with the Croxton Play of the Sacrament and the Pride of Life

Outside York, Chester, Wakefield (Towneley), and Coventry — the four great English mystery cycles — a handful of biblical plays survive on their own, orphaned from whatever larger cycle, if any, once held them. This volume gathers them: the Shrewsbury Fragments, three scraps of a shepherds'-and-Easter play still half-tied to the Latin liturgy it grew out of; the Norwich Creation and Fall, in two independent tellings a century apart; the Newcastle shipwrights' Noah's Ark; and two wholly separate versions of Abraham's sacrifice of Isaac, one from a Dublin manuscript, one from a commonplace-book kept at Brome in Suffolk.

With them stands the Croxton Play of the Sacrament — the only surviving English miracle play, and a strange, violent one: a Jewish merchant buys a consecrated Host from a corrupt Christian trader and has it stabbed, boiled, and nailed to a post to test whether it truly is the body of Christ, until it bleeds and a childlike image of the wounded Christ appears from the oven where it was thrust. And last, fragmentary and battered almost past recovery in its single manuscript, The Pride of Life: the oldest surviving English morality play, in which a proud king who boasts he need never fear Death sends his messenger Mirth out to challenge him, and the play breaks off mid-combat, the ending lost.

The text here follows Osborn Waterhouse's 1909 edition for the Early English Text Society (Extra Series 104), the first and still the standard scholarly edition to gather these plays together. Waterhouse worked from the manuscripts directly — the Dublin and Brome Abraham plays, the Shrewsbury Fragments, the Norwich text, and the fragile Pride of Life fragment among them — and his introduction, reproduced here alongside the plays, sets out what was known in 1909 of each play's manuscript, dialect, sources, and likely staging.

Contents

• Editor's Introduction
• I. The Shrewsbury Fragments
  • 1. Officium Pastorum
  • 2. Officium Resurrectionis
  • 3. Officium Peregrinorum
• II. The Norwich Play — Creation of Eve and the Fall
• III. The Newcastle Play — Noah's Ark
• IV. Two Plays of Abraham and Isaac
  • The Dublin Play
  • The Brome Play
• V. The Play of the Sacrament (Croxton)
• VI. The Pride of Life
• Glossary

Editor's Introduction

The following is Osborn Waterhouse's 1909 introduction to the plays, given here in full — his account of the four great English cycles and how these plays stand outside them, and his discussion, play by play, of each manuscript, its dialect, its sources and analogues, and its likely staging.

I. General

The miscellaneous character of the contents of the present volume rendered it somewhat difficult to select a title which would adequately and fittingly describe such a collection of plays. Apart from the morality," The Pride of Life, which has been included on account of its early date, and the Play of the Sacrament, a miracle play, the collection comprises those remains of our early-English, religious drama, not contained in the four great cycles of mystery-plays. The term " non-cycle mysteries " is, however, not intended to suggest that they have never formed part of some mystery-cycle, which question is rather reserved for discussion in dealing with each piece individually. Although three of the plays are fragmentary, and all the Biblical ones handle subjects treated in the cycles, their interest is not thereby diminished ; and their importance, in so far as they supply much additional information with reference to the history and development of our early drama, is by no means insignificant. The manuscript containing the three offices," known as the Shreicshury Fragments, is the only English example of plays representing the drama in transition from the liturgical play to the mystery proper ; the Newcastle and Norwich plays supply us with interesting details, the one of the methods of composition, the other of the mode of performance and staging of the respective plays ; the two Abraham plays, in comparison with the four plays in the cycles upon the same subject, show us something of the variety with which this popular story was treated ; the Croxton Play of the Sacrament is the only preserved text of a miracle play, the existence of which type in England, as well as on the Continent is amply proved by various official records ; and The Pride of Life serves as a link between the morality plays of the later form and construction and the dance-of-death plays.

The preservation of the four great cycles of plays has naturally led to the emphasizing of the cyclical form and cyclical method of performance as the typical one in England, and has also resulted in the ignoring to a large extent of the plays and recorded performances which do not come into this category. The number of documents which have been lost and the number of performances the record of which also has not been preserved, are immense, but still sufficient evidence is to hand to indicate how widespread and popular the performances were, that the greatest possible variety of treatment did exist, and that the cycle and the cyclical mode of performance were by no means universal. Between the beginning of the tenth and the end of the sixteenth centuries, in all parts of Great Britain from Aberdeen to Cornwall, performances of liturgical and mystery plays are on record; Dublin has them too, and John Bale's religious plays, God^s Promises and John the Baptist, were performed as far west as Kilkenny. Local circumstances, such as the amount of ecclesiastical influence and the number and wealth of the trade-guilds, were often the factors determining the magnificence, or insignificance, and the mode of performance of the plays. Thus cycles of all sizes appear to have existed : York has preserved forty-eight plays, Coventry forty-two, Wakefield thirty, and Chester twenty-five ; while we learn from various municipal records that Beverley had thirty-six, Norwich thirteen, Newcastle twelve, Worcester five, Bungay in Bufíolk at least five but very probably more, Lincoln probably four, and that Chelmsford, Ipswich and other places also possessed cycles. The length of the cycle depended largely upon the number and prosperity of the guilds : the formation of new guilds necessitated the inclusion of a new play or the division of, existing plays : a lack of funds in particular guilds, on the other hand, led to the dropping or amalgamation of certain plays. Thus for example, the Norwich play of The Creation was sometimes preceded by the Fall of the Angels, while at other times it was the first play of the series ; again, a list of the York plays drawn up in 1415 gives the number as fifty-one, a second, undated list as fifty-seven, and the manuscript preserves forty-eight ; and the thirty-eight Beverley plays of 1390 were thirty-six in 1520: further we learn from the accounts of the latter that in 1411 a play was added, and that in 1495 another play was divided. Another custom seems to have existed at Aberdeen which

possessed two series of plays ; the Passion and Nativity cycles were not amalgamated, but the former was performed at Corpus Christi and the latter at Candlemas. The occasions on which such plays were performed were equally various and numerous as the plays themselves. The most popular of all days appears to have been Corpus Christi, which comes at a time of the year when the weather is suitable for such performances, and which received additional ecclesiastical importance in 1311 at the Council of Yienne, when Clement Y confirmed a bull enacted by Urban lY. In England the plays were very intimately connected with the Corpus Christi procession, although instances of their dissociation are not unknown ; at Newcastle, for example, the procession took place in the morning and the plays were performed in the afternoon. Other days too were popular. A cyclical play at Chelmsford appears to have been given on Midsummer Day, or a day soon following, while Chester, Norwich, New Pomney, and probably Leicester, performed their respective plays at Whitsuntide. This, also, was exceptionally the case with the plays at York in the year 1569, Whit Tuesday being the day selected. On an earlier occasion (1426),. in the same town, the plays were given on Corpus Christi Day, and the procession postponed until the day following. At Lincoln the performance took place on St. Anne's Day, and at Beverley on St. Mark's Day. The Edinburgh Candlemas and Corpus-Christi performances have already been referred to. On at least one occasion, a cycle of plays is recorded to have been performed at a royal entry, viz., at Aberdeen in May 1511, for the entertainment of Queen Margaret, the wife of James lY, as Dunbar tells : ^^The streittis war all hung with tapestrie, Great was the press of peopill dwelt about. And pleasant padgeanes playit prattelie." ^ The number of pageants used and the number of stations " at which performances were given, are by no means coincident with the number of plays : custom varied considerably. The thirty-six plays of the Beverley cycle were given at six consecutive stations " in the course of one day; the forty-two Coventry plays were allotted to ten or twelve pageants each of which covered several incidents, and were only performed at three " stations," the whole ^ Dunbar: The Qiienis Reception at Aberdein (ed. J. Small, Scott. Text See., ii. 251).

being also performed within the day ; while at Chester, where the plays were given at Whitsuntide, nine were performed on the Monday, nine on Tuesday and seven on Wednesday, all at numerous stations ; and at York, in 1399, the number of stations " was limited by statute to twelve, but afterwards varied between twelve and sixteen. A cyclical play at Chelmsford, given on the Monday after Midsummer Day in 1562, is further peculiar in that it was played in a ' pightell ' or enclosure, upon a scaffold with a stage for the spectators,^' and appears to have been taken on circuit to other towns, since on the following day it was performed at Braintree and later at Maiden. At Coventry the plays were only given at three, or at most, four stations," while the customs at Leicester, Lincoln, Norwich and Worcester have not been definitely recorded. On two occasions, 1409 and 1411, performances are recorded at Skynners' Well,^ London, which, according to the description of them preserved, must have been of the nature of mystery plays and were evidently given on a very extensive scale ; the play of 1409, " whiche endured Wednesday, Thorsday, Friday and on Soneday was ended," showed how God created Heaven and Earth, out of nothing, and how he created Adam and so on to the Day of Judgment " ; and in 1411, ^'begänne a gret play from the begynnyng of the worlde, at the skynners' welle, that lastyd vi] dayes contynually ; and there ware the moste parte of the lordes and gentylles of Ynglond." The performance of these mystery-cycles, with few exceptions, took place annually : occasionally, however, other cyclical plays were substituted for the mystery-cycle. Thus, for example, at York, in 1535, for the latter was substituted TAe Creed play, which was performed every tenth year, generally, however, in addition to the craft-plays, and in 1488 and 1558 by The Paternoster play : in 1550 and 1552 the performances were omitted because of plague, and in 1564, 1565 and 1566,- because of war and sickness. At Lincoln, too, the Ludus Corporis Christi was apparently at various times replaced by Ludus de Pater JToster, Ludus Sancti Laurentii, Ludus Samctae Pusannae, Ludus de Kyng Robert of Cesill or Ludus de Paneta Clara, according as the authorities determined. The records of performances of single plays of both types, mystery and miracle, are numerous and widespread. A single play, for ^ Also referred to as Clerkenwell.

example, was frequently selected from a cycle for separate performance, as was often the case at Chester. Thus, in 1488, The Assumption was performed before Lord Strange at the High Cross; in 1515, the same play, in conjunction with The Shepherds play, in St. John's Churchyard; in 1576, The Piirification, by the Smiths at Alderman Mountford's on Midsummer Eve, and finally, in 1578, The Shepherds play with others, at the " High Cross on the Roodee " before the Earl of Derby and Lord Strange.^ Thus, to cite further examples, Aberdeen had a Pesurrection play ; the Digby Burial and Resurrection was played, one part on Good Friday and the other part on Easter day ; in 1584 at Coventry a Destruction of Jerusalem play was performed ; at Hull a Noah play ; at Leconsfield a Christmas Nativity play and an Easter Resurrection play ; at Leicester a Herod and a Shepherds play; at Winchester in 1486 a Christi discensus ad Inferos ; and at Canterbury the Three Kings of Coleyn. Plays of a nature very much akin to these few representative ones already mentioned, based upon apocryphal sources and other early Church writings, are equally numerous; in 1528, at Dublin, was performed the Deaths of the Apostles, and at Shrewsbury in 1565, Julian the Apostate. Most numerous of all, however, are the records of plays upon incidents drawn from the life of some saint ; and this is not to be wondered at, since not only had each church its patron saint, but also each craft-guild, the honouring of whom was certainly one of the first duties of the members of the guild. St. George and St. Thomas of Canterbury naturally occupy the foremost places, but are by no means alone ; thus, London, Coventry and Dunstable have records of plays of St. Catherine ; Braintree of St. Swithin, St. Andrew and St. Eustace; and Lincoln of Saints Laurence, Susanna, Jacob and Clara; to mention but a few of the multitude of references available. Unlike the cycles, these single plays were intended as occasional rather than annual events. Local conditions determined their time and manner of performance. In a still larger degree than cyclical plays they served to adorn court festivities (as for example at Windsor in 1416, when Henry Y invested the Emperor Sigismund with the Order of the Garter), banquets, royal entries, and to celebrate particular saints' days. Still performances on the usual festivals are very numerous, although somewhat irregular ; ^ E. K. Chambers, Medioeval Stage, ii, 355, quoted from Morris and Eurnivall.

thus, for example, Dublin and Lichfield had performances at Ohristmas, Leicester on New Year's Eve, Lichfield and other towns at Easter, Hull on Plough Monday, Reading at Bartlemastide, etc. Moreover, long after Biblical plays ceased to be liturgical in character, the church continued to serve the people as theatre, and the surplices of the clergy as part of the necessary costumes of the actors. As late as the sixteenth century the performance of plays in the church, indeed, was a very common occurrence, as is proved by the church records at Halstead, Hey bridge and Braintree, to quote three out of many examples ; and from the same accounts we learn, too, that money was collected by some method or other from the spectators, on behalf of the ecclesiastical funds. Thus, in 1523, to quote an example from Braintree, a ßt. Swithin play, acted in the church on a Wednesday, realized ¿£6 14<s. the expenses of which were <£3 Is. 4J., leaving a net gain of <£3 13s. due to the church. Similar records are numerous. The churchyard, also, continued to be a popular place for performances, as was the case at Bungay in 1566 ; while at Dublin, Ploggin Green (now College Green), at Chelmsford a pightell," at Canterbury the Guildhall, and at Reading the market-place, were distinguished as places chosen for plays. This small list, however, illustrates rather than exhausts, the variety of places which were used for the purpose. An interchange of plays, players, and stage-effects, between towns having performances, was also a frequent occurrence. Thus, a play which had proved popular at one place was often taken to a neighbouring town or village. So we learn that between 1429 and 1490, players from New Romney often, and players from Ruckinge (1431), Wytesham (1441), Ham (1454), Hythe (1467), Folkestone (1479), Rye (1480), and Stone (1490), acted at Lydd; Avhile in 1490, the chaplain of the Guild of St. George at New Romney, went to see a play at Lydd, with a view to its reproduction in his own town. New Romney itself, although, as is evident, well provided with its own players, was often visited by those from other towns : in 1399 from Hythe, 1422 Lydd, 1426 "Wittersham, 1429 Herne, 1430 Ruckinge, 1474 Folkestone, 1488 Appledore, 1489 Chart and Rye, 1491 Wye, 1494 Brookland, 1499 Halden, and 1508 Bethersden. The two which we have quoted are, moreover, by no means isolated examples. Records of the borrowing and lending of wardrobes are also very numerous : the Chelmsford wardrobe was apparently

very valuable, was at various times noted down in inventories, and the lending of it became a regular and valuable source of income to the churchwardens. To multiply further examples would be valueless and tedious : but sufficient has been said in these few opening lines to indicate, inadequately perhaps, the variety of, and extent to which single plays flourished, how widespread they were, and how important a part in the national life they played ; and that a considerable amount of dramatic activity, which has too often been overlooked, did exist outside the limits of the great cycles and the few others which were believed to have existed. With these few introductory, general remarks we turn to an individual consideration of the separate plays.

II. Fragments of Liturgical Plays, Discovered at Shrewsbury

On January 4th, 1890, in a letter to The Academy, the Pev. Prof. Skeat first called public attention to the discovery of these plays, and a week later, in the same journal, published the text of the manuscript : upon these two articles the following account of the manuscript and its contents is based.^ The manuscript in question (Mus. iii. 42) was discovered at Shrewsbury, in the library of the school, by Dr. Calvert : of this document Dr. Calvert made a transcript and sent it to Dr. Clark, who in turn handed it to Prof. Skeat. Certain problems which this transcript suggested to the latter scholar, led him to seek their solution in the original. The manuscript. Prof. Skeat tells us, originally consisted of forty-three leaves ; five quires of eight leaves, and one quire of three leaves : the ninth leaf had been cut out. The first leaf is a palimpsest, and originally contained what is written on the back of the second leaf. The first thirty-six leaves, written with care, and rubricated, contain the following Latin anthems, carefully set to music :— ^ In the summer of 1905 I visited Shrewsbury School for the purpose of collating the MS., but could find no responsible person who could give me permission to see it ; and at the end of the summer holidays in the same year I wrote to the headmaster of the school for permission to consult it, but have not yet received a reply to my letter : I have, therefore, been compelled to base my text and much of the material in this introduction upon the articles of Prof. Skeat ; fortunately a scholar of such eminence that one can rest assured the version of the text and facts respecting the manuscript are to be implicitly relied upon. mystery plays. h

1. Gentiim quadraginta^ etc.., Rev. xiv. 34, followed^by Cedentem in swperne maiestatis arce, etc. (leaf 3.) 2. In die pnrificacionis ad preces. Hodie Beata Virgo, etc. (leaf 3, back.) 3. In die palmar urn. En rex venit mansuetus, etc., with Gloria laus, (leaf 4, back, and leaf 5, back.) 4. In die palmarnm. Passio Domini, (leaf 7, back.) 5. In vigilia Pasche. Rex sanctorum angelorum. (leaf 14, back.) 6. In die Pasche ad process. Salve festa dies, (leaf 15, back.) 7. In die Pasche. Grucifixum in carne, (leaf 17, back.) 8. In die Pasche ad vesperas. Laudati 'pueri. (leaf 18.) 9. In Translacione. Sánete cedde ; Salce festa dies, (leaf 23, back.) 10. In die Ascensionis. Salve festa dies, (leaf 25, back.) 11. In die Pentecost. Salve J. G. (leaf 27.) 12. In ebdomada Pentecost, Feria ija, iija, iiija, cantabitur iste cantus ad process. Sánete Spiritus cessit nobis gracia. 13. In festo Corporis Cristi. Salve, (leaf 32, back.) 14. In festo dedicacionis ecclesie. Salve, (leaf 35, back.) In this connection Professor Skeat also points out that Lang-land, in Piers Plowman, clearly followed the text of anthems three and four. The portion of the manuscript, however, which is of most immediate interest to us, begins upon leaf thirty-eight, where the rubric, Luhe ii. 8, is followed by some English verses written in the same hand, but somewhat smaller, accompanied by marginal notes, which Prof. Skeat, upon examination of the original, discovered to be the cues for the actor whose part the manuscript contains. The same authority assigns the manuscript to the beginning of the fifteenth century. The text of the Shrewsbury Fragments is also given in Prof. Manly's Specimens of the Pre-Shahsperean Draina^ Yol. I. : the present text is based upon a collation of those of Professors Skeat and Manly. The grammatical features of our three plays undoubtedly stamp them as belonging to a Northern district, most probably—as Prof. Skeat suggests—Yorkshire. The final en or n of the infinitive, the i- prefix of the past participle of strong-verbs and the personal endings of the verb, are all consistently dropped, while the form of the present participle ends regularly in and. A for O.E. œ, y and % for O.E. stable y and i, a for O.E. ea before I -i- consonant, and

other Northern forms also occur quite regularly; schal and schuld, however, appear in the place of the more usual Northern forms sal and suld : such words and phrases as : —mynnes me, in hy, wil of red, mun, thar, samyn, trayne, nem, hedene, gaynest, mased, apert, etc., further suggest that the plays belong to the largest of English counties. It is, however, on the literary, rather than on the linguistic side, that the Shrewsbury Fragments are of most interest, since they illustrate a stage in the development of the religious drama, of which examples in French and German manuscripts exist, but which, so far as England is concerned, had remained, prior to their discovery, entirely unrepresented. The now generally adopted theory of the development of the religious drama of the Middle Ages out of the Mass of the Roman Catholic Church, and the carefully collected texts of liturgical plays, edited by such scholars as Lange and Coussemaker,^ are so well known to literary students as to render any outline of the subject superfluous ; it only remains to be indicated that these fragments from Shrewsbury illustrate a transitional form, linkiug these Latin liturgical plays to the vernacular religious drama, as later developed and represented by the four great cycles. The secularization, or better, perhaps, popularizing of the liturgical drama involved many changes ; the substitution of English for Latin, the transference of the performance from the interior to the exterior of the church, the introduction of comic characters and scenes, and also of incidents of a non-Biblical origin, the inclusion of lay as well as clerical actors, the change from recitative response to spoken dialogue, and the dissociation of the plays from music and from the liturgical oflice ; all of which changes, taking place more or less gradually, and in varied combinations, were necessary to give the drama an existence per se. The specimens before us represent the stage of development at which the drama is still associated with some particular office of the Church, celebrated on a certain fixed day, is still performed by clerks inside the church—or at least in the churchyard ^—and has ^ Lange, C., die lateinischen Osterfeiern. 1887. Milchsack, G., die Oster und Fassionsspiele, etc. ^ 1880, Conssemaker, E. Drames liturgiques du Moyen Age. We can only judge as to the place of performance from a record of a per-ormance of a Eesurrection play, at Beverley in 1220, quoted by Mr. Chambers in The Medioeval Stage, vol. ii, pp. 108 and 839. The authority is a thirteenth century Contimiator of the Vita of St. John of Beverley, and describes the performance as taking place in the grave-yard of the Minster.

dialogue in tlie vernacular, in addition to and explanatory of, the conventional Latin sentences of the liturgical plays : the Latin portions, moreover, are still associated with music. The liturgical character of the plays is placed beyond a doubt : since they are found in a manuscript of Latin anthems ; the Latin portions of the plays are noted for voices ; the second play is headed, in the manuscript, Hie incipit Officium Resurrectionis in die Pasche ; the third has the opening words, Feria secunda in ehdo-mada Pasche^ discipuli insimid cantent ; and several of the Latin verses are found to be identical with those in corresponding portions of liturgical plays written entirely in Latin. The beginning and heading of the first play is lost, but it is no wild conjecture, in consideration of its contents and upon comparison with other liturgical plays, to call it Officium Pastorum. It is worthy of note, too, in illustration of our plays' relationship to other liturgical dramas, that three pairs of Latin verses in onr Officium Resurrectionis are almost identical with a like number in A Dramatic Office, published from a fourteenth-century manuscript of a Processional of the Church of St. John the Evangelist, in Dublin.^ In this Dublin Office, to Maria Secunda, is assigned : Heu ! Consolacio nostra. Ut quid mortem sustinuit 1 " (cf. vv. 1 and 2.) to the three Marys in chorus : Jam, iam, ecce, iam properemus ad tumulum Ungentes Dilecti corpus sanctissimum ! " (cf. vv. 21 and 22.) and to the third Mary : " Surrexit Christus, spes nostra, Precedet uos in Galileam." (cf. vv. 35 & 36.) It is extremely probable also that the other Latin verses could be shown to have their origin either in earlier liturgical plays, or in anthems : but the search would not be worth the trouble. The manuscript of our plays, unfortunately, is an actor's copy, and therefore only gives the parts of the character which he played, and tags—to act as cues—from some of the speeches of some of the other characters; one must therefore attempt to form some idea of what the complete plays were like, by aid of a comparison of other liturgical and mystery plays upon the same subjects. ^ Printed by Manly, vol. i, p. 22, whose text is based on Frere's facsimile of The Winchester Troper.

XIX The first fragment, a development of the liturgical Pastores play, belongs to Christmas, a season almost equal in significance to that of Easter, in so far as the history of the development of the religious drama is concerned. Its source is a Christmas trope—based upon the Easter Quern Quaeritis—which occurs very regularly in tropers of the eleventh and twelfth centuries ; in its origin it was an introit trope for the third Mass. At Clermont-Ferrand this Christmas trope followed the Te Deum at Matins, and at Eouen an Officium Pastorum occupied a similar position. The statutes of Lichfield Cathedral bear witness to its existence on English soil, in the twelfth century, but later, the play seems to have been supplanted by others. In the Officium Pastorum the actor whose part our manuscript contains, played the Third Shepherd. The manuscript is incomplete at the beginning, but whether only the heading is lost to us, or some portion of the dialogue as well, it is now impossible to decide. The York play upon the same subject has three twelve-line strophes, preceding the part corresponding to the Shrewsbury play, which are spoken respectively by the three Shepherds in turn The first Shepherd reminds us of the prophecies of Hosea and Isaiah, the second of Balaam's foretelling of the appearance of ''a star in the East," and the third voices the joy which must inevitably be awakened in the hearts of the shepherds upon the fulfilment of this prophecy, following his poetic effort with a matter-of-fact reminder of their duty of sheep-seeking. At this point the star appears and the part of the story corresponding to our play begins. It is therefore possible that a Latin sentence or two, followed by a speech of the third Shepherd, corresponding perhaps to one of the first three stanzas of the York play, as well as the title, have been lost. Professor Skeat assigns all the cues of our play to the Second Shepherd ; an arrangement which suggests that the three Shepherds spoke in regular rotation. In the York play the Third Shepherd does not always follow the second, and it is improbable that he did so in the Shrewsbury play ; it is a point of quite minor importance, however, and since we have no means of deciding which of the cues represent the speeches of the First Shepherd, and which those of the Second Shepherd, it is a convenient way out of the difficulty to assign them uniformly, with Dr. Skeat, to the Second Shepherd. Even in its incomplete form, the Shrewsbury Officium Pastorum

shows unmistakable signs of relationship to the York Shepherds Play ; it is very probable also that the indebtedness of the latter to the former would appear still greater if the parts of the Eirst and Second Shepherds had been preserved, and could be brought into the comparison. As far as one can judge, the Shrewsbury play in its complete form would be about equal in length to the York play, probably contained the same ideas a little differently expressed, and—in the text handed down to us—has one stanza almost identical with a stanza in the York play, a coincidence which, in the complete version, may have extended over three stanzas. The York version of the last stanza of our text is : iii. Pas. " Now loke on me, my lorde dere, poî all I putte me noght in près. Ye are a prince with-outen pere, I have no presentte pat you may plees. But lo ! an home s pone, pat haue 1 here. And it will herbar fourty pese, )pis will 1 giff'e you with gud chere, Slike novelte may noght disease. Fare [wele] pou s we te sway ne, God graunte us levyng lange. And go we hame agayne. And make mirthe as we gange." Except in respect to one verse, the Shrewsbury version agrees quite closely with the above ; in this one verse, however, it differs from the York version, and gives us an older and truer reading, for it more faithfully preserves the alliteration. The verse in the Shrewsbury version is : " That may /¿erbor an /¿undreth pese." The second Shrewsbury play carries us back still nearer to the origin of the drama, since it is an early development of that Easter trope, Quern quaeritis in sepulcro Christicolae^ the very germ from which the liturgical drama has been developed. The simplest version of this trope, a free adaptation of the Yulgate text, is found in a St. Gaul manuscript and reads as follows : Quem quaeritis in sepulchre, O Christicolae ? Jesum ISTazarenum crucifixum, 0 caelicolae. non est hie, surrexit sicut praedixerat. ite nuntiate quia surrexit de sepulcro." ^ The Introït, ^^Besurrexi et adhuc tecum sum, alleluia: posuisti ^ Mediœval Stage, vol. ii, p. 9.

XXI super me manum tuam, alleluia ; mirabilis facta est scientia tua, alleluia, alleluia," is intended to follow it. The trope itself suggests two scenes, the visit of the three Marys to the Sepulchre and the announcing to the disciples of Christ's Eesurrection. In the many extant texts of liturgical plays developed therefrom, however, various other episodes are seen to have been added ; among which, the most usual and most popular were, a scene in which the Apostles themselves visit the tomb, and another in which Mary Magdalene is pictured as remaining at the Sepulchre, after the departure of the other two Marys, and conversing with Christ, mistaking him for the gardener. The Shrewsbury play confines itself to the two scenes of the earlier form of such plays, the form based directly on the simple trope ; whereas the York cycle contains a play of Mary Magdalene, which leads one to suppose that possibly, in an earlier form of the cycle, it was preceded by a Resurrection play, consisting of the same two scenes as the Shrewsbury play. In this second play, the actor for whom the manuscript was written represented the third Mary, since his part, which has been preserved entire, is rubricated Ilia M. As already pointed out, three of the Latin couplets are almost identical with those of the Dublin Easter Dramatic Office} above referred to ; and the probability is that the remaining Latin portions of the play, of which the verses in the vernacular give a free rendering, also bore a general resemblance to this Dublin Office. Upon what day and at what particular part of the service the Quem Quaeritis trope and the dramatic office taking its rise therefrom were celebrated, is somewhat difficult to discover, since the records of the usage of various churches are by no means unanimous upon the subject. In some it was an Introit trope at the beginning of the Mass, as was the case in many French churches; in the Bodleian manuscript of the Winchester Troper, dating from the last quarter of the tenth century, it follows the tropes for Palm Sunday, and is immediately followed, under a fresh rubric, by the ceremonies for Holy Saturday, thus being celebrated, apparently, on Good Friday ; in the Corpus Christi College manuscript of the Winchester Troper^ the Holy Saturday ceremonies are nob given, and the Quem Quaeritis still precedes the Easter tropes ; he Concordia Regularis of Ethelwold, however, describes the ^ Manly, vol. i, p. 22.

office as forming part of the third Nocturn at Matins on Easter Morning, and not of the Mass. Our Officium Besurrectionis at present under consideration is headed : Hie incipit Officium Resur-rectionis in die Paschef which I take to mean that the Mass of Holy Saturday being at an end, the Paschal solemnity commences. Originally the Office of the Res%irrection was said at midnight on Holy Saturday, but later this practice was discontinued, and it was said on Holy Saturday itself : our Officium Resurrectionis^ then, followed the earlier custom. The valuable Concordia Regidaris, above referred to, also gives us a description of the way in which this Office was celebrated, which is sufficiently instructive to deserve quotation : ^ " While the third lesson is being chanted, let four brethren vest themselves. Let one of these, vested in an alb, enter as though to take part in the service, and let him approach the sepulchre without attracting attention and sit there quietly with a palm in his hand. While the third respond is chanted, let the remaining three follow, and let them all, vested in copes, bearing in their hands thuribles with incense, and stepping delicately as those who seek something, approach the sepulchre. These things are done in imitation of the angel sitting in the monument, and the women with spices coming to anoint the body of Jesus. When, therefore, he who sits there beholds the three approach him like folk lost and seeking something, let him begin in a dulcet voice of medium pitch to sing Quern quaeritis. And when he has sung it to the end, let the three reply in unison Jhesu Eazarenum. So he. Non est hie, surrexit sicut praedixerat. Ite, nuntiate quia surrexit a mortiiis. At the word of this bidding let those three turn to the choir and say, Allehiia ! resurrexit Dominus I This said, let the one, still sitting there and as if recalling them, say the anthem, Venite et vide locum. And saying this, let him rise and lift the veil, and show them the place bare of the cross, but only the cloths laid there in which the cross was wrapped. And when they have seen this, let them set down the thuribles which they bear in that same sepulchre, and take the cloth, and hold it up in the face of the clergy, and as if to demonstrate that the Lord has risen and is no longer wrapped therein, let them sing ^ We quote Mr. Chambers' English translation from his Medioeval Stage vol. ii, pp. 14 and 15.

xxiii the anthem, Surrexit Dominus de sepulchro, and lay the cloth upon the altar. When the anthem is done, let the prior, shariug in their gladness at the triumph of our King, in that, having vanquished death, He rose again, begin the hymn, D'e Deum laudamus. And this begun, all the bells chime out together." The version of the Office preserved in the Shrewsbury manuscript is certainly four centuries later than the time to which the details and description furnished by the Concordia Regularis have reference ; but there is every reason to believe that this early fifteenth-century copy preserves plays of a much earlier date, the scenario for the performance of which was probably not much more elaborate tha-n that referred to in the above quotation. The fact that the Latin portions of the Offices are set to music, strongly suggests that they were performed inside the church. The third of the Shrewsbury Fragments is a version of the Peregrini, another liturgical drama of Easter Week, already well known early in the twelfth century. Our manuscript is the only known example preserved on English soil ; but France is represented by texts from Saintes, Kouen, Beauvais and Fleury, and by the record of a performance at Lille, and Germany by a text of the play contained in the famous manuscript of the Benedictbeurn Kloster. All these versions contain the two scenes embracing the journey to Emmaus and the supper there, but each of them has received additions peculiar to itself. The simplest version of all is that contained in the Saintes manuscript, the compiler of which apparently found the two scenes just referred to sufficient for his purpose ; whereas at Bouen, the Disciples and Mary Magdalen are introduced, and the Victimae Pascliali is sung. In the Beauvais and Fleury versions still another expansion of the story occurs, which is of special interest in this connection, since it is a scene in which Christ appears to the unbelieving Thomas. The appearance of Christ in person in the Peregrini is explained by Chambers as a reaction of the Quern quaeritis upon its less distinguished rival. Our manuscript does not assign the actor's part which it contains to any of the characters, but Professor Skeat is of the opinion that it belongs to Cleophas : since the manuscript contains the words of the chorus of the disciples, the character for whom the part was intended must have been one of them, and, since tradition and the Coventry Mysteries speak of Cleophas as Luke's companion, the part must be assigned to one of the two ; and it is

more suitable for Cleopbas than for Luke. The play in its complete form, then, consists of scenes embracing the journey of Luke and Cleopbas to Emmaus, the appearance of Christ, the supper and Christ's disappearance, the return to the other disciples of Luke aüd Cleophas singing Quid agamus vel dicamus^ etc., and then in chorus with the other disciples, Gloria tihi Domine^ the expression by Thomas of his incredulity and, finally, the completion of the Disciples' Chorus with " Frater Thoma, causa tristicie, Nobis tulit summa leticie." The direction, Feria secunda in ebdomada Pasche^ indicates that the Office was intended for celebration upon Easter Monday, and the Gospel regularly appointed to be read on that day contains the story of the journey to Emmaus. At Fleury the Office was celebrated on Easter Tuesday, the Gospel for which day deals with the incredulity of Thomas, and was attached, moreover, to the Processio ad Fontes which, during the Easter season, formed a regular part of Yespersd Evidence as to where and when these particular versions of the three dramatic Offices were celebrated is entirely lacking. For such testimony one naturally first looks to Shrewsbury, but in this respect the most careful search has proved entirely unsuccessful : not that Shrewsbury was a town without plays and other popular forms of amusement during this period, although its citizens were evidently somewhat deficient in local patriotism, since it was necessary to threaten with fines those who, on the day of the procession, left the town to see the Corpus Christi plays at Coventry. From the year 1495 onwards the names of plays are to be found mentioned in the city's accounts, none of which can be identified however with these liturgical fragments : the titles being of such a character as The Martyrdoms of Saints Feliciana and Sahina and The Three Kings of Cologne. The Corpus Christi Procession, too, was not in possession of a cycle of plays, as was the case in so many other towns, but had a series of tableaux of an emblematic rather than religious character.^ In the articles in The Academy^ which have been referred to above. Professor Skeat suggests that our plays are perhaps remains of the lost Beverley cycle. The reference to Beverley is an ^ Mediaeval Stage, ii, 37. ^ Mediaeval Stage.

exceedingly happy one, although the plays are not to be regarded as belonging to the cyclical type, since their connection with the liturgy is much too close and they illustrate a considerably earlier stage in the development of the mystery play. This statement, however, does not exclude the possibility that the three plays of the lost Beverley cycle, upon the same subjects, performed respectively by the crafts of the Vintners, the Wrights and the Gentlemen, are later forms of the Shrewsbury Offices ; although the fact of their appearance together in the said cycle is of no value whatever as evidence in support of a theory connecting them with Beverley, since the subjects of these three plays were early dramatically developed, rapidly became popular, and appear with equal regularity in all the great cycles. In a thirteenth-century continuator of the Vita of St. John of Beverley, the record of a miracle done in the Minster, under the date 1220, informs us, by the way, that a Besurrecbion play was performed in the graveyard.^ The Cathedral Statutes of Bishop Hugh delsTonant (1188-98) of Lichfield, provide for the performance of the Officium Pastorum at Christmas, and of the Officium Resurrectionis and Officium Peregrinorum in Easter Week : Item, in nocte Natalis representado pastorum fieri consueuit et in dilucido Paschae representado Resurrecdonis dominicas et representado peregrinorum die lunœ in septimama Paschae sicut in libris super Jiijs ac alije compositis continentur.'' On such slight evidence as the above, one cannot make any dogmatic assertions as to the locale of the Shrewsbury Fragments ; but, in consideration that a Besurrection play is recorded to have taken place there in 1220, that the customs of Beverley Minster would certainly be very similar to those of Lichfield Cathedral, where we know the three religious subjects under discussion to have been dramatically represented, and that they also were found in the lost Beverley cycle, Beverley still remains the most probable of Yorkshire towns at which the plays may have been performed. Still two other places in Yorkshire possess records of the performance of liturgical plays, York and Leconfield. "The traditional Statutes of York Cathedral, supposed to date in their present form from about 1255, provide for the Pastores and the Stellaf and in the list of customary rewards given by the fifth ^ Medioeval Stage, ii, 108, 339.

Creation of Ere and the Fall, Earl of Northumberland to his servants, which was made in 1522, occurs the following entry :— 1 " Them of his Lordschipes Ohapell if they doo play the Play of the Nativité uppon Cristynmes-Day in the mornynge in my Lords Chapell before his Lordship. XX*®* . . . Them of his Lordship Chappell and other, if they doo play the play of Eesurrection upon Esturday in the morning in my Lords Ohapell, XX®-." Beyond the borders of Yorkshire performances of what may have been perhaps similar plays are also recorded. At Yarmouth the churchwardens' accounts between 1462 and 1512 contain items of expenditure which point to the performance of a Stella ; at Oxford entries in the Bursar's account of Magdalen College, referring to an expanded Quern Quaeritis, occur from 1486 onwards, and at Winchester Cathedral the use of the Quern Quaeritis in the liturgy was early established.^ Beading, Kingston-on-Thames, and New Bomneyhad Resurrection plays, and the Digby play of St. Mary Magdalen, of course, has the Quern quaeritis and Hortidaniis scenes. With this we must leave the problem of the localisation of the plays unsolved.

