139]
Fo. 84
¶ Now jentyll wyff be of good myrth
and if ze wyl owght haue telle me what ze thynk
I xal not spare for schep nor dertħ ¹
now telle me zour lust of mete and drynk.
¶ Ffor mete and drynk lust I ryght nowth
alt-myghty god my fode xal be
now pat I am in chawmere brought
I hope ryght well my chylde to se
Therfore husbond of ȝour honeste
A-voyd ȝow hens out of pis place
And I a-lone with humylite
here xal abyde goddys hyȝ grace.
¶ All redy wyff ȝow for to plese
I wyl go hens out of zour way
and seke sum mydwyuys ȝow for to ese
Whan pat ze trauayle of childe pis day.
Ffare well trewe wyff and also clene may..
God be zour comforte in trinyte.
Joseph
Maria
Joseph
ΙΙΟ
I 20
to god in hevyn for ȝow I pray,
He ȝow preserve wher so ze be..
hic dum joseph est Absens parit Maria filium vnigenitum.
Now god of whom comyth all releffe
And as all grace in pe is grownde
So saue my wyff from hurt and greffe
tyl I sum mydwyuys for here haue fownde
Travelynge women in care be bownde
with grete throwys whan þei do grone
god helpe my wyff þat sche not swownde
I am ful sory sche is a-lone.
¶ It is not conuenyent a man to be
per women gon in travalynge
wher fore sum mydwyff fayn wold I se
my wyff to helpe pat is so zenge.
Maria
Joseph

Textual notes:
[1] derke first written and crossed through.

[p. 140]
Fo. 84v
zelomy
Joseph
Why makyst pou man suche mornyng
tell me sum dele of ȝour gret mone.
My wyf is now in gret longynge
trauelyng of chylde and is a-lone
Ffor godys loue pat sytt in trone
as ze myd-wyuys þat kan zour good
help my ȝonge spowse in hast a-none
I drede me sore of pat fayr food.
be of good chere and of glad mood
we ij mydwyuys with pe wyf go
þer was nevyr woman in such plyght stood
but we were redy here help to do.
¶ My name is Salomee all men me knowe
Ffor a mydwyff of wurthy fame
Whan women travayl grace doth growe
Per as I come I had nevyr shame.
And I am zelomye men knowe my name
We tweyn with the wyl go togedyr
and help þi wyff fro hurt and grame
Com forth joseph go we streyth thedyr.
¶ I thank ȝow damys ȝe comforte my lyff
streyte to my spowse walke we be way
In pis pore logge lyght mary my wyff
hyre for to comforte gode frendys a-say.
We dare not entre pis logge in fay
Salome
zelomye
Joseph
Salome
per is per-in so gret bryghtnes
mone be nyght nor sunne be day
Fo. 85
Shone nevyr so clere in per lyghtnesse.
zelomye
¶ In to pis hous dare I not gon
pe woundyrffult lyght doth me affray.
Joseph
than wyl my-self gon in Alon
and chere my wyff if þat I may
[p. 141]
All heyl maydon and wyff I say
how dost pou fare telle me pi chere
the for to comforte in gesyne pis day
tweyn gode mydwyuis I haue brought here.
¶ The for to helpe pat art in harde bonde
zelomye. And salomee be com with me
Ffor dowte of drede with-owte pei do stond
and dare not come in for lyght þat they se.
hic maria subridendo dicat · Maria.
The myght of pe godhede in his mageste
Wyl not be hyd now at þis whyle
the chylde pat is born wyl preve his modyr fre
A very clene mayde and perfore I smyle.
¶ Why do ze lawghe¹ wyff ze be to blame
I pray ȝow spowse do no more so
In happ pe mydwyuys wyl take it to grame
and at your nede helpe wele non do*
Iff ze haue nede of mydwyuys lo
Maria
Joseph
per auenture thei wyl gon hens
perfor be sad and ze may so
And wynnyth all pe mydwyuis good diligens.
Fo. 85¶husbond I pray ȝow dysplese ȝow nowth
pow pat I lawghe and gret joye haue
here is þe chylde pis werd hath wrought
born now of me þat all thynge xal saue.
I Aske ȝow grace for I dyde raue
O gracyous childe I aske mercy
As pou art lord and I but knaue
Ffor-zeue me now my gret foly.
¶ Alas mydwyuis what haue I seyd
I pray ȝow com to us more nere
Ffor here I fynde my wyff a mayd
and in here Arme a chyld hath here
Maria
Joseph

• Jellony roughly scribbled here in faint ink.

Textual notes:
[1] A miswritten final letter (? te or e) deleted and e written above.