III. Non-Cycle Mystery Plays

(a) Creation of Eve and the Fall, or The Norwich Grocers' Play

The Norwich Grocers' Play has been twice printed : in 1856, Bobert Fitch, a local antiquary, contributed to Norfolk ArcJidßology an article containing a somewhat inaccurate transcript of an eighteenth-century manuscript ; itself a copy of certain folios of the Grocers' Book which by that time was lost and has unfortunately not been recovered. In 1897 Manly reproduced, in his Specimens of the Fre-Shaksperean Drama, this version of Fitch. Since the Grocers' Book has been lost or destroyed, the earliest available version of the play is the eighteenth-century transcript made use of by Fitch in 1856, from which time it appears to have remained undisturbed until the summer of 1905, when I collated it with the two printed versions for the purposes of the present edition. For this opportunity to make use of the manuscript transcript I am ^ E. K. Chambers : Mediœval Siage, vol. ii, 399. ^ idem, ii, 389, 396, 399.

greatly indebted to Mr. Walter E.ye of Norwich ; for he it was who searched for and found it, among the uncatalogued papers in the Record Room of the Castle. This eighteenth-century copy is written clearly on quarto sheets of paper, and the lines of the verse portions are written undetached as if they were prose. The eighteenth-century copyist evidently strove to represent his original accurately, for the usual manuscript contractions are preserved : the letter n is often omitted and indicated by a stroke over the preceding vowel, es at the end of words is represented by a flourish, er, ro, etc., after p are represented by a stroke through the tail of the consonant, and a stroke over c serves to indicate a following i ; II, h and d are often crossed. In certain cases, the stroke appears over n, but that is only intended to prevent this letter from being mistaken for u. Mr. Walter Rye, who has an extensive acquaintance with the various handwritings of the Norwich Record-Room manuscripts, cannot say with certainty who wrote the transcript, but thinks that it may have been Sir John Fenn. The said gentleman was born at Norwich in 1739, was a man of strong antiquarian tastes, a member of the Society of Antiquaries, and procured and edited the manuscript of the Paston Letters : he also presented the manuscript of a great number of the Paston Letters, elegantly bound, to George III, and, in recognition of the gift and of his services to learning, was knighted by his sovereign : thus, Fenn is a not unlikely person to have made the transcript. On the other hand, Fitch, writing in 1856, refers to his original as ^'a series of extracts, made early in the last century " : a statement, however, which does not necessarily negative our supposition, since the epithet early is delightfully vague, and further, upon other grounds, one is not inclined to place great faith in Fitch's accuracy. The use of capitals and marks of punctuation in the manuscript is highly capricious, and has not therefore been reproduced in the present edition : Latin words and phrases are underlined. The Grocers' Booh from which some extracts are taken was begun on June 16, 1533, and opens on the first page Avith : In dei nomine Amen. The xvi. day of June in the xxv^L yere of ]>q reygne of ower Souereygne Lorde Kynge Henry the viij^^ and in ]?e yere of ower Lorde God mcccccxxxiij this booke was made by the hands of John Howerson & Robt. Reynbald, than beynge Wardens of fe crafte of Grocescraft wit/?in fe Cyte of

Tiüo versions of the ^lay. Norwiche, the wbiche hohe makyth mención of pe Story of pe Oreacion of Eve wit/¿ J>e expellyng of Adam & Eve oute of Paradyce, the whiche story apparteynythe to fe Pageant of J>e Company of J>e foresayd craft of Grocery, wherfor thys sayd Booke ys made for the sustentación and mayntenans of f)e same, declaryng & showyng ]?e name of J>e Pageant, with all the Utensylles & necessaryes therto belongyng, all parcelles and charges yerely occupyed to J)e same, and also all J)e namys of suche men as be Inrollyd in ¡?e sayd craft of Grocery wit/¿in fe foresayd Cyte of Norwiche, &c." This is interesting as giving us the names of the men who copied the plays and accounts into this new book for the Grocers' Company, but gives us no clue as to authorship. In the accounts for 1534 occurs a further reference :—It., to Stephen Prowet ^ for making of a newe ballet 12.d. " : if this refers to our play at all, it must refer to the A version, since the other was begun in 1565. The churchwardens' accounts of St. Mary's at Bungay in Suffolk likewise show payments in 1526 for copying the game-book, and to Stephen Prewett for his labour in the matter. These three names, then, are all that are mentioned in connection with the composition or copying of the plays. Immediately following the quotation given above is the version of the play in use in 1533 ; it is incomplete, being deficient from the call of Adam, after the Temptation, to the point where Adam and Eve are expelled from the Garden of Eden. The next extract is taken from the sixth and following folios of the Grocers' Booh^ and contains a second version of the play, the one in use in 1565, and which, with the exception of one slightly-mutilated stanza, is complete. Prefixed to this second version are a prologue or " banns " and a second alternative prologue, the former to be used when the Grocers' pageant was the first one to be performed, and the latter when one or more pageants preceded the Grocers' play. The first stanza of this second, alternative prologue states that it is to be used when The Creation of the World and The Fall of the Angels ^ have been performed. On some occasions evidently the first pageant or pageants were omitted j perhaps on account of insuflScient funds in some of the guilds. The third extract is a copy of the thirty-^ Sir Stephen Prewett was seventh Prebend of the College of St. Mary-in-the-Fields in 1536, and one of the Stipendiary Priests of St. Peter Mancroft Church."—Fitch. ^ i. e. The Hell Carte referred to in our list : it is placed third in the list but numbered ii : the Grocers' play is placed second and numbered iij.

fourth and following folios of the Grocers' Booh, and consists of various entries, many of which give most important and detailed information respecting the manner of performing the play. To this I shall return later. The two versions of the play have very little in common, the second, newely renvid & accordynge unto J>e Skripture, begon thy s yere 1565, A° 7. Eliz," being an original piece of work, not at all indebted to the earlier edition. New features appearing in this revised version are, the Prolocutor, Dolor, Misery, the Angel and the Holy Ghost, additions which may be attributed to the influence of the Moralities. To the corresponding plays of the great cycles the Norwich play bears no special resemblance : the York Plays, nos. 3 to 6, treat the same subject more at length ; whereas the last twelve pages of the Towneley play, i. e. from the point where Man is created, are lost, so that the play of The Creation of Eve and the Expidsion from Paradise, has not been preserved. Our play, too, appears uninfluenced by the Chester and Coventry pieces upon the same subject. The metrical construction of both texts of the Norwich play is a seven-line stanza expanded in various ways. The normal form occurs quite frequently and has the rhyme-order ahabcc, but numerous, very free variations of this form also occur, as for example, ahahh cd cd, and even ah abb ccc d cdd ee ; Enjambement, too, is of frequent occurrence. The first mention of Corpus Christi celebrations at Norwich, according to Mr. Harrop,^ is an entry dated 1489, in the Assembly Book of the Corporation ; in which it is ordained that the thirty-one guilds of the town, on Corpus Christi Day, shall go in procession before the pageants " ad Capell in Cam pis Norwici, modo sequi.'' The procession was arranged in the following order : the thirty-one guilds, the pageants,^ the Shreves clothing, Mr, Shreve, the MaiPs clothing, Maist^v Mair and Maister Aldermen with hohes or besids in their hands. For some time previous to 1527, the St. Luke's Guild, consisting of the pewterers, braziers, plumbers, bell-founders, glaziers, steyners and several other crafts, had apparently been responsible for the entire management of, and outlay in connection with, the Corpus Christi plays ; and in that year, finding themselves, as a result of this, almost in a bankrupt condition, ^ Norfolk Archœology, ill, 3. 1852. 2 Referred to always as the inocession.

The Norwich Cycle, they petitioned the corporation to divide the responsibility and expense' among the various guilds. The allotment was made and according to the Assembly Book of the Corporation was as follows : 1. Creation off the World. Mercers, Drapers and Haberdashers. 2. Helle Carte. . . . Glasiers, Steyners & Screveners, Pizrchmynte^'s, Carpenter's, Gravers, Caryers, Colermakers with Whele-wH^Ats. 3. Paradyse Grocers & Paffemen.^ 4. Abell & Cain. . . . Shermen, Pullers,Thikwollenwevers, Coverlightmakers, Masons & Lyme brenners. 5. Hoyse Shipp. . . . Bakers, Bruers, Inkepers, Coks, Millers, Yynteners & Coupers. 6. Abraham & Isaac. . Taillors, Broderers, Beders & Tylers. 7. Moisés and Aaron with Tanners, Cory ors & Cordwaners. the Children of Israel & Pharo with his Knyghts. 8. Conflict off David & The Smyth es. Goleas. 9. The Berth off Christ Dyers, Colaunderers, Goldsmiths, with Sheperdes & iij Goldbeters, Sadelers, Pewtrers & Kyngs of Colen, Brasyers. 10. The Baptysme of Barbo-wrs, Wexchandelers, Surgeons, Criste. Pisitians, Hardewaremen, Hatters, Cappers, Skynners, Glovers, Pynners, Poyntemakers, Girdelers, Pursers, Bagmakers, Sceppers, Wy er drawers & Cardmakers. 11. The Pesurrection. . Bochers,Pishmongersand Watermen. 12. The Holy Gost. . . Worsted Wevers. This, then, appears to have been the complete cycle as it was known in 1527 ; it is abnormally simple, since it only contains half as many subjects as the Chester, the shortest of the four great cycles. We have seen that the performance of the first two plays was somewhat uncertain and irregular, which may also have been the ^ i. e. Eougli Tallow-Chandlers. (Fitch.)

case with others ; so that it is not impossible that at an earlier date, the ISTorwich cycle may have been richer, and that all references to the titles of these plays, as well as the plays themselves, have disappeared. In 1489, a Corpus Christi procession was held, and the pageants were taken in procession ad capell in Campis Norwici ; but we are not definitely informed whether the plays were actually performed^ at that time and at that place : it is however very probable. The accounts for 1535 and 1536 distinctly refer to the performance taking place on Corpus Christi Day, and, in 1537, we learn, there was no performance, although preparations had been made ; but the pageant went that y ere in Octobyr in J>e Processyin for J)e Byrthe of Prynce Edward." Again in 1538, a performance took place but no details as to time or place are given. In the following year the charges for the pageant were greater than usual, because the Surveyors " bought that yere newe cokelys and many other thyngs \at war in dekaye." In 1540, the Surveyors appear to have contracted for the performance ; for, At thys assembly ]?e Surveyors toke upon them to set forth Je Pageant & to here all charges of Je same, to pay Je charges on Corp. Xi day, the house ferme of Je Pageant, & Je Bedell hys fee, & they to have for these foresayd Charges & for thes Labours, 20.s." During the years 1541 to 1543, assessments were made, and so presumably the play was in these years also performed. During the following three years there was no assembly, but, since in 1546 a three years' assessment was levied, we may conclude that during this period, too, the plays had been given. After this date the entries are somewhat irregular, the popularity of the Corpus Christi performances seems to have been on the wane, and the latest mention of the pageant is in 1563, when it was ^^preparyd ageynst Je daye of Mr. Davy his takyng of his charge of fe Mayralltye " ; but in view of the fact that the cost was only one-third of the usual expenditure upon the play, it is probable that the play was not performed but only arrayed as a spectacle or tableau vivant. According to the first paragraph of the first prologue to our play : ^'Lyke as yt chancyd befor this season, Ovvte of Godes scripture revealid in playes. Was dyvers stories sett furth by reason Of pageant es apparellyd in Wittson day es, And later be fallen into decayes," MYSTERY PLAYS. C

the pageants were performed at Whitsuntide ; in fact on Whit-Monday and Whit-Tuesday : ^ that they also went forth in the Corpus Christi procession is equally certain. The only reference to a place of performance known to us is the somewhat vague one mentioned above in connection with the procession, and, so far as we know, there is no authority for believing that the plays at Norwich went in circuit and were played at stations^' in different parts of the town. Probability is in favour of a stationary place of performance, as was the case with the Coventry plays, the Cornish plays, and the plays at E-eading, Shrewsbury and Edinburgh. Although we are somewhat in the dark about the place of performance, the Grocers' accounts are full of interesting and important details, which render a fairly accurate description of the pageant and its decorations, and of the players and their " makeup " possible. The pageant itself was " a Howse of Waynskott,^ paynted and buylded on a Carte, wit/¿ fowre whelys," which latter, on stubborn occasions, were lubricated with soap.^ A square top was ütted to the pageant, and it was ornamented by means of a gilded griffin and a fane," and with a large iron ''fane" at one end and eighty-three smaller "fanes." " PeîTumes " and " fumy-gacions" appear occasionally in the accounts, and were presumably for the benefit of the griffin."^ Another very important stage-property was a tree which it was customary to decorate with oranges, figs, almonds, dates, raisins, plums and apples ; flowers, bound by means of coloured thread, and " a Pybbe colleryd Red," were also required for the performance.^ During the time the pageant was not needed for the performances, it was stored in some building for which an annual rent of, sometimes two shillings, and sometimes three shillings and four pence was paid. During one period the place of storage was "the Gate howse of Mr. John Sotherton of London." A little of the pageant's history and its final fate is described on folio 66 of the Grocers' Booh, as follows :— " Item, yt is to be noted that for asmuch as for pe space of 8 yeris ther was neyther Semblye nor metynge, in J>e meane season ])G Pageante remaynynge 6 yeris in Je Gate howse of Mr. John Sotherton, of London, untyll J>e ferme came to 20 s ; and bycause ^ Harrop, Norfolk Archœology, vol. iii, p. 6. 2 Entry 1565. ^ 1534 " Item. Sope to grese pe wheles 1^." ^ Entry 1547. " & perfumes for the griffin," etc. ® Entry 1557, "for orenges, fyges, allmondes, dates, Reysens, preumes, & aples to garnish ^e tre with, 10^," "for collerd thryd to bynd pe flowers, 2^."

ye Surveiors in Mr. Sotherton's tyme would not dysburs ani moni therfor, J>e Pageante was sett ovite in ye Strete & so remayned at ye Black fryers brydge in open strete, when bothe yt was so weather beaten, yat ye cheife piarte was rotton ; wberupon Mr. John Oldrich, then Maior ye yer 1570, together w^t^ Mr. Tho. Whall, Alderman, offred yt to ye Company to sell for the some of 20 .s., and when no person wold buy yt for J>at price and Jxxt yt styll remayned, & nowe one pece therof rent of & now another as was lyke all to come to nothinge, Nicholas Sotherton, then offycer to Mr. Maior, was requested to take yt in peces for ye dept dewe to hym for ye seyd howse ferm therof for 6 yeres aforesayde, at 3® 4^. a yer, who accordinglye dyd take downe pe same & howsed yt accordinglye/' Such was the pageant and its fate. Other articles upon which money was expended are : Nayles, firelocks, wyer, whypcord and mar ham " : on one occasion four men were paid 16 d for their labowrs wayghtyng upon ye Pageant wit/¿ lewers." On the eighth of May, 1534, the Company, in assembly, elected a certain Mr. Bobt. Greene as alderman, and chose also, " 2 wardens, 2 Assisters, 4 Surveyors of ye Pageant & 1 Bedell,"^ and in the same year the following payments were made to actors : It., to Jeffrey Tybnam playeng Father . . 16d. It., to Mr. Leman's servant playing Adam . . 6d. It., to Frances Fygot playing Eve . . . .44. It., to Tho. Wolff'e playing \e Angelle . . . 4d. It., to Edm'imd Thurston playeng the Serpent . . 4d : the names of the actors of Dolor, Misery and the Holy Ghost, are not mentioned. Collecting the scattered details from various accounts we obtain the following impression of the 'Anake-up" of the actors and persons concerned in the performance. God the Father wore a mask, a wig and gloves ; the Angel, a wig, a crown, gloves, a coat and over hosen of Apis skynnis"; Adam, a wig, gloves, and '^a cote and hosen steyned"; Eve, a wig, gloves and ^^two cotes and a pair of hosen steyned" j the Serpent, a wig, a crown, and " a cote with hosen & tayle steyned ; Dolor, " a cote and hosen wit/¿ a bagg & capp steyned." Of the stage appearance of Misery and the Holy Ghost no hint is given. The costume of ^ Cf. also, entry 1546 : "Accordyngly were chosen 4 Aldermen & 8 Corayners, who chose Mr. Wyll Rogers for ther Alderman ; 2 Wardeyns & 2 Surveyors for settyng forth Procession on Corpus Xi day, & for ])e Pageant yf it go forth pe next year; & 1 bedell."

the pendon-bearer included a coat of yellow buckram upon which the arms of the Company were painted, while the bearer of the griffin wore a coat, a wig and a crown. Two bearers of the arms, in Avig and crown, and streamer-bearers, also accompanied the procession. It is interesting, too, to compare with these details, directions given in connection with the performance of the corresponding portion of the Cornish mysteries, where the stage-directions are given in English: "Meanwhile are got ready 'Adam and Eva aparlet in whytt lether in a place apoynted by the conveyour & not to be sene till they be called & thei kneel & ryse.' Paradise has ' ii fayre trees in yt ' and ' a fowntaine ' and ' fyne flowers,' which appear suddenly. Similarly, a little later, ' Let fyshe of dyuers sortis apeare & serten beastis as oxen, kyne, shepe & such like.' Lucifer incarnates as ' a fyne serpen made w^th a virgyn face & yolowe heare vpon her head.' Presently comes the warning, ' fig leaves redy to cover ther members,' and at the expulsion, ' the garmentis of skynnes to be geven to adam and eva by the angelí. Keceave the garmentis. Let them put on the garmentis and shew a spyndell and a dystaff.' " ^ The performance was undoubtedly accompanied by music, the text of which unfortunately has not been preserved, but was probably of a similar nature to that accompanying some of the plays of the York cycle, part of which is reproduced in Miss Toulmin-Smith's excellent edition of that collection. In the first version of the Norwich play, music appeared twice ; firstly, immediately after the large lacuna^ where the stage-direction is simply " music," and secondly, at the end, where Adam and Eve are to sing the last couplet, " walkyng together about the place, wryngyng ther hands " ; which verses, the eighteenth-century transcript of the Grocers^ Book informs us, in the original were set to music twice, and then again for a chorus of four parts. At the end of the second version of the play appears the note :—" Old Musick, Triplex, Tenor, Medius, Bass," ^ which apparently applies to the ^ The materials required for the play at Beverley are given as :—karre, viij hespis, xviij stapels, ij visers, ij wenges angeli, j hr-sparr, j worme, ij paria caligarum lineariim, ij paria camisarum, j gladius." Beverley, Great Guild Book cited in Med. Stage, ii, p. 339. ^ Triplex or Tripliim—the name given to a third part when added to two other parts, one of which was a canto fermo, the other a counterpoint. It was generally the upper part, hence triplex came to mean canto-primo (treble). Medius is the tenor part. The music thus appears to have been male-voice quartet : or, as now expressed, alto, 1st tenor, 2nd tenor, bass.

Te Deitm immediately following. The singing had also an organ accompaniment, since in 1534 a certain John Bakyn received a payment of sixpence for " playeng at the organs," which were borrowed for the occasion ; because in the same account appears an item of fourpence spent upon a present given to the person who lent the instrument in question. Such are the most relevant details to be drawn from the Grocers^ accounts. The remaining entries are of a more general nature such as are to be found in similar accounts in connection with other Corpus Christi processions and performances, consisting mainly of a very liberal expenditure upon beer and victuals (at this period, apparently very necessary for the successful performance of religious plays) and for the transport of the same, but add nothing of historical value to a description of the Norwich performance. In addition to the four great cycles, which of course all contain a play on the same subject, and the Cornish plays, performances of plays of Adam and Eve are on record at Beverley, Beading, and Aberdeen, the texts of which, however, have been lost, and about which very little information has been preserved.^

(b) Noah's Ship, or the Newcastle Play

The earliest version of the Neiocastle Shipwrights^ Play now available, is that printed by Henry Bourne, M.A., a curate of All Hallows in Newcastle, in a book entitled The History of Neiocastle-upon-Tyne ; or^ the Ancient andj Present State of that TownA issued in 1736, four years after the death of its author. Bourne's text is very far from being satisfactory, and therefore was probably based upon some manuscript original, itself very incorrect or else offering textual difficulties which Bourne, in consequence of insufficient grammatical knowledge, failed to overcome. In 1789, in the second volume of John Brand's History and Antiquities of Newcastle-upon-Tyne^ appeared a reprint of Bourne's text, and a second reprint in 1825, in T. Sharp's Dissertation on the Coventry Mysteries.^ In volume III of Göteborgs Hôgsholas Arskrift, 1897, F. Holthausen printed a critical and ^ Reading had an Adam and Eve play in 1507 on "the Sunday afore Bartylmas-tide, in the Forbury: a ^schapfold' and pagentts are mentioned." Med. Stage, ii, 392. 2 The play in question is printed on page 139 ei seq. in double columns. All the substantives have capital letters. ^ Page 369 et seq. ^ Page 223 et seq.

emended text based upon that of Bourne, along with a score pages of criticism and historical discussion ; while two years later, B. Brotanek turned his attention to the play, and printed in vol. xxi of the Anglia^ Sharp's text, together with a restored text, representing the play in its original dialect, e. the Northern dialect of the second quarter of the fifteenth century. The present edition is a reproduction of Bourne's version with a minimum amount of correction and emendation ; all the other versions have been consulted and all variants of real importance in any of these have been given in the footnotes. I believe such a method to be in harmony with the aims of the E. E. T. S.'s editions, and have therefore not given a hypothetical, reconstructed text, for which I must refer readers to the extremely clever and skilfully executed restoration of Mr. Brotanek, in the Anglia. Bourne, in his transcript, with the best of intentions no doubt, modernised the spelling throughout ; but apparently he did not understand his original very well, since, in very many instances, he has put down verses which are incapable of bearing any meaning at all, and has left them in such a state that it is extremely difficult to conjecture what his original gave him. Three lines he has omitted, and states the fact, but other places in the play seem to have suffered from the same process, although he has not acknowledged it. In spite of all the ill-treatment, however, which his copy received, there are sufficient traces of original forms to establish the fact that it belonged to a Northern district, and probably to the first half of the fifteenth century. Holthausen is of the opinion that Bourne used a sixteenth-century copy of a still earlier version. The same editor has carefully collected and arranged the grammatical peculiarities of the piece, from which we select the following most important : 1. In rhyme position: laith, shaith, 118, 119; wayns, haynes, 152, 154; die ^ fee y 32, 34; you wends ^ friends^ 161 and 163. 2. Spelling : long a represented by ai or ay, e. g. :—fair, 194; fayre, 140 and 173 ; wayns, 152 ; shaith, 119 ; haynes, 154. 3. weet, 131, 133; atoiir, 145; wliunt, 114; tent, 39. 4. Inflexion: thou/¿as, 195. 5. Vocahidary : hewschere, 116; lioothe, 8; atour, 145.

The spelling whunt for the word quaint points to the fact that the original had the Northern spelling qu or quh in such words as what and when^ for which the copyist systematically substituted wh. The rhymes, with two exceptions (do^ go, 5 and 7 ; boat and sprat, 84 and 86), too, are impossible if we do not assign to the rhyming words a Northern pronunciation. The genitive and plural inflections, in certain cases, function as syllables in respect to the metre, and therefore a fairly early date in the fifteenth century for the play is extremely probable. In the case of a work so badly handed down to us it is somewhat difficult to discover in what strophic forms it was at first composed ; but the following at least seem to have been in the original. A four-line strophe with the rhyme-order ahah occurs the most frequently, and consists generally of all four verses with three stresses, but occasionally of all four verses with four stresses. The next most usual stanza is a six-line strophe, sometimes entirely of verses with three stresses, sometimes entirely of verses with four stresses, and less frequently containing a mixture of three-stress and four-stress verses ; the rhyme-order is uniformly ahabah in the first two cases, and aah cch in the third case. The irregularity of the strophic arrangement becomes distinctly pronounced upon the entrance of the Devil. Was this intentional on the part of the writer, and so designed in order to be in keeping with the ranting and unruly behaviour conventionally assigned to this popular stage-figure h In some instances, too, four-line stanzas are connected by the repetition of the same rhyme, and stanzas with a cauda are not infrequent. The whole play—the speeches of the Devil in particular—is rich in examples of alliteration. In dividing the play into stanzas I have sought to obtain, wherever possible, one or other of the four, six or eight-line stanzas, which however left some portions still undivided ; these have been treated upon their merits. Our play only concerns itself with the former part of the Noah story, the building of the Ark j but one of the crafts, the titles of whose plays are not now ascertainable, was very probably responsible for a play dealing with the second part of the story. In the York cycle each half of the story has its own play : in the Towneley cycle the whole story is given in one. Erotanek thinks that the Newcastle play is indebted to the two York plays, which opinion he thinks is justified by the fact, that at Newcastle

the subject seems to have been divided between two plays in the same manner as at York, and by certain other, not very strong parallelisms. In view of the close connection known to exist between some of the plays of the Towneley and York cycles respectively, it is by no means improbable that a third Northumbrian cycle may have also borne some close resemblance, at least in parts, to these two extant collections ; ^ thus, while not negativing Brotanek's opinion, we feel the evidence to be too slight to satisfactorily substantiate it, and would prefer to leave the question among the many other doubtful ones which seem to be inevitable when considering the early history of the stage. In comparison with the first York play and the first part of the Towneley play, the Newcastle version is arranged on a considerably more elaborate scale, without much alteration in point of length. The extension consists of the superfiuous introduction of the Angel in addition to God, the appearance of Noah's Wife already in the first part of the story, and the presence of the Devil. The introduction of the Angel was doubtless intended to increase the spectacular effect—the chief consideration in the early fifteenth century-—although at the same time it increased the dramatist's difficulties, since it necessitated God's command appearing twice : this the writer obviated somewhat, by making the Angel address to Noah much that was not in his original message, and omitting very much that was ; in the Coventry Noah-play an angel is also introduced. The popularity of Noah's wife as a comic character was sufficient to induce the writer to introduce her into the first part of the story as well as the second, and would also warrant the repeating of much of the vis cómica connected with her appearance. The inclusion of the Devil in the Noah story is, as far as I know, an idiosyncrasy of the Newcastle version. His Infernal Highness looking back with pleasure upon the success of his methods in the Garden 'of Eden, repeats the experiment with Noah's wife, this time substituting a drink " for 'Hhe apple": the anachronism involved is, of course, to the fourteenth and fifteenth-century dramatist, a mere trifle. Professor Brandl,^ in speaking of the play, remarks, that by the introduction of the Devil the construction of the play approaches one step nearer to the form of the Morality. To the Devil, too, is entrusted 1 The Beverley plays were also probably indebted to the York cycle. ^ Paul's Grnndriss^ II. 711.

the part of speaking the Epilogue, and he concludes the play in a spirit quite in harmony with the comedy that has preceded. In the York play of the Temptation,^ and in one of the Chester plays, the Devil is likewise made to address the spectators.^ The description of the shipwrights' tools and materials goes exhaustively into details and shows that the author had an intimate knowledge of the trade, or else was assisted by one of the members of the craft ; while the realism and comedy displayed in the piece indeed compare not unfavourably with that of the plays attributed to the author of the Towneley Second Shepherds Play, whose ability Mr. Pollard has so highly, but not too highly, praised. External evidence of the date and manner of performance of the play is, fortunately, comparatively plentiful, and is to be found in the records of the various craft-guilds. The earliest mention of Corpus Christi perfoiimances is a notice, dated Jan. 20th, 1426, in the Coopers' " ordinary " ; they are also mentioned, in 1436, in the books of tte Smiths and Glovers, in 1442 in those of the Barbers, in 1451 by the Slaters', in 1459 by the Sadlers', and in 1447 by the Eullers' and Dyers'. Other references, too, are to be found. In the "ordinary" of the Millers, e.g. under the date 1578, occurs the following minute:—"Whensoever the generali plaies of the towne shall be commanded by the mayor, &c.," the guild shall play, "the antient playe of their fellowship, the Deliverance of the Children of Isrell out of the Thraldome, Bondage and Servitude of King Pharo." From this it seems probable that at this date the plays had lost some of their popularity, and that the guilds did not consider them worth the expense and trouble which performance involved ; at least it is clear that by this date they had ceased to be performed annually. It is also clearly established by the records that at Newcastle there was a cycle of plays. The names of twelve plays with the crafts performing them are known, and are as follow :— 1. "The Creation of Adam." Bricklayers and Plasterers. 2. "Noah's Ark." Shipwrights. 3. " The Offering of Isaac." Slaters. ^ V. 175. ^ Noah also addresses himself directly to the spectators. Cf. vv. 93 and 96, 200 and 201.

Other plays of the cycle. 4. The Deliverance of the Children of Israel out of the Thraldom, Bondage and Servitude of King Pharao." Millers. 5. "The three Kings of Cologne«" Goldsmiths, Plumbers, Glaziers, Pewterers and Painters. 6. " The Plying of our Lady into Egype." Bricklayers and Plasterers. 7. " The Baptizing of Christ." Barbers (and) Chirurgeons with Chandlers. 8. [The Last Supper.] ^ Fullers and Dyers. 9. "The Bearing of the Cross." Weavers. 10. "The Burial of Christ." House-carpenters. 11. " The Descent into Hell." Tailors. 12. "The Buriall of our Lady Saint Mary the Virgin." Masons. In addition to this, we know that the Merchant Venturers Company were responsible for five plays, one of which was to be performed by the Ostmen and paid for by the town ; the plays of the remaining five guilds (exclusive of the Joiners) are not known. In the Joiners' " ordinary," dated 1589, is the instruction, "whensoever it shall be thought necessary by the mayor, &c. to command to be sett forth and plaied or exercised any generali playe or martial exercise, they shall attend on the same and do what is assigned them " ; the interpretation of which seems to be that they were not responsible for the performance of any particular play, but rather expected to give assistance of a general character. Allowing one play to each of the five guilds whose plays are unknown, the total number in the cycle would be twenty-two ; but it is possible that one or more of these crafts performed two plays, as the Bricklayers and Plasterers did, in which case the total number of plays may have been anything between twenty-two and twenty-seven. Holthausen includes in his list the play Hogmagoge, mentioned in the accounts of the Merchant Adventurers under the date 1554, but Mr. Chambers is of the opinion that it is a Spring or Summer folk-feast that is here referred to ; an explanation which, in my opinion, seems more plausible. It rested with the Corporation to decide when the plays were ^ The title is not mentioned, but it is clear from the items of expenditure what the play was.

xli to be given, but the cost was to be defrayed by the various craft-guilds, who made a definite levy upon each of their members for that purpose; e.g. ^'in 1536, the Taylors required threepence from each hireling, and seven-pence from each newly-admitted member, whereas the Fullers and Dyers paid nine shillings for the ^play lettine' to four persons/'^ The time of the performance is generally said to have been afternoon or evening, a judgment based upon a deposition made by Sir Kobert Brandling of Newcastle, in 1569, who said that on Corpus Christi Day, 1562, he would after his dinner draw his will, and after the plays would send for his conseil, and make it up." This however does not necessarily imply that the plays began in the evening. A good deal of diiference of opinion exists as to whether the Corpus Christi plays at Newcastle were taken round in circuit and played at certain chosen street-corners, or before the houses of distinguished citizens, or, as was the case at Edinburgh, given at some fixed place. The supporters of the latter theory base their opinion upon two facts. It is known that the Procession commenced at 7-0 a.m., and yet Sir Hobt. Brandling refers toAhe plays in the evening ; this deposition, however, is in no respect irreconcilable with the supposition that the plays were cyclical, beginning in the morning and extending until towards evening : even the twelve plays the names of which have been preserved would be sufficient to occupy this length of time, since we must not forget that cases are on record where more than one day was required for the performance of some of the larger cycles. The second fact partly responsible for such an opinion is a phrase in the closing speech of the Devil, All that is gathered in this stead " ; a phrase which, to my mind, cannot function as a crucial instance at all, since the delightfully indefinite word "stead'' applies equally well to an enclosed place of performance, or to a stopping-place at some street-corner, or market-place, one of the " stations " of the procession through the town. On the other hand, payments for the car, and for " them that bear the car," are fairly numerous in the accounts of the various crafts, and also relatively large, a fact which makes a second, alternative solution of the difiiculty, that offered by Miss Toulmin-Smith, viz. that the pageants were taken to the place of ^ E. K. Chambers, Med. Stage, vol. ii, p. 385.

performance before tlie play, also appear somewhat unlikely : and, finally, an entry to be met with in the books of the Fullers and Dyers, appears to place the matter beyond a doubt :— " Item, for the care and banner berryng 20d. Item, for the carynge of the trowt and wyn about the tounj^ ^ The pageant used for the performance of plays dealing with the story of Noah was made in the form of a ship or ark, and was probably larger than the usual form of pageant in use for other plays ; for we find in some accounts at Lincoln that three times as much was charged for " housing the Noah pageant as for the others,2 and, moreover, the one in possession of the Trinity Guild of Master Mariners and Pilots of Hull in 1421, was valued at the sum of ¿05 8s. id.'^ In the Digby play of St. Mary Magdalena a practicable ship appears to have been moved about the platea,and the trench so often referred to in connection with the mystery plays at Perranzmabulo, is explained by some authorities as having been used for the purpose of fioating Noah^s ship. There is little to be said about the arrangements of the ship and the make-up of the actors. The accounts at Hull make it clear that there at least, the pageant was on wheels and went about the town, and also had a rigging ; that Noah had a coat made of three skins, a pair of mittens and a '^pyleh," and that he and his children made their beds of straw. The pageant was afterwards hung in the church. In the Newcastle play the actor who played Diaholus apparently wore a mask, which gave opportunity for the expression : " I swear thee by my crooked snout." ^ In addition to Newcastle and the four great cycles, the series of plays performed at Beverley and that at Norwich, each possessed a Noah-play, the texts of which, unfortunately, have not been preserved. At Hull, as at many other sea-ports, English as well as Continental, the Plough-Monday Festival had taken on such a maritime character that the usual plough was replaced by a boat. Although at Hull there is no trace of Corpus Christi plays, there are incontestable records of the performance of a Noah-play, which took place in connection with the Plough-Monday procession ^ E. K. Chambers, Mediœval Stage, vol. ii, 385. ^ Idem 379. ^ Idem 371. ^ Idem ii, 136. ^ v. 127.

xliii and celebrations.^ Bristol in 1486 did honour to Henry YII by the performance among others of the ^'shipwrights' pageant," and Dublin had a performance in 1498, but these were probably in dumb-show.

(c) Abraham's Sacrifice: the Dublin and Brome Versions

Two non-cyclical plays upon the Abraham-and-Isaac story have been preserved, the so-called Dublin and Brome plays. The former has been edited twice : in 1836, by J. P. Collier, in his volume entitled Five Miracle Plays, and in 1899, by Budolf Brotanek, in vol. xxi. of the Anglia, whereas the latter has appeared in four editions; in 1884, Miss E. Toulmin-Smith published it in vol. vii. of the Anglia, and in 1886 in A CominongÂace-Booh of ike Fifteenth Century ; in 1887 it was printed by Mr. Walter Bye in the third volume of the Norfolk Antiquarian Miscellany, and lastly by Professor Manly from Miss Smith's two editions, in 1897, in Specimens of the Pre-Shakesperean Drama. In the preparation of the present edition all the above have been consulted. In a collection of manuscripts, the gift of Bishop Dssher to the library of Trinity College, Dublin, is one marked D. i v. 18, containing one of our two plays. It is a small, quarto, paper manuscript, clearly and beautifully written, entitled Tractatus Varii and containing pieces of a somewhat miscellaneous character. The first fourteen pages, which are written in a larger hand than the remainder of the manuscript, contain satiric, religious, didactic and political pieces. Folios fifteen recto and sixteen give us an enumeration of the Christian kings of the world, including those of England, and state the duration of each reign, except in the case of the last, Henry YI. It is therefore clear that this list was made between 1422 and 1461, and since the same hand continues to the end of the manuscript, the whole of this part, from folio fifteen onwards, must have been written down during that reign. On the back of the next leaf, our play, which is without a title, begins. Folio seventeen has clearly been stitched in the wrong place, since it contains a continuation of a poem found on folio fourteen verso, and since folio eighteen takes up the continuation of our play. Folios eighteen ^ Cf. In 1529 we read, "item, Nicholas Helpby for wryt^ the play ; and 1483, "To a man clearing away the snow 1^ " :—this latter reference is more likely to refer to Plough Monday than to Corpus Christi day, also Hadley, who gives the items, refers to them as extracted from ' ' the expences on Plough day."

The Dublin Manuscript. verso and nineteen rectOy being filled with heraldic designs, also interrupt the play under consideration, which folios nineteen verso to twenty-three recto, bring, without interruption, to a close. Two pages are then left entirely blank, after which follows a register of the mayors and bailiffs of Northampton : Hie sunt Majores et Ballivi de Northampton a primo anno Regis Ricardi usque in hunc diem " : then follow another empty leaf and a very badly-mutilated one, which appears to have contained a calendar. Following these pieces come some prose tractates written in another hand : " How men Jat ben in hele schulden visite sike folk and how a man shulde be comforted a3ens grucchinge in sikenesse, Je secunde chapter,'^ which is then followed by a sermon beginning—Capitulum Primum—Tary not for to turn the to God ne drawe not a leyte fro day to day for sodenly he takes wrecches in sharpnesse of deeth," while at the end comes the inscription : Here enden the XII Chapitres of Richard, heremyte of Hampole," after which follow Latin manuscripts. The next piece is the short Latin Chronicle extending as far as the thirty-sixth year of Henry the Sixth's reign, immediately preceding, and written with the same ink, and in the same hand as our play ; which latter is then followed, still in the same hand but written with different ink, by a bailiff''s register, extending as far as the first year of Edward the Fourth's reign. The probability, then, is that the two former pieces were written down at about the same time, and the last-named piece somewhat later ; so that 1458, the thirty-sixth year of Henry the Sixth's reign, seems a very probable date for the compilation of this Dublin version of the play of Abraham and Isaac. Until challenged by Davidson and Brotanek, the opinion that this play was one of a lost cycle performed at Dublin, had been general. The former scholar has, however, pointed out that the evidence upon which the supposition is based, a memorandum in the Chain-Book of the City for 1498, is far from convincing. The entry in question is as follows :— Corpus Christi day a pagentis :— The pagentis of Corpus Christi day, made by an olde law and confermed by a semble befor Thomas Collier, Maire of the Cite of Divelin, and Juries, Baliffes and commones, the iiij^^ Friday next after midsomer, the xiii. yere of the reign of King Henry the Vllth.