[p. 142]
bothe mayd and modyr sch is in ffere
pat god wole haue · may nevyr more fayle
modyr on erth was nevyr non clere
With-owth sche had in byrth travayle.
zelomy
In byrth trauayle muste sche nedys haue
or ellys no chylde of here is born.
Joseph
I pray ȝow dame and ze vowch-saue
com se pe chylde my wyff be-forn.
Grete god be in pis place
Swete systyr how fare ȝe.
I thank pe fadyr of his hyȝ grace
his owyn son and my chylde here ȝe may se.
¶ AH heyl mary and ryght good morn
Who was mydwyfe of pis ffayr chyld.
he pat no thynge wyl haue for-lorn
Sent me pis babe and I mayd mylde.
Fo. 86 ¶ With honde lete me now towch and fele
yf ze haue nede of medycyn
(H quire)
I xal ȝow comforte and helpe ryght wele
As other women yf ze haue pyn.
Of his fayr byrth pat here is myn
Peyne nere grevynge fele I ryght non
I am clene mayde and pure virgyn
tast with your hand ȝour-self a-lon
hic palpat zelomye beatam mariam virginem dicens
O myghtfull god haue mercy on me
A merveyle pat nevyr was herd be-forn
Here opynly I fele and se
A fayr chylde of a maydon is born
And nedyth no waschynge as other don
Fful clene and pure for soth is he
with-outyn spot or ony polucyon
his modyr nott hurte of virgynite.
Salome
Maria
zelomye
Maria
zelomye
Maria
zelomy
[p. 143]
¶ Coom nere gode systyr Salome
be-holde pe brestys of pis clene mayd
Fful of fayr mylke how pat pei be
And hyre chylde clene as I fyrst sayd
As other ben nowth fowle arayd
but clene and pure bothe modyr and chylde
Of pis matyr I am dysmayd¹
to se them both thus vndefyled.
It is not trewe it may nevyr be
pat bothe be clene I can not be-leve
never man dyde se
a mayde mylke haue2
ne woman bere chylde with-owte grett greve.
Fo. 86 TI xal nevyr trowe it but I it preve
¶
With hand towchynge but I Assay
in my conscience it may nevyr cleue
pat sche hath chylde and is a may.
ȝow for to putt clene out of dowth
towch with your hand and wele a-say
Wysely ransake and trye pe trewthe owth
Salome
Maria
Whethyr I be fowlyd or a clene may.3
hic tangit salomee marie et cum arescerit manus eius vlulando et
quasi flendo dicit
T+Alas Alas and Wele a-Waye
Ffor my grett dowth and fals beleve
myne hand is ded and drye as claye
my fals vntrost hath wrought myscheve.
¶ Alas pe tyme þat I was born
thus to offende A-zens goddys myght
myn handys power is now att lorn
Salomee
has been added, also in darker ink and another hand, to mayd.

• This paragraph sign seems inserted by mistake.
  letter.
  This paragraph sign again seems inserted by mistake.

Textual notes:
[1] dyf first written for dys and crossed through. [2] The word haue is crossed through in darker ink and the contraction for ys [3] ransak roughly scribbled in the margin here. [4] There is an erasure in this word; the second 7 is adapted from some other

[p. 144]
Fo. 87
Styff as a stykke and may nowth plyght
Ffor I dede tempte pis mayde so bryght
And helde A-ȝens here pure clennes
In grett myscheff now am I pyght
Alas alas ffor my lewdnes.
O lord of myght pou know yst pe trowth
þat I haue evyr had dred of pe
on every power whyght evyr I haue rowthe
and ȝove hem almes for loue of pe
Bothe wyff and wedowe pat Askyght for the
And frendles chylderyn þat haddyn grett nede
I dude them cure and all for the
and toke no rewarde of them nor mede.
Now as a wrecch ffor fals be-leve
pat I shewyd in temptynge pis mayde
my hand is ded and doth me greve
Alas pat evyr I here assayde.
Woman pi sorwe to haue de-layde²
wurchep fat childe pat fer is born
towch pe clothis þer he is layde
ffor he xal saue alt þat is lorn.
O gloryous chylde and kynge of blysse
I aske ȝow mercy for my trespace
I knowlege my synne. I demyd a-mys
O blyssyd babe grawnt me sum grace
Of ȝow mayde Also here in pis place
I aske mercy knelynge on kne
moste holy mayde grawnt me solace
Sum wurde of comforte sey now to me.
As goddys Aungel to ȝow dede telle
my chyld is medycyn ffor every sor
towch his clothis be my cowncelle
ȝowre
hand ful sone he wyl restor.
Angelus¹
Salomee
Maria
marked with a red stroke.

Textual notes:
[1] From here to the end of this play the initial of the name of speaker is. [2] leyde originally written, the e altered in slightly darker ink to a.

[p. 145]
hic salomee tangit fimbriam Christi dicens
A now blyssyd be þis chylde euer more
pe sone of god for sothe he is
Hath helyd myn hand þat was for-lore
thorwe ffals be-leve and demynge a-mys.
Fo. 87¶ In every place I xal telle pis
Of a clene mayd pat god is born
And in oure lyknes god now clad is
Mankend to saue þat was for-lorn
His modyr a mayde as sche was be-form
natt fowle polutyd as other women be
but fayr and fresch as rose on thorn
Lely wyte clene with pure virginyte.
Of pis blyssyd babe my leve now do I take
and also of ȝow hyȝ modyr of blysse
Of pis grett meracle more knowlege to make
I xal go telle it in iche place i-wys.
Salomee
Maria
Ffare wel good dame and god zour wey wysse
In all our jurnay god be your spede
and of his hyȝ mercy pat lord so ȝow blysse
þat ze nevyr offende more in word thought nore dede.
¶ And I Also do take my leve here
Of all pis blyssyd good company
praynge your grace bothe fere and nere
On us to spede zour endles mercy.
¶ The blyssyng of pat lord þat is most myghty
mote sprede on ȝow in every place
of all your enmyes to haue pe victory
God þat best may grawnt ȝow his
grace.
Fo. 88 left blank.
L
zelomy
Joseph
Amen. 320