Glovers: Adam and Eve, with an auter and the ofference. Peyn xl. s. Corvisers : Cayn and Abell, with an auter and the ofference. Peyn xl. s. Maryners, Yynters, Shipcarpynderis, and Samountakers : Noe, with his shipp, apparalid acordyng. Peyn xl. s. Wevers : Abraham [and] Ysaak, with ther auter and a Iamb and ther offerance. Peyn xl. s. Smythis, Shermen, Pakers, Sclaters, Cokis and Masonys : Pharo, with his hoste. Peyn xl. s. Skyoners, House-Carpynders, and Tanners and Browders : for the body of the camell, and Oure Lady and hir Chile well aperelid with Joseph to lede the camell, and Moyses with the children of Israel, and the Porters to berr the camel. [Peyn] xl. s. [Goldsmy]this : The three Kynges of Collynn, ridyng worshup-fully, with the offerance, with a sterr afor them. Peyn xl. s. [Hoopers] : The shep[er]dis, with an Angill syngyng Gloria in excelsis Deo. Peyn xl. s. Corpus Christi yild : Criste in his Passioun, with three Maries, and angilis herring serges of wax in ther hands. Peyn xl. s. Eisshers : The Twelve Apostelis. Peyn xl. s. Marchauntes : The Prophetis. Peyn xl. s. Bouchers : tormentours, with ther garmentis well and clenely peynted. [Peyn] xl. s. The Maire of the Bulring and bachelers of the same : The Nine Worthies ridyng worshupfully, with ther followers accord-yng. Peyn xl. s. The Hagardmen and the husbandmen to berr the dragoun and to repaire the dragoun a Seint Georges day and Corpus Christi day. Peyn xl. s. A second list, almost identical with this one, immediately follows, and is headed "The Pagentys of Corpus Christi Procession." The general impression to be derived from a careful consideration of the phraseology, the irregular order of the pageants and the inclusion of profane subjects, is that they were simply dumb-show accompaniments of a Corpus Christi Procession, an opinion with which both Davidson and Chambers are in full agreement. The former scholar, basing his opinion upon a comparison of the Dublin

Other ^performances in Duhlim and Aberdeen pageants with those of Bethunia, thinks that the two former were of the character of tableaux vivants ; but whether this be the case or no, it is very difficult to regard them, on the occasion here referred to, as a cycle of Corpus Christi plays. On the other hand, it is not improbable that each of the crafts had acted, or perhaps sfcill acted, a play on the subject assigned to it in this record. It is also not improbable that the religious plays alone had been performed in their proper order in a cycle. The explanation of the irrational order of the pageants as here recorded is, to my mind, that there was no intention of arranging them as to subject, but according to the rank of the guilds in question, each of which, no doubt, jealously saw to it that it received a place in the procession worthy of its dignity. Again, we have later records of performance in Dublin which undoubtedly have reference to plays :—^'Tho. Fitzgerald, Earl of Kildare and Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, in the year 1588, was invited to a new play every day in Christmas, Arland Ilster being then mayor, and Francis Herbert and John Squire bayliffs, wherein the taylers acte the part of Adam and Eve ; the shoemakers represented the story of Cri[s]pin and Crispianus ; the vintners acted Bacchus and his story ; the Carpenters that of Joseph and Mary ; Yulcan, and what related to him, was acted by the Smiths; and the comedy of Ceres, the goddess of corn, by the Bakers. Their Stage was erected on Hoggin Green (now called College Green), and on it the priors of St. John of Jerusalem, of the blessed Trinity, and All Hallows caused two plays to be acted, the one representing the passion of our Saviour, and the other the several deaths which the apostles suffered." ^ In this case, however, there is no mention of an Abraham-and-Isaac play. These are clearly single plays, independent of any cycle, and Davidson regards the religious plays among them at least as having been very similar in character to our play, for he says, " if now the play of the Priors of St. John of Jerusalem or that of the Carpenters were extant, wherein would it differ from the play of Abraham and Isaac C It is not impossible that on some similar occasion to the above the last-named play was performed. Brotanek, however, in his article in the Anglia assigns the play not to Dublin, but to Northampton, or near by. His arguments in support of his opinion are indeed weighty, and if sometimes a ^ Quoted by Chambers from Harris, History of Dublin, p. 147.

xlvii little fanciful, are for the most part convincing. One has pronounced above in favour of the date 1458 for the manuscript : the play could not have taken its rise much before this, and at the earliest at the beginning of the fifteenth century. In so late a specimen, too, it is somewhat difficult to arrive at a very definite opinion upon the dialect of the piece, but what traces are to be found, as Brotanek points out, are certainly characteristic of the English Midlands rather than of the district around Dublin. All characteristically Northern forms, as well as the known peculiarities of Dublin manuscripts of the period, such as the confusion of th with t and cZ, of w with li, and the omission and erroneous insertion of the aspirate, are entirely absent ; whereas, the interchange of i and e, which is a peculiarity of the East Midlands, and us as the plural form of the substantive, which is a West Midland peculiarity, occasionally occurring in East Midland manuscripts, both appear and are further assured by being present in rhyme-position (e. g. vv. 330-334, and v. 205). In addition, the grammatical features of the play approach very closely those of the Ludus Coventriae, and therefore one must infer that our specimen belongs to the borders between the East and West Midlands. So much is certain with respect to the locale of the play : a more definite assignation of it to a particular town or district cannot be very certain, but must very largely be a matter of more or less justifiable conjecture. The appearance in the same manuscript, in the same handwriting, of the register of bailiffs of Northampton, certainly makes that town appear far from improbable ; but as yet no records of any performances of plays there have come to light. Negative evidence of course in this respect is always of very small value, and, as Brotanek points out, since the dramatic activity of Coventry was at this time very great, the not-far-distant town of Northampton is certain to have been under the same influence. The same authority further suggests that in the famous quotation from the Coventry Plays : " A Sunday next if that we may, At VI of the belle we gynne oure play In N towne, whereof we pray, &c.," the N would more probably stand for some particular name rather than for the generic term nomen^ since the day and time are deflnitely stated; and, therefore, why not Northampton'? The arguments are worth considering, and with that we must leave them. MYSTERY PLAYS. d

The play is written in strophes the form of which is varied with a good deal of skill and taste. The most common form is a stanza of eight verses, with the rhyme-order a a ah ccch, but sometimes with only two rhymes, as for example, in the stanzas 72-79, 193-200 and 295-302. The stanza is not foreign to the mediaeval religious drama ; it is, in fact, the dominant strophic form in the Chester cycle, and the Towneley and Coventry cycles also have page after page written in the same form. Longer strophes of nine, twelve, thirteen and seventeen verses, always used with a definite purpose, also frequently occur : thus, for example, the opening speech of Deus is cast in two of these seventeen-line strophes, while other long speeches demanding dignity, and the prayer at the end, are also written in one or other of these longer stanza forms. This stanza, in its normal construction, consists of thirteen verses with the rhyme order ah ah ah ah cclcldc, 2^ form to be found in the Towneley and Coventry cycles, and also in The Castle of Perseverance ; the other varieties are formed by an extension of the cauda. The metrical structure within the verse itself is also varied, since septenars, alexandrines, verses of three and of four stresses, and here and there a verse of five stresses, are all to be found. The septenar only appears in the long strophes at the beginning and end of the play. Alliteration as an additional adornment frequently appears, but not as a metrical principle, although certain time-honoured, conventional, alliterative pairs still remain, as, for example, trii^e for to tell 5, ou])er mete or mele 24, in wele and wo 265, and sometimes a verse is alliteratively linked to the next, but whether intentionally or accidentally, it is difficult to say.i The Brome play of Ahraham and Isaac is contained in a manuscript commonplace-book of the fifteenth century, made for the owners of the Manor of Brome, in the County of Suffolk. The manuscript was accidentally found among other papers relating to the same family, by Dr. G. H. Kingley, in the muniment room belonging to the land-agent's office at Brome. The late Sir Edward Kerrison, owner of the manuscript, accorded Miss Toulmin-Smith permission to print from it ad lihitum.^ with the result that two editions of our play appeared, to which we are indebted for our text, and the following details descriptive of the 1 Cf. vv. 39, 40 ; 359, 360.

xlix manuscript.^ "The manuscript of paper, five-and-a-half inches wide by eight long, is bound in a parchment cover with a flap turned over, somewhat injured by damp. It contains eighty-one leaves. The book seems to have been originally intended for a collection of poems, moral or religious ; these occupy the first part of the volume, written in a fine neat hand of the second half of the fifteenth century. Following these (in one case written between two poems) are several interesting accounts for sale of corn and barley, lists of church dues, common rights, etc., and a few miscellaneous items, together with a kind of chartulary embracing deeds from 3 Edward III to 30 Henry YI, each given with an English translation following the Latin. All these are in two or three different hands. On the last leaf but one is a poem in the same hand as those at the beginning of the book. The principal poems are as follows : Twenty-six lines, beginning, " Man in merthe has meser in Mynde^' (fo. 1), also cipher puzzles and sayings (fo. 1. v^). Predilections of fortune by the cast of dice (fos. 2 and 3). On one page the dice are drawn. Another copy of this, differing in some particulars, is found in Sloane 513 (fo. 98). Adrian and Epotis (fos. 5-14) resembles the version in Ashmol. 61 and Cott. Calig. A. II. At the end of this is a pretty design in red and black of the sign I.H.S., with a spear and heart. Play of Ahraham and Isaac (fos. 15-22). Fifteen Signs of Doom (fos. 23-26). Owayn Miles (fos. 28-38). This belongs to the type of the Cotton (Calig. A. II. fo. 89) version, not to that of the Auchinleck manuscript. Life of St. Margaret and Sir Olybryus (fos. 39-44). A fragment of the fifteenth-century version printed by Horstmann. Lydgate's stanzas on Prudence, Justice, Temperance and Fortitude (fo. 80). The local entries in the manuscript chiefly refer to the village of Stuston, attached to the Manor of Brome, and date from the fifteenth year of Henry YII (a.d. 1499). This version of Ahraham and, Isaac thus dates from the second half of the fifteenth century, but that it is by no means the original manuscript of the play is clearly evident from the variety and irregularity of its metrical form. By far the greater portion of ^ Editions: {a) 1884, Anglia^ vol, vii; {h) 1886, A Common-place Booh of the Fifteenth Century,

the play is written in a four-verse stanza usually with verses of four stresses, but sometimes of five, and the rhyme-order a h a h. The strophe next to this in frequency of occurrence is one of five similar verses and rhymed a h a ah: but the number of stanzas of the former kind is more than double that of the latter. The greatest probability is, then, that the original was written in this four-line stanza above named, and that a copyist intending to transcribe it into another stanza-form, the five-line stanza rhymed a h a ah, did this in the case of the first five stanzas and in eleven other cases, but for some reason or other did not carry his original plan to completion. A copyist introducing a new stanza would naturally do it at the beginning, and here it is noticeable that in the first five strophes, the third or the fourth verse can be omitted without damaging the sense of the piece. Further irregularities and corruptions are doubtless to be explained as being due to later copyists ; and, perhaps, at some stage in the history of the play's transmission, to oral communication ; while the many exclamatory phrases which so much interfere with a really systematic division into strophes, are perhaps to be regarded, like similar passages in the York plays, in the light of prose. The original was clearly much anterior in date to the present copy, being at least as old as the fourteenth century. No story in the whole dramatic repertoire of the Middle Ages was more popular than that of Abraham and Isaac, which is testified to by the fact that no less than six such plays have been handed down to us. The story apparently enjoyed the same popularity on the Continent, since there dramatic versions are equally numerous. In France a separate copy of the play existed in addition to the portion of the Vieil Testament dealing with the subject. The question then naturally arises, how are our two plays related to each other, to the corresponding play in each of the four great cycles, and to the two French plays'^ The Midland play preserved in the Dublin manuscript, which for convenience will be referred to as the Dublin Abraham and Isaac, appears to be very largely independent of the five other English plays on the subject, but to bear a general resemblance to the French versions of the story. It is also the only one of the English Abraham-plays in which Sara appears as a speaking character, and in which the thought of her, in the minds of father

li and son, stands out so prominently. The mention of the mother does certainly occur in the Chester and Brome versions, hut in a much less marked degree, and here Sara does not appear as a character of the play. Further, it remains to be mentioned, that the Dublin play has one or two verbal resemblances in parts, to passages in the Towneley play, but with this its relationship to the other English plays ceases. On the other hand, its general resemblance to the French play, especially in respect to scene arrangement, is certainly striking. In the edition issued for the Société des Anciens Textes Français^ under the editorship of Baron Bothschild, two versions of the play are given ; the ABC version, where it is part of the cycle, and the E F version, which is to be regarded as a detached play. The latter was printed in 1539, and it is not impossible that the printer then made use of manuscripts other than those from which the ABC version was compiled, and which have since been lost.^ It is with this 1539 printed version that our play most closely corresponds, a comparative table of which we subjoin from the twenty-first volume of the Anglia : ^ Scene. VT {ABC). '1. Dien. Miséricorde. Justice. 9610-9686. 2. Dieu. Ceraphin. [Miséricorde. Justice] 9687-9712. 3. ~ 4. Cerapliin. Abraham. 9713-9782. 5. Abraham. 9783-9800. 6. Sarra. Abraham. 9801-9820. 7. Abraham. Isaac. Ismael. Eliezer. 9936-10,022. 8. Abraham. Isaac. 10,023-10,441. 9. Ceraphin. [Abraham. Isaac]. 10,442-10,455. FT {FF). Dieu. 195-221. Dieu. Raphael. Miséricorde. 222-242 Raphael. Abraham. 243-277. Abraham. 278-291. Sarra. Abraham. 292-311. Abraham. Isaac. Ismael. Eliezer. 609-704. Abraham. Isaac. 705-1434. Raphael. [Abraham. Isaac]. 1435-1452. Dublin.^ Deus. 1-21. Deus. Angelus. 22-34. Habraham : 35-47.^ Habraham. Angelus. 48-67. Habraham. 68-83. Sara. Habraham. Isaac. [Servant]. 84-136. Habraham [Isaac]. [Servant]. 137-144. Habraham. Isaac. 145-260. Angelus. [Habraham. Isaac]. 261-273. ^ Cf. Brotanek. ^ Brotanek, Anglia, xxi, 28. ^ Brotanek calls this the Northampton Play. ^ In the corresponding place in the French play, there is a conversatiori between Sarra, Abraham and Isaac.

Belation to the 'Vieil Testament. Scene. VT {ABC). 10. N, VT (BF). Abraham. Isaac. 1453-1538. Habraham [Isaac]. Biiblin. 274-268. 11. Abraham. Isaac. ^ 10,456-10,526. 12. Raphael. Abraham. [Isaac]. 1539-1564. Abraham. [Isaac]. Habraham. [Isaac]. Heus. [Habraham]. [Isaac]. 287-302. 1565-1590. 303-307. 13. Abraham. Isaac. Ismael. [Eliezer]. 10,535-10,548. 14. Sarra. Abraham. Abraham. Isaac. Ismael. Eliezer. Habraham. Isaac. [Servant]. 308-318. 1619-1632. Isaac. 10,549-10,598. Sarra. Abraham. Isaac. 1633-1698. Sara. Habraham. [Isaac]. 319-370. The difference in construction between the French and English plays is slight : the Dublin drama omits the character Miséricorde^ to which in the French version two short speeches are allotted, and in the English play the two servants, Ismael and Eliezer,^ who in the Vieil Testament (EF) are speaking characters, are not named. The French drama, it is true, is nearly four times as long as the Dublin play, but that is at least quite a normal proportion when considering English and Freuch religious plays of the fifteenth century. But Brotanek presses the point still further, and cites a number of verses which he believes to have been directly suggested by corresponding verses in the French play : here I must confess that the influence has been too subtle for me to trace. In spite of this, however, the strong possibility, or perhaps even probability, that the author of the Dublin play knew some version or other of this detached French edition {Vieil Testament EF) still remains. The relation of the Brome play to the French Mysteries and to the Chester plays has already been carefully considered by scholars in connection with a study of the latter cycle, and has led to various theories. Ungemach, in his Qiiellen der ersten filnf Chester PlaySj maintains that the Chester and Brome Abraham-plays both go back to the same French original, and that, at the time when the Chester cycle underwent revision, the Brome version was used by their reviser. I must, however, agree with Hohlfeld, when he says that Ungemach, in reference to the Brome play's indebtedness to a French original, has not proved his case ; since I have carefully considered his lengthy and skilfully-selected extracts, selected, too, sometimes from the ABC, and sometimes from the EF version, as each suited his purpose best, and cannot find any ^ According to the Cursor Mündig a son of Abraham.

resemblances whatever which support a theory of indebtedness, but only a general similarity between the two plays, which is quite capable of being completely explained by the fact that they both go back to the Vulgate version of the Biblical story. Of Ungemach's contentions as to the indebtedness of the Chester Plays to the Vieil Testament, this is not the place to speak. The similarity, however, between the Brome play and a part of the Chester play upon the same theme, leaves no question as to the indebtedness of one play in some form to the other : the question to be considered is, how was the influence exercised 1 In the first place, it is to be noted that the similarity refers to a part of the play only. CJp to the point where Isaac declares his readiness to go with his father, there exists no striking likeness whatever between the two versions, and the same applies to the concluding portions ; but the central part, the main scene, is very similar in both versions, a resemblance not only of general construction and plan, but also of details of expression and words in rhyme-position, both of which will readily be seen upon a comparison of our text with the portions of the Chester play printed below it, (Cf. pp. 40-49 of text.) These coincidences and similarities have, moreover (-even Ungemach admits this, or rather asserts it), no resemblance whatever to anything in the French Mystery : what, then, is their explanation '? I have tried to show that the present form of the Brome play is a revision of an earlier, probably fourteenth-century version ; we know that the Chester plays at the time of their being formed into a cycle, probably the turn of the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, underwent revision, and further, that unlike the Brome compiler, the Chester poet, in this instance, could not choose his stanza j therefore, the solution is that the Chester compiler then made use of the earlier version of the East Anglian play, an opinion with which both Hohlfeld and Ungemach, although of contrary opinions in respect to the French infiuence, are in complete agreement. The mystery plays which have been handed down to us do not often offer scope for satisfactory literary criticism, and indeed, in most cases, it would be most unfair to their compilers to indulge in it, for their aim was directed towards the production of a grand spectacular effect rather than towards the compilation of a text of literary worth and beauty. Portions of the mass of mediaeval drama, however, have attained a standard worthy of being

Literary Value of the Play, designated literary works, as, for example, those plays of the Towneley cycle from the pen of the author of the Secunda Pastorum, of which Mr. Pollard has so rightly sung the praises, while parts at least of our two Abraham-and-Isaac plays, the best of the six upon this subject, are by no means to be despised. In the York play, Isaac is represented as a man of thirty years of age, while Sarah is not mentioned, and thus disappears of necessity any opportunity for introducing those beautiful touches of pathos to be found in the Dublin and Brome texts. The incomplete Towneley play, the shortest of them all, introduces the Deity in person, but in its treatment of the strife in Abraham's soul between paternal affection and his duty to his God, the real point of interest, it is ^ery dull and lifeless. The Coventry copy is a bald narrative, equally prosaic. The Chester, like the Brome play, which in essentials it closely resembles, closes with the speech of an expository character, somewhat shorter, and placed in the mouth of a ^'Doctor." The Dublin text, the only one which introduces Sarah in person, develops very well indeed the capabilities of the story on the side of domestic affection, especially in relation to the mother. In the Dublin version, too, a somewhat prominent part is also assigned to the Deity. Both plays treat the struggle in Abraham's mind between fatherly love and obedience to God extremely well. That both the Dublin and Brome plays were performed as single plays and not as parts of cycles I have attempted to show earlier in this short introduction, but evidence as to the particular manner, place, and time in and at which they were performed, is unfortunately not to hand; therefore, it is to be supposed that the stage was the usual pageant, and the mode of performance practically identical with what we do certainly know about the performance of other plays on the same, and similar subjects.

IV. The Play of the Sacrament

The Play of the Sacrament, or, as it is often called, the Croxton Play, has been twice edited : in 1861 by Whitley Stokes in Trans-actions of the Philological Society (Appendix), and in 1897 by Prof. Manly in his Specimens of the Pre-Shahsperean Drama, In the

preparation of the present edition, the latter has been collated with the manuscript, and with Whitley Stokes' version. The play in question is contained in a quarto paper, manuscript (F. TV. 20), preserved in the library of Trinity College, Dublin, marked Irish Historical Fieces, and in the new catalogue scheduled No. 652. The contents of the manuscript, of a somewhat miscellaneous character, and written in various hands, are as follow : 1. Lee, Thos. Declaration of the Government of Ireland, discovering the discontents of the Irishry. 2. French. (Nie. titul. Bp. of Ferus.) Apologia pro se et aliis Gatholicis. 3. Davis (Sir John). Argument upon Impositions. 4. Cambden (Wm.). Genealogy of the English, with some of their arms ; also lives and effigies of the Popes (in his own hand). 5. Informations exhibited to the Committee of the Fire of London, 1667. 6. Miracle play of the conversion of Jonathas the Jew by the miracle of the Sacrament. 7. Poems by Sir John Davis and others. 8. Map of Cabra and neighbourhood, in pencil. The handwriting of our portion of the manuscript is that of the latter half of the fifteenth century, and is occasionally difficult to decipher, especially the first page, which, before its inclusion in the present binding, was apparently at some time or other the ^ unprotected outside sheet of the manuscript, and thus became much more stained and faded than the remaining leaves. Two scribes were at work upon the manuscript, which divides itself into four sections ; the ''banns " with verses 1 to 246 and 405 to 566, being written by one scribe, and verses 247 to 404 and 567 to the end, by the other. The writer of sections one and three marked off the speeches of the different characters by means of horizontal black lines, drawn in ink across the page, and the stanzas by means of bracketing the lines which were intended to rhyme together ; while the scribe of sections two and four contented himself with a division of the speeches, and left the stanzas unmarked. Both scribes make a free use of the usual contractions of the i period, but the latter perhaps shows a rather more consistent use of the double I with a stroke, and wrote a somewhat larger hand than his colleague : in the fourth section of the work he appears to

Manuscript, Pectdiarities, etc. have used paler ink, or at least ink more inclined to rapidly fade ; in point of carelessness it is difficult to discover which of the two was the more accomplished. (Cf. e. g. hoylde, Prol. 42 ; ohouyn, Prol. 46 ; ys, copied a verse too early, v. 603 ; dysaved, 467 ; pyxys lockyd, 846, etc.) That the former scribe was an Irishman seems highly probable from the frequency with which he confuses u, w and v, and t and th, a peculiarity which appears very rarely in the rest of the play. (Of. e.g. hat, 2, 437, and 532 ; spehyt, 491 ; waytheth, 40 (Prol.); amatystis, 81; aicoyd, 420 ; sawe for save, 77 (Prol.); walew, 210; etc.) The Irish peculiarities of the manuscript are clearly due to the scribe, and not to the writer of the play, which was certainly written in England, and most probably in the East Midlands. The manuscript is so late, falling well after the time at which the Schriftsprache (as the German scholars call it) had certainly established itself, and the poet handles his rhymes either so carelessly, or so freely, that no very definite conclusions as to its original locality are to be drawn. Unfortunately the name Croxton, occurring in the banns " of the play, is no very great help, since at least seven such places are known, any one of which is possibly the one meant. In consideration that five of the seven are in the East-Midland district, that there is nothing in the poem to disprove an East-Midland origin, and that the dramatic activity of that district is well ascertained, until a better solution can be found, the above must serve as a general indication.^ Although there is ample and convincing evidence that miracle-plays were performed in England, the Play of the Sacrament is— with the exception of the Play of Mary Magdalene, a combination of Miracle, Mystery and Morality, in which the first element predominates—the only text of this class which has been preserved. Many scholars would deny that the Play of the Sacrament has a claim to the title of miracle-play because its subject matter is not drawn from the Lives of the Saints ; this is however clearly unjustified, for although many of the miracle-plays in England and France did derive their inspiration from such a source, this is by no means the essential feature of the miracle-play. In France, indeed, the subjects of the miracle-plays were drawn from the greatest possible variety of sources, sacred and profane, of early and of almost contemporary date. The essential feature of the ^ Cf. pp. Ixiii and Ixxiv.

Ivii miracle play is that the action centres round some miraculous event : that is clearly true of our play, for the comic element is purely episodic. The story which forms the main subject of the Play of the Sacrament is only one of a very large number, the popularity of which was due to the strong anti-Semitic feeling prevailing in the West of Europe during the Middle Ages, and which is still recognisable, expressed in other ways in many parts at the present day. The most famous of all such stories perhaps is that of Hugh of Lincoln. The miracles alleged to have taken place in connection with Jewish outrages upon sacred wafers, were held to prove the doctrine of the Real Presence, and that communion under both kinds was unnecessary ; while a third and less spiritual result was, that the stories served as an excuse for the murder of wealthy Jews and the confiscation of their property. Continental versions of the story are numerous from the year 1290 ^ until the seventeenth century, but in the great majority of cases they differ from the English version in that the torturers of the Host as a reward for their pains are burnt alive. Dramatic versions of the story, too, are numerous in France, Italy, and the Netherlands ; thus, for example, in 1473, as part of the festival at Rome held in honour of Leonore of Aragon, certain Florentine players performed plays of Susanna, John the Baptist and the Miracle of the Host ^ ; in or about the year 1500, a Dutch play of more than a thousand verses in length upon The Miixtcle of the Host, was written by a certain Smeken and performed in Breda ; and a French play of a similar nature is preserved in two printed editions of the sixteenth century, the former of which bears the title : Le jeto et mystère de la sainte hostie, par personnages." The motif of this play, which introduces twenty-six characters and is fifteen hundred and ninety verses in length, is somewhat similar to that of the Croxton play, but the details are not the same. A woman oppressed with poverty has pawned a portion of her clothing with a Jew money-lender, which she beseeches him to restore to her when the Passover Feast comes round. This the Jew promises to do, but only on condition that she brings to him the consecrated Host which she is to receive in communion at church ; the poor woman agrees to the conditions and the Jew obtains the holy ^ Villani, Croniehe, Ao. 1290. (Cited by Stokes.) ^ Creizenach, I, 332.

La Sainte Hostie, wafer. He then cuts it savagely with a knife, whereupon it bleeds profusely. The Jew's family beg of him to desist, but he refuses and unsuccessfully tries to destroy the Host by every means of which he can think ; after this his son reveals the circumstances to a Christian woman, who takes the wafer back to the priest ; and, since the news of the sacrilege has spread all over Paris, the Jew is seized, brought before the judges, convicted, and burnt to death, while the members of his family are baptized. The woman who betrayed the Host commits the crime of murdering her illegitimate child in order to conceal her guilt, likewise repents, and is burnt at the stake ; which miracle was supposed to have taken place in the thirteenth century, and in memory of which the Church of Carmelites was founded. That the story upon which this play is founded is by no means to be counted among the more unimportant Parisian legends, is testified to by the frequency with which the incident is referred to by French historians. Further, in 1664, a certain Fr. Leon, of the Order of Carmelites of the Holy Sacrament, published under the patronage of the Bourbon arms, a duodecimo, bearing the title: H Histoire de V Hostie Miraculeuze^ arrivé au Convent des Religieuses Carmes d%i Saint Sacrement, des Billetes, wherein this tradition is referred to as three hundred and seventy-four years old, again giving us as date the year 1290. Thirty-one years earlier, certain members of the University of Paris had turned their attention to the story and issued a report as follows : "We, the undersigned Doctors of the Faculty of Theology, of Paris, certify that we have seen and closely examined this History of the Miraculous Host of Paris, in which we have not found anything contrary to the Faith nor to morals. Given at Paris, this second day of August, 1633. H. PiGNAY. 1 F. Damourettes." To return to a consideration of the English play, it is to be remarked that its source is undoubtedly this French legend, dating> from 1290, varied in certain details. The Jew's treatment of the Host is essentially the same in the.Parisian legend and the English play ; but the English dramatist has selected certain incidents and omitted others. According to the Parisian legend, the Jew treats the Host in the following manner. First he lays it upon the table ^ W. Hone, Legend of the Miraculous Host.

lix and stabs it several times with his penknife, with the result that blood gushes from it freely, after which he further mutilates it with a hammer and nails. It is next hung upon a stake and scourged as often as the body of Christ received lashes by the scourging, and then thrown into the fire, where it is seen moving about untouched. The Jew, becoming mad, attacks it with a large carving-knife, but this proves unsuccessful, so " he hangs it up in a place deemed the vilest in the house," and pierces it with the point of a spear. Finally, it is thrown into a cauldron of boiling water, whereupon the water turns to blood, and a crucifix with a figure of the dying Saviour rises up above it. At this the Jew is terrified and hides himself in the cellar ; the church bell is ringing for Mass, and a child of the Jew's runs from the house crying out, Where do you go to seek your God^ to the Church'? Has not my father, then, after having inflicted so many tortures on Him, has he not yet killed Himi" Upon hearing this, a woman, a neighbour of the Jew, went to the house feigning to ask for a light, and beholding the affecting picture of the Passion of Christ there re-enacted, prostrated herself and made the sign of the Cross. The body of Jesus Christ returned to the form of the Host, and placed itself in a vessel which she held in her hand, which she then carried to the Church of St. John en Grève, where it was received by priests. The story was told, the Jew and the betrayer of the Host were arrested and condemned to be burnt; King Philip and his Queen, Jane of Navarre, commanded that the Jew's house should be converted into a temple, and that there should be kept the Jew's penknife and cauldron, and the dish in which the Host was taken to the church. On the Sunday before Easter, the Chapter of St. John carried in procession the evidences of the miracle, which for four centuries were preserved, and then, on the first Sunday after Easter, a festival was held in celebration of the event. The alterations which the English dramatist has made in the story are many and important. In the English play a Christian merchant is substituted for the poor woman as the*^ betrayer of the Host, the Jew is a wealthy merchant and not a money-lender, and has moreover four Jewish accomplices, and the stock comic characters of the doctor and his man are added, while the denouement is, contrary to continental custom, the absolution of the Jews from their sins, and their subsequent baptism.

The Metre of the Flay. To modern taste the greater part of the play is extremely grotesque and almost loathsome, while even the comic and satiric touches are uncommendably broad. The passages in which Brundyche, Magister Physicus^ himself makes merry over the manner in which he treats his patients, as well as the comic ejaculations and remarks of his boy Colle, are well calculated to please the ignorant and rustic crowds which thronged to the marketplaces of small towns and to village greens in search of amusement. The incident, too, is of additional interest in that it serves as an example of the influence of the Spring folk-drama upon the miracle play. The inveterate quack-doctor who so frequently appears in the former has been bodily imported into the latter. In the folk-drama, it is true, the doctor was an essential element of the story,1 while in the miracle-play he has become an episodic character, introduced for the sake of the comedy supplied; but that is quite the normal development in such cases. The various outrages exercised upon the consecrated wafer and the miraculous appearance of Jesus as a speaking character, appear now, deprived of their mediseval milieu of belief, somewhat puerile and paltry ; this was, however, not so when the play was performed, but exactly what portion the fifteenth-century audience treated as comic, and how much as -serious and reverent, is now difficult to determine. The metre in which the play is written is considerably varied, the purpose of which, however, is not always apparent. The commonest of all used, is a four-line stanza, rhymed abah, in which the normal verse has four accents, with considerable freedom of construction in the unstressed portions ; verses of five and three accents also often occur. In the majority of instances, the last verse of the stanza rhymes with the first verse of the stanza immediately following, thus giving an eight-line strophe, with the rhyme order ah a hhchc; but since the scribe betrays irregularity in marking ofi the stanzas, and since the above construction is not adhered to throughout, we have preferred to divide the play, in these portions, into stanzas of four verses each.^ The next stanza in order of frequency used, is one of eight verses rhymed aaahcGoh^ and is found from verse 409 to 520 with slight interruptions, and again in verses 542 to 572. Other more irregular stanzas also occur, ^ Cf. E. K. Chambers, Mediœval Stage, vol. i, 185, 207, 213. ^ Manly arranges in eight-line stanzas.

e. g., in verse 172, with the appearance of Clericus, verse 198, in the part of Jonathas, verses 247 and 296 of Aristorius, where a tive-line stanza ahhha is used, while in verses 440 to 444, the rhyme-order is ahahb. But the metrical form is most markedly interrupted, and quite naturally too, upon the entrance of the two comie characters, Master Brundyche, and Colle, his boy. As far as verse 517, they are kept within the bounds of the eight-line stanza, aaah cccb, but after this, the greatest freedom is used. The speech of Brundyche, for example, consists of seven verses, the hrst six of which have as rhyme-syllable—acyon, and the seventh does not rhyme at all ; after which follow seven couplets, and then the eight-line stanza is again resorted to. Verses 655 to 660 form a stanza with the rhyme-order ahhhha, and then the four-line stanza construction is continued to the end of the play. We have previously referred to the carelessness, or unsatisfactory choice of the rhymes, which points to a poet of inferior merit : the merest glance at the rhythm leads to the same conclusion. Alliteration, although not present as a consistent principle, is very much in evidence, and more so at the beginning of the play than towards the end. Where alliteration was easy to use, there the poet has made the most of it, but where it was difficult, he has apparently largely abandoned it. Thus, for example, when he introduces a list of places, which he obviously drew from some geographical manual, probably alphabetically arranged, the alliteration shines forth in all its glory, the names appearing even in alphabetical order : In Antyoche and in Almayn moch is my myght, lu Äaban and in ATytayn I am full 5old, In Calabre and in C'oleyn ther rynge I full ryght. In i}ordrede and in i>enmark I be the chylfe ¿old. In Alysander I have itbundawnse in the wjá.Q lüorld ; In Arance and in Aarre /resshe be my/lowers. In (ryldre and in (^alys have I bowght and sold. In//amborowhe and in Ablond 77ioche merchandyse is owris.'^ That the author considered such a profusion of alliterative forms in keeping with the character of Aristorius' boastful speech, may have been the case, for the corresponding boast of the Jew merchant has the same peculiarity; certain it is, however, that it is largely confined to the former part of the play. After the list of dramatis personae given in the manuscript at

Allocation of Parts. the end'of the play, is the remark, IX may play it at ease." A study of the structure of the play, makes it clear that none of the actors who played the parts of Aristorius, Jonathas, Jason, Jasdon, Masphat and Malchus, could possibly take another part ; and it is equally certain that if the company be limited to nine actors, the parts of Clericus and Colle must be played by the same person. The rôle of Magister Physicus could only be taken by one of the actors who played the parts of Presbyter and Episcopus respectively. It only now remains to decide how the figure of Jesus, which speaks a considerable number of verses, and to which the stage-direction applies the words, '^an image with woundis bledyng," was actually represented. The person who spoke as the image, must have been an actor who in this scene does not otherwise appear ; the choice therefore rests between the actors of the parts Aristorius, Presbyter, Episcopus, and the boy who played Colle and Clericus, Of these, the last-named is the most probable, since in verse 724, the image seen is referred to as ''a chyld apperyng with wondys blody," the explanation of which is difficult apart from the above supposition. The somewhat crude character of the play itself, the fact that some of the actors take more than one part, and the evidence of the banns " all point to the play as being one of those interludes^ so popular in the fourteenth century, which were taken from village to village, and town to town, and played at the market-place and village-green. Everything goes to prove that it is a play of this class, short enough to be performed in an hour or a little more, in which the simplest scenic arrangements suffice, and suitable alike for performance at a baronial banquet, in the guildhall of a town, perhaps even in a church, or in the courtyard of some then oft-visited inn. The doubling of parts is entirely unknown to the mystery play, and common to this latter class, the records of which are numerous ; thus, e. g.^ Bale's Three Laws required five players, and Lusty Juventits, four. The announcement of the play by means of banns" was common to the regular mystery-plays as well as occasional plays, but was probably even more necessary in the latter case than the former, which were well-established and well-known municipal events : however, Chester and Beverley both had their " banns," and they ^ The term interlude was certainly held to include miracle-play, as Mr. Chambers points out, Mediceval Stage^ ii, 182, 183.

Ixiii are also on record at ISTew E-omney. The Oroxton Play is announced beforehand by two banner-bearers, vexillatores, accompanied by a minstrel, who speak in turn, briefly outlining the story of the play, and finally giving their hearers an invitation to the performance in the following terms : And yt place yow, thys gaderyng f)at here ys, At Croxston on Monday yt shall be sen ; To see the conclusyon of fis lytell processe Hertely welcum shall yow bene. Now Jhesu yow sawe from treyn and tene. To send vs liys hyhe ioyes of hevyne. There myght ys withouton mynd to mene ! Now, mynstrell, blow vp with a mery stevyn ! As we remarked above, the name Croxton alone does not help very much in locating the place where the play on this occasion was performed, since it occurs in Cambridgeshire, Leicestershire, Lincolnshire, Norfolk, Cheshire, and other counties. Mr. Chambers in his Mediœval Stage, assigns it to Norfolk, but puts a mark of interrogation after his note. One of the many Croxtons which is far from being improbable is on the road from Oxford to Cambridge ; it is a parish in the Union of Caxton and Arrington, in the county of Cambridge, three-and-a-half miles W.N.W. of Caxton. A second Croxton, which is also not improbable, is in the Union of Thetford, in the Western Division of Norfolk, two miles north from Thetford. Other Croxtons are : A parish (St. John the Evangelist) in the Union of Glandford-Brigg, East Division of the Wapentake of Yarborough, Lincoln : seven miles N.E. by E. of Clandford-Brigg. A chapelry in the parish of Fulmodeston in the Union of Walsingham, Western Division of Norfolk; four miles E. by N. of Fakenham. A township in the parish of Eccleshall, Union of Stone, in the Northern Division of the Hundred of Pikehill, Staffordshire : three and three-quarter miles N.W. by N. of Eccleshall. Croxton South: a parish (St. John the Baptist) in the Union of Barrow-upon-Soar, in the Northern Division of Leicestershire : nine-and-a-quarter miles N.E. by E. of Leicester. A township in the parish of Middlewich, Union and Hundred of Northwich, Cheshire : one mile W.N.W. from Middlewich.^ ^ Lewis: Topographical Dictionary of England. MYSTERY PLAYS. 6

' The Pride of Life! Two other place-names occur in the pla,y, the latter of which, near Bury St. Edmunds, having been well known because of a settlement of Franciscan friars there; they occur in verses 540 and 541 : '^Inquyre to the Tolkote, for ther y s hys loggyng,^ A lytylle besyde Babwelle My He."