The Adoration of the Shepherds

[p. 146]
Fo. 88
Angelus ad pastores dicit
[Gloria in excelsis deo.']
Joye to god pat sytt in hevyn
And pes to man on erthe grownde
A chylde is born be-nethe pe levyn
thurwe hym many ffolke xul be vn-bownde
Sacramentys per xul be vij
Wonnyn purowe 2 pat childys wounde
Therfore I synge A joyful stevene
pe flowre of frenchep now is founde
God þat wonyght on hyz³
he is gloryed mannys gost to wynne
he hath sent salue to mannys synne
Pes is comyn to mannys kynne
thorwe goddys sleytys slyȝ*.
¶ Maunfras maunfras felawe myne
I saw a grett lyght with shene shyne
zit saw I nevyr so selkowth 6 syne
Shapyn vpon þe skyes
It is bryghtere pan pe sunne bem
It comyth ryght ouer all þis rem
Evyn above bedleem
I saw it brenne thryes.
¶ Thu art my brother boosras
I haue beholdyn þe same pas
I trowe it is tokenynge of gras
Angelus
1" pastor
ijus pastor
ink.
there has been some double correction-written above in another hand.
I
saye are added in the writing of the scribe of the interpolated Ff. 95, 96,
and 112.
scribe.
decipherable.
7 Some miswritten letter after is crossed through by scribe.

Textual notes:
[1] The words Gloria in excelsis deo have been crossed through in a different [2] This word has been crossed out in darker ink, and thorough (?) or therogh (?)— [3] An e has been added to hy in different ink. [4] sleytys is partly erased, and over sly is written hye, and the words wysdam [5] shene crossed out and bryght written above in the hand of the same later [6] mervelus a written by the same hand over selkowth, which is barely

[p. 147]
Fo. 89
Fo. 89
þat shynynge shewyght be-form
Balaam spak in prophesye
A lyght xuld shyne vpon pe skye
Whan A sone¹ of a mayd marye
In bedleem were i-born.
¶ thow I make lyty noyse
I am an herde þat hattyht moyse
I herde carpynge of a croyse
of Moyses in his lawe
Of a mayd a barne born *
On a tre he xulde be torn
delyver folkes pat arn forlorn
The chylde xulde be slawe.
¶ Balaam spak in prophecie
out of jacob xuld shyne a skye
many ffolke he xulde bye
with his bryght blood
Be pat bryght blod þat he xulde blede
he xal us brynge fro pe develys drede
as a duke most dowty in dede.
thorwe his deth on rode.
Amos spak with mylde metħ
A frute swettere than bawmys breth
His deth xulde slen oure sowlys deth
And drawe us att from helle
Ther fore such lyght goth be-forn
In tokyn pat pe childe is born
Whiche xal saue pat is for-lorn
As prophetys gonne spelle.

• These lines have been altered by the second hand thus :
  thow I make lytyl noyse of this
  I am an herde mañ þat hattyht sayyng Amys
  I herde spekyng of a chyld of blys
  of Moyses in his lawe
  Of a mayd a child xuld be borne.
  iijus pastor
  1us pastor
  ij" pastor
  L 2

Textual notes:
[1] sone crossed out and chyld' written above in the later hand.

[p. 148]
iijus pastor
¶ Danyel þe prophete pus gan speke
wyse god from woo us wreke
pi bryght hevyn pou to-breke
and medele pe with a mayde
This prophecye is now spad
Cryst in oure kend is clad
perfore mankend may be glad
As prophetys be-forn han seyd.
Gloria in excelsis deo cantent.
B¶ The prophecye of boosdras is spedly sped
now leyke we hens as pat lyght us lede
myght we se onys þat bryght on bed
oure bale 2 it wolde vnbynde
Fo. 90
We xulde shadyr³ for no shoure
buske we us hens to bedleem boure
to se pat fayr fresch flowre
the mayde mylde in mynde.
¶ Lete us ffolwe with all oure myght
With songe and myrth we xul us dyght
and wurchep with joye pat wurthy wyght
þat lord is of mankynne
Lete us go fforthe 5 fast on hye
And honowre pat babe wurthylye
with merthe songe and melodye
haue do pis songe be-gynne.
A Ey Ey pis was a wondyr note
1us pastor
ijus pastor
tunc pastores cantabunt · stella
celi extirpauit quo facto ibunt
ad querendum christum.
1us pastor
¹ The marginal letters B, A, C indicate the order of the passages. They
are slightly rubricated. It will be noted that a third shepherd's speech is
missing here. The disturbance of the text is connected with the cancelling of
the angels' song at the beginning of the play. It is not irrelevant that the
humorous passage marked A closely resembles a passage in the Chester
Shepherds' play. It would appear to be a borrowed interpolation replacing
a speech from the third shepherd.
✦ buske crossed out and go written against it in the margin by the later
hand.
This is miswritten with three strokes.

Textual notes:
[2] bale crossed out and sorow written above by the later hand. [3] shadyr crossed out and not let written above by the later hand.