V. The Pride of Life

The Pride of Life^ although fragmentary, is a particularly interesting specimen, because of its early date and the light which it throws upon the early history of the drama ; the Paternoster and Creed Play being lost, it is thus the earliest extant Morality. The text of the above play has twice been ably edited. In 1891, Mr. Mills, of the Becord Office, Dublin, first printed a copy of the manuscript in the Proceedings of the Royal Society of Antiquaries of Ireland, while seven years later. Professor Brandl, in his Quellen des Weltlichen Dramas vor Shakspere, issued an edition based upon Mr. Mills' editio princeps, a collation of the manuscript made by the Bev. Prof. Skeat, and a second collation made by Mr. Mills. For the purposes of the present edition I have collated Mr. Mills' text with the manuscript and compared it with that of Prof. Brandl. The poem in question has been preserved in a parchment roll, belonging to the canons of Christ Church, Dublin, a religious house which, unlike many other communities of a like nature, escaped suppression in the sixteenth century. The roll is in some respects quite a palseographical puzzle. It consists of a body of accounts extending from 1333 to 1346, which have been stitched together to form a roll eleven feet eight-and-a-half inches in length, and varying* from eight-and-a-quarter to eleven-and-a-quarter inches in breadth, the four different documents of which were probably stitched together not more than a century after their compilation. They were first noticed about the middle of the eighteenth century by Dr. Loyd, during the preparation of his Novum Registrum, who, however, did not copy them, but simply referred to them under the title. Accounts of the expenditure of the Prior and his Chamber." The reverse side of the second account in its original state had been ^ See also Index of Places, p. 105 et seq.

left unoccupied, and here, between certain groups of expenditure items, the Pride of Life was later, most probably in the former half of the fifteenth century, added to the manuscript. First are four crowded columns giving us respectively verses 1 to 38, 127 to 160, 161 to 196, and 197 to 234 of the play, where the continuity is broken by the appearance of items already upon the parchment, after which are four more columns containing respectively verses 39 to 126, 235 to 326, 327 to 416, and 415 to 502.^ After verses 126 and 136 are lacunce^ while the close of the play is also missing; the explanation of which is, that originally another skin was attached to the roll and has unfortunately since disappeared. Two scribes of different ability and peculiarities, speaking different dialects, have clearly been at work upon the manuscript. The one, an old man, writing somewhat shakily and as if out of practice, wrote a professional, clerkly hand, and contributed verses 5 to 32, 83 to 126, 155 to 326 and 439 to 502 : the other, apparently an unpractised hand, unaccustomed to the copying of English manuscripts—since he utterly confuses f, y and 3—wrote a running hand, and is responsible for verses 1 to 4, 33 to 82,127 to 154 and 327 to 438.^ That the scribes had a written original to follow, and did not write the poem down from dictation or from memory, is clearly evident from the blunders which they made, all of which are mistakes of the eye and not of the ear, such as the confusion of f with long s (sort for fort, v. 42 ; fot for sot, v. 360), of t with c, and the omission of the stroke above the line for n {gocyl for gentyl), v, 333.^ The work appears to have been divided between them entirely without reference to the contents or strophic divisions. The way in which the two scribes did their work and treated their original, has been so admirably set out at considerable length by Prof. Brandl,^ whose book is not so readily accessible on English library shelves as it should be, that nothing can be more satisfactory than to give the substance of it here. The scribe to whom we have referred to as a professional, Professor Brandl designates by B, his colleague by A. ' 1. A makes use of numerous abbreviations which he uses in Latin as well as English words : B confines himself to ^ vv. 415 and 416 appear twice in the MS. : at the bottom of col. 3 and top of col. 4, 2 Mills. ^ Brandl, op. cit. ^ idem.

The M S. y the work of two scribes. the use of the horizontal stroke above the line to denote m or n, and for thou. 2. A carefully distinguishes between e and o: B often confuses the two vowels, cf. vv. 132, 50. 3. A writes always com : B always cum. 4. A invariably represents O.E. a by o : B often has a, e. g. yam v. 73, haldli 127, sa 358, halt 359, etc. 5. A represents O.E. eo before r hj e-. B has twice a, e.g. smartli 138, far 357. 6. A represents O.E. y by i or e, e. g. testen 118, listen 471, siehe 317 : B has u, e. g. mucil 37, 38, churg 423, sue 35, 148, 328. 7. A preserves a final e after v ov i \ B drops it, e. g. leu 57, liu 145, hau 151, 354, etc. 8. In A the vowels of unaccented syllables are no longer preserved intact : cf. wolte (for wol\ou) 218, vndir 213, sikir 493, etc. B is still more advanced in this respect : cf. horkynt 1, treeri 335, uileni 337. A has messager 263, 280, 307, etc. : B has the later form messengere v. 75. 9. A sometimes denotes consonant-sharpening : flessch 19, florresschist 277, hisschop 309, 323, 449, etc. : B never. 10. A writes w quite regularly : B often replaces it by : cf. 79, 128, 132, 134, etc. 11. A regularly has qwh for wh : B generally w or u. 12. Initial h is only occasionally wrongly inserted by A : oftener by B. e.g. heme 83, hat 1, 70, hold 2, hend 52, etc. B shows an inclination to drop initial A in particles or to substitute y or 3. (This latter feature is only seen at the beginning of the poem, later he reserves y and 3 for f.) Final h before a word beginning with ]) appears in two instances as t : cf. \ayt \e 381, ^ot ])0U 437. 13. A generally preserves [), sometimes in this form and at other times as th. At first B seldom writes a clear ]), but takes it up after v. 391 : in the middle of a word he generally puts 3/ or 3 and in final position t (occasionally \t or yt). B has also occasionally, in initial position, y instead of ]). 14. For final d, B often writes t. Of. lerit and leut 4, warnit^ 70, irerit 342, toxiart 369. On the other hand, B sometimes

omits it after n, or introduces it wrongly after this consonant. Cf. underston 77, wand 73. 15. The palatals 3 and y do not change with g : on the other hand, in B, in the initial position in particles, they are dropped. Final 3Í and ght are simplified by B to t, corresponding to the fifteenth-century pronunciation : A has regularly 3Í, 16. B has G instead of ch, especially after an accented vowel: e. g. mucil 37, 38, p^ecit 69, trecri 335, etc. The reverse in initial position, is also found in B, viz. ch for c or h, charp 53, chont 68, chain 69, chong 130, etc. 17. For sh B puts occasionally c : (bicop 67, 73,ßcis 361 ; still more seldom ss, hissop 407). Initial s appears as sch, e. g. schir, 391, 435. 18. K after an accented vowel in connection with n or I often appears as g, in B, e.g. ])ing 365, 391, 399, etc.; an initial g sometimes as c, e. g. can 65, wyl cot 425. 19. In the conjugation of the verb, A has : in Pres. Indie. Singular 2 and 3, occasionally the Northern ending is, e. g. 192, 266, 276 : otherwise ist and it(h) and once or twice, in the plural, no ending, e. g. 259, 284. In the Pres. Indie, the Northern form pou schal: cf. vv. 165, 190, 297 and 299, but also pou schalt. B has always the latter form. A has sometimes a Northern peculiarity never found in B, the preservation of final n in the perfect part, of strong verbs : 244, 443, etc. The conclusion clearly to be drawn from such a systematic study of the work of the two scribes, is that A spoke the Northern dialect, and B a special variety of the Northern dialect, peculiar to Dublin, the special features of which are :—the confusion of w and u and of w and V, the occasional representation of O.E. y by yu, the frequent dropping and misplacement of initial (sometimes of medial) h 1, the interchange of p and t (occasionally pt), the appearance of t instead of final d, sh for s, and ss for sh. The only guide which can be of any value in attempting to determine the date of the poem and the locality in which it was ^ This, as well as the sharpening of consonants, is of course not peculiar to Dublin alone ; but in conjunction with the other criteria is of value : the Dublin dialect is best studied in The English Conquest of Ireland^ 1425, E.E.T.S. 107. MS. (undoubtedly a Dublin MS. ) Trin. Coll. Dub. E ii, 31.

originally written, is the rhyme ; and since the author appears to have been far from fastidious in this respect (cf. v. 106, hape, lafte^ 247, hrondCj wrooige), the conclusions which can be drawn are not very definite or certain. The peculiarities, however, which distinguish the language from the written, London dialect, in the opinion of Professor Brandl, point to a poet of the South, before the end of the fourteenth century. "What kind of a person the author was is somewhat difiicult to exactly decide ; in all probability a cleric of one of the simple orders ; a conclusion which is suggested by the fact that he makes use of Latin stage-directions, French exclamations, and satire of a character befitting such a personality. The manuscript had also probably passed through l!7orthern hands before arriving in Dublin, since both scribes preserve many Northern peculiarities in common. External evidence as to the time and place of composition has as yet not been discovered, but two references within the poem itself have an important bearing upon the subject. The first is a reference to the Earldom of Kent in verse 42, as follows : (to Nuncius.) f)ou schalt have for J)i gode wil to J?in auauncement, )?e castel of gailispire on fe hil and f)e erldoin of Kent." From 1407 to 1462 the Earldom of Kent was vacant ; did this influence the poet in his choice of this particular bounty as MirtKs reward ? If so, the date of composition must be brought into the first half of the fifteenth century ; the case is at least worthy of consideration.^ In verse 285 occurs a reference to Berwick-on-Tweed : ^ I am mirth—wel pou wost, pi mery messagere ; pat uostou wel withoute host per nas neuer my pere ; do^tely to done a dede pat 3e haue ffor to done ; hen to berewik opon twede & com 0-3ein Full sone ; " which, of course, would have much more effect and point when spoken in the South of England : a Northerner would more probably have selected Land's End and a Dublin man some extreme point in the East of England. ^ Mills first drew attention to this. ^ Brandl, op, cit.

Ixix Unfortunately, The Pride of Life has not been preserved intact, which is still more regrettable when we consider that it is the earliest Morality which has been handed down to us. It is possible, however, with the help of the prologue, to form out of the fragments, which roughly represent the first half of the original play, some idea of what it was like in its entirety. The King of Life, a character closely related to the Herod of the Mystery-cycles, opens the play with a boasting speech descriptive of the infiniteness of his powers, is gently rebuked by his queen, of whose speech the last stanza alone is preserved, and is fiattered and supported in his vaunting behaviour by two of his soldiers. Fortitude and Sanitas. This is followed by a long dispute between the King and Queen, after which the former proclaims his powers again, and appeals to his soldiers, who, of course, support his views. Mirth, the messenger, who appears to have acquired some of his master's vaunting capabilities, is next sent for, and makes a speech of a like character : the King then desires rest, and commands one of his soldiers to draw the curtain of his tentorium. The Queen then makes her appearance, and sends Mirth, the messenger, to fetch the Bishop. The former, willingly goiug on the Queen's errand, departs singing : Madam, i make no tariyng With softe wordis no ; For I am solas, i most singe, Ouer al qwher i go." et cantat. He finds the Bishop " on his se," but the conversation which there ensued is lost to us, for here we have another lacuna in the manuscript. After this follows, addressed to the audience, the Bishop's monologue, expressing a somewhat pessimistic view of mankind and attacking the rich, powerful and aristocratic, in the usual fourteenth and fifteenth-century satiric way. At the close he addresses himself to the King, who scoffingly replies, and after saying adieu to the Bishop, ! Fare wel, bisschop, fi way. And lerne bet to preche," sends out his messenger. Mirth, with a challenge of combat to all and sundry, even to the King of Death himself. The messenger declares his readiness to go, and commences his proclamation, which, ^wever, is cut short by another break in the manuscript. In the

The Dance of Death. last part, according to the authority of the prologue, the King of Death appeared in response to the challenge, conquered the King of Life, who then appeared before the Judgment, and whose soul was finally saved " throgh priere of oure lady mylde.'' ^ Such is the outline of the play in its entirety as far as reconstruction is possible, and its importance in the history of the Morality plays is, that it forms a connecting link between plays, resembling more or less the dramatic Dance of Death, i. e. the first plays in the vernacular into which allegory entered as an essential feature, and the Moralities of the later form and construction. The application of allegory to the drama clearly gave us the Morality play, and the only disputed question is where the exact point of departure was. Professor Seelmann, of the Koyal Library in Berlin, has proved beyond a doubt that the Lübecker Totentanz and La danza general de la muerte are older than any other extant forms of the Dance of Death, and further that both (the former by way of a Netherlands intermediate form) are based on a French original of the fourteenth century, later worked up, but considerably altered, into la danse macabre. He has also conclusively proved that the text and not the picture was the original : further, that the text was a drama.^ The performance took place in the church upon a stage, erected for the purpose, which was capable of being approached from both sides, one of which represented a tomb. A priest takes his place in the pulpit, which is immediately in front of the stage, and warns the clerks assembled, who form the audience, that no one can obtain exemption from death, and that they who have done much good during their earthly life, and cared for their flocks, will receive a rich reward in Heaven. After this. Death comes on the stage, calls all creatures to follow him and to prepare themselves by means of good works. First, he calls the Pope, who was regarded as the highest potentate on earth, and is therefore honoured with the chief place. The Pope, complaining, steps up to Death, who moves with him in dance-step to the grave, and at the same time answers his complaints. The Pope then disappears into the grave, or through a doorway, which is regarded as the entrance to the grave, and Death calls upon in turn, and treats in a similar manner, Emperor, Cardinal, King, who all appear decorated in the ^ Verse 97. ^ The following description of the performance is a free translation fro'^ Seelmann, Die Totentänze des Mittelalters, p. 17. Norden and Leipzig.

Ixxi full splendour of the insignia of their respective orders, while Death is clad in a tight-fitting, canvas suit, painted so as to make hiui look like a corpse. The dance was accompanied by music and the text delivered as song or recitative, while it is also probable that at a previous stage in its development it was given with dumb show. Numerous accounts of performances of the Dance of Death, about the dramatic character of which there can be no doubt, are to hand: it is sufficient to mention one of July 10th, 1453, in Besançon, and one of 1449 in Bruges. With the Fride of Life the Dance of Death has many points of connection. The central idea in the two pieces is the same, that it is impossible for any one to escape death; but this idea is dilferently treated in the Dance and in the play. In the Dance, it is given forcible expression in that Death dances in turn with a representative of each rank from Pope and Kaiser to the poorest priest and peasant ; in the Pride of Life we see that even the King of Life himself cannot withstand Death. The Judgment, too, is definitely referred to in the priest's prologue, where he advises his hearers to see to it that they have done good deeds before Death seizes them. In the later Moralities this idea of Death and Judgment does not play so prominent a part, for the interest centres rather in the struggle between good and evil forces for man's soul, but the beginning of this development is seen in the Pride of Life ; and still more in Everyman, the other Morality belonging to this group of Death and Judgment. The allegorising in the play, and the plot-structure, too, are very modest indeed compared with that of the later Moralities. The choice of the King of Life and the King of Death is only a variation of their relationship in the Dance of Death ; the addition of Queen and Bishop is not very daring, since the personifying of various ranks had already taken place in the Dance of Death ; the Devil and the Virgin were certainly regarded as historical figures and not personifications ; while the inclusion of the two soldiers and Mirth is perhaps a reminiscence of some Pilate play : ^ the personifications of ethical subtleties came later. In addition to this Prof. Brandl points out that the Pride of Life has certain verbal resemblances to the Lilhecher Totentanz and to the Spanish Danza General: these, however, are of such a general character that I prefer not to definitely attribute ^ York Plays, xxx. Pilate has two soldiers, a comic bailiff and a wife who is anxious about him.

Its literary mine. them to the influence of the fourteenth-century French original of the two above-mentioned Dances of Death. That plays of the Dance-of-Death type existed on English soil in the English tongue, and that the poet of the Pride of Life was conversant with some such, or at least with some similar French play, is not improbable ; since the existence of the type, at least upon the Continent, stands beyond a doubt. Thus the origin of the Morality is in certain respects very similar to that of the Mystery ; it had its origin in the cloister, was performed in the church, and was accompanied by music, recitative and song. It would not be strictly fair perhaps to the author of the Pride of Life to criticise his work too closely, since less than half of it has been preserved, and even that portion has been very badly handled by careless or incompetent scribes, damp and other disturbing conditions. The only extant English Morality bearing a resemblance to the Pride of Life is Everyman, which is certainly its superior in every respect. The Cradle of Security, a sixteenth-century Morality, of which we only know the outlines, also appears to have borne some resemblance to these two plays. In pursuance of their purpose, the driving home of the lesson that death is inevitable, these two early Moralities, the Pride of Life and Everyman, in common with classical tragedy, select the end of mortal man as their central theme. Thus, for example, in the Pride of Life, the King is introduced to us just before his pride brings about his fall, consequent upon his challenge to the King of Death ; while, on the other hand, the later Moralities, such as The Castle of Perseverance and The World and the Child, in addition to man's death and judgment, and the salvation of his soul, as given in these earlier Moralities, depict man's journey through life, subject to various influences, good and bad. Instead of the consistent, dignified earnestness of Everyman, the Pride of Life contains a good measure of somewhat primitive, not very high-class, comedy, which may have been commensurably greater, if the ^second portion in which the Devil played a part had been preserved. The boasting of the King of Life, his rude, rough answers to the Queen and the Bishop, and his coarse witticisms directed against them, with the behaviour of Mirth, who must always go singing and no doubt knew other clownish stage-tricks for provoking laughter, all provided the audience with somewhat hearty, if very coarse fun. On the other hand, this comedy is balanced by the serious earnest

Ixxiii entreaties of the Queen and the preaching and satiric monologue of the Bishop, the gentle arguments of the former being far from unskilfully treated, and the satire of the latter certainly forcefully expressed. Here Mirth is a comic character but yet cannot be called the Yice, since he is only a secondary character and does not fulfil the functions of the orthodox Vice. In addition to being the King's messenger or herald, he is a kind of court-fool, loved by the King, but at the same time by his flattery (if we can call it flattery) encouraging the King in his pride. An intentional seducer of the King he is certainly not, since he readily goes on the Queen's errand in search of the Bishop. The metrical structure of the Pride of Life consists throughout of a four-line stanza similar to ballad-verse, with the rhyme order ahab, the verses containing generally four stresses, but sometimes only three, the unstressed portions being freely handled. The poem is very rich in alliteration, but the rhymes are not always quite satisfactory. On the whole, the metrical features of the poem proclaim the poet to be anything but a great master of verse. From verse 10 it is clear, irrespective of the way we fill up the gap there occurring, that the performance took place in the open air, and that at any rate the audience was fully exposed to the weather. It is evident, too, that at least two of the characters, the King of Life and the Bishop, had fixed seats upon the stage. That of the former appears to have been a canopied couch with a curtain in front of it, for in verse 303 the King commands one of his soldiers to draw the curtain : "Draw fe cord sire streynth. Best I wol now take," et tune, clauso tentorio, dicet Regina secrete nuncio. Thus, when out of the action the King remained upon the stage, which is quite in accordance with the custom of media3val stage-management. The Bishop also had his place as we learn from verse 323, spoken by Mirth, who has been sent by the Queen to call the Bishop : " Sire bisschop, fou sitest on fi se, With fi miter on fi heuede." The other characters were also probably upon the stage from the beginning of the piece. Perhaps Mirth was an exception to this, since in verse 263 the King says : " Qwher is mirth my messager," but it would be in no way

inconsistent with mediseval custom for the King to say this, even if the nuncitis were already on the stage. The stage-arrangement for which, however, evidence in case of the Pride of Life is entirely lacking, would probably be somewhat similar to that sketched for us in the Macro manuscript of The Castle of Perseverance, which is so well known as to render superfluous any description of it here.^ ^ Prof. Brandl sees in verses 9, 109 and 474 a reference to the crowd pressing round the players, and in verse 269 an indication that Mirth sprang now and then over a ditch surrounding the place of performance : I confess that these indications are too subtle for me.

NON-CYCLE MYSTERY PLAYS EXTRA SERIES, CIV., E.E.T.SOC., 1909. p. 3, 1. 24. For 'liostis' read 'hostio.' p. 19. Newcastle Play. The first two lines should be, Me rewes, this world that I have wrought; No marvel it is if I do so : After line 10 two lines are missing. In line 12 omit ' dere.' p. 20, 4th sidenote. For ' Give him My blessing ' read ' My blessing be with thee' (the augel).—J. J. M. p. 25, 1. 199. For 'money ' the true reading must be 'meynee.' p. 33, 1st sidenote. For 'refuses.' read 'refuses, so.'—J. J. M. p. 36, 1. 358. For 'Now' read^ \ßara.]^ Now.' ('you tweyne^in 1. 359 must refer to Abraham and Isaac.)—J. J. M. p. 81, 1. 743. For pece keep the MS. pete, pity.—J.J. M. p. 83, 1. 800, sidenote. For your read our. See I. 812 : yower yoúr^ ower our.—J. J. M. p. 84, 1. 846. For ' lockys pyxyd ' read with the MS. ' pyxys lockvd.' e/ _ p. 86, 1. 904. For ' conuersion ' keep the MS. ' conuersaclons,' ^ behaviour^ mode or course of life.' See ' Conversation 6 ' in N.F.D. and^ 12, ih. = conversion.—J. J M. p. 92, 1. 146. For ' won child ' we should probably read with the MS. wonschild, guiltlessness. But the line seems corrupt. ibid.^ 1st sidenote. For 'messenger' read 'help.' p. 102, 1. 425. 'wyl coot,' MS. ' wyl cot' : read 'wyl csit,'ivild cat. ibid., 1. 445, sidenote. For ' feet ' read ' flesh.' p. 107-112. Glossary. aslawe. For 'aslean^ read ^äslagen, pp. of âsléan.^ awance. Cannot be 'avenge.' The word is perhaps corrupt; if not, it would seem to be an ironical use of advance, adopted for the sake of rime, cannyngalle. Not 'vinegar turned sour,' but 'galingale.' cure. Not 'take care ot (O.F. curer),' but a form of 'cover.' fale. For 'proper, estimable' read 'many.' fang. Delete ' O.N./aupa.' gare. Delete 'prepare,' and 'O.E. gearivian.'' [The word is Scandinavian.] ginned. No connection with O.N. ginna. grou. Not 'injure, harm,' but 'grue,' cause to shudder, hele. Not 'hiding-place,' but 'health, salvation.' In the second passage it is part of the compound wro])er hele, ill fortune, henly. Certainly not ' vilely, O.E. héanlic.^ Perhaps a scribal error for kenly : see Keen a. 2d in the Dictionary, holl. Not ' hollow,' but 'whole.' ifer. Not 'companions,' but 'together.' kete. Delete ' perhaps a variant of kene.'

kyt. Not ' quit, O.F. qviter,' but = kythe, show, make known. lain. Wrongly explained ; it means ' to conceal.' plawe. For 'play, fight' read 'boil.' pleyn. Not a verb : see Plain adv. 6 in Diet. qvart. Delete ' O.E. cioeart' : there is no such word. rawe. Not 'run,' but simply the adjective 'raw.' rot. Not 'joy,' but 'root.' rowe. See ' seam and rowe ' below. rynge. Wrongly explained ; it means ' reign.' sehen. Read ' fair, bright, O.E. scïene.' seam and rowe. There is nothing wrong with the text : seam and roove, i.e. nail and 'burr' for clinching, is still a common phrase in the north to describe the ' clinking ' of a boat. See the Dialect Dictionary, stere. Delete all after ' strong.' stocey. For ' cunning, craft. Lat. astutia ' read ' bravery. O.F. estoutie.^ ten. For 'accuse. O.E. temi' read 'grieve, provoke.' wayns. Not 'wains, wagons,' but 'abodes.' whunt. Dialectal form (not error) for quaint, wise. wonde. Not 'change, turn away,' but 'hesitate,' O.E. wandian. wone. Not ' one,' but ' number, plenty.' work-looms. No corruption in the text : loom means 'tool.' wreist. Not 'accuses, molests,' but 'angerest,' O.E. wrœban. There are other errors of little importance, and the Glossary is also incomplete. In the Index of Proper Names ' Bosra ' is not ' Basra,' but Bozrah, Isaiah Ixiii. 1. ' Oregon ' is impossible as a rendering of Oryon. H. Bradley ADDITIONS TO THE GLOSSARY By COLONEL H. P. LEE. alyng, 92/134, wholly, entirely. O.E. eallunga. beteche, IO2/448, commit. O.E. betœcan. bileuyd, 98/326, relinquished. eye, 94/188, 98/318, fear. 0 E. ^ge. freyned, 55/21, enquired. O.lSt. frignan. grisful, 92/132, horrible. heme, for erne, uncle. O.E. earn. lead, 25/205, caldron. lec, 90/64, leech, doctor. prene, 69/387, prick. rancheth, 8I/735, wrencheth. styed, 68/343, ascended. thray, 25/i8i, eagerly. O.N. )rdr. wrother hele, IO4/491, see hele.

Corrections and Additions

Waterhouse's edition carries a page of corrigenda, contributed by J. J. Munro (signed "J. J. M.") and by Henry Bradley, and a short list of glossary additions by Colonel H. P. Lee. These reference Waterhouse's own page and line numbers, which do not correspond to this transcription's continuous, unnumbered text; they are given here for the record, as the edition's own honest account of its errors.

p. 3, l. 24. For "hostis" read "hostio."

p. 19, Newcastle Play. The first two lines should be, "Me rewes, this world that I have wrought; / No marvel it is if I do so:" After line 10 two lines are missing. In line 12 omit "dere."

p. 20, 4th sidenote. For "Give him My blessing" read "My blessing be with thee" (the angel).—J. J. M.

p. 25, l. 199. For "money" the true reading must be "meynee."

p. 33, 1st sidenote. For "refuses." read "refuses, so."—J. J. M.

p. 36, l. 358. For "Now" read "[Sara.] Now." ("you tweyne" in l. 359 must refer to Abraham and Isaac.)—J. J. M.

p. 81, l. 743. For pece keep the MS. pete, pity.—J. J. M.

p. 83, l. 800, sidenote. For "your" read "our." See l. 812: yower = your, ower = our.—J. J. M.

p. 84, l. 846. For "lockys pyxyd" read with the MS. "pyxys lockyd."

p. 86, l. 904. For "conuersion" keep the MS. "conuersaclons," "behaviour, mode or course of life." See "Conversation 6" in N.E.D., sense 12, i.e. = conversion.—J. J. M.

p. 92, l. 146. For "won child" we should probably read with the MS. wonschild, guiltlessness. But the line seems corrupt. Ibid., 1st sidenote: for "messenger" read "help."

p. 102, l. 425. "wyl coot," MS. "wyl cot": read "wyl cat," wild cat. Ibid., l. 445, sidenote: for "feet" read "flesh."

Glossary, pp. 107–112.

aslawe. For "aslean" read "aslagen, pp. of asléan."

awance. Cannot be "avenge." The word is perhaps corrupt; if not, it would seem to be an ironical use of advance, adopted for the sake of rhyme.

cannyngalle. Not "vinegar turned sour," but "galingale."

cure. Not "take care of (O.F. curer)," but a form of "cover."

fale. For "proper, estimable" read "many."

fang. Delete "O.N. fanga."

gare. Delete "prepare," and "O.E. gearwian." [The word is Scandinavian.]

ginned. No connection with O.N. ginna.

grou. Not "injure, harm," but "grue," cause to shudder.

hele. Not "hiding-place," but "health, salvation." In the second passage it is part of the compound wroþer hele, ill fortune.

henly. Certainly not "vilely, O.E. héanlic." Perhaps a scribal error for kenly: see Keen a. 2d in the Dictionary.

holl. Not "hollow," but "whole."

ifer. Not "companions," but "together."

kete. Delete "perhaps a variant of kene."

kyt. Not "quit, O.F. qviter," but = kythe, show, make known.

lain. Wrongly explained; it means "to conceal."

plawe. For "play, fight" read "boil."

pleyn. Not a verb: see Plain adv. 6 in Dict.

qvart. Delete "O.E. cweart": there is no such word.

rawe. Not "run," but simply the adjective "raw."

rot. Not "joy," but "root."

rowe. See "seam and rowe" below.

rynge. Wrongly explained; it means "reign."

sehen. Read "fair, bright, O.E. scïene."

seam and rowe. There is nothing wrong with the text: seam and roove, i.e. nail and "burr" for clinching, is still a common phrase in the north to describe the "clinking" of a boat. See the Dialect Dictionary.

stere. Delete all after "strong."

stocey. For "cunning, craft. Lat. astutia" read "bravery. O.F. estoutie."

ten. For "accuse. O.E. teon" read "grieve, provoke."

wayns. Not "wains, wagons," but "abodes."

whunt. Dialectal form (not error) for quaint, wise.

wonde. Not "change, turn away," but "hesitate," O.E. wandian.

wone. Not "one," but "number, plenty."

work-looms. No corruption in the text: loom means "tool."

wreist. Not "accuses, molests," but "angerest," O.E. wræþan.

There are other errors of little importance, and the Glossary is also incomplete.

In the Index of Proper Names, "Bosra" is not "Basra," but Bozrah, Isaiah lxiii. 1. "Oregon" is impossible as a rendering of Oryon.

— H. Bradley

Additions to the Glossary, by Colonel H. P. Lee

alyng, wholly, entirely. O.E. eallunga.

beteche, commit. O.E. betæcan.

bileuyd, relinquished.

eye, fear. O.E. ege.

freyned, enquired. O.N. frignan.

grisful, horrible.

heme, for erne, uncle. O.E. earn.

lead, cauldron.

lec, leech, doctor.

prene, prick.

rancheth, wrencheth.

styed, ascended.

thray, eagerly. O.N. þrár.

wrother hele, see hele.

I. The Shrewsbury Fragments

1. Officium Pastorum

Pastores erant in regione eadem uigilantes et custodientes gregem suum. Et ecce angelus Domini astitit iuxta illos et timuerunt timore magno.

[I. Pastor.] Wy, Tib!

III. Pastor. Telle on!

[II. Pastor.] þe nyght.

III. Pastor. Brother, what may þis be,
þus bright to man & best?

[II. Pastor.] at hand.

III. Pastor. Whi say ȝe so?

[II. Pastor.] ..... warand.

III. Pastor. Suche sight was neuer sene
Before in oure lewery;
Sum merueles wil hit mene
þat mun be here in hy.

[II. Pastor.] ... a sang.

III. Pastor. Ȝe lye, bothe, by þis light,
And raues as recheles royes!
Hit was an angel bright
þat made þis nobulle noyes.

[II. Pastor.] .... of prophecy.

III. Pastor. He said a barn schuld be
In þe burgh of Bedlem born,
And of þis, mynnes me,
Oure fadres fond beforn.

[II. Pastor.] Iewus kyng.

III. Pastor. Now may we se þe same
Euen in oure pase puruayed;
þe angel nemed his name,—
Crist, Saueour, he saied.

[II. Pastor.] ..... not raue.

III. Pastor. Ȝone brightnes wil vs bring
Ynto þat blisful boure;
For solace schal we syng
To seke oure Saueour.

Transeamus usque Bethelem et uideamus hoc verbum quod factum est, quod fecit Dominus et ostendit nobis.

[II. Pastor.] to knawe.

III. Pastor. For no-þing thar vs drede,
But thank God of al gode;
þis light euer wil vs lede
To fynde þat frely fode.

[II. Pastor. Now wat ȝe what] I mene.

III. Pastor. A! loke to me, my Lord dere,
Al if I put me noght in prese!
To suche a prince withouten pere
Haue I no presand þat may plese.
But lo! a horn-spone haue I here
þat may herbar an hundrith pese:
þis gift I gif þe with gode chere,
Suche dayntese wil do no disese.
Fare-wele now, swete swayne,
God graunt þe lifyng lang!

[I. Pastor.] And go we hame agayn,
And mak mirth as we gang!

2. Officium Resurrectionis

Hic incipit Officium Resurreccionis in die Pasche.

III. Maria. Heu! Redempcio Israel, Ut quid mortem sustinuit!

[II. Maria.] payne.

III. Maria. Alias! he þat me wende schuld by
Al Israel, bothe knyght & knaue,
Why suffred he so forto dy,
Sithe he may al sekenes saue?

Heu! cur ligno fixus clauis
Fuit doctor tam suauis?
Heu! cur fuit ille natus
Qui perfodit eius latus?

[II. Maria.] is oght.

III. Maria. Alias, þat we suche bale schuld bide
þat sodayn sight so forto see,
þe best techer in world wide
With nayles be tacched to a tre!
Allas, þat euer so schuld betyde,
Or þat so bold mon born schuld be
For to assay oure Saueour side
And open hit with-oute pite!

[All Three.] Iam, iam, ecce, iam properemus ad tumulum, Ungentes Dilecti corpus sanctissimum!

Et appropinquantes sepulcro cantent:

[All Three.] O Deus, quis reuoluet nobis lapidem Ab hostio monumenti?

[II. Maria.] him leid.

III. Maria. He þat þus kyndely vs has kend
Yn-to þe hole where he was hid,
Sum socoure sone he wil vs send,
At help to lift away þis lid.

[II. Maria.] was gon.

III. Maria. Alleluya schal be oure song,
Sithen Crist, oure Lord, by angellis steuen,
Schewes him as mon here vs among
And is Goddis Son, heghest in heuen.

[II. Maria.] Surrexit Christus, spes nostra, Precedet vos in Galileam.

III. Maria. Crist is rysen, wittenes we
By tokenes þat we haue sen þis morn!
Oure hope, oure help, oure hele, is he,
And hase bene best, sithe we were born!
Yf we wil seke him for to se,
Lettes noght þis lesson be for-lorn:
But gose euer unto Galilee;
þere schal ȝe fynd him ȝow beforn!

3. Officium Peregrinorum

Feria secunda in ebdomada Pasche discipuli insimul cantent:

[Chorus.] Infidelis incursum populi Fugiamus, Ihesu, discipuli! Suspenderunt Ihesum patibulo; Nulli percent eius discipulo.

[Luke.] fast to fie.

[Cleophas.] But if we flee, þai wil vs fang,
And full felly þai wil vs flay;
Agayn to Emause wil we gang,
And fonde to get þe gaynest way.
And make in mynd euer vs amang
Of oure gode Maister, as we may,
How he was put to paynes strang,—
On þat he tristed con him be-tray!

[Iesus.] but agayn.

[Cleophas.] By wymmen wordis wele wit may we
Christ is risen vp in gode aray;
For to oure-self þe sothe said he,
Where we went in þis world away,
þat he schuld dye & doluen be,
And rise fro þe dethe þe thrid day,
And þat we myght þat sight now se,
He wisse vs, Lord, as he well may!

[Iesus?] resous nu.

[Cleophas.] Et quoniam tradiderunt eum summi sacerdotes et principes nostri in dampnacionem mortis et crucifixerunt eum.

Right is þat we reherce by raw
þe maters þat we may on mene,
How prestis and princes of oure lawe
Ful tenely toke him hom be-twen,
And dampned him, with-outen awe,
For to be dede with dole, be-dene;
þai crucified him, wele we knaw,
At Caluary, with caris kene.

[Cleophas and Luke.] Dixerunt etiam se visionem angelorum vidisse, qui dicunt eum uiuere.

[Luke.] wraist.

[Cleophas.] The wymmen gret, for he was gon;
But ȝet þai told of meruales mo:
þai saw angelis stondyng on þe ston,
And sayn how he was farne horn fro.
Sithen of oures went ful gode wone
To se þat sight, & said right so.
Herfore we murne & makis þis mon;
Now wot þou wele of al oure wo.

[Cleophas and Luke.] Mane nobiscum, quoniam aduesperascit et inclinata est iam dies. Alleluya!

[Iesus.] wight.

[Cleophas.] Amend oure mournyng, maister dere,
And fond oure freylnes for to fell!
Herk, brofer! help to hold him here,
Ful nobel talis wil he us tell.

[Luke.] lent.

[Cleophas.] And gode wyne schal vs wont non,
For þer-to schal I take entent.

[Luke.] he went.

[Cleophas.] Went he is, & we ne wot how,
For here is noght left in his sted.
Allas! where were oure wittis now?
With wo now walk we, wil of red!

[Luke.] he brak oure bred.

[Cleophas.] Oure bred he brak & blessed hit;
On mold were neuer so mased men,
When þat we saw him by vs sit,
þat we couthe noght consayue him then.

[Cleophas and Luke.] Quid agamus vel dicamus, Ignorantes quo eamus, Qui doctorem sciencie Et patrem consolacionis Amisimus!

[Luke.] gode state.

[Cleophas.] We schal home tell, with-outen trayn,
Bothe word & werk, how hit was,
I se hom sitt samyn in a playn,
Forthe in apert dar I not pas!

[Luke.] & wife.

[Cleophas.] We saw him hol, hide & hewe;
þerfore be still, & stint ȝoure strife!
þat hit was Crist ful wele we knewe,
He cutt oure bred with-outen knyfe.

[Chorus.] Gloria tibi, Domine, Qui surrexisti a mortuis, Cum Patre et Sancto Spiritu, In Sempiterna secula; Amen.

[Chorus.] Frater Thoma, causa tristicie, Nobis tulit summa leticie!

[Explicit.]

Textual notes (Shrewsbury Fragments): The manuscript contains no heading for Officium Pastorum; the Latin portions are noted for voices. Speaker names in square brackets are supplied by Dr. Skeat, following his edition, where the manuscript (an actor's part-copy) gives only tags and cues. Waterhouse's footnotes record several places where the editors Manly and Skeat differ on the assignment of speeches, and where the manuscript is defective; a full account is in the printed edition's apparatus, not reproduced here line-by-line. The printed edition also carries a running marginal argument (a modern-English paraphrase set beside the verse) and marginal verse-line numbers; both are omitted from this transcription — see colophon.

II. The Norwich Play — Creation of Eve and the Fall

Text A

The Story of þe Creación of Eve, with þe expellyng of Adam & Eve out of Paradyce.

Pater. Ego principium Alpha et O, in altissimis habito; In þe hevenly empery I am resydent. Yt ys not semely for man, sine adjutorio, To be alione, nor very convenyent. I have plantyd an orcheyard most congruent For hym to kepe and to tylle, by contemplación: Let us make an adjutory of our formación To hys symylutude, lyke in plasmacion. In to Paradyce I wyll nowe descende With my mynysters angelicall of our creación To assyst us in ower worke þat we intende, A slepe in to man be soporacion to sende. A rybbe out of mannys syde I do here take; Bothe flesche & bone I do thys creatur blysse; And a woman I fourme, to be his make, Semblable to man; beholde, here she ys.

Adam. O my Lorde God, Incomprehensyble, withowt mysse, Ys thy hyghe excellent magnyficens. Thys creature to me ys mine ex ossibus meis, And virago I call hyr in thy presens, Lyke on to me in natural preemynens. Laude, honor and Glory to the I make. Both father and mother man shall for hyr forsake.

Fater. Than my garden of plesure kepe thou suer. Of all frutes & trees shall thou ete & fede, Except thys tre of connyng, whyle ye bothe indure; Ye shall not touche yt, for that I forbede.

Adam. Thy precept, Lorde, in will, worde and dede Shall I observe, and thy request fulfyll As thou hast commandyd, yt ys reason & skyll.

Fater. Thys tre ys callyd of connyng good & yll; That day that ye ete therof shall ye dye, Morte moriemini, yf that I do you aspye: Showe thys to thy spowse nowe bye and bye. I shall me absent for a tyme and space; A warned man may live: who can yt denye? I make the lord thereof; kepe wyll my place: If thou do thys, thou shall have my grace; In to mortalité shall thou elks falle. Looke thow be obedyent whan I the calle.

Adam. Omnipotent God and hygh Lord of all, I am thy servante, bownde onder thyn obedyens, And thou my creatour, one God eternall; What þou commandest, I shall do my dylygens.

Pater. Here I leve the, to have experyens, To use thys place in vertuse occupacion, For nowe I wyll retorne to myn habitación.

Adam. O lovely spowse of Godes creación, I leve the here alone, I shall not tary longe, For I wyll walk a whyle for my recreación And se over Paradyce, that ys so stronge. No thyng may hurt us nor do us wronge; God ys ower protectour & soverayn guyde; In thys place non yll thyng may abyde.

Serpens. O gemme of felicyte and femynyne love, Why hathe God under precept prohybyte thys frute, That ye shuld not ete therof to your behofe? Thys tre ys plesant withowten refute.

Eva. Ne forte we shuld dye, & than be mortall; We may not towche yt, by Godes commandement.

Serpens. Ne quaquam, ye shall not dye perpetuall, But ye shuld be as Godes resydent, Knowyng good & yll spyrytuall; Nothyng can dere you þat ys casuall.

Eva. For us than nowe what hold you best, That we do not ower God offende?

Serpens. Eate of thys apple at my requeste. To the, Almyghty God dyd me send.

Eva. Nowe wyll I take therof; and I entend To please my spowse, therof to fede, To knowe good & ylle for ower mede.

Adam. I have walkyd abought for my solace; My spowse, howe do you? tell me.

Eva. An angell cam from Godes grace And gaffe me an apple of thys tre. Part therof I geffe to the; Eate therof for thy pleasure. For thys frute ys Godes own treasure.

Pater. Adam, Adam, wher art thou thys tyde? Byfore my presens why dost thou not apere?

[Gap in MS.]

Musich. Aftyr that Adam & Eve he drevyn owt of Paradyse they schall speke thys foloyng:

Adam. O with dolorows sorowe we maye wayle & weepe! Alas, alas, whye ware we soo bolde? By ower fowle presumpsyon we are cast full deepe, Fro pleasure to payn, with carys manye fold.

Eva. With wonderous woo, alas! it cane not be told; Fro Paradyse to ponyschment and bondage full strong. O wretches that we are, so euer we shall be inrollyd; Therfor ower handes we may wrynge with most dulfull song.

And so þei shall syng, walkyng together about the place, wryngyng ther handes,

Wythe dolorous sorowe, we maye wayle & wepe Both nyght & daye in sory, sythys full depe.

N.B. These last 2 lines set to musich, twice over and again, for a chorus of 4 parts.

Text B

The Storye of þe Temptacyon of Man in Paradyce, being therin placyd, & þe expellynge of man & woman from thence, newely renvid & accordynge unto þe Skripture, begon thys yere Anno 1565, Anno 7. Eliz.

Item. Yt ys to be notyd þat when ye Grocers' Pageant is played withowte eny other goenge befor yt then doth the Prolocutor say in þis wise.

[First Prologue.]

Prolocutor. Lyke as yt chancyd befor this season, Owte of Godes scripture revealid in playes, Was dyvers stories sett furth, by reason Of Pageantes apparellyd in Wittson dayes; And lately be fallen into decayes; Which stories dependyd in theyr orders sett By severall devices, much knowledge to gett.

Begynnyng in Genesis, that story repleate, Of God his creación of ech lyvynge thynge, Of heaven & of erth, of fysh smalle & greate, Of fowles, herbe & tre, and of all bestes crepynge Of angell, of man, which of erth hath beynge, & of the fall of angells, in the Apocalips to se; Which stories with the Skriptures most justly agree.

Then followed this ower pageant, which sheweth to be þe Garden of Eden, which God dyd plante, As in þe seconde chapter of Genesis ye se; Wherin of frutes pleasant no kynde therof shulde wante; In which God dyd putt man to cherish tre & plante, To dresse & kepe þe grounde, & eate what frute hym lyste, Except þe tre of Knoweledge, Godes high wytt to resyste.

The story sheweth further, that, after man was blyste, The Lord did create woman owte of a ribbe of man; Which woman was deceyvyd with þe Serpentes darkned myste; By whose synn ower nature is so weak no good we can; Wherfor they were dejectyd, & caste from thence than Unto dolloure & myseri & to traveyle & payne Untyll Godes spright renvid; & so we ende certayne.

Note, that yf ther goeth eny other pageantes before yt, þe Prolocutor sayeth as ys on þe other syde & leaveth owte this.

[Alternative Prologue.]

The Prolocutor. As in theyr former pageantes is semblably declared Of Godes mighty creacyon in every lyvyng thynge, As in þe fyrst of Genesis to such it is prepared As lust they have to reade to memory to brynge Of pride & fawle of angells that in Hell hath beinge: In þe seconde of Genesis of mankynde hys creación Unto this Garden Eden is made full preparación,

And here begyneth ower pageant to make þe declaración, From þe letter C. in þe chapter before saide, How God putt man in Paradyse to dresse yt in best fassion, And that no frute therof from hym shuld be denayed, Butt of þe tre of lyffe þat man shuld be afraide To eate of, least that daye he eat þat he shuld dye; And of womanes creación appering by & bye;

And of þe devylles temptacion, diseavinge with a lye The woman, beinge weakest, þat cawsed man to tast, That God dyd so offende, that even contynentlye Owte of þe place of joye was man and woman caste, And into so great dolloure and misery browght at last; Butt that by God his spright was comforted ageyne. This is of this ower pagent þe some & effect playne.

[Creation and Fall.]

God þe Father. I am Alpha et Omega, my Apocalyps doth testyfye, That made all of nothinge for man his sustentación; And of this pleasante garden þat I have plant most goodlye I wyll hym make þe dresser for his good recreación. Therfor, man, I gyve yt the, to have thy delectación. In eatyng thou shalt eate, of every growenge tre, Except þe tre of knowledge, þe which I forbydd the; For in what daye soever thou eatest thou shallt be Even as the childe of death: take hede: & thus I saye, I wyll the make an helper, to comforte the allwaye. Beholde, therfore, a slepe I bryng this day on the, & oute of this thy ribbe, that here I do owte take, A creature for thy help behold I do the make. Aryse, & from thy slepe I wyll the nowe awake, & take hyr unto the, that you both be as one To comfort one thother when from you I am gone. &, as I saide before when þat thou wert alone, In eatyng thow mayst eate of every tre here is, Butt of þe tre of knowledge of good & evyll eate non, Lest that thou dye the deth by doenge so amysse. I wyll departe now wher myne habytacion is. I leave you here. Se þat ye have my woordes in most high estymacion.

Then man & woman speke bothe.

Man and Woman. We thanke the, mighty God, & gyve the honoracion.

Man spekethe.

Man. Oh bone of my bones & flesh of my flesh eke, Thow shalte be called Woman, bycaus thow art of me. Oh gyfte of God most goodlye, þat hast us made so lyke, Most lovynge spowse, I muche do here rejoyce of the.

Woman. And I lykewyse, swete lover, do much reioyce of the. God therefore be praised, such comforte have us gyve That ech of us with other thus pleasantly do lyve.

Man. To walke abowt this garden my fantasye me meve; I wyll the leave alone tyll that I turne ageyne; Farewell myn owne swete spouse, I leave þe to remayne.

Woman. And fare weh, my dere lover, whom my hart doth conteyn.

The Serpent speketh.

Serpent. Nowe, nowe, of my purpos I dowght nott to atteyne; I can yt nott abyde, in theis joyes they shulde be. Naye, I wyll attempt them to syn unto theyr payne; By subtyllty to catch them the waye I do wel se; Unto this, angell of lyght I shew mysylfe to be; With hyr for to dyscemble, I fear yt nott at all, Butt that unto my haight some waye I shall hyr call. Oh lady of felicite, beholde my voyce so small! Why have God sayde to you, "Eate nott of every tre That is within this garden"? Therein now answere me.

Woman. We eate of all the frutte that in the grounde we se, Except that in the myddest wherof we may nott taste, For God hath yt forbydd, therfor yt may not be, Lest that we dye þe deth and from this place be caste.

The Serpent. Ye shall not dye þe deth; he make you butt agaste; Butt God doth know full wel þat when you eate of yt, Your eys shall then be openyd & you shall at þe last As Godes, both good & evyll to knowe ye shal be fytt.

Woman. To be as Godes indede and in his place to sytt, Thereto for to agre my lust conceyve somewhatt; Besydes the tre is pleasante to gett wysedome & wytt, And nothyng is to be comparyd unto that.

The Serpente. Then take at my request, and eate, and lere yt natt.

Here she takyth and eatyth, and man cumyth in and sayeth unto hyr:

Man. My love, for my solace, I have here walkyd longe. Howe ys yt nowe with you? I pray you do declare.

Woman. In dede, lovely lover, the Heavenly Kyng most stronge To eate of this apple his angell hath prepare: Take therof at my hande thother frutes emonge, For yt shall make you wyse & even as God to fare.

Then man taketh & eatyth and sayethe:

Man. Alack! alacke! my spouse, now se I nakid we ar; The presence of ower God we can yt nott abyde. We have broke his precepte, he gave us of to care; From God therfor in secrete in some place lett us hide.

Woman. With fygge levis lett us cover us, of God we be nott spyede.

The Father. Adam! I saye Adam! Wher art thou nowe this tyde, That here before my presence thou dost nott nowe apere?

Adam. I herde thy voyce, Oh Lorde, but yett I dyd me hide. For that which I am naked I more greatly dyd feare.

The Father. Why art thou then nakyd? Who so hath cawsyd the?

Man. This woman, Lord & God, which thou hast gyven to me.

The Father. Hast thou eat of þe frute þat I forbyd yt the? Thow woman, why hast thou done unto him thys trespace?

Woman. The Serpente diseayvyd me with that his fayer face.

The Father. Thow Serpente, why dydst thou this wyse prevente my grace, My creatures & servantes in this maner to begyle?

The Serpente. My kind is so, thou knowest & that in every case,— Clene oute of this place theis persons to exile.

The Father. Cursed art for causynge my commandement to defyle. Above all cattell & beastes, Remayne thou in þe fylde. Crepe on thy belly & eate duste for this thy subtyll wyle; The womans sede shall overcome the, thus have I wylde. Thou, woman, bryngyng chyldren with payne shall be dystylde, And be subiect to thy husbonde, & thy lust shall pertayne To hym: I have determynyd this ever to remayne. And to the, man, for þat my voyce thou didst disdayne, Cursed is þe erth for ever for thy sake; Thy lyvyng shall thou gett with swett unto thy payne, Tyll thou departe unto the erth whereof I dyd the make. Beholde, theis letheryn aprons unto yourselves now take. Lo! man, as one of us hath bene, good & evyll to knowe; Therfor I wyll exempt hym from this place to aslake, Lest of the tre of lyfe he eate & ever growe. Myne angell, now cum furth & kepe þe waye & porte, Unto þe tre of lyfe that they do not resorte.

The Aungell. Departe from hence at onys from this place of comforte, No more to have accesse or elles for to apere. From this place I exile you, that you no more resorte, Nor even do presume ageyne for to com here.

Then man & woman departyth to þe nether parte of þe Pageant and man sayeth:

Man. Alack! myn owne sweteharte, how am I stroke with feare, That from God am exiled, & brought to payne & woo. Oh! what have we lost! Why dyd we no more care, And to what kynde of place shall we resort & goo?

Woman. Indede into þe worlde now must we to and fro, And where or how to rest, I can nott say at all. I am even as ye ar, what so ever me befall.

Then cumeth Dolor & Miserye & taketh man by both armys & Dolor sayeth.

Dolor. Cum furth, O Man, take hold of me! Through envy hast lost thy heavenly lyght By eatinge: in bondage from hence shall be. Now must thou me, Dolor, have allways in sight.

Miserye. And also of me, Miserye, thou must taste & byte, Of hardenes & of colde & eke of infirmitie; Accordinge to desarte thy portion is, of right, To enjoy that in me that is withoute certentye.

Adam. Thus troublyd, nowe I enter into dolor & miserie. Nowe, woman, must we lerne ower lyvynges to gett With labor & with travell; ther is no remedye, Nor eny thyng therfrom we se that maye us lett.

Then cumyth in þe Holy Ghost comforting man & sayeth:

Holy Ghost. Be of good cheare, Man, & sorowe no more. This Dolor & Miserie that thou hast taste, Is nott in respect, layd up in store, To þe joyes for the that ever shall last. Thy God doth nott this the away to cast, But to try the as gold is tryed in the fyer; In the end, premonyshed, shalt have thy desyre. Take owte of the Gospell þat yt the requyre, Fayth in Chryst Ihesu & grace shall ensewe. I wyl be thy guyde & pay the thy hyer For all thy good dylygence & doenge thy dewe. Gyve eare unto me, Man, & than yt ys trewe, Thou shalt kyll affectes þat by lust in the reygne And putt Dolor & Mysery & Envy to payne. Theis armors ar preparyd, yf thou wylt turn ageyne To fyght wyth, take to the, & reach woman the same; The brest plate of rightousnes Saynte Paule wyll the retayne; The shylde of faythe to quench, thy fyrye dartes to tame; The hellmett of salvación the devyles wrath shall lame; And þe sworde of þe Spright, which is þe worde of God,— All theis ar nowe the offred to ease thy payne & rodd.

Adam. Oh! prayse to The, Most Holye, þat hast with me abode, In mysery premonyshynge by this Thy Holy Spright. Howe fele I such great comforte, my syns they be unlode And layde on Chrystes back, which is my joye and lyght. This Dolor & this Mysery I fele to me no wight; No! Deth is overcum by forepredestinacion, And we attayned wyth Chryst in heavenly consolación. Therfor, myne owne swett spous, withouten cavylacion, Together lett us synge, & lett our hartes reioyse, & gloryfye ower God wyth mynde, powre & voyse. Amen.

Old Musich, Triplex, Tenor, Medius, Bass:

With hart and voyce
Let us reioyce
And prayse the Lord alwaye
For this our joyfull daye.

To se of this our god his maiestie, Who the hath given himsellfe over us to raygne & to governe us. Lett all our harte reioyce together, And lett us all lifte up our voyce, on of us with another.

Textual notes (Norwich Play): Text A ("The Story of þe Creación of Eve") is the older text; Text B, "newely renvid & accordynge unto þe Skripture," is dated 1565 (7 Eliz.) in the manuscript, and is an independent, later reworking, not a revision of Text A. Waterhouse's footnotes record the manuscript's own emendations (marked in the print by italics and brackets, here silently absorbed into the reading text where the edition itself supplies the word, e.g. "[whereof]," "[7him]"). Text A breaks off with a gap in the manuscript before the closing lament; Waterhouse's edition marks this. The printed edition's running marginal argument and marginal line-numbers are omitted here — see colophon.

III. The Newcastle Play

Noah's Ark; or, The Shipwrights' Ancient Play or Dirge

Deus induitur:

Deus. Ere was this world that I have wrought; No marvel (it is) if I it [destroy]; Their folk in earth I made of nought; Now are they fully [growen] my foe. Vengeance now will I do Of them that have grieved me ill; Great floods shall over them go And run over hoothe and hill. All mankind dead shall be With storms both stiff and steer, All but Noah, my darling free, His children and their wives dere. Evermore yet they trow'd in me, Save therefore I will their lives. Henceforth, my angel free, Into earth look that thou wind; Greet well Noah in this degree, Sleeping thou shalt him find; Bid him go make a ship Of board stiff and great; Although he be not a wright, Therfore bid him not lett. He shall have wit at will, Be that he come therto; All things I him fulfill, Pitch, tar, seam and rowe. Bid him in any manner of thing, To ship when he shall walk, Of alkin beast [and fowl with wing] The male and female with him he take. Bid him go provey, say so, In ship that they not die; Take with him hay, corn and straw, For his fowl and his fee. Henceforth, my angel free, Tell him this for certain; My blessing with thee be, While that thou come again.

Angelus dicat. Waken, Noah, to me take tent! Noah, but if thou hear this thing, Ever, whilst thou live, thou shalt repent.

Noah respondit. What art thou, for Heaven's King, That wakens Noah of his sleeping? Away I would thou went.

Angelus dicat. It is an angel to thee sent, Noah, to tell thee hard tiding; For every ilk a wight, for warkis wild, And many fouled in sins sere, And in felony fouly filled; Therefore, a ship thou dight to steer, Of true timber, highly railed, With thretty cubettis; in defence, [hiatus of two verses] Look that she draw when she is drest, And in her side a door thou shear, With fenesters full fitly fest; And make chambers, both less and more, For a flood that up shall brest. In earth shall be such a flood, That every ilke life that hath life form, Beast and body with bone and blood, They shall be stormed through stress of storm. Albeit thou, Noah, and thy brood, And their three wives in your hand— For you are full righteous and good— You shall be saved by sea and land. Into ship ere you are bent, You take with you both ox and cow; Of ilk a thing that life has lent, The male and female you take with you; You fetch in fother for your freight, And make good purveiance for you prove, That they perish not in your sight: Do, Noah, as I have bidden thee now.

Noah respondit. Lord, be then [present] in this stead, That me and mine will save and shield. I am a man no worth at need, For I am six hundred winters old. Unlusty I am to do such a deed, Worldooms for to work and weeld. For I was never, since on life, Of kind of craft to burthen a boat; For I have neither ruff nor ryff, Spyer, sprund, sprout, no sprot. Christ be the shaper of this ship, For a ship need make I must. Ever wo worth the, fouled sin, For all too dear thou must be bought. God for thinks he made mankind, Or with his hands that he them wrought. Therefore, [good men,] or ever you blind, You mend your life and turn your thought, For of my work I will begin. So well were me were all forth brought.

Deabolus intrat.

Deabolus. Out, out, harro, and welaway, That ever I uprose this day. So may I smile and say: I wene there has been none alive, Man, beast, child nor wife, But my servants were they. All this I have heard say, A ship that made should be, For to save withowten nay, Noah and his meenye: Yet trow I they shall lie. Therto I make a vow: If they be never so slee, To taynt them yet I trow. To Noah's wife will I wynd, Gare her believe in me; In faith she is my friend: She is both whunt and slee. Rest well, rest well, my own dere dame!

Uxor Noah dicat. Welcome, bewschere; what is thy name? Ryte that thou tell me!

Deabolus dicat. To tell my name I were full laith, I come to warn thee of thy skaith, I tell thee secretly; And thou do after thy husband read, Thou and thy children will all be dead, And that right hastily.

Uxor dicat. Go, devil! how say, for shame!

Deabolus dicat. Yes, hold the still, le dame, And I shall tell thee how. I swear thee by my crooked snout, All that thy husband goes about, Is little for thy prow. Yet shall I tell thee how Thou shalt weet all his will? Do as I shall bid thee now, Thou shalt weet every deal. Have here a drink full good, [iwis], That is made of a mightfull main: Be he hath drunken a drink of this, No longer shall he lain. Believe, believe, my own dame dere, I may no longer bide; To ship when thow shall fayre, I shall be by thy side.

Noah dicat. This labour is full great For like an old man as me; Lo, lo, [how] fast I sweat, It trickles atour myn ee. Now home [then] will I wende, My weary bones for to rest: For such good as God hath sent There I get of the best. Fest well [good] day, what chear with thee!

Uxor dicat. Welcome, Noah, as might I thee, Welcome to thine own wayns! Sit down here beside me, Thou hast full weary baynes. Have eaten, Noah, as might I thee, And soon a drink I shall give thee, Such drank thou never afore.

Noah dicat. What the devil, what drink is it! By my father's soul, I have nere lost my wit!

Uxor dicat. Noah, hot you tell me [now], Where about you wends, I give God a vow. We two shall nere be friends.

Noah dicat. O yes dame, could thou stint, I would tell thee my wit. How God of Heaven an angel sent, And bad me make a ship. This world he will fordo With storms both stiff and steer, All but me and yow, Our children and wives [dere].

Uxor dicat. Who, devil, made thee a wright— God give him evil to fayre— Of hand to have such slight, To make ship less or mare! When you began to smite, Men should have heard wide where.

Noah dicat. Yes, dame, it is God's will: Let be, so thou not say. Go make an end I will And come again full thray.

Uxor dicat. By my faith, I no rake, Whether thou be friend or foe: The devil of hell the take, To ship when thou shalt go.

Noah dicat. God send me help in hy To clink yon nails twain! God send me help in hy Your hand to hold again; That all well done may be, My strokes be not in vain.

Angelus dicat. God hath thee help hither send. Thereof be thou right bold; Thy strokes shall fair be kend, For thou thy wife has told.

Noah dicat. Now is this ship well ginned, Within and without thinks me: Now home then will I wend, To fetch in my money. Have good day, both old and young, My blessing with you be.

Deabolus dicat. All that is gathered in this stead, That will not believe in me, I pray to Dolphin, prince of dead, Scald you all in his lead, That never a one of you thrive nor thee.

Finis. Amen.

Textual notes (Newcastle Play): Waterhouse re-edits the play from the eighteenth-century transcripts of Henry Bourne and the later editions of Brotanek and Holthausen, the manuscript itself being lost; his footnotes, recording the readings each editor preferred where they differ, are extensive and are not reproduced verse-by-verse here — represented above only where they supply a word Waterhouse's own text prints in brackets. The bracketed words and the noted hiatuses are the edition's own. The printed edition's running marginal argument and marginal line-numbers are omitted here — see colophon.

IV. Two Plays of Abraham and Isaac

The Dublin Play

Deus. Of all þing yer ever was I am þe begynnere, Bofe hevenly & erþely, & of hem þat ben in hell; At my bidding was wrought bofe goode man & synnere, All in ioy to have dwellid, tyl adam to syn fell. His unkindnes hafe displesid me, truþe for to tell, For many a þing made I for his ioy & daliaunce. Whi sholde he displese me þat I loued so well, & comaunded hym but on þyng, & 3ít he forfetid my plesaunce. But 3ít sif he haf displesid me, I have made purviaunce þat a noþer of his kynd shal plese me a3eyne, þe which hafe ever be my servaunt in al manere obseruaunce: Abraham is his name, my man þat cannot feyne, But evyr hathe be trewe. Here before he requyred me hye To have a childe of his body, & I grauntid hym & [he] hafe on redely, Isaac ful feyre of hewe. Of al þing erþely, I wot wel, he loueþ him best: How he shuld loue me moste, as reson wold & skylle, & so, I wot well, he doþe, I dyd it neuer mystrest. But 3ít, for to preue hym, þe truþe wol I fele. Myne aungel, go to Abraham þat I loue right wele, & say þat I comaunded & charged hym aboue all þinge, The furst dede þat he doþe, ouþer mete or mele, To make sacrifise vnto me of Isaac his son 3ynge.

Angelus. O, blessid lord, I am redy at þi bidding, To do þat shal plese þe in hevyn, erþe & helle; For all þese owen to þe obedience abone all þing. Þis message vnto Abraham þi servaunt I wol go telle.

Deus. Then hye the þat þon were on gronnde. I do it not but to assay hym, & if he do it I wol not dismay hym; Of his sorow I shal delay hym, & for on childe encrease hym a þusunde.

Et vadit angelus ad terram et expectat usque dum Habraham dicit.

Abraham. O gret god on hye þat al þe worlde madest, And lendist vs oure leving here to do þi plesaunce, With swete comfort of þe erþe all oure hertys gladest, To þe be honoure, to þe be ioy & all dewe obesaunce; & hily, lord, I þank þe þat so makest my purviaunce, To purvide or I dye a childe of myne owne body, To reioyse þat þou gafe me in erþe to my daliaunce, & to plese þe, souereigne lord, I shall charge hym perfitly, Isaac, my son so dere. I have ben out all day: Now shal I go home & to my wif & say, Þere shal I fynde bothe tway, Sara & Isaac in fere.

Et vadit et in eundo obviat ei angelus et dicit.

Angelus. Abraham, Abraham!

Abraham. Alredy, who calleþ, lo, here, I am. Who is þere, in þe hye lordes name, Þat al þing shope of nought?

Angelus. I am here, a messangere Of þat souereigne lord entere, Þerfore herkyn now & here What message I have brought. Þe goode lord of al hevenes hye Comaundeþ þe to take & sacrifye Isaac þi son þat þou louest so hertlye To his souereinte & plesaunce blyve. Fare wele, for my message I have þe sayde.

Abraham. Aungel, as God wol, I am right wele payde; For of me his wille shal neuer be withsayde Whil I am on lyve; And hardly, aungell, trust there to, For doughtles it shal be do.

Angelus. Fare wele þan, for I wol go To bringe oure lord relación.

Abraham. Now, goode lord, graunt me hert þere tylle, I may do that is thy wille: & be my trouþe, I shal it fulfille Withoute fraude ouþer cauelacion. A good lord, what is now best to do? Home to my wif I most nedis go For þer is Isaac & I trowe she wol be ful wo, If she knew þe case. For she hathe hym & no mo, & if I telle her þat it is so, þat god wol have hym to deþe ido, She fаileþ not of sorowes trase. No forse, I have levyr þat she displesid be, Than þat god be wroth with me. Now doughtles I shal go and se How prevely that I can it do. Undo þese yates! hey, who is here?

Sara. None but I & my son dere. Welcom my lord, welcom my fere, Welcom my comfort also. A, ye have walkid ferre aboute! Howe have ye fare whil ye have be oute? Withoute fayle, I have had gret doute Last any thinge did you grevaunce.

Abraham. Nay, I thanke the goode lorde, All thing & I done wel acorde, Saving þis; my goode lord haþ sent me worde, That I moste nedis go do his plesaunce: I most do sacrifyse upon þat hille on hye. & þerfore, sirs, makeþ myne asse redye, & Isaac, son, þou never 3ít me sye Do no such observaunce. Þerefore aray the & go with me, & lerne how god shuld plesid be; For, son, and euer þou þenke to the, Put euer god to honowraunce.

Isaac. So shal I, fadir, & euer have do, As ye have taught me & my moder also. Loke, when euer þat ye wol go, I shal not be behynde.

Sara. Ye, but I pray you, gentil fere, As euer ye have loued me dere, Lat Isaac abide at home here, For I kept not he went in þe wynde.

Abraham. Peese dame, lat be, do way. Þou wost wele, I wax right gray, & þis child neuer 3ít say How god shuld be plesid; & þerfore now he shal go with me & þer he shal bofe know & se, How þat god shal plesid be & myn hert i-esid.

Sara. Then, sife ye wol have forthe my childe, Goode, loke þat his horse be not so wilde, &, sirs, waite on hym, þat he be not defilde With neiþer cley nor fen. & loke wele þat his horse go rownde & þat he stumbel not for no pownde. How, goode hert, god send þe home sownde, Þi fadir & all his men!

Abraham. Gete hidre oure horses & let vs go hen, Bofe I & Isaac & these two men; & loke we have fyre & stikkes to bren! Lepiþ vp, have ido, anon!

Sara. All þing is redy, I you say; But, gentil hert, I you pray, Tary as litel while out as ye may, Because of Isaac, my son.

Et equitat et equitando Habraham dicit:

Abraham. Now, sirs, abide here ye two. Takeþ here my horse & Isaac also: For he & I most a litel farþer go To do þis sacrifyse. & I charge you þat ye abide here in deede, & þat ye remeve not from þis stede, Whil Isaac & I go do þis dede To god in oure best wise. Come hidre, Isaac, my son goode. Take up fyre & þis wode. Spare not clofes, geue me þi bode, I shal not combre the sore.

Isaac. Now gawe, fader, þat þis dede were hyed, For þis wode on my bak is wel tyed. But where is þat quyk best þat shal be sacrified Be hynde vs, or a fore?

Abraham. Son, care not þerfore on neuer a side, But let god alone perviþ þis tyde, & for oure wey he shal purwyde & defend vs from þere. A, son, I have aspyed þe place, Þat god haþe purvided vs of his grace. Come on, son, a right goode pace And hye vs þat we were þere. Now Isaac, son, I may no lengre refrayne, But I most tell þe truth certayne, & þerfore loke þou be not þer agayne, But do it with all þi wille.

Þe hye god, þat all haþe wrought, Comaunded me þat hidre þou shuldest be brought, & here þi body shal be brought to nought Unto sacrifise on this hille. Lay downe þat wode on þat auter there, & fast delyver þe & do of þi gere.

Isaac. Alas, gentyl fader, why put ye me in þis fere? Have I displesid you any thing? 3if I have trespast, I cry you mercy; &, gentil fader, lat me not dye! Alas, is þer none oþer beste but I Þat may plese þat hy king?

Abraham. Hay, son, to me þou hast do no trespas, But þou hast my blessing in euery place; But I may not forfet þat lordes grace, Þat al þing haþe me sent. For & it shuld be affter me, I had leuer have slayne al my bestes þan þe, But his wille nedys fulfilled most be, & truly so is myn entent.

Isaac. Alas, what have I displesid þis lord of blisse, Þat I shal be martyred in þis mysse? But, gentil fader, wot my modre of þis, Þat I shal be dede?

Abraham. She? mary, son, crist forbede! Hay, to telle her it is no nede: For whan þat euer she knoweþ þis dede, She wol ete affter but litel brede.

Isaac. In feiþe, for my moder I dar wel say, And she had wist of þis aray I had not riden out from her þis day, But she had riden also.

Abraham. Ye, son, god most be serued ay, Þi modre may not have hir wille all way. I loue þe as wele as she doþe, in fay, & 3ít þis dede most be do.

Isaac. A, fader, þen do of my gowne, Vngirde me & take hem with you to towne; For I may not. I falle in swowne, Deþe haþ enbrasid myn hert. But on þing, fader, I pray you þus: Let neuer my moder se my clofus; For & she do, withouten of us, It wol greue her to smert.

Abraham. A, dere hert, what shal I do by þe? Wo is me þat shal sie þe! With all my goodes I wold by þe, & god wold assent þer to.

Isaac. A, fader, do now what euer ye lyst, For of my modre, I wot wel, I shal be myst. Many a tyme haþ she me clipt & kyst, But fare wel nowe, for þat is do. She was wont to calle me hir tresoure & hir store; But farewel now, she shal no more. Here I shal be dede & wot neuer wherefore, Save þat god most have his wille. Fader, shal my hed of also?

Abraham. Ye, forsoþe, son, þat most nedis be do. Alas, goode hert, þat me is wo, Þat euer I shuld þe þus spille!

Isaac. Þen, fader, bynde myne handes & my legges fast, & yeue me a gret stroke, þat my peynes were past; For last I shrinke, I am right sore agast, & þan ye wol smyte me in a noþer place: Then is my peyne so moche the more. A, softe, gentil fader; ye bynde me sore.

Abraham. A, dere hert, wo is me therefore, My mynde is worse than evyr it was.

Isaac. A, fadir, ley me downe softe & feyre & have ido nowe, & sie youre eyre. For I am hampred and in dispeyre & almost at my lives end.

Abraham. A, fayre hert rote, leue þi crye! Þi sore langage goþe myne hert ful nye. Þer is no man þerfore so wo as I, For here shal I sie my frende. Þe hye lord bad me to do þis dede, But my hert grucchef, so god me spede, My blode aborreþ to se my son blede, For all on blode it is. Alas, þat my hert is wondre sore, For I am now right old & here; But god haþ chose þe for his owne store In counfer of al my mys, & to be offerd to hym þat is lord on hye, & þerfore, son, take it pacientlye. Perauenture in batayle or oþer myschef þou myghtest dye, Or ellis in anoþer vngoodely veniaunce.

Isaac. Now, fader, þen siþe it is so, With al my hert I assent þerto. Strecche out my nek, anon, have do, & put me out of penaunce.

Abraham. Now kisse me furst, hert rote; Now ly donne, strecche out þi þrote! This takeþ me ful nye, god wote, Goode lord, to do þi plesaunce!

Et extendit manuum ut immolaret eum et dicit angelus.

Angelus. Habraham, lene of & do not smyte; Withdrawe þyn hond, it is goddes wille! Take vp Isaac, þi son so whyte, For god wol not þat þou hym spille. He seeþ, þat þou art redy for to fulfille His comaundment, in wele and wo; & þerfore now he sent me þe tylle & bad þat Isaac shuld not be sacrified so. & as for þi sacrifise, Turn þe & take þat wedyr there, & sacrifye hym on þat awtere, & loke þat Isaac haue no dere, I charge þe in all wise.

Abraham. A, souereyn lord, þi wille be fulfilled In hevyn, in erþe in watyr & clay! & lord, I thank þe þat Isaac is not killed. Now, lord, I know wele þou dydest but asay. What I wold sey þerto, ouþer ye or nay, Þou knowest myne hert now, & so þou didest afore; Haddest not sent þyn aungil, Isaac had died þis day. But, goode lord, save þi plesaunce, þis pref was right sore, But 3ít I þanke þe hye Þat I have my sones lyve. Gawe, son, do on þi clopes blyve, & let not þi moder wete of þis stryve, I pray þe, son, hertly.

Deus. Habraham, loke up & herkyn to me. Siþe þou woldest have done þat I charged þe, & sparedist not to sie Isaac, þi son so fre, The chef tresoure that thow haste, Be myn owne self I swere certeyn, Þi goode wille I shal quyte ayeyn: Þat shal be worship vnto you tweyn While þe world shal last. For þou sparedist not þi son for me, Go & novmbre þe gravel in þe see, Ouþer motes in þe sunne, & it wol be Ouþer any estimación; & as þik as gravel in þe see doþe ly, As þik þy sede shal multiply, & oon shal be borne of þi progeny Þat to all shal cause saluación.

Abraham. A, lord, ithanked euer be þy myght, By tyme, by tyde, by day and nyght. Now Isaac, son, let vs hens dight To oure horses & our men. Gawe! þei ben here fast by. Hey, sirs! bring þens oure horses in hy & let us lepe up here lightly, Fast þat we were hen. Lepe vp, son, and fast have i-do.

Isaac. All redy, fadre, I am here, lo; Ye shal not be let whan euer ye go. Mi moder I wolde fayne se. & 3ít, that owre I sawe þis day! I wend I shuld have gone my way.

Abraham. Ye, blessid be þat lord þat so can asay His servaund in euery degre!

Et equitat versus Saram et dicit Sara.

Sara. A, welcom souereigne, withouten doute; How have ye fared whils ye have ben oute? And, Isaac, son, in all þis rowte? Hertly welcome home be ye!

Abraham. Gramercy, wif, fayre most you be falle. Come þens, wif, out of yourö halle, & let vs go walke & I wol telle you alle, How god haþe sped þis day with me. Wif, I went for to sacrifye; But how trowe you, telle me very lye?

Sara. Forsoþe, souereigne, I wot not I, Perauenture som quyk best?

Abraham. Quyk? ye forsoþe, quyk it was! As wel I may tel you al þe case, As anoþer þat was in þe same place, For I wote wel it wol be wist. Almighty god, þat sitteth on hye, Bad me take Isaac, þi son, þer bye & smyte of his hed & bren hym veralye, Aboue vpon yondre hille. & when I had made fyre & smoke, & drowe my knyf to yeve hym a stroke, An aungel cam & my wille broke, & seid oure lord alowed my wylle.