[p. 149]
þat was now songyn above þe sky
I haue pat voys fful wele I wote
pei songe gle glo glory.
¶ Nay so moty the so was it nowth
I haue pat songe fful wele i-nvm¹
In my wytt weyl it is wrought
It was gle glo glas glum.
ijus pastor
iijus pastor
¶ The songe me thought it was glory
and aftyr-warde he seyd us to
per is a chylde born xal 2 be a prynce myghty
Ffor to seke pat chylde I rede we go.
1us pastor
C¶ Heyle floure of flourys fayrest i-fownde
Heyle perle peerles prime rose of prise
heyl blome on bedde we xul be vn-bownde
with pi blody woundys and werkys full wyse
heyl god grettest I grete pe on grownde
pe gredy devyl xal grone grysly as a gryse
whan pou wynnyst þis worlde with pi wyde wounde
and puttyst man to paradys with plenty of prys
to loue he is my delyte
Heyl floure fayr and fre
Fo. 90V
[marked
90]
Lyght from pe trynyte
Heyl blyssyd mote pou be
heyl mayden fayrest in syght.
ijus pastor
Heyl floure ovyr fflowrys fowndyn in fryght"
Heyl Cryst kynde in oure kyth
Heyl werker of wele to wonyn us wyth
Heyl wynnere i-wys
Heyl fformere and ffrende
Heyl ffellere of pe fende
Heyl clad in oure kende
heyl prince of paradys.
ΠΙΟ
formed u.

Textual notes:
[1] The v has been written by the scribe (?) over some other letter-?o or a half- [2] xal written twice in MS. crossed through in different ink. [3] So in MS. for fryth.

[p. 150]
iijs pastor
¶ Heyl lord ouer lordys pat lyggyst ful lowe
Heyl kynge ovyr kyngys þi kynrede to knowe
Heyl comely knyth þe deuyl to ouer throwe
Heyl flowre of alle
Heyl werkere to wynne
bodyes bowndyn in synne
Heyl in a bestys bynne
Be-stad in a stalle.
Herdys on hylle 2
beth not stylle
but seyth your wylle
to many A man
How god is born
pis mery morn
þat is for-lorn
fyndyn he can.
¶ We xut telle
be dale and hylle
How harwere of helle
was born pis nyght
myrthis to melle
and fendys to quelle
þat were so felle
Azens his ryght.
Fo. 91 ¶ Ffare wel babe and barne of blys
Ffare wel lord pat lovely is
be to wurchep pi feet I kys
on knes to pe I falle
joseph
1us pastor
ijus pastor
The to wurchepe I falle on kne
all þis werd may joye of þe
now fare wel lorde of grett pouste
za fare wel kynge of alle.
strokes and one red.

Textual notes:
[1] This d is adapted from some miswritten letter. [2] From line 119 to line 134 two lines are written as one divided by two black

[p. 151]
¶ Thow I be pe last pat take my leve
zit fayre mullynge take it nat at no greve
now fayre babe wele mut pou cheve
Ffayr chylde now haue good day
Ffare weyl myn owyn dere derlyng
I-wys pou art a ryght fayr thyng
Ffare wel my lorde and my swetyng
Ffare wel born in pore Aray.
¶ Now
зе herd-men wel mote ze be
Ffor youre omage and zour syngynge
my sone xal a-qwyte ȝow in hefne se
and zeue zow all ryght good hendynge.
iijus pastor
Maria
Amen.
Remainder of Fo. 91-3 inches-left blank.
Fo. 91 blank except for the following scribblings in different hands of a later
date than the MS.:

1. W.
   Polerd.
   William Dere

Wylliam Dere.
3.
John Hasycham.
4.
John Taylphott of Parish Bedonson
wee that will not when we paie
when we would we shall saie* nay.
¶ Herode
Fo. 92¹
AS
S a lord in ryalte in non Regyon ² so ryche
And rulere of all remys I ryde in ryal a-ray
Ther is no lord of lond in lordchep to me lyche
non lofflyere non lofsummere evyr lastyng is my lay.
*1 Of bewte and of boldnes I bere ever-more pe belle
mayn and of myght I master every man
Of
I dynge with my dowtynes pe devyl down to helle
Ffor bothe of hevyn and of herth I am kyng sertayn.

• Or find.
  away. Half the number 18 has been thus clipped.
  *1 No paragraph sign in MS. here.

Textual notes:
[1] Ff. 92 and 93 are narrower than the rest, more margin having been cut [2] Regyon omitted and written above the line. [3] The fis written over some other letter.

The Adoration of the Magi

[p. 152]
*
Fo. 92v
¶ I am pe comelyeste kynge clad in gleterynge golde
ȝa and pe semelyeste syre pat may be-stryde a stede
I welde att my wyft all wyghtys upon molde.
།
ȝa
and wurthely I am wrappyd in a wurthy wede
ȝe knyghtys so comely bothe curteys and kene
to my paleys wyl I passe full prest I ȝow plyth
ze dukys so dowty ffolwe me be-dene
On to my ryal paleys þe wey lyth ful ryght.
¶ Wyghtly fro my stede I skyppe down in hast
to myn heyz hallys I haste me in my way
ze mynstreft of myrth blowe up a good blast
Why I go to chawmere and chaunge myn array.
Heyl be ȝe kyngys tweyne
Fferre rydyng out of your regne
me thynkyth be zour presentys seyne
ze sekyn oure sauyour
Ffro Saba haue I folwyd fferre
the glemynge of ȝon gay sterre
a chyldys blood xal bye vs dere
pat per is born in bestys boure.
¶ My name is kynge Baltazare
Of prophetys speche I am ware
Therfore a ferre wey I fare
A maydenys childe to seche
Ffor he made man of pe moolde
and is kynge of hevyn holde
I wyl hym offere pe rede golde
as reson wyl me teche.
Melchizar pat my name is kydde
in hote loue myn hert is hydde
to be blosme upon his bedde
born by bestys bynne
in tarys I am kynge with crowne
by bankys and brymmys browne
I haue trauaylid by many a towne
my lordys love to wynne.
*Paragraph sign inserted a line too high.
ΙΟ
lus rex
Secundus rex
[p. 153]
¶ I seke hym with ensens sote
of all prestys he xal be rote
his bryght blood xal be oure bote
to brynge vs out of bende
The childe xal be chosyn a preste
in all vertuys ffowndyn meste
be-forn his faderys fayr breste
Ensens he xal up sende.
¶ In ypotan And Archage
I am kynge knowyn in kage
to seke a childe of Semlant sage
I haue faryn ryght fferre
Jasper is my name knowyn
in many countres pat are myn owyn
thorwe byttyr blastys þat gyn blowyn
I stryke aftere pe sterre.
Fo. 93 ¶ I brynge myrre to my present
A byttyr lycour verament
Ffor he xal th[o]lyn¹ byttyr dent
In a maydonys flesch is clad
on byttyr tre he xal be bent
Man and god omnypotent
with byttyr betynge his fflesch be rent
tyl all his blood be bledde.
¶ Now I
regne pe2 kynge A-rayd ful Rych
Rollyd in rynggys and robys of array
Dukys with dentys I dryve in to be dych
my dedys be ful dowty demyd be day
Tercius Rex
I xall marryn po men þat r . . . n on a myche
and per-inne sette here sacrementys sottys. . . say
Her[ode
бо
by the second (Ff. 95, 96) hand.
heretykys (pat) beleuen a-mysse.
per-inne has been changed to perin; here to there; and from sottys to the
end the line has been altered by erasure and adaptation to: falsse þey are

Textual notes:
[1] tholyn has been in great part erased and the word suffyr written over it [2] Over an illegible word and þe, lyk a has been written by the later hand. [3] The latter part of this line has been altered in the second hand to (po)

[p. 154]
Fo. 93▾
per is no lorde in pis werde¹ pat lokygh me lyche²
Ffor to lame 1... rys³ of pe lesse lay
I am jolyere than þe jay
Stronge thevys to steke
þat wele oure lawys breke
on po wrecchis I wyłt be wreke
and hont hem vndyr ha[y.
¶ In kyrtyl of cammaka kynge am I cladde
Cruel and curryd in myn crowne knowe
I sytt in vndyr¹ sesar in my se
e
Sorwyn to sottys such seed wyft I sowe
Boys now blaberyn bostynge of a baron bad
...
y sowe
In bedde (?) is born be bestys suche bost is blowe
I xal prune pat paphawk and prevyn hym as a pad
Scheldys and shaftys sh . . . lh ...
my knyghtys xaln rydyn on rowe
knave 10 chylderyn ffor to qwelle
be mahound dyngne duke of helle
Sowre deth his lyff xalt selle
Such thrett wolde me throw ¹¹.
¶ Styward 12 bolde
walke pou on wolde 13
95*
I say. The words cannot be deciphered with certainty as the adaptation is
confused.
le[ve]rys.
7 prune altered to prycke, and paphawk to paddoke.
8 Two or three words of some thirteen letters indecipherable in this line.
The reviser alters shaftys to sperys and continues: schatt I ther (sowe).
9 xaln (or xuln) altered to ralle, and an a inserted between on and rowe.
10 A k between knave and chylderyn crossed through by original scribe.
11 thrett altered to threttys and throw to ouerthrow.
12 Styward crossed through. Only the last letters or of the substituted word
remain, the rest having been cut away with the margin.

• From line 95 to line 150 two short lines are printed in one, divided as
  before.
  13 ouer mowlde substituted by second hand for on wolde.

Textual notes:
[5] sadde [1] An l has been inserted in this word. [2] lyche has been altered to lyke i-wysse. [3] This word, altered by the reviser to heretykkys, may be lo[ve]rys or [4] in has been altered to here, and the v of vndyr to o. [5] The later writer has sette, the tt being written over an erasure. [6] This word is uncertain; the reviser has altered it to bedlem.

[p. 155]
and wisely beholde
AH Aboute
Iff Any thynge
shuld greve pe kynge
brynge me tydynge
if per be ony dowte.
[T]' Lord kynge in crowne
I
go
fro towne
by bankys browne
I wyłł a-byde
Senescallus
And with erys lyste
est and west
iff any geste
on grownde gynnyth glyde.
[H]erodes nup². . .
Tunc ibit senescallus et obuiabit tribus regibus et dicit eis
[¶]¹ Kyngys iij
vndyr pis tre
ΙΙΟ
In pis countre
why wytł ze abyde
Herowde is kynge
of his wonynge
On to his dwellynge
now xul ze glyde.
[¶]¹ Now lede us alle
to be kyngys halle
how it befalle
we pray to the
wyttys to wete
he may us pete
In flesshe be glete
godys frute fre.
1us Rex
I 20
hand in the margin, and has been partly cut away. The second word (or
words) is not certainly decipherable-? nuper.. ..