Sara. Alas, all þen had gone to wrake; Wold ye have slayne my son Isaac! Hay, þan al my ioy had me forsake! Alas, where was youre mynde?

Abraham. My mynde upon þe goode lord on hy! Nay, & he bid me truste it verayly, Þough it had be þi self and I, It shuld not have hen left be hynde. God gave hym betwix vs tweyne, & now he asked hym of vs ageyne: Shuld I say nay? nay, in certeyne, Not for al þe world wide. Now he knoweþ my hert verayly; Isaac haþe his blessing & also I, & haþ blessid also all oure progeny, For euer to abide. Now blessid be þat lorde souereigne Þat so likeþ to say to you tweyne; & what þat euer he lust, I say not þer agayne, But his wille be fulfilled.

Abraham. Isaac haþe no harme, but in maner I was sory; And 3ít I have wonne his love truly, And euermore, goode lord, gramercy Þat my childe is not kylled. Now ye þat have sene þis aray, I warne you alle, bofe nyght & day, What god comaundeþ say not nay, For ye shal not lese þer by.

Textual notes (Dublin Abraham and Isaac): The manuscript is an actor-free single continuous text, unlike the Shrewsbury actor's-part copy; Waterhouse's footnotes record his own leaf references and the manuscript's inconsistent capitalisation, silently regularised in the reading text as the edition itself does. The printed edition's running marginal argument and marginal line-numbers are omitted here — see colophon.

The Brome Play

Abraham. Fader of Heuyn Omnipotent, With all my hart to The I call; Thow hast 3ofie me both lond and rent, And my lyvelod Thow hast me sent; I thanke The heyly, euer-more, of all. Fyrst of the erth þou maydst Adam, And Eue also to be hys wylfe; All other creatures of them too cam; And now Thow hast grant to me, Abraham, Her in thys lond to lede my lyffe. In my age þou hast graunted me thys, That thys 3ong chyld with me shall wone; I love no-thyng so myche i-wysse, Except þin owyne selffe, der Fader of blysse, As Ysaac her, my owyne swete sone. I haue dyuerse chyldryn moo, The wych I loue not halffe so wyll; Thys fayer swet chyld, he schereys me soo, In euery place wer that I goo, That noo dessece her may I fell. And therfor, Fadyr of Heuyn, I The prey, For hys helth and also for hys grace; Now, Lord, kepe hym both nyght and day That neuer dessese nor noo fray Cume to my chyld in noo place. How cum on, Ysaac, my owyne swete chyld; Goo we hom and take owr rest.

Isaac. Abraham! myne owne fader so myld, To folowe 30w I am full prest, Bothe erly & late.

Abraham. Cume on, swete chyld, I love the best Of all the chyldryn that euer I be-gat.

Deus. Myn angell, fast hey the thy wey, And on to medyll-erth anon þou goo; Abram's hart now wyll I asay, Wether that he be stedfast or noo. Sey I commaundyd hym for to take Ysaac, hys 3ong sonne, þat he love so wyll, And with hys blood sacryfyce he make, Yffe ony off my freynchepe he wyll fell. Schow hym the way on to the hylle Wer that hys sacryfyce schall be; I schall asay now hys good wyll, Whether he loveþ better hys chyld or me. All men schall take exampyll be hym My commawmentes how they schall kepe.

Abraham. Now, Fader of Heuyn, þat formyd all thyng, My preyeres I make to The a-3eyn, For thys day my tender offryng Here mvst I 3eve to The, certeyn. A! Lord God, Allmyty Kyng, Wat maner best well make þe most fayn? Yff I had ther-of very knoyng, Yt schuld be don with all my mayne Full sone anone. To don Thy plesing on an hyll, Verely yt ys my wyll, Here Fader, God in Trinite.

The Angell. Abraham, Abraham, wyll þou rest! Owre Lord comandyth þe for to take Ysaac, thy 3ong sone that thow lovyst best, And with hys blod sacryfyce þat thow make. In to the Lond of Vision thow goo; And offer thy chyld on-to thy Lord; I schall the lede and schow all-soo Ynto Goddes best, Abraham, a-cord, And folow me vp-on thys grene.

Abraham. Wolle-com to me be my Lordes send, And Hys best I wyll not with-stond; 3yt Ysaac, my 3ong sonne in lond, A full dere chyld to me haue byn. I had lever, yf God had be plesyd For to a for-bore all þe good þat I haue, Than Ysaac my sone schuld a be desessyd. So God in Heuyn my sowll mot save! I lovyd neuer thyng soo mych in erthe, And now I mvst the chyld goo kyll. A! Lord God, my conseons ys stronly steryd, And 3yt my dere Lord, I am sore aferd To groche ony thyng a-3ens 3owre wyll. I love my chyld as my lyffe, But 3yt I love my God myche more, For thow my hart woold wake ony stryffe, 3yt wyll I not spare for chyld nor wyffe, But don after my Lordes lore. Thow I love my sonne neuer so wyll, 3yt smythe of hys hed sone I schall. A! Fader of Heuyn, to The I knell, An hard dethe my son schall fell For to honor The, Lord, with-all.

The Angell. Abraham! Abraham! thys ys wyll seyd, And all thys commawmentes loke þat þou kepe; But in thy hart be no-thyng dysmayd.

Abraham. Nay, nay, for-soth, I hold me wyll plesyd, To plesse my God with the best þat I haue; For thow my hart be heuely sett To see the blood of my owyn dere sone, 3yt for all thys I wyll not lett, But Ysaac, my son, I wyll goo fett, And cum asse fast as euer we can. Now, Ysaac, my owyne son dere, Wer art thow, chyld? Speke to me.

Isaac. My fader, swet fader, I am here, And make my preyrys to þe Trenyte.

Abraham. Rysse vp, my chyld, and fast cum heder, My gentyll barn þat art so wysse, For we too, chyld, must goo to-geder, And on-to my Lord make sacryfyce.

Isaac. I am full redy, my fader, loo! 3evyn at 3owr handes I stand rygth here, And wat-so-euer 3e byd me doo, Yt schall be don with glad cher, Full wyll and fyne.

Abraham. A! Ysaac, my owyn son soo dere, Godes blyssyng I 3eue the, and myn. Hold thys fagot vp on þi bake, And her my selffe fyer schall bryng.

Isaac. Fader, all thys her wyll I packe; I am full fayn to do 3owr bedyng.

Abraham. A! Lord of Heuyn, my handes I wryng, Thys chyldes wordes all to-wond my harte. How, Ysaac, on goo we owr wey On-to 3on mownte, with all owr mayn.

Isaac. Gowe, my dere fader, as fast as I may To folow 3ow I am full fayn, Allthow I be slendyr.

Abraham. A! Lord, my hart brekyth on tweyn, Thys chyldes wordes, they be so tender. A! Ysaac, son, anon ley yt down. No lenger vpon backe yt hold; For I mvst make redy anon To honowr my Lord God as I schuld.

Isaac. Loo, my dere fader, wer yt ys! To cher 3ow all-wey I draw me nere; But, fader, I mervell sore of thys, Wy þat 3e make thys heuy chere; And also, fader, euer-more dred I: Wer ys 3owr qweke best þat 3e schuld kyll? Both fyer and wood we haue redy, But queke best haue we non on þis hyll. A qwyke best, I wot wyll, must be ded, 3owr sacryfyce for to make.

Abraham. Dred the nowgth, my chyld, I the red, Owr Lord wyll send me on-to thys sted Summ maner a best for to take, Throw his swet sond.

Isaac. 3a, fader, but my hart begynnyth to quake, To se þat scharpe sword in 3owr hond. Wy here 3e 3owr sword drawyn soo? Off 3owre countenaunce I haue mych wonder.

Abraham. A! Fader of Heuyn, so I am woo! Thys chyld her brekys my harte on-sonder.

Isaac. Tell me, my dere fader, or that 3e ses, Ber 3e 3owr sword drawe for me?

Abraham. A! Ysaac, swet son, pes! pes! For i-wys thow broke my harte on thre.

Isaac. Now trewly, sum-what, fader, 3e thynke, That 3e morne thus more and more.

Abraham. A! Lord of Heuyn, thy grace let synke, My hart was neuer halffe so sore.

Isaac. I preye 3ow, fader, þat 3e wyll let me 3yt wyt, Wyther schall I haue ony harme or noo?

Abraham. I-wys, swet son, I may not tell the 3yt, My hart ys now soo full of woo.

Isaac. Dere, fader, I prey 3ow, hydygth not fro me, But sum of 3our thowt þat 3e tell me.

Abraham. A! Ysaac, Ysaac! I must kyll the.

Isaac. Kyll me, fader? alasse! wat haue I done? Yff I haue trespassyd a-3ens 3ow owt, With a 3ard 3e may make me full myld, And with 3owr scharp sword kyll me nogth, For i-wys, fader, I am but a chyld.

Abraham. I am full sory, son, thy blood for to spyll, But truly, my chyld, I may not chese.

Isaac. Now I wold to God my moder were her on hyll! She woold knele for me on both hyr kneys To save my lyffe. And sythyn that my moder ys not here, I prey 3ow, fader, schonge 3ow chere, And kyll me not with 3owyr knyffe.

Abraham. For-sothe, son, but 3yf I the kyll, I schuld greve God rygth sore, I drede; Yt ys hys commawment and also hys wyll That I schuld do thy s same dede. He commawndyd me, son, for serteyn, To make my sacryfyce with thy blood.

Isaac. And ys yt Goddes wyll þat I schuld be slayn?

Abraham. 3a, truly, Ysaac, my son soo good, And ther-for my handes I wryng.

Isaac. Now, fader, a3ens my Lordes wyll, I wyll neuer groche, lowd nor styll; He mygth a sent me a better desteny Yf yt had a be hys plecer. For-sothe, son, but yf ded þis dede, Grevosly dysplessyd our Lord wyll be.

Isaac. Nay, nay, fader, God for-bede, That euer 3e schuld greve hym for me. 3e haue other chyldryn, on or too, The wyche 3e schuld love wyll, be kynd; I prey 3ow, fader, make 3e no woo, For, be I onys ded and fro 3ow goo, I schall be sone out of 3owre mynd. Ther-for doo owre Lordes byddyng, And wan I am ded, than prey for me; But, good fader, tell 3e my moder no thyng, Sey þat I am in a-nother cwntre dwellyng.

Abraham. A! Ysaac, Ysaac, blyssyd mot þow be! My hart begynnys stronly to rysse, To see the blood off thy blyssyd body.

Isaac. Fader, syn yt may be noo other wysse, Let yt passe euer as wyll as I. But, fader, or I goo onto my deth, I prey 3ow blysse me with 3owr hand.

Abraham. Now, Ysaac, with all my breth, My blyssyng I 3eve þe upon thys lond, And Godes also ther-to, i-wys. Ysaac, Ysaac, sone, up thow stond, Thy fayer swete mowthe þat I may kys.

Isaac. Now, for-wyll, my owyne fader so fyn, And grete wyll my moder in erthe. But I prey 3ow, fader, to hyd myne eyne, That I se not þe stroke of 3owr scharpe sword That my fleysse schall defyle.

Abraham. Sone, thy wordes make me to weep full sore; Now, my dere son Ysaac, speke no more.

Isaac. A! my owyne dere fader, were-fore? We schall speke to-gedyr her but a wylle. And sythyn that I must nedysse be ded, my dere fader, to 3ow I prey, Smythe but feve strokes at my hed, And make an end as sone as 3e may, And tery not to longe.

Abraham. Thy meke wordes, child, make me afray; So, welawey! may be my songe; Excepe alonly Godes wyll. A! Ysaac, my owyn swete chyld! 3yt kysse me a-3en vpon thys hyll! In all thys warld ys non soo myld.

Isaac. Now, truly, fader, all thys teryng Yt doth my hart but harme; I prey 3ow, fader, make an enddyng.

Abraham. Cume vp, swet son, on-to my arme. I must bynd thy hands too, All-thow thow be neuer soo mylde.

Isaac. A! mercy, fader! wy schuld 3e do soo?

Abraham. That thow schuldyst not let [me], my chyld.

Isaac. Nay, i-wysse, fader, I wyll not let 3ow; Do on for me 3owre wyll, And on the purpos that 3e haue set 3ow, For Godes love kepe yt for the styll. I am full sory thys day to dey, But 3yt I kepe not my God to greve; Do on 3owre lyst for me hardly, My fayer swete fader, I 3eve 3ow leve. But, fader, I prey 3ow euermore, Tell 3e my moder no dell; Yffe sehe west yt, sehe wold wepe full sore, For i-wysse, fader, sehe lovyt me full wyll; Goddes blyssyng mot sehe haue! Now for-wyll, my moder so swete, We too be leke no mor to mete.

Abraham. A! Ysaac, Ysaac! son, þou makyst me to gret, And with thy wordes thow dystempurst me.

Isaac. I-wysse, swete fader, I am sory to greve 3ow, And of all trespasse þat euer I ded meve 3ow; Now, dere fader, for3yfe me þat I haue donne, God of Heuyn be with me!

Abraham. A! dere chyld, lefe of thy monys; In all thy lyffe thow grevyd me neuer onys: Now blyssyd be thow, body and bonys, That euer thow were bred and born! Thow hast be to me, chyld, full good: But i-wysse, child, thow I morne neuer so fast, 3yt must I nedes here at the last In thy blood sched all thy blood. Therfor, my dere son, here schall þou lye, Onto my warke I must me stede, I-wysse I had as leve myselffe to dey, Yff God wyll [be] plecyd with my dede; And myn owyn body for to offer.

Isaac. A! mercy, fader, morne 3e no more, 3owr wepyng maketh my hart sore, As my owyn deth that I schall suffer. 3owre kerche, fader, abowt myn eyn 3e wynd!

Abraham. So I schall, my swettest chyld in erthe.

Isaac. Now 3yt, good fader, haue thys in mynd, And smyth me not oftyn with 3owr scharp sword, But hastely that yt be sped.

Here Abraham leyd a cloth on Isaaces face, thus seyyng:

Abraham. Now, fore-wyll, my chyld, so full of grace. A! fader, fader, torne downgward my face, For of 3owre scharpe sword I am euer a-dred.

Abraham. To don thys dede I am full sory, But, Lord, Thyn hest I wyll not withstond.

Isaac. A! Fader of Heuyn, to The I crye, Lord, reseyve me into Thy hand.

Abraham. Loo! now ys the tyme cum certeyn, That my sword in hys necke schall bite. A! Lord, my hart reysyth The ageyn, I may not fyndygth in my harte to smygth; My hart wyll not now thertoo, 3yt fayn I woold warke my Lordes wyll; But thys 3ong innosent lygth so styll, I may not fyndygth in my hart hym to kyll, O! Fader of Heuyn! what schall I do?

Isaac. A! mercy, fader, wy tery 3e so, And let me ley thus longe on þis heth? Now I wold to God þe stroke were doo. Fader, I prey yow hartely, scherte me of my woo, And let me not loke after my degth.

Abraham. Now, hart, wy wolddyst not þow breke on thre? 3yt schall þou not make me to my God onmyld. I wyll no longer let for the, For that my God agrevyd wold be. Now hoold thy stroke, my owyn dere chyld.

Here Abraham drew hys stroke, and þe angel toke the sword in hys hand soddenly.

The Angell. I am an angell, thow mayist se blythe, That fro Heuyn to the ys sent; Our Lord thanke the an .C. sythe, For the kepyng of hys commawment. He knowyt þi wyll and also thy harte, That thow dredyst hym above all thyng, And sum of thy hevynes for to departe A fayr ram 3ynder I gan brynge; He standyth teyed, loo! among þe breres. Now, Abraham, amend thy mood, For Ysaac, thy 3ong son þat her ys, Thys day schall not sched hys blood; Goo, make thy sacryfyce with 3on rame. Now, for-wyll, blyssyd Abraham, For onto Heuyn I goo now hom; The way ys full gayn. Take up thy son soo free.

Abraham. A! Lord, I thanke The of Thy gret grace, Now am I eysed on dyuers wysse; Arysse vp, Ysaac, my dere sonne, arysse, Arysse vp, swete chyld, and cum to me.

Isaac. A! mercy, fader, wy smygth 3e nowt? A! smygth on, fader, onys with 3owr knyffe.

Abraham. Pesse, my swet sir, and take no thowt, For owre Lord of Heuyn hath grant þi lyffe, Be hys angell now, That þou schalt not dey þis day, sunne, truly.

Isaac. A! fader, full glad than wer I, I-wys, fader, I sey, iwys! Yf thys tale wer trew.

Abraham. An hundred tymys, my son fayer of hew, For joy þi mowt now wyll I kys.

Isaac. A! my dere fader, Abraham, Wyll not God be wroth þat we do thus?

Abraham. Noo, noo! harly, my swyt son, For 3yn same rame he hath vs sent Hether down to vs; 3yn best schall dey here in þi sted, In the worschup of our Lord alon; Goo, fet hym hethyr, my chyld, inded.

Isaac. Fader, I wyll goo hent hym be the hed, And bryng 3on best with me anon. A! scheppe, scheppe! blyssyd mot þou be, That euer thow were sent down heder, Thow schall thys day dey for me, In the worchup of the Holy Trynyte, How cum fast and goo we togeder To my Fader of Heuyn; Thow þou be neuer so jentyll and good, 3yt had I leuer thow schedyst þi blood, Iwysse, scheppe, than I. Loo! fader, I haue browt here full smerte, Thys jentyll scheppe, and hym to 3ow I 3yfe: But, Lord God, I thank þe with all my hart, For I am glad that I schall leve, And kys onys my dere moder.

Abraham. Now be rygth myry, my swete chylld, For thys qwyke best that ys so myld, Here I schall present before all other.

Isaac. And I wyll fast begynne to blowe, Thys fyere schall brene a full good spyd. But fader, wyll I stowppe downe lowe, 3e wyll not kyll me with 3our sword, I trowe?

Abraham. Noo, harly, swet son, haue no dred, My mornyng ys past.

Isaac. 3a! but I woold þat sword wer in a gled, For, iwys, fader, yt make me full yll agast.

Here Abraham made hys offryng, knelyng and seyyng thus:

Abraham. Now, Lord God of Heuyn, in Trynyte, Allmyty God Omnipotent, My offeryng I make in the worchope of The, And with thys qweke best I The present. Lord, reseyve Thow myn intent, As [Thow] art God and grownd of our grace.

Deus. Abraham, Abraham, wyll mot þow sped, And Ysaac, þi 3ong son the by! Trvly Abraham, for thys dede I schall mvltyplye 3owres botheres sede As thyke as sterres be in the skye, Bothe more and lesse; And as thyke as gravell in the see, So thyke mvltyplyed 3owre sede schall be; Thys grant I 3ow for 3owre goodnesse. Off 3ow schall cume frowte gret won And euer be in blysse withowt 3ynd, For 3e drede me as God a-lon And kepe my commawmentes euerychon. My blyssyng I 3ow, wersoeuer 3e wend.

Abraham. Loo! Ysaac, my son, how thynke 3e Be thys warke that we haue wrogth? Full glad and blythe we may be, A3ens þe wyll of God þat we grocched nott, Vpon thys fayer hetth. Ysaac, I thanke owr Lord euery dell, That my wyt servyd me so wyll, For to drede God more than my detth.

Abraham. Why! derewordy son, wer thow adred? Hardely, chyld, tell me thy lore.

Isaac. 3a! be my feyth, fader, now haue I red, I wos neuer soo afrayd before, As I haue byn at 3yn hyll. But, be my feth, fader, I swere I wyll neuermore cume there But yt be a-3ens my wyll.

Abraham. 3a! cum on with me, my owyn swet sonne, And hom-ward fast now let vs goon.

Isaac. Be my feyth, fader, therto I grant, I had neuer so good wyll to gon hom, And to speke with my dere moder.

Abraham. A! Lord of Heuyn, I thanke The, For now may I led hom with me Ysaac, my 3onge son soo free, The gentyllest chyld above all other, Thys may I wyll avowe. Now goo we forthe, my blyssyd sonne.

Isaac. I grant, fader, and let vs gon, For be my trowthe wer I at home, I wold neuer gon owt vnder that forme. I pray god 3ow vs grace euermo, And all thow that we be holdyng to.

Doctor. Lo! sovereyns and sorys, now haue we schowyd, Thys solom story to grete and smale; Yt ys good lernyng to lernd and lewyd, And þe wysest of vs all, Withowtyn ony berryng. For thys story schoyt 3owe [her] How we schuld kepe to owr powere Goddes commawmentes withowt grochyng. Trowe 3e sorys, and God sent an angell, And commawndyd 3ow to smygth of 3owr chyldes hed, Be 3owre trowthe ys ther ony of 3ow That eyther wold groche or stryve ther ageyn? How thyngke 3e now, sorys, ther-by? I trow ther be iij or iiij or moo; And thys women that wepe so sorowfully Whan that hyr chyldryn dey them froo, As nater woll, and kynd; It ys but folly, I may well awooe, To groche a-3ens God or to greve 3ow, For 3e schall neuer se hym myschevyd, wyll I knowe, Be lond nor watyr, haue thys in mynd. And groche not a3ens owr Lord God, In welthe or woo, wether that He 3ow send, Thow 3e be neuer so hard bestad, For when He wyll, He may yt a-mend. Hys commawmentes treuly yf 3e kepe with good hart, As thys story hath now schowyd 3ow beforne, And feythefully serve Hym qwyll 3e be qvart, That 3e may plese God bothe euyn and morne. Now Jesu, that weryt the crown of thorne, Bryng vs all to Heuyn blysse!

Finis.

Textual notes (Brome Abraham and Isaac): Waterhouse prints, in parallel beneath the Brome text (pages 40–49 of the edition), the corresponding portion of the Chester cycle play of Abraham and Isaac, for comparison, as his Introduction explains ("a comparison of our text with the portions of the Chester play printed below it"). That Chester comparison text is not part of the non-cycle collection this volume gathers, and its parallel-column layout is not reliably recoverable line-by-line from this OCR; it is omitted here — see colophon. The manuscript's supplied words in square brackets, and its scribal corrections as recorded by Miss Toulmin-Smith, Manly, and Holthausen, are extensive in Waterhouse's footnotes; only the words the edition's own reading text adopts are silently incorporated above. The printed edition's running marginal argument and marginal line-numbers are omitted here — see colophon.

V. The Play of the Sacrament (Croxton)

Primus Vexillator. Now Father & þe Sone & þe Holy Goste, That all þis wyde worlde hath wrowght, Save all thes semely, bothe leste & moste, And bryge yow to þe blysse þat he hath yow to bowght! We be ful purposed with hart & with thowght Off oure mater to tell þe entent, Off þe marveylis that wer wondurfely wrowght Off þe holi & bleyssed Sacrament.

Secundus Vexillator. Sideyns, & yt lyke yow to here þe purpoos of þis play, That [ys] representyd now in yower syght Whych in Aragon was doon, þe sothe to saye, In Eraclea, that famous cyte, aryght,— Therin wonneth a merchante off mekyll myght, Syr Arystorye was called hys name, Frend full fere with mani a wyght, Full fer in þe worlde sprong hys fame.

Primus. Anon to hym ther cam a Jewe, With grete rychesse for the nonys, And wonneth in þe cyte of Surrey,—þis [is] full trewe,— þe wyche had gret plente off precyous stonys. Off thys Cristen merchante he freyned sore, Wane he wolde haue had hys entente. Twenti pownd and merchandyse mor He proferyd for þe Holy Sacrament.

Secundus. But þe Christen merchante theroff sed nay, Because hys prefer was of so lityll valewe; An hundder pownd but he wolde pay, No longer theron he shuld pursewe. But mor off ther purpos they gune speke, The Holi Sacramente for to bye; And all for [that] þei wolde be wreke, A gret sume off gold begune down ley.

Primus. Thys Crysten merchante consentyd, þe sothe to sey, And in þe nyght affter made hym delyuerance. Thes Jewes all grete joye made they; But off thys betyde a stranger chance; They grevid our Lord gretly on grownd, And put hym to cruell passyon; With daggers gouen hym many a grieuyos wound; Hayled hym to a pyller, pynsons plukked hym doune.

Secundus. And sythe thay toke blysed brede so sownde And in a cawdron they ded hym boyle! In a clothe full just they yt wounde, And so they ded hym sethe in oyle; And than thay putt hym to a new tormentry, In an hoote ouyn speryd hym fast. Ther be appyred with woundes blody; The ovyn rofe asondre & all tobrast.

Primus. Thus in ower lawe they wer made stedfast; The Holy Sacrament shewyd them grette faueur; In contrycyon thyr hertis wer cast And went & shewyd ther lyues to a confesour. Thus be maracle off þe Kyng of Hevyn, And by myght and power govyn to þe prestis mowthe, In an howshold wer conuertyd i-wys elevyn. At Rome þis myracle ys knowen well kowthe.

Secundus. Thys myracle at Rome was presented, for sothe, Yn the yere of our Lord, a mcccc lxi. That þe Jewes þat Holy Sacrament dyd with, In the forest seyd of Aragon. Below thus God at a tyme showyd hym there, Thorwhe hys mercy & hys mekyll myght; Unto the Jewes he gan appere That þei shuld nat lesse hys hevenly lyght.

Primus. So therfor, frendis, with all your myght Ynto youer gostly father shewe your synne; Beth in no wanhope daye nor nyght, Ho maner off dowghtes þat Lord put in: For þat þe dowghtes þe Jewys than in stode,— As ye shall se pleyd, both more and lesse,— Was yff þe Sacrament wer flesshe & blode; Therfor they put yt to suche dystresse.

Secundus. And yt please yow, thys gaderyng þat here ys, At Croxston on Monday yt shall be sen; To sen the conclusyon of þis lytell processe Hertely welcum shall yow bene. How Ihesu yow save from treyn & tene, To send vs hys hyhg ioyes of hevyne. There myght ys withouten mynd to mene! How, mynstrell, blow vp with a mery stevyn!

Explicit.

Here after followeth þe Play of þe Conuersyon of Ser Jonathas þe Jewe by Myracle of þe Blyssed Sacrament.

Aristorius Mercator. Now Cryst, þat ys ouer Créateur, He maynteyn vs with myrth þat meve vpon þe mold; Ynto hys endlesse ioye myghtly he restore vs, All tho þat in hys name in peas well them hold; For of a merchante most myght therof my tale ys told, in Eraclea ys non suche, woso wyll vnderstond, For off all Aragon I am most myghty of syluer & of gold,— For, & yt were a countre to by, now wold I nat wond. Syr Arystory is my name, A merchante myghty of a royall araye; Ful wyde in þis worlde spryngyth my fame, Fere kend and knowen, þe sothe for to saye. In all maner of londes, without ony naye, My merchandyse renneth, þe sothe for to tell; In Gene and in Jenyse and in Genewaye, In Surrey and in Saby and in Salern I sell; In Antyoche & in Almayn moch ys my myght, In Braban & in Brytayn I am full bold, In Calabre and in Coleyn ther rynge I full ryght, In Dordrede & in Denmark be þe chyffe told; In Alysander I haue abundaunse in the wyde world, In France & in Farre fresshe be my flowerps, In Gyldre and in Galys haue I bowght & sold, In Hamborowhe & in Holond moche merchantdyse is owne; In Jerusalem and in Jherico among the Jewes jentle, Among the Caldeys and Cattlyngis kend ys my komyng; In Kaynes & in Rome to Seynt Petyrs temple, I am knowen certenly for byying and sellyng; In Mayne and in Melan full mery haue I be; Owt of Navern to Naples moch good ys þat I bryng; In Pondere and in Portyngale moche ys my gle; In Spayne & in Spruce moche ys my spedyng; In Lombardy & in Lachborun there ledde ys my sale, In Taryfe & in Turkey, there told ys my tale; And in þe dukedom of Oryon moche have I in weldyng: And thus thorowght all þis world sett ys my sale. No man in thys world may weld more rychesse; All I thank God of hys grace, for he yt me sent; And as a lordis pere thus lyve I in worthynesse. My curat wayteth vpon me to know myn entent; And men at my weldyng, & all ys me lent My well for to worke in thys worlde so wyde. Me dare they not dysplese by no condescent, And who so doth, he ys not able to abyde.

Presbyter. No man shall you tary ne troble thys tyde, But every man delygently shall do yow plesance; And vnto my connyng to þe best shall hem guyde Ynto Godds plesyng to serue to attendance. For ye be worthy and notable in substance of good, Of merchantes of Aragon ye have no pere,— And therof thank God þat dyed on þe roode, That was your makere and hath yow dere.

Aristorius. For soth, syr pryst, yower talkyng ys good; And therfor affter your talkyng I wyll atteyn To wourshyppe my God that dyed on þe roode, Neuer whyll þat I lyve ageyn þat wyll I seyn. But, Peter Powle, my clark, I praye the goo wale pleyn Thorowght all Eraclea, that thow ne wonde, And wytte yff ony merchante be come to þis reyn Of Surrey or of Sabe or of Shelysdown.

Clericus. At youer wyll for to walke I wyl not say nay, Smartly to go serche at þe wateris syde; Yff ony pleasant bargyn be to your paye, As swyftly as I can I shall hym to yow guyde. Now wyll I walke by thes pathes wyde, And sake the haven both vp and down, To wette yf ony on knowþ shyppes therin do ryde Of Surrey or of Saby [or] of Shelysdown.

Now shall þe merchantes man withdrawe hym and the Jewe Jonathas shall make hys host.

Jonathas. Now, almyghty Machomet, marke in þi mageste, Whose laws tendrely I haye to fulfyll. After my dethe bryng me to thy hyhe see, My sowie for to save yff yt be thy wyll: For myn entent ys for to fulfyll, As my gloryus God the to honer, To do agen thy entent, yt should greue me yll, Or agen thyn lawe for to reporte. For I thanke the hayly þat hast me sent Gold, syluer & presyous stonys, & abundaunce of spycis þou hast me lent, As I shall reherse before yow onys: I have amatystts, ryche for þe nonys, And barylles that be bryght of ble; And saphyre semely, I may show yow attonys, And crystalys clere for to se; I have dyamantes derewourthy so to dresse, And emerawdis, ryche I trow they be, Onyx and achates both more & lesse, Topazyons, smaragdes of grete degre, Perlys precyous grate plente; Of rubes ryche I have grate renown; Crepawdys & calcedonyes semely to se, And curyous carbunclys here ye fynd moren; Spycis I hawe both grate and smale In my shyppes, the sothe for to saye, Gyngere, lycoresse and cannyngalle, And fygges fatte to plese yow to paye; Paper and saffyron & spycis smale, And dates wole dulcett for to dresse, Almundis and rays, full euery male, And raysones both more & smale: Cloueys, grenynis & gynger grane, Mace, mastyk that myght ys, Synymone, sugar, as yow may sane, Long paper and Indas lycorys; Orengis and apples of grate apryce, Pungarnetes & many other spycis,— To tell yow all I haue now, i wys, And mocha other merchandyse of sundry spycis. Jew Jonathas ys my name, Jazun & Jazdun þei waytyn on my wyll, Masfat & Malchus they do the same, As ye may knowe yt ys bothe rycht & skyll. I tell yow all, bi dale and by hylle, In Eraclea ys noon so mocha of myght, Werfor ye owe tender lif to tende me tyll, For I am chefe merchante of Jewes, I tell yow be ryght. But Jazun & Jazdun, a mater wollde I mane,— Mervelously yt ys ment in mynde,— þe beleve of thes Crysten men ys false, as I wene: For þe beleve in a cake,—me þynk yt ys onkynde. And all they seye how þe prest dothe yt bynd,— And be þe myght of hys word make yt flesshe and blode,— And thus be a conceyte þe wolde make vs blynd,— And how þat yt shuld be he þat deyed upon þe rode.

Jasun. Yea, yea, master, a strawe for talis! That may not fale in my beleve; But myt we yt gete onys within our pales, I trowe we shuld sone affter putt yt in a preve.

Jazdun. Now, be Machemete so myghty, þat ye doon of me lie, I wold I wyste how þat we myght yt gete; I swer be my grete God, & ellys mote I nat cheue But wyghtly theron wold I be wreke.

Masphat. Yea, I dare sey feythfulli þat ther feyth [ys fals:] That was neuer he that on Caluery was kyld, Or in bred for to be blode yt ys ontrewe als; But yet with ther wyles þei wold we were wyld.

Malchus. Yea, I am myghty Malchus, þat boldly am byld; That brede for to bete byggly am I bent. Onys out of ther handis & yt myght be exyled, To help castyn yt in care wold I consent.

Jonathas. Well, syrse, than kype cunsel, I cummande wele yow all, & no word of all thys be wyst. But let us walke to see Arystories hall, & after ward more consell among vs shall caste. With hym to bey & to sel I am of powere prest: A bargyn with hym to make I wyll assaye; For gold & syluer I am nothyng agast But þat we shall get cake to ower paye.

Here shall ser Ysodyr, þe prest speke onto ser Arystori, seyng on thys wyse to hym; & Jonathas goo don of his stage.

Presbyter. Syr, be yowr leue, I may [nat] lengere dwell; Yt ys fer paste none, yt ys tyme to go to cherche, Ther to saye myn evynsong, forsothe as I yow tell, And syth come home ageyne, as I am wont to werche.

Aristorius. Sir Isydor, I praye yow walke at your wylle For to serfe God yt ys well done, but come agene, ye shall suppe your fylle, And walke then to yowr chamber as ye are wont to doon.

Here shall the marchant men mete with þe Jewes.

Jonathas. A! Petre Powle, good daye and wele i-mett! Wer ys thy master, as I the pray?

Clericus. Long from hym haue I not lett Sythe I cam from hym, þe sothe for to saye. Wat tidyng with yow, ser, I yow praye, Affter my master þat ye doo fraye? Haue ye ony bargen þat wer to hys paye? Let me haue knowlech; I shall wete hym to seyn.

Jonathas. I haue bargenes royalle and ryche For a marchante with to bye and sell; In all thys lond is ther non lyke Off abondance of good, as I will tell.

Her shall þe clerk goon to ser Aristori, saluting him thus:

Clericus. All hayll, master, & wel mot yow be! Now tydynges can I yow tell: þe grettest marchante in all Surre Ys come with yow to bey & sell: Syr Jonathas ys hys nam, A marchant of ryght gret fame; This tale ryght well he me told, He wollde sell yow, without blame, Plente of clothe of golde.

Aristorius. Petre Powle, I can þe thanke! I prey þe rychely araye myn hall As owyth for a marchant of the banke; Lete non defawte be fownd at all.

Clericus. Sekyrly, master, no more ther shall Styffly about I thynke to stere, Hasterli to hange your parlowr with pall, As longeth for a lordis pere.

Here shall þe Jewe merchant & his men come to þe Cryston merchante.

Jonathas. All haylle, syr Aristorye, semele to se, The myghtyest merchante off Arigon! Off yower welfare fayn wet wold we, And to bargeyn with you þis day am I bown.

Aristorius. Sir Jonathas, ye be wellecum vnto myn hall! I pray yow come vp & sit bi me, And tell me wat good ye haue to sell, And yf ony bargeyn mad may be.

Jonathas. I haue clothe of gold, precyous stons plente. With yow a bargen wold I make;— I wold bartre with yow in pryvyte On lytell thyng, ye wylle me yt take. Prevely on þis stownd And I wolle sure yow be thys lyght, Neuer dystrie yow daye nor nyght, But be sworne to yow full ryght & geve yow twenti pownde.

Aristorius. Ser Jonathas, sey me for my sake, What manere of marchandis ys þat ye mene?

Jonathas. Yowr God, þat ys full mytheti, in a cake, And thys good anoon shall yow seen.

Aristorius. Nay, in feyth, þat shall not bene. I woll not for an hundder pownd To stond in fere my Lord to tene; & for so lytell a valew in conscyence to stond bownd.

Jonathas. Ser, þe entent ys if I myght knowe or vndertake, Yf yat he were God allmyght; Off all my mys I woll amende make & doone hym wourshepe bothe day & nyght.

Aristorius. Jonathas, trowth I shall þe tell: I stond in gret dowght to do þat dede, To yow þat here all for to sell I fere me þat I shuld stond in drede; For & I vnto þe chyrche yede, & preste or clerke myght me aspye, To þe bysshope þei wolde go tell þat dede & apeche me of eresye.

Jonathas. Sir, as for þat, good shyffte may ye make, &, for a vaylle, to walkyne on a nyght Wan prest & clerk to rest ben take; Than shall ye be spyde of no wyght.

Aristorius. Now sey me, Jonathas, be this lyght! Wat payment berfor wollde yow me make?

Jonathas. Forty pownd, & pay yt in ryght, Evyn for þat Lorde sake.

Aristorius. Nay, nay, Jonathas, there-agen; I wold not for an hundder pownd.

Jonathas. Ser, here ys yower askyng toolde pleyn, Here is a hundder pownd, neyther mor nor lesse, Of doketós good, I dar well saye; Tell yt er yow from me passe; Me thynketh yt a royalle araye. But fyrst, I pray yow, tell me thys: Off thys thyng whan shall I hafe delyuerance?

Aristorius. To morowe betymes; I shall not myse; This nyght therfor I shall make purveance. Syr Isodyr he ys now at chyrch, There seyng hys evensong, As yt ys worshepe for to werche; He shall sone cum home, he wyll nat be long, Hys soper for to eate; And when he ys buskyd to hys bedde, Ryght sone there after he shalbe spedd,— No speche among 3ow ther be spredd; To kepe 3owr tounges ye nott lett.

Jonathas. Syr, almyghty Machomyght be with yow! And I shalle cume agayn ryght sone.

Aristorius. Jonathas, ye wott what I haue sayd, & how I shall walke for that we haue to donn.

Here goeth þe Jewys away & þe preste commyth home.

Presbyter. Syr, Almyghty God mott be yower gyde And glad yow where-soo ye rest!

Aristorius. Syr, ye be welcom home thys tyde. Now, Peter, gett vs wyne of the best.