Textual notes:
[1] These paragraph marks have been cut away with the margin. [2] This, which appears to be a stage direction, is faintly written in the later

[p. 156]
Fo. 94
[¶]¹ Ffolwith in stownde
vpon pis grownde
to be castel rownde
I xal ȝow tech
Where kynge gynny³ wyde
vp in pis tyde
in pompe and pryde
his myght gynnyth reche.
[T] Sere kyng in trone
here comyth a-none
by strete and stone
kyngys thre
They bere present
Senescallus
what thei haue ment
ne whedyr thay arn bent
I can not se.
Herodes Rex
TI xal hem craue
what they haue
Iff they raue
or waxyn wood
I xal hem reve
here wyttys deve
here hedys cleve
And schedyn here blood.
¶ Heyl be pou kynge in kage ful hye
Heyl we nyghe pin halle ryght nye
Knowyst pou ought þat chylde slye
He is born here a-bowth
He is born of a mayd ȝynge
he xal be kynge ouer every kynge
We go to seke pat louely thynge
to hym ffayn wolde I lowth.
1us Rex
gynny altered by reviser to wonyt.

Textual notes:
[1] Paragraph marks cut away with the margin. [2] The h omitted and written small above the line by the scribe.

[p. 157]
¶ Balaam spak in prophecy
A sterre xulde ful louelye
lythtyn vpon mayd marye
comyn of jacobys kynne
pe childe is born and lyth here by
ij" Rex
Blomyd in a madenys body
A sterre hath strekyn upon þe sky
and ledde us fayr be fenne.
iijus Rex
¶ The sterre hath ledde us out of pe est
to seke a baron born best
he xal be kynge of myghtys mest
as prophecy gynneth spelle
we be kyngys in wey wery
Syr kynge ffor pþi curtesy
telle us to pat childe so louely
Fo. 94 T
in what town gynnyth he dwelle.
зе thre kyngys rekenyd be rowe
ley now downe ȝour wurdys lowe
Such a carpynge is vnknowe
on-rekenyd in my regne
I am a kynge of hyȝ degre
þer xal non ben above me
I haue florens and fryhthis fre
parkys and powndys pleyne.
¶ But goth to fynde pat ze sech
and yf ze knowe such a lech
and ze hym fynde I ȝow be-sech
comyth a-zen be me
And I xal be both blyth and bowne¹
pat all worchep to hym be done
with reuerens I xal seke hym sone
and honour hym on kne.
¶ and perfore kyngys I ȝow pray
herodes Rex
whan зе
haue don zour jurnay

Textual notes:
[1] do first written for bo and crossed through.

[p. 158]
come azen pis same way
pe trewth to me to telle
come and telle me as ze spede
and I xal qwyte ryght wel zour mede
with gold and tresour and rych wede
with furrys rych and wurth pelle.
¶ Kynge haue good day
I go my way
to seche
1us Rex
lord of myght
he xal be ryght
oure leche.
¶ Kynge fful sterne
be felde and ferne
I goo
to sekyn a kynge
he takyth wonynge
in woo.
If we hym fynde
oure kynge ful kynde
be a may
Ffrom kynge and qwen
we comyn azen
ijus Rex
iijus Rex
pis day.
transient.2 Herodes Rex
¶ A Fy Fy on talys pat I haue ben tolde
here be-forn my cruel kne
how xulde a barn wax so bolde
be bestys yf he born be
Fo. 95 3
he is yong and I am old
An hardy kyng of hye degre
as that of Fo. 112 and as that in which alterations are made in several plays,
notably in the Shepherds and Magi plays and the Resurrection play. Ff. 95,
96, and 112 are not rubricated.

Textual notes:
[1] From line 199 to line 216 three lines are written in one, divided as before. [2] This word is in a later hand, but not apparently that of the Ff. 95-6 scribe. [3] Ff. 95 and 96 are interpolated and the writing is different, being the same

[p. 159]
Fo. 95V
This daye the kynggys xal be¹ kold
If þey cum ageyne be me
My goddys I xalt vp-reyse
A derke devy with falsnese I saye
Shall cast a myst in þe kynggys eye
Be bankys and be 2 dalys drey
pat be derk þei xall cum this weyys.
Go we to sek owr lord and our lech
yon stere will us tech þe weyis full sone
To saue vs from myschyff god I here be-sech
on to his joyis þat we may rech
I
pray hem of this bone.
primus [Rex
a Tunc ibunt reges cum muneribus ad ihesum et primus rex dicit
Heyle be pou kyng Cold' clade
heyll with maydynnys mylk fade
heyft I cum to pe with gold' glade
As wese wrytyng bere it record
gold is pe³ rycheste metall
And to weryng most ryaf
gold I gyff þe in this halt
And know pe for my lorde.
Lorde I knele
vpon my kne ¹
Sote encence I offere to the
Thow xalte be pe fyrst of hyȝ degre"
non so mekelt of myght
In goddys howse as men xatt se
Thow xalt honour pe trynite
iij personys in oon gode free
And all oo lord' of myght.
Lord' I knele downe be thy bede
In maydyns fleshe pou arte hede
Thy name xal be° wyde rede
And kyng ouer all kynggys
ijus r[ex
iijus r[ex

Textual notes:
[1] xalbe (one word) in M.S. [2] A miswritten letter before be crossed through. [3] Omitted and written above the line. [4] Knele first written and crossed through. [5] dr first written and crossed through. [6] xalbe as above in MS.