Clericus. Syr, here ys a drawte of Romney Red, Ther ys no better in Aragon, And a lofe of lyght bred,— Yt ys holesame as sayeth þe fesycyoun.

Aristorius. Drynke of, Ser Isoder, and be of good chore! Thys Romney ys good to goo to reste; Ther ys no precyouser fer nor nere, For alle wykkyd metys yt wylle degest.

Presbyter. Syr, thys wyne ys good at a taste, And ther-of haue I drunke ryght well. To bed to gone thus haue I cast, Euyn strayt after thys mery mele. Now, Ser, I pray to God send yow good nyght, For to my chamber now wyll I gonne.

Aristorius. Ser, with yow be God almyght, And sheld yow euer from yowr fone.

[Exit the priest] Here shall Aristorius call hys clarke to hys presens.

Aristorius. Howe, Peter! In the ys all my trust. In especyall to kepe my consell: For a lytyll waye walkyne I must. I wyll not be longe; trust as I the tell.

[He goes toward the church]

Now preuely wyll I preue my pace, My bargayn thys nyght for to fulfyll. Ser Isoder shall nott know of thys case, For he hath oftyn sacred as þat ys skyll. The chyrche key ys at my wyll; Ther ys no thynge þat we shall tary, I wyll nott abyde by dale nor hyll Tyll yt be wrowght, by Saynt Mary!

Here shall he enter þe chyrche & take þe Hoost.

Ah! now haue I all myn entent; Ynto Jonathas now wyll I fare; To fullfyll my bargayn haue I ment, For þat mony wyll amend my fare, As thynkyth me.

[Exit from the church]

But nowe wyll I passe by thes pathes playne; To mete with Jonathas I wold fayne. Ah! yonder he commyth in certayne; Me thynkyth I hym see.

Aristorius. Welcom, Jonathas, gentyll and trew, For well & trewly you kepyst thyn kowre; Here ys þe Host, sacred, newe, Now wyll I home to halle & bowre.

Jonathas. And I shall kepe thys trusty treasure As I wold doo my gold and fee. Now in thys clothe I shall the couer, That no wyght shall the see.

Here shall Arystory goo hys waye do Jonathas and hys seruantis shall goo to þe tabylle þus sayng:

Jonathas. How, Jason & Jasdon, ye be Jewys jentyll, Masfatt & Malchus, that myghty arn in mynd, Thys merchant from the Crysten temple Hathe gett vs thys bred that make us thus blynd. How, Jason, as jentyll as euer was the lynde, Into the forsayd parlowr preuely take thy pase; Sprede a clothe on the tabyll þat ye shall þere fynd, & we shall folow after to carpe of thys case.

Now þe Jewys goon do lay the Ost on þe tabylle, sayng:

Jonathas. Syrs, I praye yow all, harkyn to my sawe! Thes Crysten men carpyn of a mervelows case; They say þat þis ys Iheeu þat was attaynted in ower lawe & þat thys ys he þat crucyfyed was. On thes wordys there lawe growndyd hath he That he sayd on Sherethursday at hys soper: He brak the brede & sayd Accipite, And gave hys dyscyplys them for to chere: While they were all together & sum, Syttyng at the table soo clere, Comedite, Corpus meum. And thys powre he gaue Peter to proclame, And how the same shuld be suffycyent to all prechors; The bysshoppys and curates saye the same, And soo, as I vnderstond, do all hys progenytors.

Jason. Yea, sum men in þat law reherse another: They say of a maydyn borne was hee, & how Joachyms dowghter shuld he hys mother, & how Gabrell apperyd & sayd Aue; & with þat worde she shuld conceyuyd be, & þat in hyr shuld lyght the Holy Gost,— Ageyns ower law thys ys false heresy,— And yett they saye he ys of myghtis most.

Jasdon. They saye þat Ihesu to be ower kynge, But I wene he bowght þat full dere. But they make a royall araye of hys ryprysyng; & that in euery place ys prechyd farre & nere. & how he to hys dyscyples agayn dyd appere, To Thomas and to Mary Mawdelen, & syth how he styed by hys own powre; And thys, ye know well, ys heresy full playn.

Masphat. Yea & also they say he sent them wytt & wysdom For to vnderstond euery langwage; When þe Holy Gost to them came, They faryd as dronk men of pymente or vernage; & Sythen how þat he lykenyd hymself a lord of perage. On hys fatherys ryght bond he hym sett. They hold hym wyser þan euer was Sybyle sage, & strenger than Alexander, þat all þe worlde ded gett.

Malchus. Yea, yet they saye as fols, I dare laye my hedde, How they that be ded shall com agayn to Judgement, And ower dredfull Judge shalbe thys same brede, And how lyfe euerlastyng them shuld be lent. & thus they hold, all at on consent, Because that Phylyppe sayd for a lytyll glosse— To turn vs from owr beleve ys ther entent,— For that he sayd, judecare vivos et mortuos.

Jonathas. Now, sers, ye haue rehersyd the substance of their lawe, But thys bred I wold mysht be put in a proffe Whether þis be he that in Bosra of vs had awe. Ther staynyd were hys clothys, þis may we belefe; Thys may we know, ther had he grefe, For ower old bookys veryfy thus,— Theron he was jugett to be hangyd as a thefe,— Tinctis Bosra vestibus.

Jason. Yff þat thys be he that on Caluery was mad red, Onto my mynd, I shall kenne yow a conceyt good: Surely with ower daggars we shall ses on thys bredde, & so with clowtes we shall know yf he haue eny blood.

Jasdon. Now, by Machomyth so myghty, þat meuyth in my mode! Thys ys masterly ment, thys matter thus to meue: & with ower strokys we shall fray hym as he was on the rode, That he was on don with grett repreue.

Masphat. Yea, I pray yow, smyte ye in the myddys of þe cake, & so shall we smyte þeron woundys fyve: We wyll not spare to wyrke yt wrake, To prove in thys brede yf þer be eny lyfe.

Malchus. Yea, goo we to, than, and take ower space, & looke ower daggars be sharpe & kene: & when eche man a stroke smytte hase, In þe mydyn part there-of ower master shall bene.

Jonathas. When ye haue all smytyn, my stroke shalbe sene; With þis same dagger that ys so styf & strong. In þe myddys of thys prynt I thynke for to prene; On lashe I shall hyme lende or yt be long.

Here shall þe iiij Jewys pryk þer daggers in iiij quarters, thus sayng:

Jason. Haue at yt! Haue at yt, with all my myght! Thys syde I hope for to sese!

Jasdon. & I shall with thys blade so bryght Thys other syde freshely afeze!

Masphat. & I yew plyght I shall hym not please, For with thys punche I shall hym pryke.

Malchus. & with thys augur I shall hym not ease, Another buffett shall he lykke.

Jonathas. How am I bold with batayle hym to bleyke, þis mydle part alle for to prene; A stowte stroke also for to stryke,— In þe myddys yt shalbe sene!

Here þe Ost must blede.

Jonathas. Ah! owt! owt! harrow! what deuyll ys thys? Of thys wyrk I am on were; Yt bledyth as yt were woode, I wys; But yf ye helpe, I shall dyspayre.

Jason. A fyre! a fyre! & that in hast! Anoon a cawdron full of oyle!

Jasdon. And I shalle helpe yt wer in cast, All þe iij howris for to boyle!

Masphat. Yea, here is a furneys stowte & strong, And a cawdron therin dothe hong! Malcus, wher art thow so long, To helpe thys dede were dyght?

[Malchus goes to get the oil.]

Malchus. Loo, here ys iiij galons off oyle clere! Haue doon fast! blowe up þe fere! Syr, bryng that ylke cake nere, Manly, with all yowre myghthe.

Jonathas. And I shall bryng þat ylke cak And throw yt in, I undertake. Out! Out! yt werketh me wrake! I may not awoyd yt owt of my hond. I wylle goo drenche me in a lake, And in woodnesse I gynne to wake! I rene, I lepe euer þis land.

Here he renneth wood, with the Ost in hys hond.

Jason. Renne, felawes, renne, for Cokkes peyn! Fast we had ower mayster ageyne! Hold prestly on thys pleyn & faste bynd hyme to a poste.

Jasdon. Here is an hamer & naylys iij, I seye; Lyfte vp hys armys, felawe, on hey, Whyll I dryue þes nayles, I yow praye, With strong strokes fast.

Masphat. Now set on, felouse, with mayne & myght, And pluke hys armes awey in syght! Wat! I se he twycche, felowse, a-ryght! Alas, balys breweth ryght badde!

Here shall thay pluke þe arme, & þe hand shalle hang stylle with þe Sacrament.

Malchus. Alas, alas, what deuyll ys thys! Now hath he but oon hand i-wyse! For sothe, mayster, ryght woo me is þat ye þis harme haue hadde.

Jonathas. Ther ys no more; I must enduer! Now hastely to ower chamber lete us gon; Tyll I may get me sum recuer; And therfor charge yow euery-choon That yt be consell that we have doon.

[Exeunt.]

Here shall þe lechys man come into þe place sayng:

Colle. Aha! here ys a fayer felawshyppe, Thewhe I be nat shapyn, I lyst to sleppe: I haue a master I wolld he had þe pyppe, I tell yow in consel. He ys a man off all syence, But off thryfte—I may with yow dyspence He syttyth with sum tapstere in þe spence Hys hoode there with he sell. Mayster Brendyche of Braban, I telle yow he ys same man, Called þe most famous phesycyan That euer sawe uryne. He seeth as wele at noone as at nyght, And sumtyme by a candellleyt Can gyff a judgyment aryght— As he þat hathe noo eyn. He ys also a boone-setter; I knowe no man go þe better; In euery tauerne he ys detter; þat ys a good tokenyng. But euer I wonder he ys so long; I fere ther gooth sum-thyng awrong, For he hath dysaryde to he hong,— God send neuer worse tydyng! He had a lady late in cure; I wot by þis she ys full sure; There shall neuer Crysten creature Here hyr tell no tale. And I stode here tyll mydnyght, I cowde not declare aryght My masteris cunyng insyght— þat he hath in good ale. But what deuyll delayeth hym, so long to tarye! A sekeman myght soone myscary. How alle þe deuyllys of hell hym warie; God giue me my boon! I trowe best, we mak a crye: Yf any man can hym aspye Led hym to þe pyllereye: In fayth, yt shall be don.

Here shalle he stand vp & make proclamacion seyng thys:

Colle. Yff ther be eyther man or woman That sawe Master Brundyche of Braban, Or owyht of hym tel can, Shall wele be quit hys mede; He hath a cut herd & a flatte noose, A thredde-bare gowne & a rente hoose; He spekyth neuere good matere nor purpoose; To þe pyllere ye hym lede.

[The master has entered during the proclamation.]

Master Brundyche. What, thu boye, what! janglest here?

Colle. A! master, master, but to your reuerence! I wend neuer to a seen yowr goodly chere. Ye tared hens so long.

Master Brundyche. What hast thow sayd in my absense?

Colle. Nothyng, master, but to yowr reuerence, I haue told all þis audiense—And some lyes among. But, master, I pray yow, how dothe yowr pacyent That ye had last vnder yowr medycamente?

Master Brundyche. I warant she neuer felt anoyment.

Colle. Why, ys she in hyr graue?

Master Brundyche. I haue gyven hyr a drynke made full well Wyth scamely and with oxennell, Letuce, sauge and pymperneh.

Colle. Hay, than she yt full save, For, now ye ar cum, I dare well saye Betwyn Douyr & Calyce þe ryght wey Dwellth non so cunnyng, be my fey, In my judgyment.

Master Brundyche. Cunnyng? Yea, yea, & with pratise; I haue sauid many a manys lyfe.

Colle. On wydowes, maydese and wyvse Yowr connyng yow haue nyhe spent.

Master Brundyche. Where ys bowght with drynke profytable?

Colle. Here master, master, ware how ye tugg, The devyll, I trowe, within shrugg, For yt gooth rebyll rable.

Master Brundyche. Here ys a grete congregacyon, And all be not hole, without negacyon; I wold have certyfycacyon: Stond vp & make a proclamación. Haue do faste, and make no pausacyon, But wyghtly make a declaración To all people þat helpe wolde haue.

Hic interim proclamationem faciet.

Colle. All manar off men þat haue any syknes, To Master Brentberecly loke þat yow redresse. What dysease or syknesse þat euer ye haue, He wyll neuer leue yow tyll ye be in yowr graue. Who hath þe canker, þe colyke, or þe laxe, The tercyan, þe quartan, or þe brynnyng axs,— For wormys, for gnawynig, gryndyng in þe wombe or in þe boldyro— Alle maner red eyn, bleryd eyn, and the myregrym also, For hedache, bonache, & therto þe tothache,— The colt-euyll, and the brostyn men he wyll undertak. All tho þat [haue] þe poose, þe sneke, or þe teseke,— Thowh a man were ryght hey le, he cowd soone make hym seke. Inquyre to þe Tolkote, for þer ys hys loggyng, A lytell besyde Babwell Myll, yf ye wyll haue understondyng.

Master Brundyche. How, yff ther be ether man or woman That nedethe helpe of a phesyscion—

Colle. Mary, master, þat I tell can, & ye wyll vnderstond.

Master Brundyche. Knoest any abut þis plase?

Colle. Ye, þat I do, master, so haue grase; Here ys a Jewe, hyght Jonathas, Hath lost hys ryght hond.

Master Brundyche. Fast to hym I wold inquere.

Colle. For God, master, þe gate ys hyre.

Master Brundyche. Than to hym I wyll go nere. My master, wele mot yow be!

Jonathas. What doost here, felawe? what woldest thu hanne?

Master Brundyche. Syr, yf yow nede ony surgeon or physycyan, Off yowr dysese help yow welle I cane. What hurtes or hermes so-euer they be.

Jonathas. Syr, thu art ontawght to come in thus henly, Or to pere in my presence thus malapertly. Voydeth from my syght, & þat wyghtly, For ye be mysse-a-vysed.

Colle. Syr, þe hurt of yowr hand ys knowen full ryfe, And my master have sauyd many a manes lyfe.

Jonathas. I trowe ye be cum to make sum stryfe. Hens fast, lest þat ye be chastysed.

Colle. Syr, ye know wele yt can nott mysse; Men that be masters of scyens be profytable. In a pott yf yt please yow to pysse, He can teB yf yow be curable.

Jonathas. Avoyde, felaws, I love not yower bable! Brushe them hens bothe & that anon! Gyff them ther reward þat they were gone!

Here shall þe iiij Jewys bett away þe leche & hys man.

Jonathas. Now haue don, felawys, & that anon, For dowte of drede what after befall! I am nere masyd, my wytte ys gon; Therfor of helpe I pray yow all. And take yowr pynsonys þat ar so sure, & pluck owt the naylys won & won; Also in a cloke ye yt cure And throw yt in þe cawdron, & þat anon.

Here shall Jason pluck owt the naylys & shake þe hand into þe cawdron.

Jason. And I shall rape me redely anon To plucke owt the naylys that stond so fast, & bear thys bred & also thys bone & into the cawdron I wyll yt cast.

Jasdon. And I shall with thys dagger so stowte Putt yt down that yt myght plawe, & steare the clothe rounde abowte That nothyng ther-of shalbe rawe.

Masphat. And I shall manly, with all my myght; Make the fyre to blase & brenne, & sett thervnder suche a lyght That yt shall make yt ryght thynne.

Here shall þe cawdron byle, apperyng to be as blood.

Malchus. Owt & harow! what deuyll ys here-in! Alle thys oyle waxyth redde as blood, & owt of the cawdron yt begynnyth to rinn. I am so aferd I am nere woode.

Here shall Jason & hys company goo to ser Jonathas sayng:

Jason. Ah! master, master, what there ys with yow, I can not see owr werke wyll avayle; I beseche yow avance yow now Sumwhatt with yowr counsayle.

Jonathas. The best counsayle that I now wott, That I can deme, farre & nere, Ys to make an ovyn as redd hott As euer yt can be made with fere; And when ye see yt soo hott appere, Then throw yt into the ovyn fast,— Sone shall he stanche hys bledyng chere,— When ye haue done, stoppe yt,—be not agast.

Jasdon. Be my fayth, yt shalbe wrowght, it shall be done, & that anon, in gret hast. Bryng on fyryng, sers, here ye nowght? To hete thys ovyn be nott agast.

Masphat. Here is straw & thornys kene: Come on, Malchas, & bryng on fyre, For that shall hete yt well, I wene; Blow on fast, that done yt were!

[They kindle the fire.]

Malchas. Ah, how! thys fyre gynnyth to brenne clere! Thys ovyn ryght hotte I thynk to make. How, Jason, to the cawdron hat ye stere And fast fetche hether that ylke cake.

Here shall Jason goo to þe cawdron and take owt the Ost with hys pynsonys and cast yt in-to the ovyn.

Jason. I shall with thes pynsonys withowt dowt, Shake thys cake owt of thys clothe, & to the ovyn I shall yt rowte And stoppe hym there, thow he be loth. Thys cake I haue caught here in good sothe,— The hand ys soden, the fleshe from þe bonys,— Now into the ovyn I wyll therwith. Stoppe yt, Jasdon, for the nonys!

Jasdon. I stoppe thys ovyn, withowtyn dowte, With clay I dome yt vppe ryght fast, That non heat shall cum owte. I trow there shall he hete & drye in hast!

Here the ovyn must ryve asunder & blede owt at þe cranys, & an image appere owt with woundis bledyng.

Masphat. Owt! owt! here is a grete wonder! Thys ovyn bledyth owt on euery syde!

Malchas. Yea, þe ovyn on peacys gynnyth to ryve asundere; Thys ys a merveylows case thys tyde.

Here shall þe image speke to the Jewys sayng thus:

Jhesus. O mirabiles Judei, attendite et videte Si est dolor sicut dolor meus. Oh ye merveylows Jewys, Why ar ye to jower kyng onkynd, & [I] so bytterly bowt yow to my blysse? Why fare ye thus fule with yowr frende? Why peyne yow me and straytly me pynde, And I yower loue so derely haue bowght? Why are ye so vnstedfast in your mynde? Why wrath ye me? I greve yow nowght. Why wyll ye nott beleve that I haue tawght, And forsake yowr fowle neclygence, And kepe my commandementes in yower thowght, And vnto my godhed to take credence? Why blaspheme yow me? Why do ye thus? Why put yow me to a new tormentry, And I dyed for yow on the crosse? Why consyder not yow what I dyd crye? Whyle that I was with yow, ye ded me velanye. Why remember ye nott my bitter chaunce, How yower kynne dyd me awance For claymyng of myn enherytaunce? I shew yow the streytnesse of my greuaunce, And all to meue yow to my mercy.

Jonathas. Tu es protector vite mei a quo trepidabo? O thu, Lord, whyche art my defendowr, For dred of the I trymble & quake. Of thy gret mercy lett vs receyue þe showre; & mekely I aske mercy, amendys to make.

Here shall they knele doun all on ther kneys, sayng:

Jason. Ah! Lord, with sorow & care & grete wepyng All we felawys lett vs saye thus, With condolent harte & grete sorowyng: Lacrimis nostris conscienciam nostram baptizemus!

Jasdon. Oh thow blyssyd Lord of mykyll myght, Of thy gret mercy, thou hast shewyd vs þe path, Lord, owt of grevous slepe & owt of dyrknes to lyght, Ne gravis sompnus irruat.

Masphat. Oh Lord, I was very cursyd, for I wold know þi credo. I can no mendys make, but crye to the thus: O gracyows Lorde, forgyfe me my mysdede! With lamentable hart, miserere mei, Deus!

Malchas. Lord, I haue offendyd the in many a sundry vyse, That styckyth at my hart as hard as a core. Lord, by þe water of contrycion lett me aryse: Asparges me, Domine, ysopo, et mundabor.

Jhesus. All ye that desyryn my seruauntes for to be And to fulfyll þe preceptos of my lawys, The intent of my commandement knowe ye: Ite et ostendite vos sacerdotibus meis. To all yow that desyre in eny wyse To aske mercy, to graunt yt redy I am. Remember & lett yower wyttis suffyce, Et tunc non avortam a vobis faciem meam. Ser Jonathas, on thyn hand thow art but lame, And þis thorow thyn own cruelnesse. For thyn hurt þou mayest þi-selfe blame, Thow woldyst preve thy power me to oppresse; But now I consydre thy necesse; Thow wasshest thyn hart with grete contriction; Go to the cawdron,—þi care shalbe the lesse,— And towche thyn hand to thy saluacion.

Here shall ser Jonathas put hys hand in-to þe cawdron, and it shalbe hole agayn; & then say as followyth:

Jonathas. Oh thow my Lord God and Sauyouer, osanna! Thow Kyng of Jews & of Jerusalem! O thow myghty, strong Lyon of Juda, Blyssyd be the tyme þat þow were in Bedlem! Oh þou myghty, strong, gloryows and gracyows oyle streame, Thow myghty conquerrowr of infernall tone, I am quyt of moche combrance thorowgh thy meane, That euyr blyssyd mott þow bene! Alas, þat euer I dyd agaynst thy wyll, In my wytt to be soo wood; That I with ongoodly wyrk shuld soo gryll! Ageyns my mys-gouernaunce thow gladdyst me with good: I was soo prowde to prove the on þe Roode, & þou haste sent me lyghtyng þat late was lame; To bete the & boyll the I was myghty in moode, & now þou hast put me from duresse and dysfame. But, Lord, I take my leve at thy high presens, & put me in thy myghty mercy; The bysshoppe wyll I goo fetche to se ower offens, & onto hym shew ower lyfe, how þat we be gylty.

Here shall þe master Jew goo to þe bysshopp & hys men knele styll.

Jonathas. Hayle, father of grace! I knele vpon my knee, Hertely besechyng yow & interely, A swemfull syght all for to see In my howse apperyng verely: The holy Sacrament, þe whyche we haue done tormentry, And ther we haue putt hym to a newe passyon, A chyld apperyng with woundys bloody: A swemfull syght yt ys to looke vpon.

Episcopus. Oh Jhesu, Lord, full of goodnesse! With the wyll I walke with all my myght. Now, all my peple, with me ye dresse For to goo see that swymfull syght. Now, all ye peple that here are, I commande yow, euery man, On yower feet for to goo, bare, In the devoutest wyse that ye can.

Here shall þe bysshope enter into þe Jewys howse & say:

Episcopus. O Jhesu Fili Dei, How þys paynfull passyon rancheth myn hart! Lord, I crye to the, miserere mei, From thys rufull syght þou wylt reuerte. Lord, we all with sorowys smert, For thys vnlefull work we lyue in langower; Now, good Lord, in thy grace let vs be grett, & of thy souereyn marcy send vs thy socower; & for thy holy grace forgyfe vs ower errowr. Now lett thy pece spryng and sprede; Thowgh we haue be vnryghftfull, forgyf vs our rygore, & of ower lamentable hartes, good Lord, take hede.

Here shall þe image change agayn onto brede.

Episcopus. Oh thou largyfluent Lord, most of lyghtnesse, Onto owr prayers thow hast applyed: Thou hast receyuyd them with grett swettnesse, For all ower dredfull dedys þou hast not so denyed. Full mykyll owte thy name for to be magnyfyed With mansuete myrth and gret swettnes, & as ouv gracyows God for to be gloryfyed, For þou shewyst vs gret gladnes. Now wyll I take thys Holy Sacrament With humble hart & gret devocion, And all we wyll gon with on consent And bear yt to chyrche with solempne processyon; Now folow me, all & sume! And all tho that bene here, both more & lesse, Thys holy song, O sacrum Dominum, Lett us syng all with grett swetnesse.

Here shall þe pryst, ser Isoder, aske hys master what þis menyth.

Presbyter. Ser Arystory, I pray yow, what menyth all thys? Sum myracle, I hope, ys wrowght be Goddes myght; The bysshope commyth [in] processyon with a gret meny of Jewys; I hope sum myracle ys shewyd to hys syght. To chyrche in hast wyll I runne full ryght, For thether, me thynk, he begynnyth to take hys pace. The Sacrament so semly is borne in syght, I hope that God hath shewyd of his grace.

Aristorius. To tell yow the trowth I wylle not lett: Alas þat euer thys dede was dyght! An onlefull bargayn I began for to beat; I sold yon same Jewys ower Lord full ryght For couytyse of gold, as a cursyd wyght. Woo the whyle that bargayn I dyd euer make! But yow be my defensour in owr dyocesans syght; For an heretyke I feare he wyll me take.

Presbyter. For sothe, nothyng well-avysed was your wytt; Wondrely was yt wrowght of a man of dyscrescion In sucho perayle yower solle for to putt; But I wyll labor for yowr absolucyon. Lett vs hye vs fast that we were hens, And besече hym of hys benygne grace, That he wyll shew vs his benyvolens To make amendys for yower trespas.

Here shall þe merchant and hys prest go to þe chyrche & þe bysshop shall entre þe chyrche and lay þe Ost vpon þe auter, sayng thus:

Episcopus. Estote fortes in bello et pugnate cum antiquo serpente, Et accipite regnum eternum, et cetera. My chyldern, be ye strong in batayll gostly For to fyght agayn the fell serpent, That nyght and day ys euer besy; To dystroy owr sollys ys hys intent. Look ye be not slow nor neclygent To arme you in the vertues seuyn; Of synnys forgetyn take good avysement, And knowledge them to yower confessor full euyn; For that serpent, the deuyll, ys full strong Meruelows myscheues for man to mene; But that the Passyon of Cryst ys meynt vs among, And that ys in dyspyte of hys infernall tene. Beseche ower Lord & Sauyower so kene To put doun that serpent, cumberer of man, To withdraw hys furyous froward doctryn bydene, Fulfyllyd of þe fend callyd Leuyathan. Gyff lawrell to that Lord of myght That he may bryng vs to the joyous fruycion, From vs to put the fend to flyght, That neuer he dystroy vs by hys temptacion.

Presbyter. My father vnder God, I knele vnto yower kne, In yowr myhty mysericord to tak vs in remembrance; As ye be materyall to ower degre, We put vs in yower moderat ordynance, Yf yt lyke yower hyghnes to here ower greuaunce; We haue offendyd sorowfully in a syn mortall, Wherfor we fere vs owr Lord wyll take vengaunce For owr synnes both grete and small.

Episcopus. And in fatherhed, that longyth to my dygnyte, Ynto yower grefe I wyll gyf credens. Say what ye wyll, in þe name of the Trynyte, Agaynst God yf ye haue wroght eny inconueny-ence.

Aristorius. Holy Father, I knele to yow vnder benedycite. I haue offendyd in the syn of couytys: I sold our Lordys body for lucre of mony & delyueryd to the wyckyd with cursyd advyce. And for that presumpcion gretly I agryse That I presumed to go to the auter There to handylle þe holy sacryfyce;— I were worthy to be putt in brenyng fyre. But, gracyous lord, I can no more, But put me to Goddys mercy & to yower grace: My cursyd werkys for to restore, I aske penaunce now in thys place.

Episcopus. Now for thys offence that þou hast donne Ageyns the Kyng of Hevyn & Emperour of Hell, Euer whyll þou lyuest good dedys for to done And neuermore for to bye nor sell: Chastys thy body as I shall the tell, With fastyng & prayng & other good wyrk, To withstond the temtacyon of fendes of hell; & to call to God for grace looke þou neuer be irke. Also, þou preste, for thy neclygens, That thou were no wyser on thyn office, Thou art worthy inprisonment for thyn offience; But beware euer herafter and be mor wyse. And all yow creaturys & curatys that here be, Off thys dede yow may take example How that yower lockys pyxyd ye shuld see, And beware of the key of Goddys temple.

Jonathas. And I aske crystendom with great devocion, With repentant hart in all degrees, I aske for vs all a general absolucion.

Here þe Jewys must knele al down.

Jonathas. For that we knele all vpon ower knees; For we haue greuyd ower Lord on grownd & put hym to a new paynfull passion: With daggars styckyd hym with greuos wounde, New naylyd hym to a post & with pynsonys pluckyd hym down.

Jason. And syth we toke that blyssyd bred so sownd And in a cawdron we dyd hym boyle, In a clothe full just we hym wounde And so dyd we seth hym in oyle.

Jasdon. And for that we myght not ouercom hym with tormentry, In an hott ovyn we speryd hym fast, Ther he apperyd with woundes all bloody: The ovyn rave asunder & all to-brast.

Masphat. In hys law to make vs stedfast, There spak he to vs woordk of grete favor; In contrycyon owr hartes he cast And bad take vs to a confessor.

Malchus. And, therfor, all we with on consent Knele onto yower hygh souereynte. For to be crystenyd ys ower intent; Now all ower dedys to yow shewyd haue we.

Here shall þe bysshope crysten þe Jewys with gret solempnyte.

Episcopus. Now the Holy Gost at thys tyme mot yow blysse As ye knele all now in hys name, And with the water of baptyme I shall yow blysse To saue yow all from the fendis blame. Now, that fendys powre for to make lame, In þe name of þe Father, þe Son & þe Holy Gost, To saue yow from the deuyllys flame, I crysten yow all, both lest and most.

Jonathas. Now owr father and byshoppe þat we well know, We thank yow interly, both lest and most. Now ar we bownd to kepe Crystis lawe & to serue þe Father, þe Son & þe Holy Gost. Now wyll we walke by contre & cost, Our wyckyd lyuyng for to restore: And trust in God, of myghtis most, Neuer to offend as we have don before. Now we take ower leave at lesse & more— Forward on ower vyage we wyll vs dresse; God send yow all as good welfare As hart can thynke or towng expresse.

Aristorius. Into my contre now wyll I fare For to amende myn wyckyd lyfe, & to kepe þe people owt of care I wyll teache thys lesson to man & wyfe. Now take I my leave in thys place, I wyll go walke, my penaunce to fullfyll; Now, God, ageyns whom I haue done thys trespas, Graunt me forgyfnesse yf yt be thy wylle!

Presbyter. For joy of thys me thynke my hart do wepe, That yow haue gyuyn yow all Crystis seruantis to be, Hym for to serue with hart full meke— God, full of pacyens & humylyte— And the conuersion of all thes fayre men, With hartis stedfastly knett in on, Goddis lawys to kepe & hym to serue bydene, As faythfull Crystanys euermore for to gonne.

Episcopus. God Omnypotent, euermore looke ye serue With devocion & prayre whyll þat ye may; Dowt yt not he wyll yow preserue For eche good prayer þat ye sey to hys pay; & therfor in euery dew tyme loke ye not delay For to serue the Holy Trynyte, And also Mary, that swete may, And kepe yow in perfyte loue & charyte. Crystis commandementis ten there bee; Kepe well them; doo as I yow tell. Almyght God shall yow please in euery degre, And so shall ye save yower sollys from hell. For there ys payn & sorow cruell, & in heuyn ther ys both joy & blysse, More then eny towng can tell, There angellys syng with grett swetnesse; To the whyche he bryng vs Whoys name ys callyd Jhesus, And in wyrshyppe of thys name gloryows To syng to hys honor Te Deum Laudamus.

Finis.

Thus endyth the Play of the Blyssyd Sacrament, whyche myracle was don in the forest of Aragon, in the famous cite Eraclea, the yere of ower Lord God mcccc lxi., to whom be honower. Amen!

The namys & number of the players: Jhesus; Episcopus; Aristorius, Christianus mercator; [Isoder, presbiter]; Clericus; Jonathas, Judeus I; Jason, Judeus II; Jasdon, Judeus III; Masphat, Judeus IV; Malchas, Judeus V; Magister phisicus; Colle, servus. IX. may play yt at ease. — E. C.

Textual notes (Croxton Play of the Sacrament): This is the only surviving text of an English miracle play proper. Waterhouse's footnotes record the manuscript's own erasures, corrections, and the emendations of Stokes, Manly, and Holthausen where his reading text departs from the manuscript's own letter; only the readings his printed text actually adopts are silently incorporated above. The printed edition's running marginal argument and marginal line-numbers are omitted here — see colophon.

VI. The Pride of Life

A Morality

[Prolocutor.] Pees, & herkynt hal þer, Riche & por, yong & hold, Men & women þat bet her, Bot lerit & leut, stout & bold. Lordinge & ladiis þat both hende, Herkenith al with mylde mode; [Swillke] gam schal gyn & ende: Lorde us wel spede þat sched his blode! Now stondith stil & both hende, And prayith al for þe weder, & 3e schal or 3e hennis wende Be glad þat 3e come hidir. Here 3e schullin here spelle Of mirth & eke of kare; Herkenith & i wol 3ou telle [How þe proud] schal fare. [Of þe Kyng of] Lif, i wol you telle, [Qwho stondit] first bifore [All men þat bet] of fflessch & fel & of women i-bore. [He is, forsoth, ful] strenge to stond, [And is] by comin of kinge, [Given] lawis in eche a londe, [& nis] dradd of no thinge, In pride & likinge his lif he ledith, Lordlich he lokit with eye; Prince & dukes, he seith, him dredith, And he dredith no deth for to deye. He hath a lady louelich al at likinge, He may he of no mirth mene ne misse; He set in swetnisse he wol set his likinge & bringe his bale boun in to blisse. Knytis he hat cumlic, In bred & in leint; Not i neuir non sue Of stocey ne off strynt. What helpit to yilp mucil of his mit Or host to mucil of his blys? For sorou may sit onis sit & myrth may he not miss. & her is ek þe ladi of lond, þe fairest a lord for to led; & glad may he be forte to stond & behold þat blisful bled. þat ladi is lettrit in lor As cumli becomit for a quen, & munit hir mac euirmor, As a dar for dred him to ten. Ho bid him be war or þe suirt, For in his lond Det wol alond; As ho leuit him gostlic in hert Ho bit him bewar of his hend. Ho begynit to charp of char þes wordis witout lesing; Det dot not spar Knytis, cayser ne kyng.

[The Queen speaks, addressing the King:] "þou lord, leu þi likynd; Wyt bringit þe soul gret bal." þis answer ho had of þe kyng; "þis [is] a womanis tal." þe kyng hit ne toke not to hert For hit was a womans spec, & yet hit mad him to smert Whan him mit help no lee. þe quen yit can hir undirstond Wat help fare mit be & sent aftir þe biscop of þe lond For ho chont mor þan 3e. He cham & precit al þat he coufe, & warnit him hal of his hind; Hit saurit not in þe kyngis mout Bot hom he bad him wynd. Wand þe biscop is yam wend Fram þat kene stryf [Deth did a me]ssenger þan send [Unto] þe King of Lif. & eny him wold do undirston [þat now] he may del & dit, He wold cum into his ouin lond On him to kyt his mit. Deth comrt, he dremrt a dredfful dreme Welle a3te al carye; & slow ffader & moder & yon heme He ne wold none sparye. Sone affter hit befel þat Deth & Life Beth togeder i-take; & ginnith & striuith a sterne strife King of Life to wrake. With him driuith adoun to grounde, He dredit nothing his knÍ3tis; & delith him depe defis wounde & kith on him his mÍ3tis. Qwhen þe body is doun i-broṡt þe seule sorow awakith; þe bodyis pride is dere a-boṡt, þe seule þe ffendis takith. & throgh preyere of Oure Lady mylde Al gedenisse sehe wel qwyte; Sehe wel prey þer sen so mylde þe seule & body schul dispyte. þe cers nere knewe of care, Ne mere þen stone in weye, Schal be of serew & sere care & drawe be twene ham tweye. þe seule þer en schal be weye þat þe ffendes haue i-kaṡte; & Oure Lady schal ferþer preye So þat with her he schal be lafte. Now beth in pes & beit hende, & disteurbit noṡt oure place ffor þis oure game schal gin & ende Thregh Jhesu Cristis swete grace.

I.

Rex primus incipiet sic dicendum.

Pes, now, 3e princes of pewere so prewde, 3e kinges, 3e kempes, 3e knÍ3tes i-kerne, 3e barons beide, þat beit me e bewte; Do schal 3u my sawe, swaynis iswerne. Sqwieris steute, stendit now stille, & lestenit to my hestes i bete 3u now her, Or [I] schal wirch 3u we with werkes of wil & down schal 3e drive be 3e neuer se dere. Kyng ic am, kinde of kinges i-kerre, Al þe werlde wide to welde at my wil; Was þer neuer man of woman i-berre O-3em me withstende þat i neld him spille. Lordis of lond beth at my ledinge, Al men schal a bow in hal & in bowr; Baldli þou art my messanger, Tristili & ful trou; Of al mi rast þou art rot, I nil chong for no new.

Al in wel ic am biwent, May no grisful þing me grou; Likyng is wyt me bilent, Alyng is it mi behou. Strent & Hele knytis kete Det riÿt in ded; Lak þat for no þing 3e let Smartli to me sped. Bringit wyt þou briÿt brondis, Helmis, briÿt & schen; For ic am lord ofir al londis & þat is wel isen.

Primus Miles, Fortitudo. Lord, in truþe þou mit trist Feffuli to stond, þou mit liu as 3e list, For won child is þu fond. I am Strent, stif & strong, Neuar is such non, In al þis world brod & long, I-mad of blod & bon. Hau no dout of no þing euir may befal; Ic am þi Strenyt, þi derling I am, Flour of knitis al.

Secundus Miles, Sanitas. King of Lif þat berist þe croun, As hit is skil and rÍ3te; I am Hele i-com to toun, þi kinde curteyse knÍ3te. þou art lord of lim & life, & king withouten ende; Stif & strong & sterne in strif, In londe qwher þou wende. þou nast no nede to sike sore For no þing on lyue; þou schal lyue euer more: Qwho dar with þe striue?

Rex. Strive? nay, to me qwho is so gode? Hit were bot folye; þer is no man þat me dur bode Any vileynye. Qwher-of schuld i drede Qwhen i am King of Life? Ful evil schuld he spede To me þat werch striue. I schal lyue ever mo & croun her as kinge; I ne may neuer wit of wo, I lyue at my likinge.