[p. 160]
Fo. 96
Byttyr myre to be I brynge
ffor bytter dentys on pe pei xalt dyng
and byttyr deth xałt be þy endyng
And perfor I make mornyng ¹.
Kynggys kynde
ffrome pe fende
god yow defende
homwarde зе wende
and to your placys ze lende
þat ze xulde tende.
Now haue we pe place fownde
To Herode go we this stownde
with owr wordys we were bownde
That we xulde cum a-geyne
go we a pace and sey owr spech
ffor we haue fownde our lord and lech
Al pe truth we wył hem tech
how pe kyng is borne of a quene.
Myn hede is 2 hevy as lympe of leede
But yf I slepe I am a-drede
My witt xall fare pe wurse
I wax hevy in lyme and flamke ³
Downe I ley me vpon this banke
Vnder this bryght sterre i-wys.
Broper I must lye pe bye
I will go neuer ouer pis stye
Tyl I haue a slepe
The yong kyng and his moper mary
Saue vs all frome euery velany
Now Cryst vs save and kepe.
Such hevynese haue vs cawght 5
I must drynk with yow a drawght
Maria
primus rex
ijus rex
iijus rex
Primus rex
however, been erased.
This line, written too far to the left, is crossed out and rewritten.

Textual notes:
[1] First written mornyngys as the rhyme demands. The ys contraction has, [2] is omitted and written above the line. [3] So in MS. [4] att omitted and written above the line.

[p. 161]
Fo. 977
To slepe a lytyll whyle¹
I am hevy heed and footte
I xulde stumbylt at resch and root
And I xuld goo a myle.
a
Ange[lus
ze kynggys on this hit
Werk ze not aftyr herodys wytł
for ³ yf ze do he wyłł yow kyff
pis day or nyght
My lorde yow sent this tydyng
to Rest yow kynggys in rych clothyng
And when ze rysyn and goo to your dwellyng
Tak home pe wey full ryght
whether pat ze be" wakyn or slepe
My lorde god' xalt yow keppe
In goode tyme ze dede down drepe
To take yowr rest
herode to pe devyf he tryst.
Fo. 96-left blank.
herowdys to pe devyl he tryste
to marre zow in a myrke myste
my lord god is ful of lyste
to glathe ȝow for his geste.
And perfore kyngys whan ȝe ryse
Wendyth ferth be weys wyse
per zour hall be⁹ sett in syse
in dyverse londe
loke ferper
♦ to omitted and written in the margin against Rest.
7 With Fo. 97 the original hand is resumed.
8 myrke altered by reviser to thyrke.
9 Some erasure between hatt and be.
M

Textual notes:
[2] Hic dormiunt reges et venit Angelus et dicit eis [1] wyll first written and crossed through. [2] This and the similar sign on Fo. 95 are very roughly made. [3] for omitted and written in the margin against yf. [5] be omitted and written above the line. [6] slepyne first written and crossed through.

[p. 162]
Fo. 97V
ffadyr¹ of god in at thynge
hath ȝow grawntyd his swete blyssynge
he xal ȝow saue ffrom all shendynge
with his ryght honde.
Tunc surgant reges et dicat
¶ A bryght sterre ledde us in to bedleem
A bryghtere thynge I saw in drem
bryghtere than þe sunne beem
An Aungelt I saw ryght here
þe fayre flowre pat here gan falle
ffrom herowdys kynge he gan vs kalle
he taught vs hom tylt oure halle
A wey by a-nother mere.
¶ I saughe a syght 2
myn hert is lyght
Primus Rex
2us Rex
to wendyn home
god fful of myght
hath us dyght
ffro develys dome.
¶ Oure god I blysse
he sent us i-wys'
his Aungel bryght
now we wake ³
þe wey to take
home full ryght.
3us Rex
I'
Haue be prest in jherusalem here
And tawth goddys lawe many A ȝere
desyrynge in all my mende
þat pe tyme we5 neyhand nere
In which goddys son xul Apere
Symeon Justus
to crossed out and whe written above the line by the Ff. 95-6 hand.

Textual notes:
[1] pe has been added before ffadyr by the reviser. [2] From line 323 to line 334 three lines are written in one, divided as before. [3] be inserted before wake by the Ff. 95-6 hand. [5] So in MS. for were.

The Purification

[p. 163]
in erthe to take mankende
Or I deyd þat I myght fynde
my savyour with myn ey to se
but pat it is so longe be-hynde
it is grett dyscomforte on to me.
¶ Ffor I wax old and wante my myght
and be-gynne to fayle my syght
þe more I sorwe pis tyde
save only as I telle ȝow ryght
god of his grace hath me hyght
þat blysful byrth to byde
Wherfore now here be-syde
to sancta sanctorum · wyl I go
to pray god to be my gyde
to comfort me aftyr my wo
here Symeon knelyth and seyth
A gode god in trinite
Whow longe xal I abyde the
tyl pat pou pi son pou¹ doth sende
þat I in erth myght hym se
good lord consydyr to me
I drawe fast to An ende
pat or my strenthis fro me wende
gode lorde send dow² pi son
pat I with my ful mende
myght wurcheppe hym if I con³.
Fo. 98 ¶ Bothe with my fete and hondys to
to go to hym and handele also
my eyn to se hym in certayn
my tonge for to speke hym to
and at my lemys to werke and do
In his servyse to be bayn.
Send forth pi son
my lord sovereyn
hastely A-non with-owte teryenge.
Ffor fro pis world. I wolde be ffayn
It is contrary to my levynge.
Should one " (") be expanded to pan?
3 Angelus scribbled here in the margin.
IO
M 2

Textual notes:
[1] So in MS. [2] So in MS.