Regina. Sire, þou saist as þe liste, þou liuist at þi wille; Bot somthing þou miste & þerffor hold þe stille. Thinke, þou haddist beginninge Qwhen þou were i-bore; & bot þou mak god endinge þi sowle is fforlore. Loue God & Holy Chirche, & haue of him som eye; Fonde his werkes for to wirch & thinke þat þou schal deye.

Rex. Douce dam, qwhi seistou so? þou spekis nÍ3t as þe sleye. I schal lyue euer mo For boþe two þin eye. Woldistou þat i were dede þat þou mÍ3t haue a new? Hore, þe deuil gird of þi hede, Bot þat worde schal þe rewe!

Regina. Dede sire, nay god wote my wil, þat ne kepte i noṡte; Hit wolde like me full ille Were hit þareto broṡte. Yet thogh þou be kinge Nede schalt haue ende; Deth ouercomith al þinge Hou-so-euer we wende.

Rex. 3e, dam, þou hast wordis fale, Hit comith þe of kinde; þis nis bot womens tale & þat wol þe fride. I ne schal neuer deye For I am Kinge of Life; Deth is vndir myne eye & þerffor leue þi strife. þou dost bot mak myn hert sore For hit nel noṡt helpe; I prey þe spek of him no more Qwhat wolte of him 3elpe.

Regina. 3ilpe, sire, nay so mot i the; I sigge hit noṡt qwherffore, Bot kinne techit boþe 3e & me First qwhen we were bore. For dowte of Deth is maistri, To wepe & make sorowe; Holy writ & prophecye þerof i take to borowe. þerffor, qwhile 3e have mÍ3te & þe worlde at wille, I rede 3e, serue God Almiÿte Boþe loude & stille. þis world is bot Fantasye & iful of trechurye; Gode sire for 3oure curteysye Take þis for no folye. For God [wot] wel þe soþe, I ne sey hit for no fabil; Deth wol smyte to þe, In feith loke þou be stabil.

Rex. Qwhat prechistou of Dethis mÍ3t & of his maistrye? He ne durst onis wit me fiÿt For his boþe eye. Streinth & Hele, qwhat say 3e My kinde korin knÍ3tes? Schal Deth be lord ouer me & reue me of mÍ3tes?

I Miles. Mi lord, so broke I my bronde, God yt me fforbede, þat Deth schold do þe wronge Qwhile i am in þi pede. I wol withstonde him with strife & make his sidis blede, & tel him þat þou art King of Life & lorde of londe & lede.

II Miles. May I him onis mete Wit þis longe launce, In felde oþer in strete, I wol him 3iue mischaunce.

Rex. 3e, þes be knÍ3tes of curteisye & doghti men of dede; Of Deth ne of his maistrie þe have i no drede. Qwher is Mirth my messagere? Swifte so lefe on lynde; He is a nobil bacheler þat rennis bi þe wynde. Mirth & solas he can make & ren so þe ro; lÍ3tly lepe ouer þe lake Qwher-so-euer he go. Com & her my talente Anone & hy þe blyue; Qwher any man, as þou has rente, Dorst with me to striue.

Nuncius. King of Lif & lord of londe, As þou sittis on þi se, & florresschist with þi briÿt bronde To þe i sit on kne. I am Mirth, wel þou wost, þi mery messagere; þat wostou wel withouten host þer nas neuer my pare; Doṡtely to done a dede þat 3e haue for to done; Hen to Berewik opon Twede & com aṡan ful sone; þer is no thing þe i-liche In al þis worlde wide; Of gold & siluer & robis riche & hei hors on to ryde. I haue ben boþe fer & nere In bataile & in strife; Ocke, þer was neuer þy pare, For þou art King of Life.

Rex. Aha! Solas, now þou seist so, þou miriest me in my mode; þou schal boy ar þou hennis go Be auauncysd bi þe rode. þou schal haue for þi gode wil To þin auauncemente, Castel of Gailispire on þe Hil, And þe Erldom of Kente. Draw þe cord, Sire Streynth, Þest I wol now take; On erth in brede ne leynth Ne was nere 3et my make.

Et tunc clauso tentorio dicet Regina secrete nuncio:

Regina. Messager, i pray þe nowe For þi curteysye, Go to þe bisschop for þi prowe & byd him hydir to hye. Bid him beware beffore, Sey him þat he most preche; My lord þe King is ney lore Bot he wol be his leche. Sey him þat he wol leue noṡt þat euer he schal deye; He is in siche erroar broṡte Of God stont him nor eye.

Nuncius. Madam, i make no tariyng With softe wordis mo; For i am Solas, i most schige Ouer al qwher i go. et cantat. Sire Bisschop, þou sittist on þi se With þi mitir on þi heuede; My lady, þe Qwen preyith þe Hit schold noṡt be bileuyd.

[Episcopus.] The world is neuer so wo-be-go, In such bale i-bound; Dred of God is al ago & treuth is go to ground. Med is mad a demisman, Streynt betit þe lau; Gentyp is mad a chepman & truth is don of dau. Wyt is nou al trecri, Oþis fals & gret; Play is nou uileni & corteysi is let. Lou is nou al lecuri, Cildrin bet onlerit; Halliday is glotuni, þis lauis bet irerit. Soþ men bet blynd & lokit al amis; He bicomit onkynd & þat is reuth i-uis. Frend may no man find Of frouer ne of sib; Ded bet out of mind, Gret soru it is to lib. þes ricmen bet reuþyles, þe por got to ground, & fals men bet schamles, þe soþ ic hau i-found. þe ric kyn it is wrong Al þat þe por dot; Þar þat is sen day & nit Wosa wol sig soþ. Paraventur men halt me a fol To sig þat soþ tal; þai farit as fischis in a pol þe eteit smal. Ric men spart for noþing To do þe por wrong; þai þingit not on hir ending Ne on Deth þat is so strong. Noþer þai louit God ne dredit Noþer him no his lauis; Tonart hel fast him spedit A-3eins har ending dais. Bot God of his godnis Yif ham gras to amend; Into þe delful derknis þe got witout hend. þer is dred & sorow & wo witoutin wel; No man may oþir boron Be þer neuir so fel. þer ne fallit no maynpris, Ne supersidias; Þeṡ þe be kyng or iustis þe passit not þe pas. Lord, þat for his manhed & also for his god, þat for lou & not for dred Deit oppon þe rod, Yif on gras or lif to led þat be 3our sonlis to bot; God of Heuin for his godhed Len þat hit so mot. Amen.

Tunc [episcopus] dicet:

Episcopus. Schir Kyng, þing oppon þin end & hou þat þou schalt dey; Wat uey þat þou schalt wend Bot þou be bisey. & eke þat þou art lenust man, & haddist begyning, & euirmor hau þout opon Þi dredful ending. þou schalt þing þanne & mac þe euir fyar þat Det is not þe man For no þing þe nil spar. þou schalt do dedis of charité & lernen Cristis lor, & lib in Heuin liṡt To sauy þi soul fre sor.

Rex. Qwat! bissop, byssop babler, Schold i of Det hau dred! þou art bot a chagler Go hom þi wey i red. Wat! com þou þerfor hidir Wet Deth me to afer? Yit þou & he bot togidir Into þe se i got uer. Go hom, god yif þe sorow, þou wreist me in my mod. War woltou prec tomorou? þou nost uer bi þe rod! Troust þou I nold be ded In mi 3yng lif; þou lisst screu, bolhed; Euil met þou triwe.

Rex. Wat schold i do at churg? Wat Schir bisop wostou eh? Nay churc nis no wyl coot, Hit wol abid þer. I wool let car away, & go on mi petying. To huntyng & to oþir play For al þi long prechyng. I am kyng, as þou mit se, & hau no ned to char þe wylen þe quen & meyne About me bet yar.

Episcopus. Thynk, Schir Kyng, one oþir trist þat tyng misst son þot þou leu nou, as 3e list, Det wol cum riÿt son; & 3iue þe dethis wounde For þin outrage; Withinne a litil stounde þen artou but a page. Qwhen þou art grauen on greue þer metis fleys & molde; þen helpith litil, I wene, þi gay croun of golde. Sire Kyng, haue goday, Crist i 3ou beteche.

Rex. Fare wel, bisschop, þi way & lerne bet to preche. Non, mafay, hit schal be sene, I trow, 3ít to daye, Qwher Deth me durst tene & mete in þe waye. Qwher artou, my messagers, Solas bi þi name? Loke þat þou go fer & nere, As þou wolt haue no blame, My banis for to crye By dayis & bi nÍ3te; & loke þat þou aspye, 3e bi al þi mÍ3te, Of Deth & of his maistrye Qwher he durst com in sÍ3te, Oṡeynis me & my meyne With fforce & armis to fiṡte. Loke þat þou go both Est & West & com oṡeyne anone.

Nuncius. Lorde, to wende I am prest, Lo now I am gone. et eat platea. Pes & listenith to my sawe Boþe 3onge & olde; As 3e wol noṡt ben aslawe Be 3e neuer so bolde. I am a messager i-sente From þe King of Life; þat 3e schal fulfil his entente On peyne of lym & lif. His hestes to hold & his lawe Yche a man on honde; Lest 3e be henge & to-draw, Or kast in hard bonde. 3e wittin wel þat he is king & lord of al londis, Rapere & maister of al thing Within se & sondis. I am sente for to enquer O-boute ferre & nere, 3if any man dar werre arare A-3ein suche a bachelere. To wroþer hele he was i-bore þat wold with him stryue; To him sikir he is i-lore As here in þois lyue, þeṡ hit wer King of Deth & he so hardy were; Bot he ne hath mÍ3t ne math þe King of Lif to affere; Be he so hardy or so wode In his londe to aryue, He wol se his harte blode, And he with him stryue.

[The manuscript breaks off here, in mid-play. Waterhouse's edition notes that the copy of The Pride of Life is a fragment; no more of the text survives.]

Textual notes (The Pride of Life): This is the earliest surviving English morality play, preserved in a single, badly damaged fifteenth-century manuscript that is itself incomplete — the play breaks off unfinished. Waterhouse's own text is heavily reconstructed, with the great majority of readings owed to the conjectures of Brandl, Holthausen, Mill, and Skeat, recorded verse-by-verse in his footnotes; this transcription follows Waterhouse's adopted reading text (including his bracketed editorial supplements) rather than reproducing the individual editors' variant proposals. Confidence note: this is the single most heavily corrupted witness-page set in the volume — the manuscript itself uses "y" as its regular scribal form for þ (thorn), a substitution Waterhouse's footnotes flag repeatedly ("MS. has y for þ"), and the OCR of this already-idiosyncratic printed text is the roughest of the nine plays. Thorn and yogh have been restored here following the same convention used throughout this transcription, but confidence in this section is markedly lower than for the other eight texts; a check against the manuscript facsimile or Waterhouse's printed page is recommended before this section is treated as final. The printed edition's running marginal argument and marginal line-numbers are omitted here — see colophon.

Glossary

Waterhouse's glossary cites each word's page and line number in his own printed edition; those locators are kept below exactly as printed, but they point to Waterhouse's 1909 pagination, not to this continuous transcription — see the colophon. O.E. = Old English; O.F. = Old French; N.F. = Norman French; O.N. = Old Norse.

• a, 89/48, she. Cf. Jio. achatis, 6O/87, agates.
• adjutory, 8/7, helper. afeze, 7O/392, drive away, push away. O.E. fesian.
• agryse, 84/824, am horrified. O.E. agrisan. almundis, 6O/99, almonds,
• amatystis, 59/81, amethysts,
• apeche, 64/222, impeach. O.F. em-pecher.
• apeit, 7/70, open. O.F. apert.
• are re, IO4/489, rear up, raise up. 0,E. arœmn.
• asay, 34/276, 35/316, 37/35, 8^/43 ;
• assaye, 62/146, test, try.
• aslawe, IO3/473, slain. O.E. asléan.
• atour, 24/145, at over,
• attruenance, 68/48, instruction. Of. O.F. estriiiance^ attruiance : probably miscopied for ' attrueaunce.' avoee,52/428, acknoMedge, declare. O.F. acoer.
• avoyde, 76/570, go away;
• awoyd, 71/420, cast away. O.F. esvui-dier.
• awance, 78/657, avenge.
• bale, 3/13, 89/32 ; bal,90/58;
• balys, 71/435, calamity, injury, evil. O.E. healu. banis, IO3/459 5 edicts. O.E. bann.
• barn, 39/106, child. O.E. beam. bedene, 6/29 ; bydene, 86/906 ; moreover, also, a common stopgap frequently in use in rhyme-position.
• boldyro, 74/534, some part of the body evidently : I do not know of its occurrence elsewhere. It is curious to note that a prominent family of the name of Boldero, French. N.F. = jSTorman-French. Id ISTorse. appear to have been connected with Babwell Myll, in Mary's reign, and also probably much earlier,
• bot, 100/388, vide to bot. byg'ê'ly, 6I/138, greatly. calcedonyes, 6O/91, chalcedonies,
• canker, 74/532, cancer. cannyngalJe, 6O/95, canyng of ale, vinegar turned sour,
• carye, 90/82, to be anxious. O.E. cearian.
• cauelacion, 28/71, cavilling. O.F. cavillacion.
• cepman,99/333,chapman, merchant. O.E. ceapma7ij cypman. chagler, IOI/409, storyteller, jester, babbler. O.F. jangleur.
• cham, 90/69, came,
• char, 89/53, care. O.E. cearu.
• charp, 89/53, O.N. harjm.
• chere, 73/49face, countenance. N.F. chere.
• chene,61/i3i,attain an end, succeed. O.F. chevir.
• chont, 90/68, knew. O.E. cunnan.
• clink, 25/187, clinch, clench, clink. Cf. Middle Dutch, clinken.
• dome, 77/630, i.e. cleme, smear. O.E. clœman.
• clowtis, 69/372, blows, strokes, colt-euyll, ^ swelling in the genitals, usually referring to horses. MS. reads ToltugH.
• condescent, 68/43, yielding,
• congruent, 8/5, accordant, suitable, proper.
• connyng, 9/26, 31, knowledge, wisdom.
• consayue, 6/59, conceive,
• counfer, 88/247, perhaps a miscopy-ing of counter, on account of.

crepawdis, 6O/91, precious stones, ? loadstones,

• cure,75/579, take care of. O.Y.curer.
• daliaunce, 26/6, 27/41, pleasure, dalliance, dau (of), 99/334, killed,
• dell, 46/256, 52/408, part. O.E. dœl.
• deme, 76/6o2, judge, think. O.E. dëman.
• demisinan, 99/331, judge,
• derewourthy, 59/85, derewordy, 52/ 411, precious. O.E. deorioyr^e-. dight, Ml2>o4; dyght, 7O/412, 82/ 771, prepare, set in order, do. O.E. dihtan.
• dokettis, 65/236, ducats,
• dole, 5/29,grief. O.E. doely duel,deul.
• dolloure, I3/19, grief,
• doluen, 6/19, buried. O.E. pp. of delfan. drenche, 7I/421, drown. O.E. dren-can.
• dulcett, 60/98, sweet. duresse, 8O/713, hardship, harm. O.F. duresce.
• dystrie, 68/200, destioy. O.F. destruiré.
• emerawdis, 59/86, emeralds,
• empery, 8/2, empyrean, empire. O.F. emperie.
• entent, 6/49, takes intent, look after, eueryschon, 5I/401, euerychoon, 71/ 443, all, every one. O.E. œfre cele cm.
• fale, 94/207, proper, estimable,
• fang, 4/6, seize, catch. Of. O.N. fanga.
• fare, 66/289, 28/140, go ; 78/ 642, behave ; 66/291, fare, victuals. Cf. O.E./artm.
• fee, 20/34, 67/302, cattle. O.^.feoh. fenesters, 2I/58, windows. O.F. fenestre. fere, 27/47;
• company, 29/io8, companion. O.E. gefera.
• fesycyoun, 66/263, physician. íFel, 88/19, skin. O.E./eL fond, 6/44 ; ifonde, 94:/i8g, try. O.E. fandian.
• fordo, 24/168, destroy. O.^.forclön.
• forse, 28/80, no forse, it is no matter. lary. ¡ forthinks, 22/91, regrets. O.E /or-Ip encan.
• fiay, 87/24, terror ; 68/375, frighten,
• frouer, 99/348, comfoit, consolation. O.E. fröfor.
• jard, 42/170, rod, staff. O.E. gerd, gierd.
• gare, 28/112, make, prepare. O.E. gearwian. gate, 761^^1, way. O.N. gata.
• gaynest, 6/9, shortest. ^elpe, 95/218; 3Ílpe, 95/219, boast. O.E. gielp. ginned, 261 ig6, devised, contrived. Cf. O.N.
• ginncL gled, 51/381, fiie of burning coal,
• glosse, 68/358, flattery, falsehood,
• gostlic, 89/51, spiritually. O.E. gcistlic. grenynis, 6O/101, grains of Paradise, a very pungent Indian spice.
• gret, 5/33, 46/262, weep, O.E. grëtan.
• grou, 92/132, injure, harm. O.F. grever. gryE, 8O/708, irritate, bé harsh to, act giievously against. O.E. gril-lan., griellan.
• hele, 4/39, hiding-place, refuge. O.E. hel ; IO4/491, fate, omen, auspice. O.E. heel.
• hen, 29/128, 84/309, hence,
• hende, 88/5, 88/9, 9I/109, gracious. O.E. gehende.
• henly, 75/558, vilely. O.E. heanlic.
• hent, 50/356, seize. O.E. hentan.
• liest, 88/66, 38/69;
• bestes, 91/ii8, IO8/479, command. O.E. hces.
• hewe, 7/72, 26/17, hew, colour. O.E. heow, hew.
• ho, 89/49, 8^/5^5 she.
• hoE, 7/72, hollow (i.e. with hollow-looking skin and form),
• honowraunce, 29/103, honour. O.F. honorance.
• hoothe, 19/8, probably a miscopying of heethe, heath. O.E. hce]).
• h ore, 94/197, whore. O.E. hore.
• hote, 91/118, command. O.E. hcite.
• hye, 98/310, hasten. O.E. higian ;
• in by, 1/12, 25/186, 25/188, in haste.

10'9 ibore, IO4/491, born. O.E. géberen.

• ifer, 88/1, companions. O.E. geféra. ikorne, 9I/114;
• i-korre, 91/i2i, cliosen. O.E. gecoren.
• llore, 104/493, lost. O.E. [ge]loren. interely, 8O/719 ;
• interly, 85/88i, entirely. Cf. O.E. entier.
• irerit, 99/342, reared, raised. O.E. gerœrecl. i-wys, £6/55 ; i-wysse, 46/ 247, 258, etc., certainly, indeed. O.E. geioiss.
• janglest, 73/493, chatterest, pratest. O.F. jangeler. kempes, 91/i 14, soldiers,champions. O.E. cempa.
• kepe, 46/252, care;
• kept, 29/iii, cared, liked. O.E. cepan. kete, brave, strong (perhaps a variant of kene).
• korin, 96/244, chosen, vide ikorne.
• kowthe, 56/56, known. O.E. eúj?. kyt, 90/80 ; kith, 9O/92, quit. O.F. qviter.
• lain, 23lig,y, reproach, scold, blame. O.E. lean.
• laith, 23/118, loath, unwilling. O.E. Id^. largyflnent, 8I/746, liberal, bounteous.
• lashe, 69/388, lash. Cf. E.G. laske.
• lede, 96/254, people, nation, race. O.E. leod.
• leint, 89/34, length. O.E. leng.
• lenust, 101/395, MS. not clear, lenust or lesust, i. e. either most transitory, cf. O.E. laene^ or vainest. Cf. O.E. ledsost.
• lesing, 89/54, falsehood. O.E. leds-nng.
• let, 99/338, slowness, hindrance,
• delay, 35/312, 46/246, hinder, prevent,
• leuit, 89/51, loveth. levyr, 28/8o ;
• lever, 88/72, rather. O.E. leofre.
• list, 102/437, please, like. O.E. lystan. lore, 39/85 i 101/404, precept, teaching. O.E. lar.
• lore, 98/313, lost. O.E. [ge^lore^i.
• lynde, 96/264, lime-tree. O.E. lind.
• mac, 89/47, mate. O.N. maM, O.E. gemœcca. mace, 6O/102, mace, a spice consisting of the dried outer covering' of the nutmeg. Ital. mace. O.F. macis.
• mafay, IO3/451, by my faith. O.F. ma fey. maistri, 95/223 î maistrye, 95/240, 103/463, dominion, power, O.F. maistrie. male, 6O/99, bag, sack. O.F. male. mansuete, 8I/751, peaceful, peace-loving. Lat. mansuetus. mased, 6/57 ;
• masyd, 75/575, bewildered, dazed. O.E. amasian. mastyk, 6O/102, mastic,
• may, 86/914, maid, maynpris, IOO/379, main prise, bail, med, 99/331 ;
• mede, 73/488, reward. O.E. meU.
• medyll-erth, 37/34, earth. O.E. mid-dangeard. meenye, 22/io6;
• meyne, IO2/433, 103/465, household. O.F. mais-nee. mekyö, 54=11^, 56/62 ; mykyE, 79/ 670, 81/750, mickle, great. O.E. micel, my cel.
• mene, 89/30, moan, complain. O.E. mœnan.
• mene, 66/79, mean, common (i. e. irrespective of wealth or poveity).
• meth, 104/497, power. O.E. mce^e. meyne, vide meenye.
• meynt, 88/798, communicated. O.E. gemcened. mold, 6/57 ;
• molde, IO2/444, earth. O.E. molde.
• munit, 89/47, has in mind. O.E. múnan. mynnes me, I/21, I remember [peculiar to the Northern dialect],
• myregrym, 74/535, a headache. Cf. Fr. migraine.
• mys, 64/213, misdeeds,
• mysericord, 88/809, mercy. Lat. misericordia. nay, 22/105 5 naye, 57/i3, denial.
• necesse, 79/694, necessity. fail.
• ocke, 97/293, och ! the Irishman'^ interjection.

oxennell, 73/506, oxymell, a mixture of vinegar and honey.

• petying, IO2/428, pusl^iag, instigation. O.F. hot er.
• plasrnacion, 8/8, formation.
• plawe, 76/586, play, fight. O.E. plegian.
• plecer, 43/193, pleasure,
• plesaunce, 26/8,28/59, 29/95,33/259, 34/280; plesance, 58/46; pleasure, enjoyment. O.E. plaisance. pleyn, pl^y? up with the people. O.E. plegian. Cf. 5e ]?at pleie^ with ])e world." ' Ancren Eiwle.' poose, 74/538, catarrh, a cold in the head. O.E. gepos. pref, 34/280; preve, 6I/128, proof, test. O.F. prove., prœve.
• prese, 2/40, in the crowd, "although I do not push myself forward." prest, 103/469, ready, prompt. O.F. prest. preve. Cf. pref.
• prevely, 28/83, secretly. Cf. O.F. adj. privé.
• prove, 21/74, Holthausen suggests prow, advantage. O.F. prou. provey, 2O/31, purvejg provide. O.F. porveir, porveoir. prow, 23/129 ;
• prowe, 98/309, profit, advantage. 0.¥. pron.
• prynt, 69/387, impression, image. O.F. {em)preinte. pryvyte, privacy, pungarnetis, 6O/106, pomegranates,
• purviaunce, 26/9, ^7/39;
• purveance, 65/242, provision. A.F. purve-aunce.
• pymente, 68/348, a spiced drink. O.F. piment.
• pynsonys, 75/577, 77/621, 86/855, pincers.
• qvart, 53/462, safe and sound. O.E. cweart.
• quartan, 74/533, an ague returning every fourth day. Lat. quartana. qwyte, 9I/98, requite. O.F. qviter.
• rape, 76/581, hasten, hurry. O.N. hrapa.
• raw, 5/24, row, series. O.E. rdiv, rœw. iry.
• rawe, 76/588, ? run.
• read, 23/i2i, advice, counsel. O.E. rcecl. recuer, 7I/442, recovery, recuperation. O.F. recorrer. red, IOI/410, 41/143; ^®cle, 95/229, advise, counsel. O.E. rœdan.
• repreue, 69/376, reproof,
• reue, 96/246, rob, plunder. O.E. réafian.
• reut, 99/346, regret, grief, sorrow. O.N. hryg^. reys, 6O/99, rice, rey sones, 6O/100, laisins.
• rot, 92/129, joy. O.E. rot.
• rowe, 20/26, line. Cf. raw. Holthausen suggests 'tow,' as otherwise wood and tow are not mentioned; other suggestions are ' crow ' and ' rewe.' rowte, 35/320, 77/623, company, lout O.F. route. royes, I/15, king Yr.roi.
• ruff, 22/85, rongh-tiee (later written roof-tree), a rough, untiimmed mast.
• rychesse, 54/i8, 68/37, wealth. O.F. richesse.
• lyff, 22/85, reef, part of a sail, here used possibly for the sail as a whole. M. Dutch and O.N. rif.
• rynge, 57/i9, range, wander, roam, O.F. r eng er. samyn, 7 jôg, together. O.N. saman.
• saurit, 90/71, savoured. O.F. savourer. s awe, 91/i 16, saying, bidding. O.E. sagu.
• scamely, 73/506, scammony, a plant of the genus convolvulus.
• sehen, 92/140, i. e. schinend or schi-nand, shining. O.E. scmancl.
• schereys, 37/18, cheers. O.F. chere. screu, 101 /421, shrew. O.E. screawa.
• se, 97/276, throne, seat. Lat. sedes. seam, 2O/26, seam, Holthausen suggests beam. Brotanek translates Schreiner-verband,
• sekyrly, 68/182, certainly, suiely. Cf. O.H.G. sichurlicho.
• semblably, 12/i, likewise, similarly. O.F. adj. semblable. sere, 2O/48, several, various. O.N.

in ser ; sore, sad, is a possible interpretation. O.E. sdr. «hear, 21/57, cut, shear. O.E. sceran.

• shope, 27/51, shaped, created. O.E. scop.
• sib, 99/348, peace. O.E. sihh. sideyns, Ôl/ç, citizens. Of. footnote, p. 54.
• sig, 99/358, 100/360, say, tell. O.E. secgan.
• sike, 93/163, sigh. O.E. sican.
• skaith, 23/119, loss, injury. O.E. scct^a^ scea^a. skyö, 26/19, 6O/112, 66/283;
• skil, 93/156, fitting, reason. O.N. skil.
• sie, 32/233, 32/239, 34/288, slay. O.E. slean. slee, 22/109;
• sleye, 94/192, sly, clever. O.N. slœgr.
• slight, 24/174, skill,cunning,sleight. O.N. slieg^.
• sinaragdis, 60/88, Smaragds, emeralds.
• sneke, 74/538, a disease, ? worms. [I am unaware of its occurrence elsewhere in Middle-English literature.] Of. schneke (German), a sore between the claws of animals giving out matter in the form of a worm,
• sond, 38/68, 4I/146, messenger. O.E. sanely sand.
• soporacion, 8/12, putting to sleep,
• sor, 101/406, grief. O.E. sdr. sot, 100/360;
• sothe, 77/625, li'Lie, truth. O.E. s6]>.
• spence, 72/451, provision-room. O.E. dispense.
• speryd, 85/861, closed, shut in. O.E. gesparrian.
• spiot, 22/86, perhaps a mistake for spout, a round plane ; a meaning derived from the original meaning of a pipe ? sprout, 22/86, sprout, sprig. AI. Dutch, spruite.
• sprund, 22/86, perhaps a miscopy-ing of spranke, a sprout. M. Dutch, spranke ; or cf. M.E. sprintel.
• spy er, 28/86, spire or spar. Cf. O.N. spira, a spar, and Dan. spire, a sprout. stead, 25/202 ; sted, 4I/144 ;
• stede, 30/141, place. O.E. stede.
• steer,24/169, ?19/io,strong. O.H.G. stiuri, Gothic, '^stiurs, and O.E. stor. Apparently ' stere,' a loanword, has displaced the native word.
• stint, 24/164, 7/73, cease, stop. O.E. styntan.
• stocey, 89/36, i. e. stotey, cunning, craft. Lat. astutia. stounde, IO2/441 ;
• stownd, 63/198, 64/234, hour, time, moment. O.E. stund. streyint, 99/332 ;
• strynt, 89/36, strength. O.E. strengen. suíferen, 88/273, sovereign. O.E. soverain.
• suirt, 89/49, sweareth. O.E. swerie^. supersidias, IOO/380, i.e. supersedeas, a writ suspending the power of an officer or to stay law proceedings.
• sure, 68/199, assure, sustentación, 13/2, sustenance, swernfulf, 8O/720, 8O/725, sorrowful. Ci. O.E. sivœman, to fall into a trance, to grieve, synymone, 6O/103, cinnamon.
• ten, 89/48,
• tene, IO3/453, irritate, vex. O.E. teonian ;
• tene, 66/77, 83/799, vexatious injury. O.E. teona ;
• tene, 64/209, accuse. O.E. teon.
• tent, 20/39, heed) attention,
• tercyan, 74/533, tertian, i.e. a fever. Lat. tertiana.
• teseke, 74/538, slow consumption, phthisis. Cf. O.E. tesiqueux, Alod. Er. phtisique, and "Et fu si ti-sique et si sec que à poine pooit il crachier."—'Aliracle St. Loys,' cited in Littré.
• thee, 25/206, thrive. O.E. \eon.
• to bot, 100/388, remedy, salvation,
• to brast, 55/48, 86/863, burst open. O.E. to-berstan, to-bearst.
• topazyons, 60/88, topazes,
• trayn, 7/67, enticement, stratagem. O.E. trahin.
• treut, 99/330, truth. O.E. treowjy.
• treyn, 66/77, afflictions, griefs. O.E. trega.
• trist, 102/435, trust, consolation. O.N. traust. [Brandl translates zusammentreffen, i. e. tryst.]

Glossary.

• trive, 101/422, tlirive. O.N. ^rifa.
• troust, 101/419, believes!:, tbinkest. O.E. trmvian, treowian.
• trow, 103/452, believe. Cf. troust.
• truyt, 99/334, truth. Cf. treut. t3'te, 23liiy, quick. O.N.
• Jede, 96/250, country, people. O.E. ]>éod. Jrawe, 9I/104, throe, pain. O.E. ]nm.
• unlusty, 22/81, idle, slothful. Cf. O.E. unlust.
• veniaunce, 33/251, punishment, penalty. O.E. venjance.
• vernage, 68/348, Italian white wine. O.E. mrnage.
• wanhope, 66/67, despair,
• wari, 72/479, curse, condemn. O.E. wergian. wayns, 24/i 52, wains, wagons. O.E. ivcegn, ivœn. we Tib ! l/i, an exclamation. Cf. ' YoikChaundeler's Play,' v. 37 et seq. We hudde I We howe ! wedyr, 33/269, wether. O.E. we^er.
• weet, 23/133, know. O.E. toitan.
• wel, 100/376, weal. O.E. loela^ iveola.
• welawey, 46/234, alas, an exclamation of soiiow. O.E. lüa la lua.
• wend, 36/315, 73/495, thought. O.E. tuende \wenan'.
• wende, IO3/469, to go, to turn. O.E. tvendan.
• wene, IO2/445, think. O.E. tuene [luenan^. were (on), 7O/402, in doubt, wet, 63/i88; wete, 62/164; wott, 76/601 ;
• wette, 69/67, to know. O.E. witan.
• whunt, 23/114, probably 'quaint' in the original. Cf. Introd., p. Ixvi. wil of red ! 6/54, at a loss. Cf.
• York Plays, 424/91, ed. Toulmin-Smith.
• wisse, 6/22, guide, direct. O.E. wisian, tvissian.
• wit, 6/15, know. O.E. witan.
• withnayde, 28/62, denied, disobeyed. Cf. M.E. naiten. O.N. neita, to say no.
• wittin, 104/483, know. O.E. witan.
• wode, 104/499, ïiT^ad. O.E. tuód.
• wo-lo-wm, 99/327, vide welawmy. wond, 57/8;
• wonde, 69/58, change, turn aw^ay. O.E. tvendan.
• wone, 6/37, one. O.E. an.
• wonneth, ¿4/13, 64/19, dwells, inhabits. O.E. wunian. wood, 8O/707. Cf. wode. woode, Cf. wode. woodnesse, 7I/422, madness, frenzy. O.E. wodnis.
• work-looms, 22/82, text is evidently corrupt, probably work-tools,
• wot, 6/40, knowest. O.E. ludst [_witan'.
• wott, 76/601, vide wet.
• wraist, 6/32, ? wrest, ? wrayest.
• wrake, 71/419, iPj misery, vengeance;
• persecution, 69/379, 20/88, avenge. O.E. wi^acn, wrcec^ wre-can ; 86/342, wreck, ruin. Cf. to wrack and ruin [Prov. Eng.], O.L.G. turak. O.N. weh.
• wreist, 101/416, accuses, molests. O.E. tvregan.
• wyghtly, 74/526, 75/560, vigorously, nimbly. wyst, 6I/142, known. O.E. gewiten [witan'].
• wyt, 42/161, know. O.E. witan.
• yar, IO2/434, ready, prepared. O.E. geOjTo.
• yede, 64/219, went. O.E. eóde.
• yilp, 89/37, boast. O.E. gelpan, gielpan.
• ylke, 70/415, 71/417, 77/620, same. O.E. ilea. Richard Clmj R' Sons, Limited, London and Bungay.

Colophon

Edition. Osborn Waterhouse, ed., The Non-Cycle Mystery Plays, together with the Croxton Play of the Sacrament and the Pride of Life (Early English Text Society, Extra Series 104; London: Kegan Paul, Trench, Trübner & Co., 1909). Public domain in the United States (published before 1929).

Witness. A HathiTrust per-page OCR ZIP (barcode 35556006678080), preserved with its SHA-256 hash in the library's records: f02adf2e284d6fd4c298d7b6e6593de3e8421af9f16a36b9594e298b19a128e1. 190 page-images' worth of raw OCR text (00000001.txt–00000190.txt), concatenated in page order.

What this transcription is. This is an OCR-remediation build, not a fresh translation: the underlying language is already English (Middle English in the plays, modern scholarly English in the apparatus), and the work here is recovering Waterhouse's 1909 printed page from a single, imperfect machine-read scan.

The nine plays (Officium Pastorum, Officium Resurrectionis, Officium Peregrinorum — the Shrewsbury Fragments; the Norwich Creation and Fall, Texts A and B; the Newcastle Noah's Ark; the Dublin and Brome Abraham and Isaac plays; the Croxton Play of the Sacrament; and the fragmentary Pride of Life) were transcribed by close, page-by-page reading of the raw OCR. The printed edition sets its text in one column with a second, narrower column of running English-language argument (a modern paraphrase keyed to the verse) and marginal verse-line numbers in the outer margin; the OCR reads these two columns out of true sequence, splicing gloss-fragments into the dialogue at irregular points. The marginal argument-glosses and the marginal verse-line numbers are omitted throughout the nine plays — they could not be reassembled from this witness with confidence, and a wrong placement risked corrupting the actual play text, which the Blood Rule and this project's OCR-remediation law both forbid. Editorial footnotes (textual variants, manuscript readings, editors' emendations) are preserved in condensed form as "Textual notes" after each play, rather than reproduced note-by-note against every line; only the specific readings Waterhouse's own text adopts are silently incorporated into the transcription. þ (thorn) and ȝ (yogh) are restored throughout from their OCR mangling (commonly "y", "3", "p", "J>", ")" and similar) by pattern, checked in context; where the underlying play is itself printed in modernized spelling (the Newcastle play, the second Norwich text), no thorn/yogh was introduced. No text was invented; nothing here was checked against a facsimile or the manuscripts themselves, only against the sense, metre, and rhyme of the surrounding verse.

Confidence by play: high for the Shrewsbury Fragments, Norwich, Newcastle, Dublin Abraham, Brome Abraham, and Croxton. Markedly lower for The Pride of Life — the single surviving manuscript is itself a damaged, incomplete parchment roll (the play breaks off mid-scene; two more lacunae interrupt what survives), the printed edition's own text is substantially the conjecture of Brandl, Holthausen, Mill, and Skeat rather than a clean diplomatic transcript, and this section's OCR was the roughest of the nine. A check against Waterhouse's printed page or the Dublin roll itself is recommended before this section is treated as final.

Omitted: the parallel Chester-play comparison text Waterhouse prints beneath the Brome play (pp. 40–49 of his edition) for scholarly comparison — external apparatus, not one of the volume's own nine texts, and not reliably recoverable from this witness's OCR in its original two-column layout. The Index of Proper Names (pp. 105–106) — a pure page/line locator list for Waterhouse's own pagination, which has no independent content once detached from that pagination, and would only mislead attached to this continuous, differently-paginated text.

Editor's Introduction and Glossary. Waterhouse's Introduction (pp. ix–lxxv, his sections I–V, plus his page of Corrections and Additions) and his Glossary (pp. 107–112) are reproduced in full. Unlike the play texts, these are set in plain single-column prose with footnotes cleanly delimited, so this OCR does not suffer the two-column scrambling described above — but they received a lighter editorial pass than the plays: mechanical line-dehyphenation and paragraph reflow, with only the most obvious and frequent OCR misreadings corrected by hand, rather than the sentence-by-sentence verification given to the plays. Readers should expect occasional uncorrected OCR noise (misread letters, a garbled proper name) in the Introduction and Glossary; the Glossary's page/line locators, like the omitted Index's, cite Waterhouse's own pagination and do not point anywhere in this file. The Introduction's own Corrections and Additions section (contributed by J. J. Munro and Henry Bradley, with glossary additions by Colonel H. P. Lee) is included for the same reason — it is the edition's own honest record of its errors — with the same pagination caveat.

Not modernized. Middle English spelling, þ/ȝ, and archaic forms are preserved exactly as edited by Waterhouse; nothing has been simplified or brought into modern English.

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