[p. 164]
Symeon leff þi careful stevene
Ffor pi prayer is herd in hevene
to jherusalem ffast now wynne
And per xalt se ful evene
in þe templ³ per pou dwellyst inne
he pat is goddys son ffor to nemene
The dyrknes of orygynal synne
he xal make lyght and clarefye
and now be dede xal be-gynne
whiche hath be spokyn be prophecye.
¶ A. I thanke pe lord of
grace
þat hath grauntyd me tyme and space
to lyve and byde thys
and I wyl walk now to pe place
Where I may se pi sonys face
which is my joye and blys
I was nevyr lyghtere i-wys
to walke nevyr here be-forn
Angelus
t
Symeon
Ffor a mery tyme now is
Whan god my lord is born.
бо
Anna prophetessa
¶ Al heyl symeon what tydyngys with ȝow
Why make ze al pis myrth now
Fo. 98
telle me whedyr ze fare.
Anne prophetes and ze wyst whov
So xulde ze I make A-vow
and att maner men þat Are
Ffor goddys son as I declare
Is born to bye mankende
Oure savyour is come to sesyn oure care
perfore haue I grett merth to wende.
And pat is pe cawse I hast me
On to pe temple hym to se
and perfore lett me not good frende.
Symeon
clipped with the margin: Cum do ...

Textual notes:
[1] Some words in another ink are written against Angelus, and have been [2] So in MS. [3] So in MS. [4] A miswritten and deleted.

Now blyssyd be god in trinyte

[p. 165]
syn þat tyme is come to be
and with ȝow wyl I wende
To se my savyour ende
and wurcheppe hym Also
Anna
Fo. 99
with all my wyll and my ful mende
As I am bound now wyl I do.
Et tunc ibunt Ambo ad templum. et prophetissa.
¶ In þe temple of god who vndyrstod
pis day xal be offeryd with mylde mood
which pat is kynge of Alle.
pat xal be skorgyd and shedde his blood
And Aftyr dyen on pe rood
With-owtyn cawse to calle
Ffor whos passyon þer xal be-ffalle
Swych a sorwe bothe sharpe and smerte
pat as a swerd perce it xalle
zevene thorwe his moderys herte.
¶ ȝa þat xal be as I wel fende¹
Ffor redempcion of Att mankende
pat blysse ffor to restore
Whiche hath be lost fro oute of mende
As be oure fadyr of oure owyn kende
Adam and Eue be-ffore.
Joseph my husbond with-owtyn mys
ze wote pat ffourty days nere is
Sythe my sonys byrth fful ryght
Wherfore we must to be temple i-wys
Per fore to offre oure sone of blys
up to his fadyr in hyght
And I in goddys syght
puryfyed ffor to be
in clene sowle with al my myght
in presence of pe trinyte 2
Symeon
Anna prophetissa
Maria
without rubrication.

Textual notes:
[1] fende has been altered to fynde by another hand. [2] Lines 103-6 are written in two long lines divided by black strokes

The Purification

[p. 166]
Fo. 997
¶ To be purefyed · haue ze no nede
ne pi son
to be offeryd so god me spede
ffor fyrst pou art ful clene
Vndefowlyd in thought and dede
and a-nothyr þi son with-owtyn drede
is god and man to mene
Wherefore it nedyd not to bene
but to kepe pe lawe on moyses wyse
Whereffore we xal take us be-twene
Dowys and turtelys ffor sacrefyce.
TAH heyl my kyndely comfortour
Af heyl mankyndys creatoure
A heyl pou god of myght
Aft heyl mankyndys savyour
Af heyl bothe kynge and emperour
Joseph
Et ibunt ad templum. 115
Symeon
Anna prophetissa
Symeon
Anna prophetissa
Symeon
I 20
Anna prophetissa
A heyl As it is ryght
Symeon
AH heyl Also mary bryght
Anna prophetissa
AH heyl Salver of Seknes
Symeon
Af heyl lanterne of lyght
Anne prophetissa
All heyl pou modyr of mekenes.
Maria
Symeon I vndyrstand and se
pat bothyn of my sone and me
ze haue knowynge clere
una also in zour compane
ny sone desyryth for to be
and per-ffore haue hym here.
Welcome prynce with-owte pere
Welcome goddys owyn sone
Welcome my lord so dere
Welcome with me to wone.
Symeon
et Accipiet Jhesum.

Suscepimus deus misericordiam tuam.

[p. 167]
Lord god in mageste
we haue receyvyd þis day of pe
in myddys of pi temple here
thy grett mercy As we may se
therfore pi name of grett degre
be wurchepyd in att manere
Over allt þis werde bothe fer and nere
zevyn on to pe vnterest ende
Ffor now is man out of daungere
and rest and pes to Aff man-kende.
Nunc dimittis seruum tuum domine,' etcetera.
The psalme
songyn every vers and per qwył Symeon pleyth with pe child and
quhan pe psalme is endyd· he seyth
Now lete me dye lorde and hens pace
Ffor I pi servaunt in pis place
haue sen my savyour dere
Whiche pou hast ordeyned be-forn pe face
Of Al mankynde pis tyme of grace
opynly to Appere
pi lyth is shynand' clere
to All mankyndys savacion
mary take zour childe now here
and kepe wel pis man is savacion.
Fo. 100 Ne I rowth nere to dye Also¹
Ffor more than ffowre skore ȝere and to
pis tyme hath bede to se
And sythe pat it is come per to
What goddys wyl is with me to do
ryght evyn so mot it be.
Take here these candelys thre
Mary Symeon And Anne
And I xal take pe fowrte to me
to offre oure child up thanne.
Anna prophetissa
Joseph
crossed through.